When News Goes Mobile: Changes in the Gatekeeping Function Seen Through the Cell Phone Content of Japanese Newspapers [ — ] 22 096115
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When News Goes Mobile: Changes in the
Gatekeeping Function Seen Through the Cell Phone
Content of Japanese Newspapers
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When News Goes Mobile: Changes in the
Gatekeeping Function Seen Through the Cell
Phone Content of Japanese Newspapers
Marcio Labes Fukuda
096115
Graduate School of Interdisciplinary Information Studies
The University of Tokyo
Advisor: Kaori Hayashi
Associate advisor: Hideyuki Tanaka
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Socio-Information and Communication Studies
January 14th, 2011
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the members of the III and GSII for their support over
the past few years. Especially my always patient advisor and sub-advisor, whose
dedication and work are a source of inspiration. Also both my sempai, Alex
Hambleton, for proofreading, and Kawol Chung, who was my tutor in my early
years at the University of Tokyo.
I am also grateful to the digital department staff at Asahi Shimbun, Mainichi
Shimbun, and Yomiuri Shimbun, who generously gave me their time to answer
my questions, and to the PR sections, for arranging some of the interviews.
Moreover, government of Japan / MEXT gave financial assistance, without which
this experience would not have been possible.
Finally, I could not forget my family and friends, most of them living half a
world away, but whose support I have felt despite the distance. Contrary to
all the excitement that studying abroad may bring in the beginning, in reality
most of the time is about routine, and could not be any different. However, as
preliminary as this thesis might be, I know pursuing it has made me grow, and
this is the result of the countless days I sometimes worried were meaningless. To
the few new friends I met over the past few years who tolerated me when I was
in a bad mood, gave some good memories, but, most of all, became part of my
routine, thank you all for always being there for me.
Abstract
Japan is a pioneer in the diffusion of internet access through mobile phones,
thanks to the success of services like NTT DOCOMO i-mode, which began in
1999. Since then, Japanese newspaper companies have been launching news
websites and applications for mobile phones as part of their digital media strategy,
gathering attention even from abroad. However, after a decade, these initiatives
have not constitute a meaningful source of profits. Moreover, they are expected to
face a decline as increasingly popular smartphones offer an alternative to i-mode
and similar services.
Studies into the Japanese dailies’ experiences on mobile phones are rare. This
research contributes to filling this void by examining and clarifying the processes
that have led these services to where they are today. In order to accomplish this,
case studies were conducted on three national Japanese newspapers companies:
those that publish the Asahi Shimbun, Mainichi Shimbun, and Yomiuri Shimbun.
During the inquiry, the factors that have forged these initiatives and the distance
between expectations related to digital media and what is actually offered were
focused upon, based on the socio-constructivist approach found in similar works
on online newsmaking in Europe and the US. By doing so, this thesis has been
able to offer an outline of the effects of innovation on the mass media’s role in
gatekeeping.
Findings reveal that the adoption of a new platform is accompanied by an in-
crease in factors and agents that influence mass media journalism. In the case
of mobile phones, this can be seen in the fact that mobile phone companies have
driven newspapers to enter the business of websites for mobile platforms by of-
fering technological solutions and business orientation, sometimes even on what
type of content to produce. This suggests the importance of a focus on external
agents that, through platform ownership, boost the innovation processes in mass
media companies and ultimately affect what these media outlets offer on a new
medium. Besides the carriers, other factors that also shape mobile content pro-
duced by newspaper companies are: 1) traditional work routines, including those
of offline newsrooms; 2) organization culture; 3) technology; 4) partnerships; and
5) profitability.
Accordingly, the websites and applications for mobile phones developed by Japanese
newspapers during the last decade were the possible result of negotiations among
the elements mentioned above, some of which may even be non-existent or play a
minor role in the production of print media or even PC websites. Moreover, some
newspaper companies both in and out of Japan are following similar logic as they
explore new business chances, such as applications for smartphones. This move
suggests that the increase in factors and actors that shape mass media journalism
found in the present research may cease to be a peculiarity of the i-mode system
and the Japanese context and may constitute a focal point for further studies on
journalism.
Keywords: online news, Japanese newspapers, mobile phones, i-mode
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Resumo
O Japao foi pioneiro na difusao de acesso a internet atraves de aparelhos celulares
gracas ao sucesso de servicos como o i-mode, da operadora NTT DOCOMO,
iniciado em 1999. Desde entao, as companhias que publicam jornais no paıs tem
lancado sites de notıcias e aplicativos para telefones moveis como parte de suas
estrategias para mıdia digital e recebido atencao mesmo no exterior. Porem,
depois de uma decada, essas iniciativas nao resultaram em uma fonte de lucros
significativa. Alem disso, espera-se um declınio ja que smartphones estao se
tornando populares e oferecem uma alternativa aos atuais modelos de conexao a
internet via i-mode e similares.
Estudos sobre as experiencias dos diarios japoneses nesta mıdia sao raros. A
presente pesquisa contribui para o preenchimento de tal lacuna ao esclarecer os
processos que levaram esses servicos a serem o que sao hoje. Para cumprir tal
tarefa, estudos de caso foram conduzidos em tres companhias que editam jornais
de circulacao nacional: as responsaveis pelo Asahi Shimbun, pelo Mainichi Shim-
bun e pelo Yomiuri Shimbun. Durante a pesquisa, foram focados os fatores que
forjaram essas iniciativas, bem como as diferencas entre expectativas relativas a
mıdia digital e o que e oferecido na pratica, tendo como base as abordagens socio-
construtivistas encontradas em trabalhos similares sobre a producao de notıcias
para a web na Europa e nos Estados Unidos. Ao fazer isso, essa dissertacao ofe-
rece um esboco dos efeitos da inovacao tecnologica sobre a funcao de gatekeeping
dos meios de comunicacao de massa.
Os resultados revelam que a adocao de uma nova plataforma e acompanhada por
um aumento no numero de fatores e agentes que influenciam o jornalismo dos
meios de comunicacao de massa. No caso dos telefones celulares, as operadoras
levaram as empresas jornalısticas a entrar no setor de sites para plataformas
moveis ao oferecer tecnologia e orientacao sobre negocios, as vezes ate sobre qual
tipo de conteudo a ser produzido. Isto demonstra a importancia de um foco
em agentes externos proprietarios da plataforma impulsionando processos de i-
novacao nas empresas de mıdia e, consequentemente, afetando o que elas oferecem
nesse novo meio. Alem das companhias de telefonia celular, outros fatores que
tambem moldam o conteudo para celulares produzido por companhias que editam
jornais sao: 1) rotinas de trabalho tradicionais, incluindo aquelas das redacoes
dos jornais impressos; 2) cultura organizacional; 3) tecnologia; 4) parcerias com
outras empresas; e 5) lucratividade.
Portanto, os sites e aplicativos para telefones celulares desenvolvidos por esses
jornais japoneses na ultima decada foram o resultado possıvel de negociacoes
entre os elementos acima, alguns deles inexistentes ou com um papel menor na
producao de jornais ou mesmo de paginas na internet visualizadas em computa-
dores. Alem disso, algumas empresas jornalısticas dentro e fora do Japao tem
reproduzido logica similar ao explorarem novas oportunidades de negocios, como
o setor de aplicativos para smartphones. Tais iniciativas sugerem que o aumento
verificado por esta pesquisa no numero de fatores e agentes que influenciam o
jornalismo dos meios de comunicacao de massa pode deixar de ser uma peculiari-
dade do sistema i-mode ou do contexto japones e constituir um foco para futuras
pesquisas em jornalismo.
Palavras-chave: notıcias online, jornais japoneses, telefones celulares, i-mode
Contents
1 Introduction 1
2 Theoretical background 6
2.1 Research approaches to online news production . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
2.1.1 Gatekeeping theory and technological changes . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
2.1.1.1 A theory overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
2.1.1.2 Levels of analysis in gatekeeping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
2.1.1.3 Gatekeeping in the digital age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
2.1.2 The socio-constructivist approach to online journalism . . . . . . . . 22
2.1.2.1 The social construction of news . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
2.1.2.2 Constructivist views on media technology . . . . . . . . . . 30
2.1.2.3 The third wave of studies on online newsrooms . . . . . . . 35
2.1.2.4 The socio-constructivist approach and mobile content . . . . 41
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
2.2.1 The i-mode process of innovation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
2.2.2 Mobile phones as a medium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
2.2.3 Online journalism and mobile phones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
3 Methodological discussion 59
3.1 Research design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
ix
CONTENTS
4 Results and analyses 69
4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
4.1.1 The internet seen by the news industry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
4.1.2 Mobile phones from newspaper companies’ perspective . . . . . . . . 80
4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
4.2.1 The adoption of mobile phones as a platform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
4.2.1.1 Keitai websites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
4.2.1.2 Keitai and smartphone applications . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
4.3.1 The role of work routines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
4.3.2 The role of organization culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
4.3.3 The technological factor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
4.3.4 The role of mobile phone carriers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
4.3.5 The role of partnerships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
4.3.6 The profitability factor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
5 Concluding remarks 115
5.1 Limitations and future research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
6 References 121
6.1 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
6.2 Research documents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
Appendix 160
x
List of Figures
2.1 Gatekeeping between organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2.2 Gatekeeping within an organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
2.3 Gatekeeping on the individual level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
4.1 Newspaper companies producing digital content in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . 71
4.2 Genres of top headlines in four mobile news services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
5.1 Gatekeeping in the “mobile news worlds”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
xi
Chapter 1
Introduction
The establishment of a successful model of internet connection through mobile phones in
Japan has created an image of the nation as a “mobile global power” in the early 2000s.
Though a minor player in this sector, Japanese newspaper industry initiatives as content
producers on this platform have attracted the attention of foreign counterparts. At the time,
the market for news distribution on portable handsets was limited mostly to businessmen
in other advanced industrial countries. On the other hand, Japan has had a popular mobile
internet model and news websites with a broader audience since 1999. Furthermore, while
media outlets were struggling to find a business model for online news, Japanese users were
willing to pay for it on mobile phones.
This research started as an attempt to understand how this became possible in Japan
and what it meant for online newsmaking. In the face of the absence of similar research,
such inquiry entailed the risk of staying limited to technological optimism or discussions of
the crisis in “mass media journalism”1 that are both abundant in present times. During
the literature review, however, the importance of localizing these cases in their spatial and
1Hayashi [2002, p. 27] introduces this category as part of her defense towards the refinement of journalismand mass media concepts as related but independent ones. That is, there are parts of mass media that arenot journalism, as well as parts of journalism that are not shouldered by mass media. The cases studied inthis thesis are part of mass media journalism. Therefore, references to journalism point to this category, ifno further explanation is given.
1
temporal contexts in order to avoid deterministic perspectives became clear. This does not
mean the discourses that pervade mass media industry and its professionals were ignored.
Instead, they constituted a research source on the interpretations of technology by these
actors. Comparisons between these interpretations and the actual daily work routines and
resulting products have proven to be an effective way to observe the negotiations that take
place in the social process of adopting a new platform.
Newsmaking for mobile phones is part of the digital media strategy of these companies.
Therefore, it constitutes a corner of the most conspicuous recent case of innovation in the
newspaper industry:1 the adoption of online platforms to distribute content. This topic
and the use of innovation as a keyword have caused some perplexity among interviewees
sometimes. If one is looking for “innovation”, newspapers were the wrong place to look, they
insisted. These remarks are the fruit of a misunderstanding the researcher failed to clarify
at that time. The success of these initiatives as innovative cases are not the focus of this
research. Moreover, the very criteria of what constitutes a successful innovation for mass
media companies still demands further elaboration. These organizations convey both aspects
of capitalistic enterprises and that of constituents of the press as a social institution. These
sometimes conflictive characters require from the researcher to be prepared to find cases in
which new products and gains in efficiency have not resulted in improvements in the carrying
out of their social function.
The interest of this study is both the accomplishments and frustrations experienced
during the decade of history of mobile content production have represented to newsmaking
in these companies. Among all processes involved in the tailoring of content, the gatekeeping
function on online platforms, here understood as not merely the selection of news pieces,
and the establishment of work routines suited to it were observed in order to understand1In the classic definition of Schumpeter [1934, in Bouwman et al., 2008, p. 10], innovation is described as
having five different forms: new products, new methods of production, new sources of supply, exploration ofnew markets, and new ways to organize business. Rogers [1995, p. 11], from a different perspective, groupsunder this concept ideas, practices, or objects that are perceived as new by an individual or other unit ofadoption.
2
transformations unleashed by the adoption of a new medium. In this sense, the fact that, even
though initiatives of major national newspapers, they are at the margin of these companies’
business is an advantage. “The ‘periphery’ is where changes have more chance to happen,
and from where what the future will be like can be seen, no matter if they are successful
cases or failures.” [Hatanaka, 2008, p. 165] To extract any future prediction from the present
analysis would be presumptuous. However, some focal points for further scrutiny are believed
to have been offered.
These focal points were found while testing one hypothesis extracted from previous re-
searches on online newsmaking. Studies conducted in the US and Europe in the 2000s have
demonstrated that the estate of online newsmaking is far behind the promises of multime-
dia and interactive content with intense use of the possibilities offered by hypertext. Even
though professionals believed these points were internet ideals, material constraints varying
from lack of resources to the influence of traditional work routines impeded their implemen-
tation. That is, factors and actors non-existent or with a minor role in offline newsroom
activities were shaping online news. This research hypothesis is that a similar logic can be
found behind the production of content for mobile phones by Japanese newspapers. However,
new aspects are believed to exist, since the present process develops in a different context
and on a different medium. Three groups of research questions were formulated considering
the remarks above:
1. What are the symbolisms attached to mobile phones and mobile internet by the
Japanese newspaper industry? How have they evolved in the last decade?
2. These symbolic aspects are wrought within social-material contexts during the process
of adoption of a new medium. What are the actual services offered on mobile phones
by these companies that resulted from these negotiations? Which new routines have
been established to support them?
3. A comparison of the symbolisms surrounding a technology and its actual use may reveal
3
gaps. Are there any gaps in the use of mobile phones to distribute news in Japan?
Which factors and agents explain why certain aspects were implemented while others
not?
The search for answers to these questions is reported in the next four chapters. In the
literature review, the concepts and theoretical frameworks mentioned above were scrutinized
in two sections. That is, the gatekeeping function of mass media and the socio-constructivist
approaches to online newsmaking. A third section about research into mobile phones in Japan
was added to supplement discussions on adaptations required while applying the hypothesis
in the context of the present research object. In the second chapter, first the methodological
strategies adopted by previous socio-constructivist researches on online newsmaking are dis-
cussed. Then, the restraints found while conducting the field work and the research design
resulting from the alternatives adopted to bypass such limitations are explained.
The analysis of the data collected is done in the third chapter, which is divided into three
sections. First, the views on the internet and mobile phones as platforms for news present
in the Japanese newspaper sector and among its professionals are discussed. In the second
part, some of the actual services offered by the companies targeted in this study and the
moves that have led them to unfold the way they have are described. In the final part, the
mechanisms behind these developments are explored. In the concluding remarks chapter,
the answer to the research questions posed above are summarized and a discussion on the
limits of these findings is offered.
Lastly, some notes on nomenclature. Generally said, mobile internet may include wireless
internet connections of any kind accessed from a variety of gadgets, such as notebooks or
tablets with Wireless LAN [WiFi] or broadband wireless [WiMAX] connections. In contrast,
the “mobile phone IP connection service” [keitai denwa IP setsuzoku service], the official
term employed by Japanese mobile telecoms for the overwhelming low-band mobile internet
service available for domestic mobile phone devices [both mobile phones and PHS1] is a very
1Personal Handy-Phones use Multi-Channel Access Radio System technology, the same employed in
4
specific type of the former, as discussed in the section 2.2. Moreover, the sector recently
has seen a fast dissemination of imported mobile handsets, mainly smartphones that provide
access the internet, but not through the same services offered by Japanese models. Therefore,
in this thesis, the term “mobile internet” used in the Japanese context refers to both types
of connections, namely mobile phone IP connection services and access via smartphones,
but excludes WiMAX. However, since the smartphone phenomenon is recent, when used
in a past context, one may infer that the term “mobile phone” is referring mostly to the
original Japanese style mobile phone IP connection service. When more clarity is necessary,
the term keitai internet—from the Japanese neologism for mobile phones resulting from the
contraction of keitai denwa [portable phone]—is employed.
Moreover, the data collection was done mainly with Japanese sources. In their transcrip-
tion to English, all Japanese names have been given in the first name - family name order.
Romanization of Japanese words follows the revised Hepburn system. Authors’ names follow
this system unless otherwise specified by the author. Foreign words incorporated to Japanese
have been written in their original form. Translations of titles of books and other materi-
als published in languages other than English are given in their original language. English
titles are offered only when devised by the publisher. All translations of publications and
interviews in Japanese are the author’s own.
cordless telephones, to offer mobile communications. By November 2011, Willcom, the only carrier offeringthis system in Japan by the time being, had 3,691,300 subscribers [Telecommunication Carriers Association,TCA, www.tca.or.jp, accessed in Dec., 2010]. In this thesis, Japanese mobile phones references include PHSwhen no further specification is offered.
5
Chapter 2
Theoretical background
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
The analysis of the content for mobile phones produced by Japanese newspapers, as presented
in this research, is subsidized by the gatekeeping model in mass communication studies and
the socio-constructionist approach to online newsmaking.
One of the gatekeeping model strengths—its initial simplicity—has led to its gradual
undervaluation in academia. Recent developments, however, have been made so it could
cope with the sophistication of mass communication and its interactions in the social fabric.
These improvements, as well as the technological factor in gatekeeping are the topics covered
in the first part of this section.
This enhanced version, as will be shown, includes analyses on routine and organiza-
tional levels. These are the very ground explored by other newsmaking research: the social
construction of news. This perspective and the constructivist views on technology and inno-
vation scholarship, in turn, constitute the two pillars of the socio-constructivist perspective
to online news production. These mainstays and the application of the resulting approach
from their merge are discussed in the second part of this section.
6
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
2.1.1 Gatekeeping theory and technological changes
2.1.1.1 A theory overview
Gatekeeping, as a representative image of one of the roles of journalists, has kept its strength
for over 60 years despite its limitations. In journalism studies, gatekeeping is defined as “the
processes by which countless messages are reduced to the few we are offered” [Shoemaker,
1996, p. 79], and is “the center of the media’s role in modern public life” [Shoemaker & Vos,
2009, p. 1]. It determines not only which message will be transmitted, but also its content,
nature, and target audience. An editor’s single decision seems trivial, however, it is just
the first level of a multilayered process. The importance of a theory to describe it rests on
the fact that gatekeeping ultimately influences which representations and discourses will be
available to the public. That is, people’s “cognitive maps” [Ranney, 1983, p. 6].
Lewin [1947, in Shoemaker & Vos, 2009, p. 11] first used gatekeeping as a metaphor for
someone in charge of letting items pass or not through“gates”in channels. He elaborated on it
while attempting to explain how to spread social changes, with a focus on food habits. Later,
he suggested its use in other fields, including communication and journalism [Shoemaker &
Vos, 2009, p. 15].
In the study of news, gatekeeping has served to illustrate the function of selecting which
facts to be turned public. The focus has been on the factors that determine editors’ and
reporters’ coverage. The analysis of the work of a middle-aged wire editor at a small Mid-
western newspaper allowed White [1950=1997], for example, to point out how newspaper
output is conditioned to the gatekeeper’s own set of experiences, attitudes, and expectations
[ibid, p. 71]. A closer glance, however, shows that ideological motives amounted to only 18
out of 423 cases, and reasons varying from lack of space to dull writing had more weight
in his decisions. Further research with 16 wire editors found the same reduced weight of
subjectivity in editors’ judgement [Gieber, 1964, in Berkowitz, 1997, p. 9]. The burden of
production goals, bureaucracy, and relations between coworkers explained a greater part of
7
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
choices.
The gatekeeping model bears both strength and inconsistencies; it is a metaphor still in
use but an outmoded academic concept for some. The image of gatekeepers as mere news
selectors has led authors, such as Fishman [1980] and Berkowitz [1997], to delimitate the
concerns related to gatekeeping within a “selectivity of news” perspective [Fishman, 1980,
p. 13, emphasis in original]. According to them, most researches assume that facts and
events exist independently of the way they are handled by newsworkers. This metaphor
“leaves ‘information’ sociologically untouched, a pristine material that comes to the gate
already prepared” [Berkowitz, 1997, p. 9]. Hence, the depiction of reality could only reflect
or distort what is outside newsrooms.
In opposition to that, they argue that a focus on the “creation of news” is necessary. One
possible answer to this has been the socio-constructivist perspective on newsmaking, that
attaches a greater importance to work routines and methods utilized by journalists [as will
be discussed later]. However, this segregation between the creation and selection phases is
artificial. Professional rituals and procedures deployed are two of the very factors that would
determine the position and format of the gates which information must go through before
becoming public.
The gatekeeping concept has survived in part because it has been wrought within broader
social contexts into something complex enough to cover multiple stages and levels of jour-
nalistic activities. Still in a very early stage, Gieber [1964] and Westley & MacLean [1957]
switched from White’s [1950=1997] focus on editors as individuals to a media organization
perspective. The whole group of professionals was then seen as one single gatekeeper, and
more weight was put on organizational constraints. Further studies have also pointed out
the role of external agents, such as the public relations industry in service of interest groups
[Gandy, 1982].
The individual perspective, though, has not been abandoned. International news, for
example, passes through multiple individual gatekeepers and can be replaced or merged as
8
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
it makes its way through [McNelly, 1959]. From the same perspective, Bass [1969] focused
on individuals’ functions to argue that news gatherers [writers, reporters, local editors] and
news processors [editors, copyreaders, translators] were key agents in gatekeeping. Chib-
nall [1977=2003] defended that the first group was even more important since fundamental
decisions are already made by the time a story reaches the second group.1
During these further developments, researchers have come to some agreement on the
basic elements of the gatekeeping process within mass communication besides gatekeepers.
First, there are events and inputs. The latter are messages about the former that come to
the attention of the communication organization. For that to happen, information must be
captured by entrance channels. Sigal [1973, p. 120] classifies them as: routine, e.g., public
records and non-spontaneous events; informal, e.g., dopes from journalists, media outlets,
or off-the-record sources; and enterprise, e.g., spontaneous events and items resultant of
journalists’ investigation or critical thinking. These entrances are the very first place where
gatekeeping occurs. There is no intrinsic value in occurrences and the location of information
collectors does not follow a natural logic. Channels, on the other hand, are composed of
sections [e.g., event participants, reporters, editors, etc], with a gate in front of each one. The
success of events in passing from section to section depends on both gatekeepers’ judgement of
their newsworthiness, which in turn is reflected on the strategic positioning of these entrances.
The inputs which end up being transmitted are finally considered outputs, i.e., the news items
prepared and transmitted.
One key idea is that of forces. Allocated in front or behind gates, they can help or
prevent an event passing through them. Negative ones surround an occurrence scheduled for
after the deadline, for example. A strong perceived newsworthiness, on the other hand, can
nullify this effect and lead to a time limit postponement. Issues regarding forces are yet to
be tackled, since the element is far from being fully elaborated [Shoemaker & Vos, 2009, p.
28]. The polarity, for example, may not be constant. The positive forces in a story perceived
1All researches mentioned in this paragraph, except Chibnall’s, in Shoemaker & Vos [2009, pp. 16–19].
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
as news can lose their efficacy if the event is seen as “old” during the process. They also vary
in strength and are conflictive. Studies have envisioned those before the gate influencing
others behind the gate, but not the other way. However, a news story already transmitted
affects the newsworthiness of a similar story still outside the gate. The action of forces also
occurs in the entire gatekeeping process, and not only in the selection stage. A story may
get into the channels even when negative forces are attached to it, but their influence will
then be seen in given size and display.
Figure 2.1: Gatekeeping between organizations [Source: Shoemaker & Vos [2009, pp. 113]]
Shoemaker [1997, p. 57] suggests that “all communication workers are gatekeepers to
some degree, for gatekeeping is an integral part of the overall process of selecting and pro-
ducing messages.” Hence, she updates the model to include several channels of information
entries in the communication organization, each one of them accompanied by staff members
operating in the initial selection and shaping of these inputs [fig. 2.1]. The flow contin-
ues with other boundary-role gatekeepers in charge of another round of sift and assembling
before finally transmitting the messages that survived the process to the public or another
communication organization [fig. 2.2]. Internal gatekeepers may exert an in-between role in
complex organizations.
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
Figure 2.2: Gatekeeping within an organization [Source: Shoemaker & Vos [2009, pp. 114]]
Figure 2.3: Gatekeeping on the individual level [Source: Shoemaker & Vos [2009, pp. 115]]
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
Multiple forces are exerted by many agents to define what will become news and in
which format. The model envisions feedback loops of selection criteria and forces arrows
coming from receivers. On an individual level, gatekeepers are also subjected to psychological
processes and individual characteristics, and their action is embedded in life experiences
[fig. 2.3]. This logic is also found on within-organizational and inter-organizational levels.
Communication routines and organizational characteristics in the first case and social system
ideology and culture in the second case are the layers in which the processes are embedded.
As the bidirectional arrows between gatekeepers suggest, forces action happens in a two-way
manner. Though not represented in the images, this correlation can be said to exist regarding
receivers’ feedback and social system, as messages also have the power to gradually affect
the agents that influence them.
2.1.1.2 Levels of analysis in gatekeeping
As aforementioned, gatekeeping allows analyses on different levels. Shoemaker & Vos [2009]
focus on five of them: 1) the individual; 2) the communication routines; 3) the organiza-
tional; 4) the social institution; and 5) the social system levels . The one first explored by
early studies—the individual level—accounts for effects of people’s characteristics, knowl-
edge, attitudes, and behaviors. Communication routines level directs attention to practices
that are emblematic of the field, rather than something personal or organizational. The
latter, on the other hand, studies characteristics that differ from one communication organi-
zation to another. The social institution level locates media organizations within a broader
social context to analyze outside forces, such as advertisers, audiences, and governments.
Last, the social system one looks into influences coming from political, economic, cultural
and ideological factors. In this research, only the second, third, and fourth levels will be
analyzed due to research design limitations [see next chapter]. In the next paragraphs, they
are described in detail.
The communication routines level
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
By routines in newsmaking, the present study means the“patterned, routinized, repeated
practices and forms that media workers use to do their jobs” [Shoemaker & Reese, 1996, p.
100]. Studies have found uniformity in the selection of news across gatekeepers, which
suggests that characteristics of individuals may play a minor role in the process [Cassidy,
2007; Gieber, 1964; Shoemaker et al., 2001]. This phenomenon is more frequent in the most
prominent stories [Sasser & Russell, 1972] and categories of news, rather than in specific news
items [Hirsch & Miller, 1977; Stempel, 1985]. As these findings indicate, personal influences
are still present in the process. Actually, they are the very ground from where routines
sprout.
Shoemaker & Reese [1996] add three other sources of routines: 1) journalists’ orientation
to the consuming audience; 2) external sources of news; and 3) organizational culture and
context in which news items are produced. Media company professionals have access to
audience market researches. Moreover, new technologies have potentialized the feedback from
the public. But still, journalists tend to rely much more on their perception of what audiences
want from news when establishing routines, including news values. These assumptions come
from typifications of the public that, on the other hand, originate from interactions with
coworkers and each professional’s circle [Sumpter, 2000].
In regards to the second source of routines, it is long known, for example, that media
vehicles depend on official sources. To the extent that a series of routines are employed to
guarantee that entrance channels follow them. Organizations exert “a structure upon time
and space to enable themselves to accomplish the work of any one day and to plan across
days” [Tuchman, 1978, p. 41]. The shared norm of pursuing objectivity leads professionals to
stick to strategic steps, such as hearing conflicting sides, supporting arguments with “facts”
or quotes of sources deemed legitimate, and ordering information in an inverted pyramid
structure.1
Work flows, group hierarchies, manuals of ethics and style, and the transmission platform
1A news item format that rank pieces of information by arranging them according to judgements of theirimportance in a decreasing order.
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
are also organizational elements that generate standard practices. News values, typifications,
and frames are negotiated with these elements in correlation as they are socialized among
gatekeepers, both formally and tacitly. News values, for example, not only orient profes-
sionals towards their image of the audience, but also aid in accomplishing an “organizational
imperative” of transforming events into news [Shoemaker & Vos, 2009, p. 57]. Sometimes,
they can even subvert production logics: strong newsworthiness is a reason to extra editions
or breaking news insertions on TV.
Typifications also avail professionals to automatize part of their judgements. These in-
struments transform the idiosyncratic quotidian occurrences into raw materials that can be
subjected to routine processing and dissemination by exerting order upon them and reducing
the variability of the glut of events. “They also channel the newsworkers perceptions of the
everyday world by imposing a frame upon strips of daily life” [Tuchman, 1978, p. 58]. In
a similar manner, frames, i.e., “patterns of cognition, interpretation, and presentation, of
selection, emphasis, and exclusion, by which symbol-handlers routinely organize discourse”
[Gitlin, 1980, p. 7], also assist journalists in reducing time and mental costs to process infor-
mation and accomplish organizational demands. This whole set of routines ultimately serve
production efficiency by accelerating work, minimizing risks and creating an interchangeable
workforce.
The organizational level
Routines are placed inside organizations. However, whereas the former is shared across
organizational boundaries, analyses on the organizational level focus on the peculiarities in-
side each organization. An organization is “a bounded, adaptive, open, social system that
exists in an environment, interacts with elements of it, and engages in the transformation of
inputs into outputs having effects on its environment and feedback effects on itself” [Adams,
1980, in Shoemaker & Vos, 2009, p. 62]. Albeit shared journalistic routines, not all news-
rooms work the same way. The size and nature of the media outlet, its positioning in the
media system as central or peripheral, ownership, management, goals, staff, and organization
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
culture are some of the factors that explain these differences.
The position occupied by the gatekeepers inside organizations affects their power to
select events. Some researches have pointed out publishers as the greatest single active
forces within organizations [Chomsky, 2007; Donohew, 1967, in Shoemaker & Vos, 2009,
p. 64]. Lower-ranked gatekeepers, such as reporters, may try to second-guess editors’ and
publishers’ judgment to increase the chances of his or her story being transmitted [Tuchman,
1972]. The hierarchy among gatekeepers vary according to management styles, that may be
more authoritarian or democratic. Administration, on the other hand, hinges on company
size and also ownership, which includes state, public, corporate, and chain models, among
others. Management also reflects organizational goals and culture, that, depending on the
nature of the media outlet, may be more or less market-driven and focused on the elite or
popular publics, in national or local scale. The composition of newsrooms as a social group
also plays a role in gatekeeping. Variations in age, gender, ethnicity, and employment status,
among other points, may explain some of the choices.
Shoemaker & Vos [2009, pp. 68–73] list three approaches to gatekeeping research on an
organizational level: 1) organizational boundary roles; 2) organizational socialization; and
3) the groupthinking phenomenon. The first focus on the activities that take place among
individuals in the organization and people outside. Those in boundary roles and in charge of
filtering inputs and outputs are also gatekeepers. This approach looks at their transactions
with the external world. The authors argue that, differently from the assumptions of routines
level analyses, patterns of selection propagate from sources to receivers, this perspective
allows researchers to see the extent to which the former [e.g., wire services or public relations]
follows rules congruent with their perceptions of what the latter wishes.
The center of interest of the second approach is how professionals learn the norms and
values of an organization. Observation and experience play a key role for journalists in the
internalization of editorial policies and avoidance of criticism or libel suits [Breed, 1955].
This “context of shared values” [Sigal, 1973, p. 3] may be organization-specific or transcend
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
them into a routines level of analysis, as it is the case of the “strategic rituals of objectivity”
[Tuchman, 1972].
The groupthinking phenomenon considers the modes of thinking that media workers
engage within cohesive groups. It “refers to a deterioration of mental efficiency, reality
testing, and moral judgment that results from ingroup pressures” [Janis, 1983, p. 9], with
mechanisms resembling those of group polarization in enclave deliberations.1 Symptoms
of groupthink include overestimations of group’s power or morality; closed-mindedness; and
pressures towards uniformity. However, the occurrence of groupthinking depends on whether
journalists form a cohesive group insulated against alternative sources of information, which
might be the case of when few routines exist to guide decision making. “In these unexpected
situations, such as a highly newsworthy event, journalists may be most subject to groupthink
and may thereby provide a view of reality based on incorrect assumptions.” [Shoemaker &
Vos, 2009, p. 73]
The social institution level
Communication organizations exist within a social system alongside other social orga-
nizations. Gatekeeping is therefore not isolated against influences external to the media
vehicle.
For-profit media outlets act within markets, through which audiences have a window
to exert pressures on content selection by controlling the demand. Studies differ on the
extent they defend the public could bring to bear such influence. Aforementioned studies
that point out that a stronger influence of journalists’ perceived image of publics, rather
than real audiences, suggest its power needs to be relativized [Sumpter, 2000]. Gatekeeping
models on the organizational level, on the other hand, predict the existence of feedbacks from
receivers influencing gatekeepers in boundary roles. On an individual level, a minority of
introjective journalists would be more prone to capture values and feelings from the audience
1Group polarization refers to the predictable tendency of like-minded people participating in iteratedmeetings with no contact with opposing views to move towards a more extreme point in the directionindicated by the members’ pre-deliberation inclinations [Sunstein, 2002].
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
[Gieber, 1963, p. 9, in Shoemaker & Vos, 2009, p. 79].
Mass media is also vulnerable to advertisers, since they face a“dual-product marketplace”
[Napoli, 2003, p. 4]: content is sold to audiences, but audiences’ attention is also sold to
advertisers. Because of their bigger economic power and knowledge of professional routines
and patterns of coverage, the latter has substantially more power to influence gatekeeping
[Shoemaker & Vos, 2009, pp. 80–81]. Direct pressure is only exceptionally exerted, e.g.,
boycotts. Gatekeepers, however, make decisions conscious of how much damage a sponsor
withdrawal could cause. In order to appeal to them, some media outlets also do not focus
on diverse audiences, but target markets, such as classes with high purchase power or young
people. This leads to the risk of coverage being “a portrayal of the world that is more the
ideal vision of the corporate establishment sponsoring them than a reflection of competing
visions of various publics” [Turow, 1997, p. 3]. With the trend of media organizations being
absorbed by conglomerates, the very boundaries between media companies and advertisers
are getting blurred [Bagdikian, 2004, in Shoemaker & Vos, 2009, p. 83].
Market is also the field for competition with other media vehicles. Diverse players are
believed to lead to more differentiation than monopolies. Some media markets tend to
subvert this logic nonetheless, with major media keeping cartel-like relationships with only
marginal differences among them. A relationship that, leaves “all of them alive and well”—
but a majority “with artificially narrow choices in their media.” [ibid, p. 7, in Shoemaker
& Vos, 2009, p. 77] Effects of intense competition, on the other hand, may range from
sensationalism to diversity and investigative reportages. Other media outlets may be also an
organizational force affecting gatekeeping by extra-market means: some functions as sources
[news wire services] or agenda-setters [communication organizations of the developed world
or national ones towards peripheral or regional vehicles, respectively]. Market influences
also come from shareholders and sources. Media corporations listed in stock markets are
subjected to their moods [McManus, 1994], which result in gatekeeping being more profit-
oriented.
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
Regarding sources, the purchase of information is exceptional in most media systems.
However, they are the suppliers of information. Obtaining it may entail acceptance of their
interest agendas in exchange. Public relations potentialize these negotiations.
Like any other source of information or advertiser, when occupying these roles, govern-
ments use tactics similar to the ones described above to affect media coverage. The means of
administrative, legislative, and judicial authorities to influence gatekeepers differ when they
exercise their power as policy makers and appliers. Laws establish what constitutes a libel,
a copyright infringement, journalists’ professional confidentiality, and procedures to disclose
secret information. Licensing policies and regulations, on the other hand, rule ownership in
broadcasting. The fact that some nations assign such power to independent commissions is
a sign of how conflictive this relation is.
2.1.1.3 Gatekeeping in the digital age
Historical changes—technological innovation included—do not seem to radically invalidate
the gatekeeping model and its five levels of analysis. However, they do affect players, forces,
and the interaction among them, since new tools are available for gatekeepers, which make
of their function an evolving process. This is in accordance with the idea of journalistic
fields based on Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, which is “concerned with how macrostructures
are linked to organizational routines and journalistic practices, and emphasizes the dynamic
nature of power” [Benson & Neveu, 2005, p. 9].
Improvements in technology have been one of the foci of gatekeeping studies. The change
from an all-capital-letter teleprinter wire to teletypesetter by Associated Press [AP ] in the
US during the 1950s has led to a decrease of local news in several Wisconsin newspapers;
the convenience of the new service has made editors use more of the AP stories [Cutlip,
1954]. The major technological innovation in journalism in the recent years—the emergence
of digital devices connected to online networks as a platform for news distribution—is seen
as the momentum for a paradigm shift in gatekeeping processes. “Unlike the print newspa-
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
per, the Web is not a finite, concrete media form; instead, its form is simultaneously fluid
and global and supremely individualistic” [Singer, 2001, p. 78]. The recognition of such
characteristics by online editors, she defends, may be one of the reasons behind the gradual
abandonment of the traditional gatekeeping responsibility of offering not only what readers
want to know, but also what they need to know. Though being a conceptually problematic
top-down decision-making, the complete interruption of this self-proclaimed normative func-
tion is seen as the potential origin of a Daily Me media environment, in which audiences
would only have contact with content suited to their preferences [ibid].
Optimistic visions, however, identify moves towards a democratization of the gatekeeper
role. During a scandal investigation by a local newspaper in Northwestern US, the active
presence of audiences has originated both self-reflective coverage and information consump-
tion, resulting from deliberations between journalists and the public [Robinson, 2009]. Cases
as this one have led to a frisson related to online media and participatory journalism. This
excitement, in turn, has made studies to proclaim that the gatekeepers’ role is being chal-
lenged [Bowman & Willis, 2003; Williams & Carpini, 2004] or transformed into that of
“gatewatchers” [Bruns, 2005; Singer, 2006] and that gates are coming down [Gillmor, 2006;
Levinson, 1999].
Others remain skeptical, however, as they realize that not all media outlets explore the
possibilities offered by the new media environment for they are shadowed by previous rou-
tines, a point further developed in section 2.1.2. Previous practices are imported as media
organizations utilize new technologies [Cassidy, 2006]. Mass media’s dependence on official
sources is a long-known fact. However, hypotheses over a potential decrease of it due to the
possibility, thanks to technological advances, of easier coverage of spontaneous events have
proven wrong. “When an unpredicted, nonscripted, spontaneous event is covered in the news,
the one predictable component of coverage is the presence of official sources” [Livingston &
Bennett, 2003, p. 376].
Expectations over audiences’ participation have also had to be minimized. It has been
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
mostly restricted to feedback and comments, with journalists keeping their decision-making
power untouched [Domingo et al., 2008]. Furthermore, human and automatic filters may also
act as a traditional gatekeeper to let only messages that fulfill certain standards pass. The
greater tolerance regarding anonymity is a big visible change. However, it has contributed
to the corrosion of previous ethical principles, such as transparency and accountability [Enli,
2007]. This reality is not restricted to online news. Prior studies on broadcasting news
[Abbott & Brassfield, 1989; Berkowitz, 1990] have suggested, alongside changes, that there
have been resemblances between the gatekeeping processes in print and electronic media.
These examples show how negotiations between continuities and changes are a constant
in mass media history, a point that dialogues with Pierre Bourdieu’s and Niklas Luhmann’s
views. They are consistent, for instance, with the autonomy of the journalistic field as
predicted by Bourdieu’s field theory. For him, history not only generates dynamism, but
also compelling routines. That is, the strategies adopted by news gatekeepers, just like
those of any other agent engaged in cultural production, are shaped by “the space of the
possibilities bequeathed by previous struggles, a space which tends to give direction to the
search for solutions and, consequently, influences the present and future of production”1
[Benson & Neveu, 2005, p. 95].
On the other hand, from Luhmann’s system theory perspective, changes that do not
menace the very essence of mass media as an autopoietic social system deserve a skeptical
look. As long as it remains an autonomous system due to its specialized ability of routinely
processing the code “information/non-information” in its “news report” program [Hayashi,
2002, p. 100], one may infer that only changes that do fit this process could be adopted. The
question then is whether technological innovations have the potential of successfully disrupt
this code and unleash mutations in the system.
Albeit what the answer might be, gatekeeping theory concepts and its multileveled orga-
1“[. . . ] les strategies des agents et des institutions qui sont engages dans les luttes litteraires ou artistiques[. . . ] dependent de l’etat de la problematique legitime, c’est-a-dire de l’espace des possibilites leguees par lesluttes anteriures qui tend a orienter la recherche des solutions et, par consequent, le present et l’avenir de laproduction.” [Bourdieu, 1992, p. 290]
20
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
nization are suited to capture both transformations and continuities. However, they require
one to catch up with the evolving tools, channels and agents. In face of multimedia, gatekeep-
ing is also put into practice whenever professionals confront the additional task of deciding
which format to use to transmit information. Interactivity, on the other hand, has offered
the possibility of audience channels to emerge as a new path through which information
may be once again selected. This is seen in experiences such as “most mailed lists” on
news websites and other forms of social filtering, customizations with the use of cookies,
and User-Generated Content [UGC]. Search engines use computer codes to organize news
items collected from other sites. Other codes place online advertisement side by side with
related content, in what, by previous journalistic norms of separation between editorial and
commercial areas, may be seen as conflictive. Governments are still groping for forms of
regulation in the digital environment. New instruments and methods may be necessary to
collect and analyze information from these volatile channels and the dynamic variables that
affect it.
As its constant evolutions show, gatekeeping theory, specially when embedded on a more
socially based approach, is adaptive enough to provide a framework to analyze newsmaking
processes on a new platform [mobile phones] and in a different context [Japanese mass
media system]. Journalists’ assessment of audiences may differ with different media and may
generate new routines designed to capture items that would grab their attention. Conscious
of these changes in the workflow, sources may also draw new strategies to potentialize the
forces that push their information into the gates. On a communication organization level,
group hierarchies also may vary, with online newsrooms inside traditional mass media outlets
more or less independent of their offline counterparts, therefore, creating their own new
newsworthiness standards, among other routines, or adapting pre-existent ones. Japanese
communication organization culture may have its weight in explaining the shaping of the
content they produce. So does staff composition and the way they socialize this culture.
Though Shoemaker & Vos [2009] discuss a “social institution” level, it is important to
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
remember that empirical research can only be conducted with organizations, since the former
is the abstraction of the common features and social functions of the latter [McQuail, 2000;
Rossi-Landi & Williams, 1981, in Domingo, 2006, p. 171]. However, their remarks apply
to an inter-organizational level, focused on forces external to the media vehicle. As will be
shown in subsection 2.2.1, beside those aforementioned, such as audiences and advertisers,
mobile phone carriers—the controllers of the platform—are expected to play a key role as
an external force in the creation of routines in the gatekeeping of mobile phone content
produced by Japanese newspapers. By creation, this thesis means that there are no inherent
practices suited for online media, but that they are socially constructed processes. The
next subsection offers an overview on how this idea has been developed in online journalism
studies.
2.1.2 The socio-constructivist approach to online journalism
It has been more than 15 years since the release of the first graphic web browser and the
consequent popularization of the World Wide Web in the developed world. As a platform
for journalistic content, the internet is still a matter of great expectations, but hopes have
been pointed almost entirely to initiatives born outside traditional media companies, such as
blogs and Social Network Services [SNS] used by free journalists or citizens with journalistic
purposes. Newspapers, radio and TV companies—the so-called old media—, on the other
hand, are said to have failed in being innovative enough to follow the advents of digital
media. This may mislead people to think that the current scenario has always been just this
way instead of the result of struggle and conflict within media companies.
Online attempts from traditional mass media industry have been one of its biggest bets
to extend content production, and consequent business, beyond their main platforms since
the 1990s, and this is not least true to newspaper companies. By then, the feeling that online
operations could bring new air to newsrooms was shared by journalists and media pundits.
The following are some of the “promises” of the internet to journalism and its evolving forms:
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
1. Hypertext refers to “the extension of an existing text into other areas and other do-
mains” [Burnett & Marshall, 2003, pp. 83–4, in Oblak, 2005, p. 94] in an intertextual,
hybrid, and non-linear fashion. Deuze [2006, p. 70] inserts this trend within the idea of
“bricolage”, as an updated element of the postmodern Western creative practices based
on recycling available artifacts. In online journalism, this concept has been initially
translated as the use of hyperlinks to connect fragmented pieces in order to contextual-
ize them and increase transparency by directly linking to information sources. “When
online journalists acknowledge their sources and offer internal or external hyperlinks
to a vast array of materials, documents, related stories, archival content, and other
sites, they attribute an active bricoleur-identity to their users as they give people a
chance to find their own way through the information at hand.” [ibid] Initiatives to
turn databases and APIs public1 are founded on both this hyperlink culture and the
interactive feature of the internet [see below].
2. The practice of multimedia in journalism has two broad definitions. First, as the use
of two or more media formats to present a news story, often on the web [“webver-
gence”]. Secondly, as the dissemination of a news story through different media in an
horizontal integration of platforms [Deuze, 2004, p. 140]. An efficient way to attain
multimedia newsrooms was thought to be that of media convergence. In mass media
context, the term refers to the creation of content for more than one medium [“cross-
platform journalism”], but its actual form may range from cross-promoting stories to
a planned integrated coverage that makes use of each medium strength [Dailey et al.,
2005]. Frequently, such convergence has been translated into merging offline and on-
line operations or partnerships with other media companies [Singer, 2008, p. 158] with
both editorial and management [cost cutbacks] purposes. The initial hype, though, has
1Newspaper companies, such as The New York Times and The Guardian, have gradually opened theAPIs [application programming interfaces] of their databases. By disclosing the codes, users can access theirdata and build applications with them. This move is closely related to the companies’ strategy regardingUser-Generated Content [UGC].
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
faced a retreat, with companies focusing on webvergence to the detriment of alliances
[Thornton & Keith, 2009].
3. One way to construe interactivity in a media context is a continuum between commu-
nication among users and technology [medium interactivity] and interpersonal commu-
nication [human interactivity] [Chung, 2008, p. 660]. Deuze [2003, p. 214] classifies
interactive features on websites as navigational [e.g., links and menus]; adaptive [e.g.,
customizations]; and functional [e.g., feedback comments, polls, “send to a friend” func-
tions, message boards, chats, etc.]. The ultimate form of web interactivity appears to
be what is wrapped in terms such as collaborative or User-Generated Content [UGC],
which in the journalistic context is also called participatory or citizen journalism. The
transition from users to producers of information can happen to different extents and
on different levels. Comment columns in a weblog post, for example, can be merely a
controlled entrance for feedback regarding a finalized product or a tool to gather, sub-
mit, and edit information in an open process [Bruns, 2005]. The integrated use of SNS
features for sharing or commenting the content is also a strategy to boost interactivity.
The optimism regarding how the web would revolutionize journalism persisted until until
the industry was hit by the blast of the dot-com bubble in 2000. The turn made the gap
tangible between the assets provided by new technologies and newsrooms that have ignored
or implemented them with a much slower pace that expected [Steensen, 2009, p. 821]. After
proving to be something quite distant from all promises of revolution in journalism and of a
new profit source, traditional mass media companies’ digital operations have become a reason
for frustration within the industry and skepticism or sarcasm among new media gurus.
These changes in the perspectives related to online newsmaking have been reflected in
academic research. Three overlapping and coexisting waves can be identified in these studies
[Domingo, 2006, p. 137]:
1. The normative and prospective wave has focused on offering ideal models for online
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
news based on a deterministic view of technologies. From this perspective, hypertext,
multimedia, and interaction, among other features seen as the ethos of the internet,
promised a massive and essential transformation in journalism [Allan, 2006; Kawamoto,
2003; Pavlik, 2001].
2. A second wave is constituted of empirical research based on the theoretical assumptions
of the first wave. Some have successfully identified the gap between expectations and
actual products. However, their deterministic framework and methodology based on
content analyses or quantitative surveys have only allowed researchers to see it as an
underdeveloped stage of an inevitable and still unripe change [Deuze, 1999, 2001; Li,
2006].
3. In the third wave, the deterministic view has given space to a socio-constructivist ap-
proach to technological change in empirical studies. Innovation, then, loses its deter-
ministic character and is seen as a process. Ideals related to new media are understood
as few of the many factors that interact within specific contexts to result in the evolving
practice of online journalism. Research, therefore, must open its foci to capture these
other factors, such as professional routines and organizational structures [Boczkowski,
2005; Paterson & Domingo, 2008].
The weight put on each wave varied through time from the first to the third one, and,
notwithstanding the lack of subsidies to affirm that the last wave is now central, the dot-
com crash may have helped to relativize deterministic approaches resulting from the initial
technological fascination.
After more than ten years since the popularization of mobile internet in Japan, the
content produced for it by mass media companies is an experience relatively mature enough
to constitute the corpus of research based on the socio-constructivist approach and freed
of deterministic ideals related to mobile media. One can argue whether these products
are the vanguard of an evolution line initiated with the online news websites, a point to be
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
discussed in this thesis. However, even if the conclusion is that they have had an independent
development, tracing parallels between these experiences and the findings of previous online
newsmaking research can contribute to deepen a historical perspective on this theme.
In this subsection, first an overview of the two mainstays of the third wave of studies
is given: the socio-constructivist or socio-organizational approach to newsmaking and the
constructivist perspectives towards technological innovation scholarships. Then, the main
findings of these researches are summarized. Finally, the last part of this subsection discusses
how they provide subsidies for a research on mobile content offered by mass media companies
in Japan.
2.1.2.1 The social construction of news
Sociological approaches towards news production can be found as early as in the works of,
for examples, Weber [1921=1991], with his argument for the social standing of journalists as
political persons; and Park [1922, 1923], with his investigation on minority press and defense
of news as a form of knowledge. However, it was the gatekeeping scholarship discussed previ-
ously1 that first offered a socio-organizational perspective on newsmaking, as soon as Gieber
[1964] refuted the previous weight put on journalists’ individual decision power and saw them
as a cohesive group subjugated by professional standards [Schudson, 2000, p. 177]. Since
then, the socio-constructivist perspective has been gradually losing its functionalist basis
and establishing its place in mass communication studies, caught between often antagonistic
political-economic and cultural views.
It is common to find research referring to both the social construction of news and the
ethnography of newsroom scholarships as synonyms. Here, nonetheless, they are treated as
independent things: the former as a theoretical framework; and the latter as a methodolog-
ical approach. The use of both terms to point to the same object, however, is understand-
able, since historically they have been closely related. Many socio-organizational studies
1See subsection 2.1.1.
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
on newsmaking have shared an ethnographic method suited to empirically observe produc-
tion processes and professional roles. They have ended up extracting grounded theories of
journalistic routines and that is what will be reviewed in the next paragraphs. A complete
differentiation of both terms, nonetheless, will be offered only in the methodology chapter,
alongside an explanation of why without making use of ethnographic methods, this research
claims to be in line with the socio-organizational approach.
A shared trait among studies is that they depart from the social constructivist perspec-
tive towards society, with inspirations ranging from traditional phenomenology1 to symbolic
interactionism and ethnomethodology2 in order to state that news is a socially produced
representation of the world. In other words, “[. . . ] news, like all public documents, is a con-
structed reality possessing its own internal validity” [Tuchman, 1976, p. 97]. News values,
a social construction per se, help categorize what is noticeable. They are reflected in the
strategies elaborated to successfully capture occurrences that fit them, such as the assign-
ment of reporters to certain thematic or spatial news beats, which reproduces a bureaucratic
view of the world [Fishman, 1980, p. 28]. These conventions and repeated procedures, in
turn, originate professional routines3 in accordance with the labor divisions in the assem-
bly line that manufactures news. Thus, distortions in journalistic coverages are not just a
matter of individual subjectivity or organizational interests. There is an inevitable bias—a
frame—crystalized in the very core of the newsmaking processes in mass media, in which
occurrences have to fit in order to be news.
To comprehend such framings in the moment they are being applied, a wave of researchers
1As a philosophical school, phenomenology has attempted to restore the “humanistic understandings ofconsciousness as a lived and interpreted whole”, in a reaction to positivism and“psychologism”[Jensen, 2002b,p. 22]. In the social sciences, this current of thought has legitimized minority moves towards interpretivestudies of social life.
2These methods have questioned tacit agreements on which social consensus depends. They have ex-posed how rules governing personal interaction are continually recreated and reaffirmed in everyday socialencounters through behavior and the communication and interpretation of symbols [symbolic interaction-ism] [Jankowski & Wester, 1991, p. 52; Hartley, 2002, p. 224]. Ethnomethodology, a scholarship thatshares its foothold with symbolic interactionism, attributes social structures to “ordinary” people [“ethnos”].Accordingly, a close observation of them clarifies their role as the architects of it [Jensen, 2002b, p. 56].
3The term entered the field of journalism studies through the original work of Tuchman [1972], whoborrowed it from the sociology of work. For a definition of routines, see p. 12.
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
entered US and British newsrooms in the 1970s. These studies, mostly ethnographies un-
dertaken by sociologists and political scientists, have focused on how the institutionalized
biases are related to professional assumptions, the nature of communication organizations,
their position in the market, and the social-cultural context in which they are inserted [Al-
theide, 1976; Epstein, 1974; Fishman, 1980; Gans, 1979; Golding & Elliott, 1979; Schlesinger,
1979; Sigal, 1973; Tuchman, 1978]. In sum, their findings show five general distortions in
the news produced by contemporary mass media in these countries: 1) news is centered in
events, actions, and people; 2) news is typically negative; 3) news is the product of strategic
practices of professionals in pursuit of their standard of objectivity; 4) as a result, news is
focused on the technical and mechanical side of occurrences rather than the ideologies and
politics behind them; 5) which, among other things, leads to a dependence on official sources
[Schudson, 2003, pp. 48–55].
One may speculate that these distortions apply to other democracies with relatively few
variations. However, the main point is that this approach offers a map of the processes
that make news the way it exists in each society and the factors that rule such procedures.
Even if their conclusions cannot be directly exported to other mass media systems, their
perspective is applicable. In other words, journalistic conventions and the characteristics of
the organization in which they are executed, as well as the whole environment that both
are part of, may vary according to the medium, the society, and time. However, one can
still expect professionals drawing strategies from this milieu that will ultimately help explain
news in such contexts, including when newsmaking migrates to digital platforms.
By theorizing on newsmaking routines, the socio-constructivist approach to news offers
a guideline of what to look into when studying online news production. However, this
perspective has its limitations. A comparison between the body of findings of classical studies
and the results of an investigation on the newsmaking for the web would probably identify
both changes and inheritances. However, most of the studies with the socio-organizational
perspective are bereft of a historical perspective and fail at analyzing changes [Schudson,
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
2000, p. 194], including those caused by the introduction of technologies. Though something
to keep in mind, the existence of such lacuna is comprehensible, since the entry of scholars
into newsrooms in the 1970s and 1980s was an attempt to extract general rules on how news
is shaped, and not to discuss transformations in this process [Domingo, 2008b, p. 18].
That does not mean that the technological factor was ignored by them. Researchers have
recognized the “medium considerations” professionals do when choosing stories [Gans, 1979,
p. 157]. In her critique on how journalists classify occurrences [hard, soft, spot, developing,
and continuing], Tuchman [1973] proposes an alternative based on how it happens and what
it requires from the communication organization. Among the variables to observe in her new
categorization, such as if the event was scheduled or if its dissemination was urgent, she lists
the effects of the technology of news work on the news piece. This point is resumed later,
when she states that different news technologies each have their own varying time rhythms
and, thus, affect newsworkers’ perception of stories. “As might be expected from the finding
that technology influences the organization of work [. . . ], as well as my argument that time
rhythms influence typification, a television station’s allocation of resources differs from that
of a newspaper.” [Tuchman, 1978, p. 53] Furthermore, this is an open process, and therefore,
when, from to time, “[. . . ] the protocols of writing the news change, it is relevant for research
to ask how this discursive change relates to possible changes in professional routines and in
the political economy of news.” [Tuchman, 2002, p. 87]
Gans, however, minimizes the effects of such differences, alleging that “stories which
different news media select are sufficiently similar to suggest that technology is not a deter-
mining factor.” [1979, p. 80] Such conclusion may come from his misleading idea that the
packaging of news and news itself are separate issues [ibid, p. 157]. He himself shows why
such differentiation is inappropriate when points that improvements in print technology and
the consequent use of colored pictures, for example, have made the availability of impressive
images a stronger reason for an occurrence to be deemed newsworthy [ibid]. His diagnosis
on the homogeneity of news despite the medium has been constantly reverified, even in an
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
era of digital platforms, as it will be discussed later. But then, the question is why it is so.
To answer this query, studies on online newsmaking have complemented the socio-construc-
tivist approach with a historical perspective on how technologies have been socially shaped
and adopted. The building of such “intellectual bridges” [Boczkowski & Lievrouw, 2008, p.
4] was a natural step, since, as shown, the constructivist view on journalism implicitly bears
such links. As a social phenomenon, newsmaking is affected by, among other social factors,
the technological developments of the society in which is inserted [Domingo, 2008b, p. 18].
It is not, however, a matter of fate, as it can be seen in Schudson’s [1978, p. 35] remark on
one of the major transformations in US newspaper history:
The modern mass-circulation newspaper would be unimaginable without the
technical developments of early nineteenth century. They obviously facilitated
the rise of the penny press. But they do not explain it. Technological change was
not autonomous and itself begs explanation. And while it made mass circulation
newspapers possible, it did not make them necessary or inevitable.
The following paragraphs explore the theories on negotiations between social agents and
technological innovations that have constituted the other pillar of the socio-constructivist
approach to online news making.
2.1.2.2 Constructivist views on media technology
In the late twentieth century, communication historians, innovation sociologists, and an-
thropologists of technology have looked for a better theoretical alternative to technological
determinism. They have identified a mismatch between the necessary impact of technology
upon society and the results of empirical studies. The nature of these developments did not
seem so monolithic, and the direction of changes, not so predetermined. Instead, they have
recognized the production and adoption of technologies, including media, as the product of
struggles happening within a certain social context. Creators negotiate their intentions with
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
social actors and forces. Adopters, on the other hand, redefine the result of such negotia-
tions while adjusting themselves to the requirements of its usage. Alternative perspectives
to technological determinism, which have sprouted from the observation of these processes
and that have later subsidize discussions on the adoption of digital media as a platform for
news, are given below.
The Social Shaping of Technology [SST] perspective attempts to explain why the same
technologies can end up being developed in different ways in different social environments.
Studies of this group come from areas such as the sociology of scientific knowledge, the soci-
ology of industrial organizations, technology policies studies, and the evolutionary approach
within the economics of technological change [Williams & Edge, 1992, p. 32]. They defend
that inventions are flexible enough [Pinch & Bijker, 1989, p. 40] to receive varying interpre-
tations by relevant social groups struggling to impose their own solutions. That is, suppli-
ers, consumers, resources, and technical expertise represent “sociotechnical constituencies”
[Molina, 1989, in Williams & Edge, 1992, p. 38] that underpin the design and implementa-
tion of technologies. The outcome of collisions among them is a hegemonic interpretation
that reduces the initial ambiguity in a non-linear process of closure or stabilization.
Anthropology of technology [Lemonnier, 1993] attributes differences in usages to differ-
ences in the symbolic context of each social group. Through technological choices [ibid, pp.
6–9], actors select utilities and draw working routines and roles conforming to them. In this
process, much more than a rationalization of the features of the artifact, it is its symbolic
connotations, definitions of usage, and the relations established with previous technologies
used in the concrete production process wherein the new artifact is inserted that count.
Technological features may resist social shaping and technologies may look the same. How-
ever their social implications may vary and a close observation through ethnography is able
to capture that.
The actor-network theory [Latour, 2005; Law & Callon, 2000] is an attempt of linking the
previous two perspectives. It sees elements, such as persons, institutions, and artifacts, as
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
connected actors forming a network and, by doing that, tries to relativize the linear causality
in the social influence towards technology existent in the SST approach [Lievrouw, 2006, p.
250]. Accordingly, people have many definitions of technology. But they are all limited by
the constraints imposed by material actors, since inventors inscript target users, uses, and
rules. The process of narrowing the definitions bounded by such limitations into specific ones
for specific work tasks and situations is called translation. Whereas SST usually reconstructs
historically the paths covered by an already stabilized or rejected technology, actor-network
theory focus on current developments usually with ethnographic methods. Despite critiques
that the results of research using this approach have been overstating individual and local
decisions [Williams & Edge, 1996, pp. 889–890], they do not necessarily neglect the effects
of macro-structural factors.
The historical view of communication has focused on cases of adoption as well as rejection
of media technologies and consequent transformation in the medium itself and users. This
diachronic perspective has led them to address the role of actors and social factors in these
processes. This awareness, even though useful in pointing out general trends, has not resulted
in a set of systematic methods of analysis, for all researchers have been able to identify in
many cases was unpredictability. As Williams & Williams [2003, p. 133] affirm, the evolution
of a technology is
[. . . ] a process in which real determining factors—the distribution of power
or of capital, social and physical inheritance, relations of scale and size between
groups—set limits and exert pressures, but neither wholly control nor wholly
predict the outcome of complex activity within or at these limits, and under or
against these pressures.
Winston [1998] offers some concepts extracted from his construal of the internet as an
evolving medium while attempting to systematize a model of analysis within this historical
approach. He summarizes the tensions during the consolidation and adoption of a medium
in accelerators and brakes of technological change. The former refers to “supervening social
32
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
necessities” that boost prototypes to become an invention and be adopted [ibid, p. 6], such
as social and economic demands or related technological developments. The latter are social
actors’ reaction to reject or delay the diffusion of a new technology. The concentration of
such negative forces constitutes what he calls “suppression of radical potential” [ibid, p. 11],
a tendency in the social fabric to slow down the appropriation of innovations so that it can
absorb it and institutions and organizations can have time time to change without losing their
main attributes and power [Domingo, 2008b, p. 22]. This inclination, on an organizational
level, also relates to the concept of “path dependence”, tailored by the new institutionalism
school [Hall & Taylor, 1996; Pierson, 2004]: the many costs to undo decisions already taken
make change difficult.
Focusing on the adoption side of communication relations and information flows, the
diffusion of innovations perspective [Rogers, 1995] also shares the social constructivist view
on technology. It analyses directions and paces at which ideas or practices spread within a
social group. Born as a specialization of communication research and sociological studies, it
has initially mixed a range of instruments from theories of personal influence and persuasion
to social structural and network analyses in sociology to emphasize interaction and social
relations in the adoption process. Later, it has gained a branch in economics that addresses
industry, market structures, economic stimulus, and barriers for diffusion [Lievrouw, 2006,
p. 250].
Diffusion of innovations is conceived of several key actors and stages. First, a change
agent is in charge of introducing an innovation in a certain social group. The success in the
spreading depends on the the social status or influence of early adopters. If they act as a
positive factor, successive waves of diffusion happen until it reaches a critical mass, the point
at which a certain number of adopters was achieved and further diffusion is self-sustaining
due to social pressures and costs towards non-adopters, and a ceiling—a saturation point.
The amount of adopters is an important factor in these waves, subsumed under the adoption
threshold concept, the number of adopters necessary to lead to a next adoption; and the
33
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
network externality effect, the proportional increase in the value of a network as it grows.
When the network becomes large and stable, however, its size may act as barrier for the
introduction of innovations, a phenomenon similar to what is called “embeddedness” by
actor-network theorists [Lievrouw, 2006, p. 251].
The usage stage is not independent from the creation processes as the actor-network
model addresses, and recent discussions have tried to develop this argument [Boczkowski,
2004; Lievrouw, 2006]. The decisions and events occurring previous to adoption have a strong
influence on the diffusion process [Rogers, 1995, p. 131]. Silverstone & Haddon [1996] offer a
“domestication approach” in an attempt to integrate the determinants in the first phase and
the shaping process of the second. Adoption is described as a constant process of negotia-
tions in both individual and social levels through imagination, appropriation, objectification,
incorporation, and conversion. That is, from initial perceptions of the potential usefulness
and consequent satisfaction to its later purchase and insertion of its aesthetics and functions
in users’ daily lives, with consequences in their identities and social profiles [Ling, 2004, pp.
28–30].
Lievrouw [2006, p. 258], on the other hand, summarizes the ongoing negotiations in the
shaping and diffusion stages—which he keeps separated—as a switching between the duality
determination and contingency. The first refers to the effect of specific factors at imposing
“coherence” in a certain situation to determine its development direction. The latter is the
lack of such coherence, when different directions are still available. Inspired by organization
studies, social analyses of computing within the field of information science, and research in
the domain of computer-supported cooperative work, Boczkowski [2004, p. 257] develops this
model by integrating both the creation and adoption phases in a perspective he calls “mutual
shaping”. According to him, three aspects are critical in this approach: 1) the interdepen-
dence of technological and social transformations; 2) the ongoing character of this process;
and 3) the influence of the historical context in which it unfolds. That is, the technological
development may be accompanied by societal preparations for its posterior diffusion, such
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
as lobbying legislators for a law framework suited to it or promoting organizational designs
that could easily absorb it. The partial results of these initiatives, on the other hand, af-
fect the very development stage. All of these dynamics happen within a certain historical
context—e.g., users may have a history of conservativeness towards innovation.
Boczkowski & Lievrouw [2008, p. 965] look back upon this point in an attempt to
strengthen links between science and technology studies and communication research. To
accomplish such tasks, they claim, it is necessary a dialectic, mutual shaping perspec-
tive towards the dualities determination/contingency, production/consumption, and con-
tinuity/discontinuity in the analytical “bridges” represented by the causality, process, and
consequence foci, respectively.
As was shown, different but correlated theoretical frameworks originated in a variety of
fields have been available for scholars interested in the dynamics of the development and
diffusion of innovations, including media technologies. Though aware of each other, it is
not clear if there is a tendency for convergence or even if such integration is desirable. On
the other hand, research on online news production has been mixing these views and the
instruments provided by the socio-constructivist perspective on news to different extents.
Their degree of success in the analysis of the subject and the foci they have explored are the
theme of the next paragraphs.
2.1.2.3 The third wave of studies on online newsrooms
The introduction of this social constructivist perspective to studies on online news occurred
gradually as the result of empirical experiences. Thus, there is no clear turning point, and
elements from the previous waves can be found in early studies. Brannon [1999, 2008], whose
investigation is prior to the dot-com bubble crash, conveys influences of the second wave,
of empirical research based on the theoretical assumptions of the technological determinism
perspective. Hence, her field research informs what she denominates a“theory of ‘production
determinism’”, that “accepts the inherent pressures on media output created by technology
35
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
but incorporates influences of job function and newsroom sociology” [Brannon, 2008, p. 100].
This trait is clear in her defense of a certain“digitally sharp mind-set”necessary to“maximize
the medium” [ibid, p. 110].
The link with the socio-constructivist approach to newsmaking, however, relativizes this
ontological position. Her empirical work prospects answers to why actual online journalism
is so distant from what was promised to be delivered by the internet. Her purpose then
was to assess the perception of obstacles to routinization and sophisticated conceptualiza-
tion of news among journalists. Also, to determine the extent that technology and other
factors influence online news and its practitioners as they apply, adopt or discard various
journalistic techniques on an evolving interactive multimedium. She does that by conducting
observations, interviews, and an online survey targeting the newsrooms in charge of the news
websites of a national newspaper, a TV station, and a public radio station in the US.
As a result, Brannon attempts to offer a profile of journalists that have worked in US
online newsrooms during the late 1990s and to list their perceptions of impediments to per-
form what was considered ideals of online news at the time. Among these factors were:
1) technological limitations of newsrooms [hardware and software] and journalists [deprived
of training]; 2) prior professional culture, such as the weight placed on immediacy, restricting
experiments online; and 3) organizational constraints, such as the centrality of print opera-
tions and the consequent undermining of online ones. These challenges were shared by the
three newsrooms, regardless of the tradition of the company.
Those normative traits present in Brannon are entirely abandoned by Boczkowski [2005].
His focus is on the practices through which people working in established media appropriate
technological developments, as well as the products that result from this process. Then,
even though he recognizes that the introduction of such instruments opens new horizons and
challenges previous routines, how online journalism or journalists shall be is not important.
“New”media is replaced by “emerging”media, the result of “merging existing social and ma-
terial infrastructures with novel technical capabilities, a process that also unfolds in relation
36
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
to broader contextual trends” [ibid, p. 4].
From this theoretical stance of society and technology being mutually shaped, history,
locality, and process become key perspectives to understand online journalism. That is,
there are continuities and ruptures in media development and usage. The appropriation of
a new one, in turn, unfolds differently in relation to its context. Lastly, the processual view
sheds light on the negotiations between original goals and achievements to explain the often
non-expected results.
This framework is applied in case studies conducted in the technology section of the
website of a globally known quality paper, an online feature on traveling, and a UGC expe-
rience of two different regional papers, all in the US. The findings support those of Brannon
[2008]. New ones are also added. These initiatives, he concludes, have been shaped by three
factors: 1) the relationships between print and online newsrooms inside the same company
as either close or distant; 2) the representation of publics within the consumer/producer
of information and technically savvy/unsavvy dichotomies; and 3) the character of online
newsrooms practices as either a reproduction of editorial gatekeeping or an alternative to
it . As much as the online staff is independent of their offline counterparts, as much as
they perceive consumers as digitally literate users and not passive audiences, and as much
as they pursue alternatives to established routines, greater are the effects on news as it is
“digitized”. Boczkowski [2005, pp. 185–186] addresses three potential changes: on online
platforms, news can be more user-centered; the result from an ongoing conversation rather
than a unidirectional monologue; and focused in micro-local or interest niches.
Subsequent studies have come to variations of Brannon’s and Boczkowski’s conclusions.
The effects of the autonomy of online newsrooms toward their traditional conterparts is
such a similar finding. Organizational demands to align print and online editorial policies
have trapped online professionals in the passive role of adjusting routines around the print
operations in order to efficiently reproduce its agenda [Garcıa, 2008]. This has also led to a
generalized stigma of selfdeprecation. A quantitative study has suggested that the success in
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
fusions of online and offline productions is correlated to such perceived cultural differences
[Bressers, 2006]. However, a qualitative one has shown that media convergence itself has
constituted an ideal other than an essential feature of digital times [Colson & Heinderyckx,
2008]. Many professionals tend to distrust such changes in routines and organizational
structures for their unclear or even suspect “benefits” [Quandt & Singer, 2009, 135], and
cultural shocks may be detrimental [Silcock & Keith, 2006; Singer, 2004].
Autonomy is directly linked with Boczkowski’s third point, of online journalism exper-
imenting alternative models to traditional editorial gatekeeping. Online newsrooms with
little alignment towards their offline counterparts were more prone to dare. When they were
part of or subjugated to the latter, that was not true. Weblogs, for instance, are considered
the ultimate format for journalists to rethink their roles as gatekeepers and interact with
the public. However, journalists affiliated to traditional media outlets during the early usage
of such format tended to “normalize” it, so it would fit traditional journalistic norms and
practices [Singer, 2005].
Boczkowski’s results, based on ethnographic field research and historical investigation,
reach another dimension when used to assess the innovation paths in newspaper industry.
He states that they have been marked by a ”patterned diversity” [2005, p. 176]: there
has not been just one way for online journalism to materialize, nor has the range of forms
progressively converged toward one. On the other hand, innovation has been happening
through the accumulation of small initiatives and as a pragmatic reaction to social and
technical changes. The main purpose of companies was still to protect print business and
generate short term gains. However, by weaving the socio-material infrastructure of print
with the novel possibilities associated with developments in information technology, they did
ignite transformations. In “their pursuit of permanence, undertaking innovation to stay the
same, newspapers have nonetheless ended up generating substantial change.” [ibid, p. 174]
These sociomaterial and organizational factors have been influencing who gets to tell the
story, what kind of stories are told, how they are told, and to what public they are addressed.
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
Boczkowski claims that journalism studies have been underestimating these factors. However
they are even more important for journalism studies now, since their effects become increas-
ingly tangible as the number of actors that shape news grows. That is, content for digital
platforms produced by online newsrooms is not only the product of the work that happens
there, but also of actions and decisions taken by their offline counterparts, advertising and
marketing departments, technical and design personnel, and the public. As he summarizes,
“news in the online environment may not be [. . . ] ‘what newspaper people make it’; rather,
it may be what emerges from ‘news worlds”1. [ibid, p. 184]
Domingo [2006, 2008c] departures from the premises left by Boczkowski [2005] as he
analyses news websites operated by three regional media companies in northeast Spain]: a
national and a local newspapers, a public broadcaster, and a public funded news portal.
The findings are similar to those of Brannon [1999] too, but analyzed from a post internet
bubble constructivist approach to technological innovations. Paradigms that a “digitally
sharp mind-set” should take into account, such as hypertext, multimedia and interaction,
are now treated as “utopias”2 [Domingo, 2008c, p. 115].
This does not mean that online newsrooms have discarded new formats on the inter-
net. Internet utopias are still references, but their impact is limited by social and material
contexts. One crucial factor has been the media tradition, that englobes journalistic val-
ues, routines, and product formats, which vary locally, but are standardized at large for
different platforms [ibid, p. 114]. The fact that the venture running the news portal has
been the one most open to try new things among the studied cases just proves the role of
newsroom autonomy in boosting experimentation. Investigation on the effects of such legacy
shows that it persists even when a newspaper company goes online-only [Thurman & Myl-
1For Becker [1982, p. 34], “art world consists of all the people whose activities are necessary to the produc-tion of the characteristic works which that world, and perhaps others as well, construe as art”. Boczkowski’sremark is based on this premise. This notion also dialogues with the idea of a “journalistic field” explainedin p. 18.
2Historians of technology remark that one of the definitional attitudes of Western societies is technologicalutopianism, i.e., that innovations will automatically cause radical changes. The adoption of technologies,nonetheless, is a much more complex process, and initial utopias usually do not materialize as initiallypredicted [Domingo, 2006, p. 18]. For more, see 2.1.2.2.
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2.1 Research approaches to online news production
lylahti, 2009]. This point echoes the weight of work flow procedures found in the studies on
newsmaking of the 1970s: “Routines may become so ingrained that they become reified as
‘professional norms’ of ‘good journalism’, and alternative modes of news production become
almost inconceivable to practitioners.” [Molotch & Lester, 1975, p. 255]
For the others, the only alternative left was immediacy, a common path also seen in other
European countries and the US [Brannon, 2008; Paulussen, 2004; Quandt et al., 2006] that
has its side effects. It has fostered the reproduction of some traditional journalistic values
while deteriorating others, such as fact-checking [Domingo, 2006, p. 315]. Cases in which
online production is merely the transposition of print content onto the internet have been
common, a process often denominated shovelware. Another alternative in order to accom-
plish time limits has been to fine-tune news agencies stories [Paterson, 2005; Quandt, 2008],
showing how more media is not necessarily diverse media. Content analysis on Argentinean
print and online media has found a coincidence between the intensification of online up-
dates and an increase in the level of content overlap in print and online newspapers, even in
comparisons across different media outlets [Boczkowski & Santos, 2007].
Here again, the findings gain consistency when they are displaced within the frame of
the social adoption of technological solutions, particularly the concept of “suppression of
radical potential” and, one could add, “path dependence” [see p. 32]. Quite afar from initial
deterministic views of technology, it is shown that agents—journalists in these cases—have
an active role rejecting technologies or adapting them to the established rules in order to
prevent dramatic changes. On an organization level, traditional news companies, like any
other player with an established position in the market, tend to prioritize stability. “They
enjoy steady growth via incremental, predictable changes and do not generally favor radical
changes, especially those perceived to be able to generate better alternatives to existing
products”, as part of a fear-driven defensive innovation culture [Nguyen, 2008, p. 92]. In the
US, for example, formulating business plans or measurable goals regarding online operations
is not a disseminated habit among print media companies [Adams, 2008; Saksena & Hollifield,
40
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
2002].1
Steensen [2009] brings new questions to the constructivist perspective and grounded
approach to online journalism by pointing out two limitations in previous studies. He argues
that there has been a bias towards news content. New genres are the space for online
experimentation [ibid, p. 831], as he verifies in his ethnographical study on a Norwegian
newspaper company website. Such a tendency has been also identified in special coverages
of events, which Domingo [2008c, p. 120] calls a “routinized way to develop the internet
utopias”. The second limitation is the undervaluation of the journalists’ agency caused by
the emphasis in the socio-material structure. An integral attention to active individual
practices and group routines would allow capturing accurately how interactions between
them can influence innovation.
2.1.2.4 The socio-constructivist approach and mobile content
In conclusion, some few general interdependent factors affecting online newsmaking and
being affected by this case of innovation in mass media organizations can be extracted from
these studies [Steensen, 2009, p. 833]:
1. Newsroom autonomy explores the power relations between new media projects and
their traditional counterparts;
2. Newsroom work culture refers to the extent to which these initiatives try to reproduce
previous routines, such as traditional gatekeeping roles, or offer alternatives;
3. The role of management factor brings the attention to the existence or lack of admin-
istrative practices able to guarantee an environment for innovation;
4. The relevance of new technology points to how the efficiency and usability of hardware
and software [among the latter, the content management system [CMS] seems to play
a central role] can constraint or stimulate new practices; and
1What seems as negligence may be explained by the demand uncertainty aspect associated to contentand services products [Tanaka, 2009, p. 129].
41
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
5. The presence of innovative individuals, which focuses on the role of each professional
in incorporating innovation into journalistic practices.
Displayed within the “constituent material practices” of integrated cultural and economic
contexts [McFall, 2004, p. 18]—something that the organizational and inter-organizational
levels of analysis offered by the gatekeeping model helps to accomplish—, these factors may
inform a future grounded theory of these processes. However, in order to become so, further
validation tests are necessary. The application of this theoretical framework in this research
is a small contribution towards this direction. Since not all of the factors are explored in this
study due to research design restrictions, as will be explained later, the entire understanding
of this perspective helps at seeing possible limitations in the outcomes.
At the same time, this framework also has a visible flaw: it has downgraded the influence
of business models. There have been remarks on how online news websites are as market-
driven as their traditional counterparts [Cohen, 2002], a fact that is potentialized by some
technological features but ends up even curbing certain uses of internet. Online editors have
prompt responses from audience on what interest them most, as “most read” rankings show,
an information which affects their judgements. Alternately, users have been refused external
hyperlinks that could offer further information and context so that they would remain longer
in the news website.
Most of the ethnographical studies on daily work flows discussed here have listed business
logics as one factor to keep in mind when analyzing online journalism. However, they have
offered little on how this factor is inserted in management and editorial decision-making.
Online newsrooms autonomy towards traditional counterparts has been described as a con-
dition for innovativeness. Nonetheless, discussion on the extent to which the usual deprival
of such independence in mass media companies is a symptom of the fact that newspapers
and TV, and not websites, still account for a massive part of revenues have been scarce.
Perhaps this stance was appropriate until the early 2000s, when companies strategies in the
face of uncertainty was to invest in multiple fronts, including unprofitable news websites,
42
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
hoping something would work in their favor in the future [Boczkowski, 2005, p. 67]. Losses
were not seen as a motive for negligence towards the internet.
However, this is no longer true. Profitability is a constant word within managers and
journalists discussions. Companies have recurrently challenged deficit operations based on
advertisement models by implementing subscription models. Even though not settled, these
business models discussions themselves are originating new internet“promises”, such as“long-
tail” and internet specific models [Anderson, 2006, 2009]. Applied to news industry, niche
information from segments that once have been ignored by mass media are said to constitute
a meaningful source of revenue when seen as a whole if explored on the internet, where
distribution costs are zero [Kawachi, 2007, pp. 210–211]. Paywalls for news websites are also
seen as a move that goes against a certain “free” intrinsic tenet of the internet [Jarvis, 2009,
pp. 76–80]. These points will be added to the previous framework when applying it to the
object of this thesis.
Doubts remain, nonetheless, on the suitability of importing this framework to research
Japanese newsrooms. As far as the literature review efforts in the present study could cover,
there is an absolute lack of previous attempts to apply such approach to online newsmaking in
Japan. This is not just a symptom of one of the flaws in this type of study, which is currently
still concentrated in the Americas and Europe. It also reflects the decline in the newspaper
studies [shimbun kenkyu] that once flourished in post-war Japan [Wu, 2008, p. 12]. Despite
the rise of the changing media environment and the crisis in traditional outlets as research
topics, the interest is disperse among digital media effects on the public opinion, public sphere
or society as a whole [Endo, 2007; Hoshikawa, 2003; Mizukoshi, 2002]. This is exemplified by
Wu [2008]’s analysis on 34 articles related to all keywords “newspaper”, “online”, “news”, and
variations available in the Scholarly and Academic Information Navigator [CiNii], a database
with the content of approximately 1,000 different Japanese journals and magazines. It was
found that research has been intermittent and 20 articles were not even from the socio-
information field, but information engineering related. The 14 left comprised trade magazines
43
2.1 Research approaches to online news production
articles and research focused on cases abroad, mainly South Korea. No empirical study on
Japanese online newsrooms was found.
Nonetheless, although previous research to encourage the application of the socio-constructivist
approach in Japan is non-existent, the very use of it is a way to check one of the hypothesis
exposed in the introduction of this research, that there are bridges between the scenario in
Japan and abroad explorable after appropriate adjustments. Online newsrooms in Japanese
traditional media are units inside capitalistic enterprises in an advanced industrial nation
just like those analyzed by the studies discussed in this literature review. As those estab-
lished large organizations aforementioned, there seems to exist a cautious stance against risks
involved in going online [Miyao, 2002]. At the same time, these mostly centenarian Japanese
organizations and the mass media system they are part of do have peculiarities that can-
not be ignored, such as their astonishing circulation numbers and resilient reliance among
readers.1 Flexibility to correct field research and analyses directions is obviously necessary
in any research, but more than ever in this case.
Another source of doubts is the focus of the present thesis on content not for PC internet
but for mobile phones. Both are equipments that, among other functions, connect to the
web, in accordance to the “device agnostic” principle of TCP/IP communication. Recent
developments in mobile phones, as well as the diversification of portable handsets, such as
smartphones and tablets, are blurring the boundaries of these two media. However, they are
still inserted in correlated but different markets and convey different symbolic connotations.
Thus, actors and factors from this socio-material context not predicted in previous research
are expected. They are the topic discussed in the last part of this literature review.
1Harden, B. (2008) Japan’s Papers, Doomed But Going Strong. In: The Washington Post, Oct. 24.[www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/10/24/AR2008102403590.html, accessed in Dec.,2010] Also Facker, M. (2010) Ink Gushes in Japan’s Media Landscape. In: The New York Times, Jun. 20.[www.nytimes.com/2010/06/21/world/asia/21japan.html? r=1, accessed in Dec., 2010]
44
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
The two parts of this sections subsidize the adaptation of previous research frameworks ap-
plied to online journalism for its use in this thesis. Some assumptions related to the internet,
the platform through which the content analyzed in previous studies has been distributed,
need to be adapted for mobile internet. The first subsection explores the development of mo-
bile internet in Japan from an industry perspective. Data and a description of the structure
of this sector are given. By doing it, the inter-organizational material conditions in which
newspapers have been producing their mobile content are delineated, including the role of
carriers on this platform.
The second part focuses on the symbolisms attached to mobile phones. As it will be
shown, the multifaceted character of this medium has linked to it previous digital media
“paradigms” and generated new ones. A comprehension of both material and symbolic con-
texts will facilitate the discussions in the next chapters on why content made available for
this platform by mass media companies has been shaped the way it has.
2.2.1 The i-mode process of innovation
By November 2011, Japan had 120 million subscribers of mobile phones, which represents a
diffusion rate of 94,7%1. Regarding total amount of users, emergent but populated economies,
such as China or India, surpass Japan. A simple division of total number of devices by
population also gives higher diffusion rates for some European countries, although this is due
to the high dissemination of pre-paid systems. What differentiates the Japanese market is the
high Average Revenue per User [ARPU]—5,425 yen in the 2008 fiscal year2 or approximately
65 US dollars by the exchange rate of the end of 2010. Moreover, the percentage of it
1Telecommunications Carriers Association [TCA, www.tca.or.jp, accessed in Dec., 2010]. The diffusionrate was calculated with the Japanese population size presented in the CIA World Fact Book [www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ja.html].
2Kai, M. (2009) 2008 Nendo, Kokunai Keitai Denwa Jigyosha no ARPU wa Data Tsushin de OnseiARPU no Gensho o Oginaezu. In: Nikkei Market Access. Jul. 1st. [http://techon.nikkeibp.co.jp/article/COLUMN/20090630/172409/, accessed in Sep. 2010]
45
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
represented by data communication is considered the higher in the world and is believed to
reach 50% by March, 2011.1
The recent popularity of smartphones has its stake in the continuous growing in data
transmission. However, the great part of it is due to the 95,162,200 keitai internet sub-
scribers2, which is almost 80% of the total number of mobile phones contracts. The widespread
dissemination of mobile internet in Japan has become a reality as a result of steps taken a
decade ago, when carriers predicted the oncoming of a saturated market. Behind it is the
success of i-mode, the internet access protocol and set of electronic services that the Japanese
mobile major NTT DOCOMO began offering in 1999 and which was immediately followed
by similar products of domestic competitors. Eleven years later, mobile phones compete
with PCs in Japan as feasible options to connect to the internet, with the former being the
preferred method of teenagers.3
The Japanese mobile phone carriers have kept the following six points in mind while de-
veloping keitai internet services [Kohiyama, 2005b, pp. 132–133]: 1) to simplify operations
by processing information as much as possible on the network; 2) to centralize their man-
agement in the mobile phone carriers; 3) to charge for access and content; 4) to make them
accessible from the same devices used for calls; 5) to make them accessible while moving;
and 6) to build a reliable and secure network. The peculiarities in these services design
have ultimately led researchers to state that i-mode and similars are not internet, but an
independent network created by mobile telecoms. “Keitai internet is not the insertion into
the internet of a mechanism to make it mobile. It means that a network compatible with
mobility has gained a doorway connecting it to the internet.” [ibid, p. 134]
This remark gives some hints of common explanations for the success of i-mode [Ishii,
1Data ga Onsei o Gyakuten e: Keitai Ote Yon-sha no Tsushinryo Shunyu. Nihon Keizai Shimbun.Morning ed. Jun. 19, 2010.
2Number of November, 2011 [www.tca.or.jp, accessed in Dec., 2010].3The use of PC has declined among teenagers between 2005 and 2010, from 17.8 minutes per day to
12.8 minutes. On the other hand, they had the highest usage of mobile phones among all ages, 66 minutesdaily, with little variation from five years ago [Kawamoto, H. (2010) Ju-dai, Pasokon Banare. . . Net wa Keitaide: Todai Kyojura Chosa. asahi.com. Dec. 12. www.asahi.com/national/update/1211/TKY201012110318.html, accessed in Dec. 2010].
46
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
2004; Mizukoshi et al., 2001]. Devices were initially simple, but versatile and functional
enough to compensate the low speed of the 2G network used by then. Their always-on con-
nection has made of i-mode a casual tool, with users easily accessing it whenever they had
free intervals, such as between activities at work, while commuting, or even at home. The
marketing strategy addressed this spontaneity and reduced expectations by presenting the
new service as an extension of previous mobile phone services, and not as “wireless inter-
net”, as foreign counterparts had done with the Wireless Application Protocol [WAP]. NTT
DOCOMO deserved credits for offering low prices for access, calculated by packet transmis-
sion rather than time used.1 Handsets themselves also had accessible prices, although this
had only been due to carriers subsidies. High call fees and SIM lock configurations were,
therefore, necessary to guarantee the recover of these initial incentives [Matsuba, 2002, pp.
47–50].
The technical conditions were set, but content had to be produced.2 Here again, the
Japanese mobile carrier is said to have successfully changed the targeted consumers and
prospected their demands. In an initial moment, businessmen were thought to be the early
adopters, and, consequently, NTT DOCOMO anticipated that productivity-oriented appli-
cations, such as stock quotations, online banking, and electronic datebooks, would be the
ideal content [Mizukoshi et al., 2001, p. 93]. The ingress in the development team of external
human resources from an internet startup and a marketing-oriented publishing house led to
a move in directions. Entertainment content for urban Japanese youth gained priority. The
change was the result of a diagnosis of some peculiarities of Japanese society markedly seen
among teenagers. They use public transportation to commute. PC and fixed-line internet
were not widespread by then as in other developed countries and, albeit electronic savvy,
1Basic fees range from 0.21 yen to 0.315 yen, with flat charges above a certain ceiling [www.nttdocomo.co.jp/charge/introduction/structure/imode/, accessed in Dec., 2010].
2Yamazaki [2006, p. 39–42] classifies mobile communication in three groups: 1) infotainment; 2) e-commerce; and 3) surveillance-control [e.g., navigation systems]. The content produced for mobile phonesby Japanese mass media clearly belongs to the first category. However, he uses “infotainment” not in thecritical sense of entertainment tainting journalism, but only because, in his classification, music and news,independently of its content, are grouped together. A Freudian slip or not, to verify how much of infotainmentthe content produced by mass media companies for mobile phones actually has is a valid inquiry.
47
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
teenagers were more used to their portable game and music players than computers [Ratliff,
2002, pp. 58–9].
Also regarding the content of i-mode, NTT DOCOMO guaranteed an ever evolving and
diverse series of services and applications by attracting and supporting third-part developers
rather than simply buying their production. The initial option for Compact Hyper Text
Markup Language [C-HTML]1, a subset of HTML, rather than the internationally standard
WAP, made it easier for programmers to explore the open platform. Producers can make
their content available without approval of the carriers, a segment that has seen growth later
[Sudoh & Tanaka, 2008, p. 45].2 However, only those labeled as official are listed on i-mode
top page and chargeable at a monthly flat-rate ranging from 100 to 300 yen through phone
bills. In exchange, the carrier has a 9% commission on their revenue. The most successful,
besides the overwhelming e-mail service offered by carriers themselves, were games and item
for customization [e.g., screen savers, ringtones].
Fransman [2002, pp. 239–240] asserts that this conventional wisdom on i-mode is mislead-
ing. According to him, the points described above are the results of the “i-mode innovation
system”, and not the cause of it. Instead, he summarizes the properties of this system in
four items:
1. NTT DOCOMO had an up-to-date comprehension of “consumer segment and tastes”.
That, in turn, led to the strategy of targeting young customers and providing them
“magazine-like contents accessible on-the-move”.3
2. The carrier offered “high-powered incentives for complementary content-creators”. The
micropayment and billing commission created a win-win situation for all stakeholders.
1Competitors initially took another options, including WAP. They have begun to converge later toExtensible HTML [XHTML].
2Non-official websites are called katte site, a name that conveys the idea of made without consent. Unableto use the carriers billing system, they mainly monetize through advertisement. Mobile advertisement marketreached 91.3 billion yen in 2008, a growth of 47% compared to the previous year [Dentsu Soken. (2010) JohoMedia Hakusho 2010 [A Research for Information and Media Society]. Diamond.].
3Ms. Mari Matsunaga, one of the external specialists recruited to compose i-mode developing team, hashad a previous experience as the chief-editor of Recruit, a jobs classified publication.
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2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
The open characteristic of the platform allowed the mobile phone operator to renew
its content by scooping successful ones from non-official producers and, as a result, to
expand the value network [Funk, 2009].
3. Technology was “in the service of evolving consumer demand”, and not the opposite.
That is, the carrier sold a new set of services designed for a massive market within 2G
constraints, and not a new set of technologies [Fransman, 2002, p. 242].
4. The Japanese telecom also knew how to appropriate the fruits of “network external-
ities, positive feedback loops, and dynamic increasing returns” made possible by the
properties above. As a communication tool, the service acquires value as users join it.
An increasing share represents an incentive for the carrier and the content producers.
As a result, NTT DOCOMO is able to profit from i-mode fees, data traffic, billing
commissions, and advertising, a sector the company began exploring later.
The buzz around i-mode that dominated the early 2000s was gradually substituted by a
pessimism years later. NTT DOCOMO had accumulated accomplishments domestically, but
failed at exporting the i-mode model. In other words, although the company established itself
as “a platform leader in Japan for wireless Web services and content, it remained a platform-
leader wannabe in the rest of the world.” [Gawer & Cusumano, 2002, p. 215] One common
explanation for this failure is the unique vertical integrated structure of Japanese mobile
sector, with carriers ordering exclusive devices from makers to resell them to consumers, a
position that gives them the power to dictate market directions [Barnes & Huff, 2003, p.
83]. This centrality has guaranteed high diffusion rates of high-tech handsets, but has also
resulted in a market evolution path isolated from the global trends [Yasumoto, 2010, p. 47].
Details of these recent developments will be omitted at this point. The key idea here
is that, as seen in this subsection, this same central role mobile communication companies
had towards makers was reproduced on i-mode regarding content providers. The success of
its subscription-based model contrasts with the enduring struggle to monetize content on
49
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
the internet [Kohiyama, 2005a, p. 63]. However, not just the idea that the information on
the internet should be free, but also the assumption that, as a platform, internet should
be 100% neutral has been challenged. Mobile internet services homepages1 are a walled
park within the web, and being inside it has both benefits and costs. “Content providers
are required to undergo a lengthy application process without clear rules for qualification in
order to qualify for ‘official’ status and thus access to the menu and billing services. This
gives NTT DOCOMO great power in its relationship with content providers.” [Ratliff, 2002,
p. 60] What this system has represented for the gatekeeping function of mass media when
companies accepted to be part of it is a key question in this research.
2.2.2 Mobile phones as a medium
As most technologies, mobile phones have also been one of the totems of the technological
fetishism of contemporary societies and, consequently, a series of symbolic connotations have
been associated to them. This is easily seen in the changes in their advertisement and selling
models: the technological tool rented by active businessmen was gradually substituted by a
proprietary fashion accessary for young people [Hashimoto, 2003, p. 111; Yamazaki, 2006,
pp. 27–8]. This subsection discusses such evolution and its consequences in usages and the
culture that surrounds it. It does mainly referring to the Japanese context and focused on
three points: the mobile phones relation with intimacy, time, and space.
Analyzing media from a socio-constructivist perspective bears one specific difficulty. Dif-
ferently from techno-deterministic views that make possible to assert fixed definitions of a
technology, the focus on ongoing processes between the technological and social factors turns
freezing the media’s image almost impossible. For mobile phones, this is translated in their
problematic character as a both personal and mass medium. Even before the recent diffusion
1Keitai users can jump directly to a specific website by typing the URL, using bookmarks, or readingQR codes [Quick Response or bi-dimensional codes]. The start page or “top menu”, however, needs to bechosen among the few preset options provided by the mobile phone carrier. These top pages are used by57.8% of users to search for contents [Mobile Contents Forum. (2008) K-tai Hakusho. Inpress].
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2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
of smartphones, most mobile handsets used in industrialized nations or by economical elites
in developing countries were more than simple phones. The increasing addition of functions
has transformed them into portable multimedia devices with internet connection.
This has been specially true in Japan, where the series of factors previously discussed
has led to an endemic evolution and widespread popularization of these gadgets, to such an
extent that the term “keitai” has become a vernacular reference for these specific Japanese
models [Okada & Matsuda, 2002, p. 15; Matsuda, 2005, p. 20]. These peculiar developments
have been once praised as a demonstration of the Japanese high-tech uniqueness, as part of
techno-nationalistic discourses [Okada & Matsuda, 2002, p. 211]. In the late 2000s, after
carriers proved to be unable to export their model, they are seen as one symptom of the
distortions in the domestic mobile phone service industry.
This increasing sophistication has been accompanied by the emergence of new usages,
including that as a platform for mass media content consumption. This move has led to
discussions on the mass media character of mobile phones [Okada, 2003], and the present
study does focus on this very aspect. This medium evolution course is in the interspace
between personal media and mass media. However, as a matter of fact, its path is closer
to the former than the latter. E-mail has been the killer-app of mobile internet services in
Japan since their beginning, even though, as a source of revenue for mobile carriers, the
other functions were seen as more important [Mizukoshi et al., 2001; Okada, 2003].
As a personal media, mobile phones correlations with intimacy is one issue discussed in
media studies [Nakamura, 2005; Yamazaki, 2006]. A survey with Japanese university students
suggested that the medium constituted the tool for the creation of a “full-time intimate
community” [Nakajima et al., 1999, p. 90], a conclusion supported by another survey result
pointing that there is bigger resistance among 15 to 29 year-old Japanese people to give out
their mobile phone numbers rather than their landline numbers [Hashimoto, 2003, p. 114].
What previously was the role of karaoke rooms and fast food shops for this social group
was now independent of space and time factors. “Perpetual contact” [Katz & Aakhus, 2002]
51
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
has become a reality for them1, and simultaneously consequential rearrangements of space
have made of it mosaics [Hashimoto, 2003, p. 113]. This “techno-social situation” [Ito et al.,
2005] resulting from the existence of both mobile networks and social practices that enable
users to make the most of them is in accordance with the propagated ideas of “no sense of
places” [Meyrowitz, 1986] and “non-place” communities [Gumpert, 1987, p. 178] related to
Information and Communication Technologies [ICT]. Moreover, mobile e-mail services are
also said to be the extreme point of this move of mobile phones from work tools to a personal
medium, as they constituted themselves in a “ultra-private space” [Yamazaki, 2006, p. 120]
for their users.
The appropriation of mobile phones by young people and their role in shaping the device
are frequently addressed. In Japan, keitai have inherited from pagers a whole layer of young
users and the uses they have created around the precedent medium. “Items of the youth
culture, mainly those of female high school students, have been absorbed by the device and its
services” [Okada, 2007, p. 62]. This point, actually, is a strong argument for a relativization,
in the present thesis, of views towards mobile phone internet as a merely different way of
accessing the internet. “What can be seen from the information behavior related to the
keitai internet is that it is an extension of the individual ownership and private uses of
mobile communication media by young people that have switched from pagers to mobile
phones, and not of the internet accessed through PCs.” [Matsuda, 2006, p. 217] That is,
keitai internet and their users have been mutually shaped [Mizukoshi, 2003, p. 188].
Accordingly, even though the intimate aspect of mobile phones and the interactions with
users bodies, due to their wearability, seem to be a constant; these symbolic connotations
are the fruit of negotiations with social variables, such as gender and class. Commutation in
Japanese metropolis is mainly done through public transportation. Consequently, “users are
1Katz & Aakhus [2002, p. 310] assume this “‘perpetual contact” as an “Apparatageist” which could be“broadly vocalized because universal features exist among all cultures regarding PCT” [personal communica-tion technologies]. As explicited previously [see p. 30], this thesis stance is that such attributes are only fewof many possible configurations resulting from the domestication of technological constituents by plannedand incidental social actors. Thus, they must be localized in their historic, social, and cultural context, suchas in the case of Japanese young people’s use of the gadget.
52
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
aware that they are highly visible in daily transit, and attach their social status or image to
the handsets” [Okazaki, 2004, p. 433]. This is notably seen among young women and their
strong affection to this medium, a point that the marketing industry is well aware of. The
use of mobile phone e-mails and, specifically, the response to e-newsletter sent through them
were found to be discrepantly high among female users with high disposable incomes [ibid, p.
449]. That is, the once so-called “parasite singles”: typically young unmarried women living
with their parents, with low living expenses and high allowances [Tolbert, 2000]. However,
earnings and marital status do not explain everything. Social status also plays a role, with
freelance, highly educated professionals, mostly male, having the most negative response to
keitai internet adoption [Okazaki, 2005, p. 139] and the most positive to PC internet news
websites [Saito et al., 2000, p. 41].
The “wherever and whenever” aspect of mobile phones, that is, the relation with space
and time of these “omnipresent information outlets” in the hands of a increasingly “nomad”
layer of society [Kohiyama, 2005b], also makes mobile phones a distinctive medium. “Keitai ’s
social value is tied to its colonization of the small and seemingly inconsequential in-between
temporalities and spaces of everyday life.” [Ito, 2005, p. 14]. However, the aforementioned
weakening of the sense of places is only one side of this question. The portability and the
consequent ubiquity of these gadgets have even led a business book to talk of a“Mobile Media
Mode [MMM]” substituting the World Wide Web [WWW] [Feather, 2001, p. 50]. “MMM
makes it possible to move within real space more efficiently and simultaneously connect to
the internet from the most suitable place. In this sense, it makes the connection between
real space and virtual space possible” [Okada & Matsuda, 2002, pp. 60–1] and overturns the
idea that the variable space does not matter when accessibility is a constant.
The media with the potential of reconnecting their users to their surroundings are grouped
in the category “locative”, a term initially coined in the media art field [Lemos, 2008, pp.
91–2]. They can be classified in four types: 1) urban electronic annotations, i.e., the use
of maps and User-Generated Content [UGC] to portrait communities; 2) mapping and geo-
53
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
localization; 3) location-based mobile games ; and 4) smart mobs, i.e., the use of mobile
communication to assemble people around one specific cause in public spaces. Examples of
these experiments include websites that use crowdsourcing to archive data on maps1, Social
Network Services [SNS] that group people according to their location2, art performances or
games turned possible by mobile media3, and political demonstrations in many continents.
What these attempts symbolize is the end of the antagonism between real and virtual
and the beginning of their hybridization by means of ICT. The concepts of space, place, and
territory are again open to be socially rewritten by people as part of a bottom-up process.
That is, producing and consuming information on the way means that new spacializations
are possible through the reciprocal interaction of environments and networks. “Ubiquity and
territorializations are two sides of mutually connected dialectic processes. It follows that the
more features of a ubiquitous machine keitai—the universal platform of the times—acquires,
the more omnipotent power it exhibits as a territory machine.” [Fujimoto, 2005, p. 100]
Consequently, the “sense of space” is reinforced and new uses of urban space are created.
Moreover, in this redefinition, the very limit between private and public may be renegotiated.
For its capacity to connect to the internet, mobile phones are also subjected to the
“promises” discussed in p. 22: hypertext, multimedia, interactivity, and their latter deriva-
tions. In some cases, they have even reinforced some aspects, as shows the links between
the diffusion of such multimedia handset and episodical waves of news-oriented UGC [Zuck-
erman, 2010, p. 67]. However, more than the other aspects, the potential use of sensors
embedded in mobile phones [camera, GPS, ID tags] and mobile IP services to connect the
real and the virtual has been a fertile ground for a set of “promises”, namely Location-Based
Services [LBS] and Augmented Reality [AR].
LBS use the location of mobile devices as a variable to filter information offered through
1E.g., the Yellow Arrows project [www.yellowarrow.net, accessed in Dec., 2010].2E.g., the french SNS Peuplade [www.peuplade.fr, accessed in Dec., 2010].3E.g., the art project Sonic City [www.tii.se/reform/projects/pps/soniccity/]; and the games Uncle Roy
All Around You [www.blasttheory.co.uk/bt/work uncleroy.html] and Pac Manhattan [www.pacmanhattan.com, all accessed in Dec., 2010].
54
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
these same devices [Junglas & Watson, 2008; Virrantaus et al., 2001]. Common ways of
capturing the handset location are ID tags that are able to emit radio frequencies [RFID],
wireless LAN networks, and GPS. Mobile devices do not necessarily mean mobile phones,
but those with GPS functions are the most disseminated platform for LBS aimed at end-
users. Services are classified in 1) systems for individual users, through which users receive
information filtered by their own location and 2) control systems, which use the location of
an object or a person other than the user of the reader device, such as services for parents to
trace their children’s location. Among those in the first group are attempts to filter mobile
news content by the users location [Chen, 2010]1. This use has also led to expectations
related to a reattachment of news to people’s daily lives [Okada, 2005] and, consequently, is
said to be advantageous for local media.
AR is also a materialization of mobile technologies as a link between the virtual and the
real. It groups technologies that turn possible to visualize overlaid geocoded information
on real-time images and, therefore, can be considered a new segment of LBS. Applications
available by the time being, such as Layar, Wikitude, Junaio, and Sekai Camera2, use mainly
mobile phones camera, screen, GPS, QR code reader, and compass functions. In the future,
these data are expected to be accessed on a variety of displays people have contact in their
daily lives, including glasses and window panes, and improvements in the technologies to
identify users location would allow increasing the precision in the information display. “Just
as the hypertext Web changed our interaction with text, emerging augmented reality tech-
nologies will reshape how we understand and behave in the physical world” and journalists
“will have the job of making sense of this new world and they will do this with a fresh palette
of digital tools.” [Liebhold, 2010]
1As a concept, NTT DOCOMO has defined mobile phones with a similar function always on as “mobilephones that read the air” [www.docomo.biz/html/member/mirai/011/].
2For more information, check www.layar.com, www.wikitude.org, www.junaio.com, and www.sekaicamera.com, respectively.
55
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
2.2.3 Online journalism and mobile phones
As one can see, new deterministic impacts related to mobile phones as a platform for journal-
istic content are expected, a move that resembles the pre-dot-com bubble burst excitement
about news websites. However, academic research linking this platform and news production
is scarce by the time being. Even though attempts to offer news through WAP have existed
previously, this hype over mobile content as a new sector to be explored by mass media
companies is recent and due to the diffusion of smartphones. Articles on this theme are al-
most restricted to trade magazines. In Japan, newspapers have been producing such content
since the launch of i-mode, and specialized publications have been following these attempts.
But online newsmaking itself is a minor theme of research, and the informative content for
mobile media is even smaller. A socio-constructionist discussion on its production is almost
non-existent, both in and out of Japan.
During this literature review, 16 peer-reviewed articles in English or Japanese have been
found discussing news and mobile phones in some way. They have diverse approaches,
that can be broadly subsumed under five categories: 1) discussions on the potential of
mobile phones attributes [high diffusion rate, mobility, and their relation with space] for
journalism [Katz & Lai, 2009; King, 2008; Zuckerman, 2010]; 2) case analyses of actual
applications of this potential, such as their use as a tool for interactivity [Enli, 2007; Erjavec &
Kovacic, 2009; Thurman &Myllylahti, 2009]; 3) reception research on news content for mobile
media [Westlund, 2008, 2010a, 2010b]; 4) business studies on mass media companies digital
strategies mentioning mobile phones as part of them [Berte & Bens, 2008; Graham & Hill,
2009]; and 5) research aimed at developing technical systems for production or distribution
of news for mobile phones [Chen, 2010; Iwakoshi et al., 2005; Omori et al., 2003, etc.].
Studies in the second group are the closest to this research proposal and, consequently,
an inspiration. However, the first two examples focus on the use of mobile phones to interact
with other medium, namely television. Both dismantle the idea of a totally open participation
of the audience as producers thanks to ICT, mobile phones in these cases, by showing how
56
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
filters act to make it conform to traditional standards. Enli [2007] does it by accompanying
the gatekeeping action of the professional in charge of selecting and, sometimes, creating
messages sent by mobile phones to be broadcasted on a Norwegian TV station, whereas
Erjavec & Kovacic [2009] apply discourse analysis to a denunciatory popular TV program
that uses images taken by the audience with mobile phones in East Europe.
In this sense, Thurman & Myllylahti [2009] was the only article to truly take up the
production of content for mobile phones, even though it is just one point of a bigger analysis
of transformations unleashed in newsrooms when a Finnish newspaper decided to eliminate
the print version and go online-only. They contributed to this paper by pointing out that
editors have “day parting”—the gatekeeping of content accordingly to a perceived image
of audiences daily routines, a strategy well disseminated in TV programming—as an ideal
practice for mobile informative content. “This may mean giving readers news alerts to
their mobiles first thing in the morning, something lighter to read at lunch time, something
different in the afternoon, more mobile content to read on their way home from work, and
fresh content in the evening.” [ibid, p. 702] This finding is in accordance with mobile phones
perceived attribute as being an “intimate” media attached to people’s daily lives. It also
resonates the remarks of socio-constructivist research on online newsrooms that previous
practices are brought into new contexts and, hence, new media is not just about disruption,
but also continuity.
The third category, even though not directly related to this study, is also worthy of a
comment. Westlund [2008, 2010a, 2010b] focuses on the consumption of informative content,
mostly in Sweden. According to him, though devices able to access such content were
widespread, the actual usage with this aim was limited to early adopters. They were found
to be, in the Swedish case, well-educated men, interested in technology and news, and who
would pay for the benefit of being able to access such information whenever and wherever
they wanted, even though majorly agreeing that mobile phones are not a good way to
consume it [Westlund, 2008, p. 459]. A later cross-cultural comparison with Japan found
57
2.2 Mobile phones in media and business studies
that Japanese mobile phone users had a more favorable perception of the usefulness of such
content, although they were more reluctant about paying for it. His focus on reception makes
comparisons with the research on online news production discussed in the subsection 2.1.2
difficult. Moreover, his stance towards mobile phones resembles that of the second wave of
studies on online news, for which even when the data contradict promises of technological
revolution, it is just a matter of time for it to happen. “Mobiles are the future. It is not a
question whether it will be so, but when. Most likely, when will be quite soon.” [Westlund,
2010a, p. 109]
As previously exposed, the technological environment for this“future”to happen has been
available for a decade in Japan and, in many senses, is a reality. It is not clear, however, if
this is true for the mass media sector, as its achievements in this field, as well as its initial
expectations are not well documented. The methodology and research design employed by
this study to verify what promises news producers have seen in mobile phones, if they have
accomplished them and, in case they have not, the origin of such gap are the theme of next
chapter.
58
Chapter 3
Methodological discussion
The literature review chapter has spanned diverse themes: namely the gatekeeping func-
tion of mass media; socio-constructivist approaches on news, technology, and online news-
rooms; and mobile phones, from both industry and media studies perspectives. However, the
foothold of this research is in mass communication and journalism studies, more specifically
a case study on media production. This option, in turn, is reflected on its methodological
approach.
Case studies are one type of qualitative research design. Though its heterogeneity, distinct
approaches of qualitative studies share three features: meaning, naturalistic contexts, and
interpretive subject [Jensen, 2002c, p. 236]. Peoples’ actions are based on the meanings they
attribute to themselves and to what surrounds them. The perceptions of these meanings by
them in their everyday life are the focus of qualitative studies [Jankowski & Wester, 1991,
p. 45]. Therefore, not only the messages transmitted by media, but the meanings contained
in their materiality and social uses are of interest for this perspective. More specifically,
meaning and its relations with action inside media organizations. Moreover, they must be
observed from an immersion in the naturalistic context where they happen. Such demand
involves establishing a sample and negotiating with practical constraints, epistemological
questions, and ethics derived from this choice. Researchers’ role is to explain the meanings
59
in action as an interpretive subject standing from a certain historical point and academic
field.
The focus of case studies is on delimited entities, units of production of mobile content
in Japanese newspapers, in the present thesis. Their purpose is to describe the typologies
inherent to the action performed within these entities in order to suggest their implications
for the social system they are part of—mass media system in this case study. Therefore,
detailed attention needs to be given, “first to phenomena within their everyday contexts, and
second to their structural or thematic interrelations with other phenomena and contexts.”
[Jensen, 2002c, p. 239] That is, first the professional routines in the production and update
of mobile websites and applications and these products themselves were the target of this
analysis. Then, this study suggests how they relate to the forces exerted by the materialities
and symbolisms present in the organizational and inter-organizational environment they are
embedded in, i.e., newspapers companies, mass media system, and mobile communication
sector in Japan.
A case study is said not to constitute an “analysis”, but a new “synthesis”, a “reinterpre-
tation” of its object [ibid, p. 245]. In qualitative studies, key concepts and the contexts in
which they are applied remain open for redefinitions. “Accordingly, synthesis is not a single
concluding act, but a continuous activity of assessing data and articulating concepts” [ibid]
that demands systematic methods. Two analytical methods are of interest in this research.
Thematic coding [ibid, p. 247] and analytic induction [Jankowski & Wester, 1991, p. 66]
identify predefined categories by comparing recurrent meaning elements and defining them
in relation to their context. Consensual or group coding and models are helpful tools to find
such categories in empirical units. On the other hand, Glaser’s and Strauss’s original cre-
ation [1967], Grounded Theory, extracts central categories of meaning by iterative analyses
on the same or different samplings and constant comparisons. Ideally, these procedures must
lead to a “theoretical ‘saturation’—an equilibrium between empirical evidence and explana-
tory concepts” [Jensen, 2002c, p. 247]. One flaw in certain currents of grounded theory is a
60
supposed detachment of the abstract categories resulting from the repeated analyses of an
event from its context. Attempts to redress this and other imperfections, however, have led
to losses in its distinctiveness [ibid, p. 248; Jankowski & Wester, 1991, p. 68].
Some of the socio-constructivist ethnographies discussed in the literature review declare
themselves and similar works an attempt towards a grounded theory on online newsmaking
[Steensen, 2009]. The present study follows this direction by maintaining the flexible stance
needed to “let the data speak” [Lull, 1988, p. 16] defended by this analytical method.
Generation of a “theory” from hearing the data, however, requires interpretation which, in
turn, is easier done when framed by theoretical concepts and hypothesis. In general, there is
an absence of methodological discussions in the literature on the production of websites by
mass media companies, a lack this research was not truly able to contribute for its easing.
Its review, nonetheless, has provided categories to be checked on the field, such as the
“technological utopias” regarding the internet [Domingo, 2008c, p. 115] and the set of causal
correlations regarding the shaping of this medium as a platform for content distribution by
these organizations [Steensen, 2009, p. 833]. In this sense, this research does attempt to
externally validate these findings. Hopefully, the iterate exploration of this topic under the
same framework will lead to an increase of its reliability as a set of theoretical instruments.
These studies reviewed in the previous chapter have suggested that only ethnographic
methodologies derived from anthropological and sociological traditions are able to provide
a description of the online news production that goes beyond technological determinism
[Paterson, 2008, p. 2]. This belief is a natural consequence of them being generally informed
by the wave of researchers that went into newsrooms in the 1970s and an attempt to attending
calls for a “second wave” of these ethnographers [Cottle, 2000]. This is not to say that the
execution of ethnographies is an easy task in this field. Lack of access to newsrooms is
a general complain [Paterson, 2008, p. 8] experienced also in this research. Even when
it is granted, the natural workflow nowadays, substantially mediated by digital devices,
has turned face-to-face communication scarcer and professional actions less apparent [Puijk,
61
2008, p. 35]. The ambivalent role of the observer in these studies also deserves attention. In
many examples, the authors are [ex-]journalists occupying a researcher position and analyzing
[ex-]fellows. Part of them would praise such a standpoint as that of an “informed-observer”
[Brannon, 1999] or of a “practitioner-academic” [Steensen, 2009, p. 824], even though aware
of the risks brought by this position [ibid, p. 826].
However, these operational problems shadow two conceptual problems in the defense of
ethnography as the utmost method to investigate online newsmaking. First, there is no
consensus on what defines an ethnography in communication studies, a problem reinforced
by a certain abuse of the term in this field [Jankowski & Wester, 1991, p. 55]. This thesis
stance is that observational research is the central pillar of this method, but this is just one
possible definition. This ambiguity leads to the second problem. A flexible understanding of
ethnography conducted among news professionals may allow one to affirm that it is the only
appropriate method for socio-constructivist research on newsmaking. However, those who
adopt such comprehension give equal treatment to theoretical frameworks and methodologies
and state that ethnography of newsmaking, socio-constructivist approached to news and the
generic term“sociology of news” all point to the same thing [Domingo, 2008b, p. 18]. On the
other hand, to defend this superiority under a more strict definition, one that excludes those
works that do not use observational methods, is being excessively particular about it. The
socio-constructivist approach does seem to dialogue better with qualitative methodologies.
However, the lack of one particular data collection technique is not an impediment to apply
this framework.
Therefore, the present research does not claim to be an ethnography for its lack of obser-
vational research. However, as explained, such stance does not hamper it from sharing the
same the socio-constructivist framework. Moreover, this thesis does recognize the suitability
of observation for this type of study. Such opinion has led to all evidence collection being de-
signed to extract it from the same sources an ethnographical work would have attained. This
does not mean the results and discussions exposed here are the same an ethnography would
62
3.1 Research design
have turned possible. However, such effort was thought valid in order to use the theoretical
framework of socio-constructivist research on online newsrooms with few adaptations.
3.1 Research design
The object of the present thesis is the production of mobile content by mass media com-
panies in Japan. Methodological choices were taken to delimit and materialize this concept
into an empirically researchable microcosm of reality. By mobile content, this study means
that accessed through Japanese mobile internet. As explained in the literature review, this
includes data transmission through mobile phone networks for keitai and smartphones, not
tablets or notebooks. In the beginning, the object was conceived of only mobile news con-
tent, an option abandoned later as it was realized that this classification itself should be a
point for inquiry. This initial narrowing, nonetheless, has led the study presented here to
target national newspapers companies. All major mass media outlets in Japan have at least
one official mobile website. The five dailies available all over Japan, however, are not just
central in the Japanese media landscape [Freeman, 2000, p. 16; Hayashi, 2000, p. 147],
and consequently influential brands, but are also ahead regarding the variety of initiatives
to produce news for mobile phones. All the companies that publish them were contacted
during the second quarter of 2010; three accepted to collaborate: those responsible for Asahi
Shimbun, Mainichi Shimbun, and Yomiuri Shimbun.
An analysis of this sector and of the products available has been conducted starting
even prior to the initial contacts and has lasted during the whole process of investigation.
It included initial research on who were the main players in mobile content among media
outlets, which helped to list possible targets. After the three newspaper companies agreed
on participating in this study, a systematic search for data on their products began. Institu-
tional data was prospected from their internet websites and institutional publications. Two
products of each outlet were also chosen—the oldest and the most distinctive ones—to have
63
3.1 Research design
their templates and content further analyzed:
1. from Asahi Shimbun: a) the keitai website Asahi Nikkan Sports and b) the keitai
website version of EZ News EX 1;
2. from Mainichi Shimbun: a) the keitai website Mainichi Shimbun Sponichi and b) the
application for Android smartphones Mainichi Shimbun Android Version; and
3. from Yomiuri Shimbun: a) the keitai websites News Yomiuri Hochi and b) the Bulletin
Board System [BBS] Keitai Ote Komachi.
Besides a general study of these products features, their top headlines/posts stories were
followed twice per day, every other weekday. This data collection started on December 6th,
2010, until it totaled ten days. Access hours were between two time slots: from 11 am to
13 pm and from 17 pm to 19 pm. These are when these services reportedly have their peak
accesses. The same was done with their PC internet counterparts in the same period and
time, and their e-mail alert services, every other weekdays, during eight days. A comparison
across products and days then was undertaken in order to trace gatekeeping patterns and
update routines.
It became clear as soon as the initial contacts were done that the newspapers companies
would not allow enough access for observation field work in the newsrooms. Nonetheless,
they agreed to arrange talks with senior editorial staff. Pre-structured open questionnaires
applied in one or two sessions per each newspaper in the second half of 2010 have resulted
in approximately seven hours of interview with the following experts:
• Mr. Akiyoshi Yamane: assistant manager of Yomiuri Shimbun Department of R&D
Operations / Digital Media Bureau
• Mr. Katsura Hattori: journalist and researcher of Asahi Shimbun Institute of Journal-
ism1EZ News EX also has keitai and Android application versions.
64
3.1 Research design
• Mr. Ken’ichi Takano: vice-director of Asahi Shimbun Digital Business Center
• Ms. Kumiko Yoshioka: Asahi Shimbun Multimedia Contents Business Center / EZ
News EX editorial staff
• Mr. Masaaki Kasuya: deputy general manager of Mainichi Shimbun Digital Media
Division
One could call these companies and interviewees selection a convenience sampling. The
present research has had access only to newspapers that have accepted to collaborate and
to whom they have indicated, despite efforts to make of it a snowball sampling, in which
one source leads to the next one. That would not be a problem, since a “well-documented
convenience sample can generate both valid and reliable insight into a social setting or
event.” [Jensen, 2002c, p. 239] However, the media outlets are representative cases within
the microcosm focused. Moreover, those indicated by them as interviewees were correctly
expected to be from the middle to high hierarchy in each team and to represent to a certain
extent the institutional voice of these newspapers. They were also asked to state when they
were expressing something other than that, such as their personal opinions or something
they only perceived as a consensus among their colleagues. Thus, in the sense that both
selections reached a “[proto-]typical” or “critical case” inside the universe of mass media
companies producers of mobile content and within their online newsrooms structure, this
sampling can be also considered a theoretical one [ibid].
A multilayered sample of online newsrooms structures, however, demands access to the
whole editorial staff. To compensate this lacuna, an anonymous and voluntary survey with
25 questions available online was conducted in the third quarter of 2010. The target was
the staff in charge of mobile content in the three digital departments, including designers
and technicians, which amounts to 46 professionals. Among them, 24 have answered, which
represents an approximate response rate of 52%.1 Yet, other two steps were taken to com-
1Due to an agreement with the companies, information on which newspaper accounted for which re-sponses will not be disclosed.
65
3.1 Research design
plement the tactics described above. “Historicizing what are usually symbols of the future
helps us to understand the extent to which the past influences the present and to evalu-
ate the sources and implications of discontinuous trends.” [Boczkowski, 2005, pp. 178–9]
With this in mind, this thesis trawled through trade magazines, mainly those published
by the Japan Newspaper Publishers & Editors Association between 1995 and 2010, namely
Shimbun Kenkyu [Newspaper Research] and Shimbun Keiei [Newspaper Management]. Ar-
ticles related to digital media as a platform for newspaper content distribution in Japan
and the changes their adoption caused to these companies were selected. This period has
been marked by the rise of World Wide Web and mobile internet as new platforms to be
explored by the news industry. The interpretation of 186 articles related to at least one of
these media has brought the historical context longed for, including changes in how these
organizations perceived them and in the strategies to appropriate them drawn in the face of
such perceptions. As part of a triangulation of methods [Webb, 1966, p. 174; Denzin, 1970
in Jankowski & Wester, 1991, p. 62], the information collected was then compared to that
from the interviews and the online survey. By multiplying the sources, the present study has
attempted to reduce the ambiguities inherent to research methods dependent on language
interpretation. This has resulted in both reinforcements and relativizations of preliminary
findings and, thus, in an increase in their internal validity.
This set of methods has allowed the present study to analyze gatekeeping processes in the
routine, organizational, and inter-organizational levels. It certainly has limitations. Routines
were not directly observed, but assessed through the professionals’ perception of them. The
inter-organizational level also was evaluated unilaterally, from the newspaper companies’
perspective. A further elaboration of the effects caused by these operational constraints in
the results is given in the chapter 5. Here, the discussion sticks to the focal points provided
by the socio-constructivist perspective towards online newsmaking and the limitations that
the research design adopted has imposed on them. Domingo [2008b, pp. 26–7] defends the
analysis of digital content production by mass media companies to be done in its correlations
66
3.1 Research design
to the three contexts it is inscribed in:
1. The technological context: in the present case, this means that mobile phones are the
result of an ongoing shaping which of newspaper companies are just one [minor] actor;
2. Each company’s context: previous experiences in incorporating new technologies—e.g.,
digital printing and the internet—may have impact in the adoption of mobile phones
as a platform; and
3. Competitors: other media outlets constitute a reference in decision making.
These environments have been taken into account during field work, which, in turn, has
showed that adaptations are needed when dealing with the mobile phone sector, as will be
discussed in the next chapter.
Furthermore, the author lists seven foci for this type of research:
1. Comparing differences in the way the new technology and the symbolisms attached to
it have been translated from newsroom to newsroom;
2. Detecting relevant actors in this process, documenting the power struggles involved in
the adoption process;
3. Checking each actors position in the continuum between accelerators and brakes, and
changes in such position [see p. 32];
4. Identifying the strategies used by these actors to alter work routines;
5. Finding the moments in which definitions of the technology are settled;
6. Locating the technological choices done during this definition, with focus on both
elements resistant to social shaping and those not; and
7. Confirming whether the newsroom has reached a natural consensus over it.
67
3.1 Research design
The questionnaires applied in the field work reflect these points with different levels of
success. However, the notion of actors here is mainly restricted to social groups, artifacts,
and organizations, since the research design employed was not able to subsidize suggestions
on the individuals influence.
68
Chapter 4
Results and analyses
The writing process of qualitative research is when the final analysis happens [Jankowski &
Wester, 1991, p. 69]. Accordingly, the structure of this chapter reflects the logic traced dur-
ing the inquiry into the data collected. The first section prospects the newspaper industry’s
view on digital content production from the articles published in Japanese trade magazines.
Special attention is given to their perception of the symbolism attached to the internet and
mobile phones, as well as the factors that may boost or hamper their materialization. Also,
their relation to those shown by the research reviewed in chapter 2 is discussed. These per-
ceptions were illustrated by concrete examples of how they have been converted to products
and how their development has been impacted upon.
This process was deepened in the second section, which focuses on the three national
newspapers targeted in this thesis. First, a description of the sampled companies and their
online enterprises is offered. Then, the validity of the perceptions extracted in the first
section is tested among the sample. This was done by checking if perceptions were shared by
the professionals and their effects on actual services provided and work routines. The third
and final part then extracts patterns of factors and agents behind the accomplishments and
gaps found after comparing the findings of the previous sections.
69
4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
As seen in the literature review, the arrival of the internet in newsrooms and its adoption
as a platform for content distribution was accompanied by the emergence of a whole set of
technological promises or “utopias”1, initially hypertext, multimedia, and interactivity. In
the subsequent years, related practices have emerged, such as convergence and social media.
At the same time, profitability has arisen as an issue, with advocates of business models
allegedly intrinsic to the internet at odds with those who defend subscription models.2
These findings, however, have been mainly the fruit of research in Europe and the Amer-
icas. In the same chapter, it was shown that this research is backed by a social shaping of
technology perspective, other than deterministic views. These technological promises are the
result of specific contexts and constantly reworked within them. As also reviewed previously,
the mutual shaping of mobile phones and Japanese society has generated new symbolisms
concerning this platform.3 The Japanese newspaper industry is not isolated from these
trends. Companies have been attentively following what happens abroad and in the mobile
content domestic sector and trying to cope with what they see. However, their specific con-
text is also expected to alter the configurations of the symbolisms and their perception of
the material constituencies of both the internet and mobile phones. This is what is discussed
in the next paragraphs.
The Japan Newspaper Publishers & Editors Association [Nihon Shimbun Kyokai, NSK]
has been conducting surveys4 among its members annually to gauge their initiatives in new
media. According to the survey, by 2010, figures had stabilized, with a total of 87 companies
running 201 PC internet websites and 66 offering services for mobile platforms [chart 4.1].
Initiatives in new media also included online videos [48], weblogs [41], and their own Social
1See p. 22.2See p. 43.3See subsection 2.2.2 in p. 50.4“The State of the Digital and Electronic Media of Newspapers and News Agencies [Shimbun, Tsushinsha
no Denshi, Denpa Media Genkyo Chosa].
70
4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
Network Services [SNS, 11].1 The results from 1997 and from 1999 to 2010 have been
published in NSK trade magazines.2 The titles of the articles discussing the statistics give
an idea of what the main issue was each year [table 4.1].
Figure 4.1: Newspaper companies producing digital content in Japan [Nihon ShimbunKyokai, 1997, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010a]4
This steady evolution, however, was considered slow in its early stages, sometimes by
the Japanese newspaper sector itself, and the fruit of conservative steps [Katsura et al.,
1997, p. 16; Miyatake, 1997, p. 64]. Attention was focused on the online initiatives of
foreign counterparts—mainly those in the US, a nation considered to be further developed
as an internet society in the 1990s. The disparity in the sense of crisis in the domestic
industry and abroad was frequently noticed [Miichi et al., 1995]. Reasons have ranged from
an initial delay in the popularization of the internet5 to the steady, but slow decline in print
1Results from the last poll, conducted in January 2010, among 113 newspaper companies and newsagencies affiliated to NSK, of which 87 gave valid responses [Nihon Shimbun Kyokai, 2010a].
2The 1998 results could be found neither on Shimbun Kenkyu nor on Shimbun Keiei. Websites numberby then, nonetheless, were mentioned in the 1999 edition.
5Only 6.4% of Japanese residences had internet access by the end of 1997 [Information and Commu-nications Statistics Database of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. www.soumu.go.jp/johotsusintokei/field/tsuushin01.html, accessed in Dec. 2010]. Access was restricted to main Japanese citiesuntil the establishment of the internet provider OCN, then a subsidiary of Nippon Telegraph and TelephoneCorporation [NTT], in December 1996. The company is responsible for the increase in the number of accesspoints towards the country.
71
4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
Year Title1997 “Outputs” Increase, Business Remains a Doubt1999 Expectations Over the Internet, PC Transmission Declines2000 Newspapers and Convergence2001 New Media Reach a Second Stage2002 New Attempts With Broadband2003 Video Services Expand and Gain in Variety2004 Diverse Attempts Towards the Establishment of a Business Model: Video
and Mobile Services Gain in Variety2005 Services Focused on Local Information Increase: Initiatives Includes
Community Websites and Weblogs2006 Media Business Gains in Variety: RSS and Podcasting Make Their En-
trance2007 Interactive Services Releases Accelerate: the Consumer-Generated Con-
tent Supported by Newspapers2008 Moves Towards Partnerships Spread Out on the Internet: Information
on Daily Routines by Readers Is Also Provided2009 Progress in the Reorganization of Web Departments: Looking for Busi-
ness Models2010 Moves Towards Paywalls in Full-Scale: Businesses Show Gains in Quality
Table 4.1: Titles of annual articles on newspapers new media initiatives survey [Nihon Shim-bun Kyokai, 1997, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010a]
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4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
circulation.1 Deterministic views on the internet revolution, however, have led many to state
that it was just a matter of time before this wave reached Japan. On the other hand, all the
following examples show is the variety of forms and impacts digital media can have according
to the context in which it is applied.
4.1.1 The internet seen by the news industry
The image of the internet as a challenge for business exceeds most of the time that of it as an
opportunity. This has a profound impact on all other perceptions of this medium. The main
reasons are the fact that users are seen as not willing to pay for information on the web, the
defeat in the battle with news aggregators for page views and advertising budgets2, and a
supposed web trade-off relation with papers. Although business models are a frequent issue,
decisions over advertisement or paid models and the weight put on the paper and on the web
are still waiting for a solution [NSK, 2006, p. 50]. Such negligence is commonly explained
by the lack of feasible perspectives and by the fact that the fall in newspaper sales is not as
severe as that in the US.3 A massive number of middle-age readers has supported the soft
decline seen in Japanese newspapers circulation. The fear comes from young generations,
who are said to be increasingly distant from print news and whom the sector sees as most
identifying with the idea of information being free.
Such perceptions have led to an ambiguous relationship between newspapers and the
internet. They recognize that is necessary to appeal to the young generations to avoid the
aging of readers. That means making use of the internet and offering the same type of
content that is considered by the news industry as attractive to youth: fragmented, but
1Japanese newspapers had a 3.2% fall in circulations between 1999 and 2008, while the same datafor their US counterparts was above 15% [Harden, B. (2008) Japan’s Papers, Doomed But Going Strong.In: The Washington Post, Oct. 24. www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/10/24/AR2008102403590.html, accessed in Dec., 2010].
2Yahoo! Japan News has 4.38 billion page views per month on average. asahi.com has 500 million.Figures were found in their media data reports.
3Harden, B. (2008) Japan’s Papers, Doomed But Going Strong. In: The Washington Post, Oct. 24.[www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/10/24/AR2008102403590.html, accessed in Dec.,2010]
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4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
personalized [NSK, 2006, p. 54]. On the other hand, the antagonism and mixed feelings of
impotence persist: “The young David defeated the giant warrior Goliath with a primitive
weapon—the sling—but what are the weapons of newspapers to fight against the powerful
enemy which is the internet?” [NSK, 2006, p. 58]1 The answer invariably points to the
rescue of the postulates believed to be in the origin of newspapers and immune to changes
in time—its capacity to extract and order the facts, make sense of them with independence
and responsibility, and, ultimately, support democracy.
To accomplish such a mission also online, the financial health of new media operations is
considered fundamental. Monetization has been a constant in discussions about the internet,
but newspapers have had different answers. “I have the impression that pessimism and
prudence on whether it [the internet] can establish itself as a business is deep-rooted [in
Japan]”, wrote a special reporter of the national newspaper Sankei Shimbun 15 years ago
[Masui, 1995, p. 64]. A professional from a local newspaper summarized the solutions left
for newspapers companies.
For the print version not to be substituted by the homepage, one may explore
the features of this medium and monetize it as an independent product; make of
it a complementary medium connected to the print version in order to keep or
expand the newspaper readership; or mix both aspects in a multilayered strategy.
At any rate, huge developments in the homepage would be necessary. [Takeba,
2003, p. 59]
1This mixed feeling is also found in early years in the remark of a photo editor regarding the useof pictures available on the web. “The internet was born as an antithesis of traditional mass media andforeign state-run news agencies. Its purpose is to allow individuals to distribute information and access itopenly. Therefore, for an organization that calls itself a ‘national newspaper’, it [the use of images availableon the internet] creates the ironic relation of receiving information from something that denies this veryorganization.” [Sako, 1996, p. 75] The same cautiousness was expressed by a national newspaper digitalmedia bureau chief regarding weblogs in 2004. “One year ago, a startup sounded us out about selling ourcontent to be used on their weblogs, but I immediately declined. I felt it was, how could I say, precociousor inappropriate. I am still resistant to the idea of a newspaper company that offers reliable news piecesto have them criticized with no reason.” [Ito et al., 2004, p. 20] This dread towards users discussions thatcould potentially “go up in flames” [enjo suru] [Shinohara, 2009, p. 35], as they are usually described whencontain what they consider gratuitous slander, materialized years later. The controversy known as the “WaiWai Affair” involved Mainichi Shimbun English website and a Bulletin Board System [BBS] in 2008 [Sasaki,2008].
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4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
Cases in which newspapers have taken the second stance are overwhelming [Tanaka, 1995,
Nihon Shimbun Kyokai, 1999, p. 56; NSK, 2006, p. 315].
However, the internet challenge is not just a matter of profitability. A successful online
operation is perceived as the trigger of deep changes in the newspaper industry structure.
Contrary to many other countries, print subscriptions represent 94.7% of total sales of news-
papers in Japan.1 This is thanks to a strong distribution chain, constituted of subsidiaries or
independent firms affiliated to these networks, and supported by a resale price maintenance
policy regarding newspapers. A digital platform that could cannibalize the print version is
therefore received with resistance by these distribution companies [Murakami, 2009, p. 61],
even though quantitative surveys proved that users consider that the internet complements
newspapers, rather than substitutes them [Hashimoto, 2005; Takei, 2009].
It would also require huge transformations in newsmaking. For the special reporter
of Sankei Shimbun aforementioned, an active use of what he considered the internet’s
strengths—immediacy and close coverage of local news—was the solution, and only struc-
tural changes would lead to that. “Determination is needed to make of digital media a
new media, which includes making digital media departments into independent firms with
totally different process of editing and management of news ingredients.” [Takeba, 2003,
p. 66] Experiments towards this direction have been conducted on national and local lev-
els [Toshimitsu, 2001], but are exceptions. Most of them have been trying to balance the
adoption of internet ideals and established routines.
One clear perceived aspect of news websites is the nonexistence of deadlines [Nikaido,
2010, p. 36]. Therefore, digital platforms were an attractive idea for newspaper companies
as a “way to get closer to TV immediacy” [Takita, 2002, p. 80]. The cult of “news as it
happens” is thought to be deep rooted in journalism. However, it has been reinforced by the
PC and mobile internet. “To be available 24 hours per day is, more than merely restoring
immediacy, to shoulder a whole new set of tasks nonexistent in the past. This is not just a
1NSK [www.pressnet.or.jp/adarc/data/data04/01.html, accessed in Dec., 2010].
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4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
matter of changing mentalities, but of newspapers companies producing newspapers while
also acting like a news agency”, addressed the chief-editor of Mainichi Shimbun in 2000
[Sugita et al., 2000, p. 62]. The lack of human resources to support such work flows,
however, posed a clear barrier [Takita, 2002]. One possible solution was to import “day
parting” from broadcasting, that is, fractioning the distribution of news in accordance with
the perception of readers’ daily routines and offer fresh information in the periods they are
most likely look for it. Such practice was judged as effective in order to gather an audience
[Kubo, 1997, p. 73; Isobe, 2001].
Other measure was for offline newsrooms to constantly share their content with online
colleagues. But such an idea has only gained roots after a 180 degree change in managers’
resolutions. In the early years, the opposite, that is, to downgrade the news website, was
considered a wise decision. In 2000, a representative director of the economic paper Nihon
Keizai Shimbun was proud of having increased subscriptions of the print version by limiting
articles on the website to 200 characters [Sugita et al., 2000, p. 56].
Similar strategies were totally reverted in the following years, which meant the end of the
priority given to the paper edition. Sankei Shimbun was the Japanese pioneer in adopting
“web first”, that is, eliminating the preference for the print version when bringing scoops to
light, in 2007 [Saito, 2007]. The move became possible only after a complete merge of offline
and online newsrooms. At least eight other companies had integrated both newsrooms by
2009 [Nihon Shimbun Kyokai, 2009, p. 82].
Such initiatives, however, have faced continuous opposition. Conquering offline news-
room collaboration was a challenge [Nihon Shimbun Kyokai, 2001, p. 61]. To post first
on the web articles originally aimed for the print version has been a cause of conflict be-
tween departments. “Currently [in 1997], distribution through digital and electronic media
is considered a complement of the newspaper or a recycling of its content, and there are
restrictions on the use of news pieces after they have been sent to the copy desks, except if
it is a police case or an accident.” [Odawara, 1997, p. 32] Mindset differences have cropped
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4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
up. “To ask [the reporters] for some breaking news in the morning did not ring a bell [among
print journalists]. ‘The deadline is in the evening’ [habit] seems to be incorporated into their
DNA.” [Shinohara, 2009, p. 37] Such reactions do not seem to be merely a rooted antipathy
regarding online operations, but an inertial resistance against changes in work routines. The
online initiative of a local newspaper with an active use of social media tools, on the other
hand, reportedly generated indifference and candid curiosity, but no conflict, since it did not
affect offline newsrooms workflows [Matsuzawa, 2005, pp. 37–8].
Not only attempts to merge operations, but convergence strategies including external
organizations also became a must in Japan. TV stations, specially, were considered the
preferential target. Cooperation with them was seen as the most natural way to gain access to
multimedia. Such conviction was influenced by one peculiarity of the Japanese media system
structure. Government-led “rationalization” policies on broadcasting in the 1950s and 1970s
resulted in each of the five national newspaper companies owning one commercial key TV
station in metropolitan areas [Freeman, 2000, pp. 154–5]. Decades later, the strengthening
of this integration on the internet was thought to be the most efficient alternative to respond
to a perceived users’ demands for multimedia. “That is why attention is focused on whether
moves towards the unification of newspapers and the TV stations they created, that is
the ‘functional unification of newspapers and broadcasters’ as part of a ‘convergence of
telecommunications and broadcasting’, will become a reality.” [NSK, 2006, p. 55]
On the other hand, no such prompt solution was found in the case of interactivity in
newsmaking. Much of the time, newspapers have actively resisted such trends. In the early
stages, newspapers had a better perspective regarding e-mail as a tool to distribute news
rather than webpages. The preference was derived from the perception that they belong to
the category of “push” platforms, just like newspapers, in the sense that it goes to the reader
and not the opposite [Katsura et al., 1997, p. 15]. At the other extreme, were websites,
grouped as a “pull” medium. For an editor of Mainichi Shimbun, the former was suited to
massive audiences, whereas the latter needed customized content to attract readers [ibid].
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4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
“News that will be read became one evaluation point when choosing and judging the news
pieces”, stated a professional in charge of a regional newspaper website, suggesting that that
was not the case in the print version [Sakuma, 2002, p. 51].
User-Generated Content [UGC] and social media have also encountered few receptive
companies. Mainichi Shimbun started, as early as 1996, to gather“virtual correspondents”—
amateurs with interest on news—to write for its newsletter. Ten years later, a new buzz
occurred with the rise of a more user participative internet, the so-called Web 2.0 [Nihon
Shimbun Kyokai, 2007, p. 62]. Local and specialized publications have been making an
active use of social tools pushed by the belief that they are the ultimate way to reinforce
ties with local communities and gauge their needs [Kitano, 2002; Matsuzawa, 2005; Mizuno,
2007; Sato, 2007; Seimiya, 2006]. That is, for newspaper professionals, these formats, when
promoted and filtered by responsible entities, contributes to “grassroots democracy”. How-
ever, strong views on this collaborative aspect of the internet as a menace to self-professed
“strongholds of professional journalism” persist [NSK, 2006, p. 49]. The “encounter with
the unknown”, or with the known analyzed by professional journalists, is considered to be
possible only in newspapers. For those who defend this position, social media still has the po-
tential of promoting dialogue with audience. But, if judged necessary, some of these features,
such as comment columns on weblogs, can be sacrificed [Takaoka, 2006].
Hypertext has also been almost ignored by companies and professionals. The recognition
of its role in giving context and providing direct access to information sources for both print
and online news existed only in the early years [Hara, 1996; Hisada, 1996; Yoshimura, 1997].
Moreover, these usages were most of the time limited to articles and photo databases provided
by the media outlet itself [Odawara, 1997, p. 34] or partners [Nihon Shimbun Kyokai, 1999,
p. 54; Anzai, 2010]. These practices have disappeared with time. The display of correlated
news pieces, for example, is limited, and disclosing Application Program Interfaces [API]
is unthinkable.1 The reason is that most Japanese newspapers erase most online articles,
1See p. 22.
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4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
mainly those which reproduce print content, after a certain period of time because they
are sold as databases. External links, on the hand, are seen as the same as giving away
the audience to competitors’ sites. Copyright is another issue. Newspaper companies are
so worried about copyright that they ended up restricting themselves regarding the use of
links [Tsubota, 2008, p. 34]. In a moment newspapers companies were not sure of where to
draw the limits in the free use of its content, including links to individual articles by third
parties, such as Google, similar uses by the newspaper staff were seen as a potential source
of contradictions [Nakada, 2006, p. 23].
The shaping of these practices regarding immediacy, multimedia, interactivity, and hy-
pertext has resulted also in an image of the ideal online journalist. For Japanese executives,
professionals in charge of online operations should inherit print journalistic standards, as well
as develop technical abilities to explore computers capacity of processing data. This way,
they would be able to make news searchable and display it in new ways [Odawara, 1997, p.
32]. Desired skills included multimedia and basic knowledge of computer languages, such
as Hypertext Markup Language [HTML] and Broadcast Markup Language [BML].1 Fur-
thermore, a whole change in mentality was deemed necessary to handle frequent updates,
multimedia, and massive flows of information. “Just like superman” [Katsura et al., 1997,
p. 24] or a “jack of all trades” [Yamashita, 2005, p. 48], summarized two professionals in
charge of online newsrooms for different newspapers. However, they were aware of limi-
tations imposed by the type of professionals they had available, i.e., educated to be print
journalists. This is where separating online departments and young professionals into inde-
pendent ventures [Toshimitsu, 2001] or partnerships with other companies [Takada, 2001, p.
58; Nobuhara, 2001] played their role in boosting innovation.
1BML is an Extensible Markup Language [XML] based language used for data transmission on theJapanese digital broadcasting system. Also regarding technical aspects, it is worth of comment the activepresence of Japanese newspapers, through NSK, in the development of a global format for distribution ofnews within the framework of the International Press Telecommunications Council [IPTC], a consortium ofnewspapers and news agencies with this aim. They have been promoting a standard XML for news, known asNewsML, since 2000. This pattern is “media neutral”, which means it manages different types of content ondifferent platforms, and of widespread usage among Japanese newspapers. The companies interest, however,has not been shared by journalists, that have mostly ignored such developments [Igari, 2001].
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4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
Finally, the potential of the web for local news has been continuously discussed since
the early stages of its popularization. Such finding may be the result of a bias of the
publications edited by NSK, constituted of a majority of local newspapers, and thus needs
to be relativized, but not necessarily ignored. Local outlets had “thoroughgoing localism” as
a principle for their online initiatives [Kurisu, 2003]. “On the internet, gaps between global
information and regional information disappear and both coexist in equality.” [Nishiyama,
1996, p. 93]“From now on, regional newspapers will be stronger than national ones”, bragged
one director of a newspaper fromWest Japan in front of his counterparts from Tokyo [Katsura
et al., 1997, p. 15]. His argument was that the internet is not a massive medium, but a
personal one and, therefore, closely related to its user attributes. Based on this view and as
mentioned before, many local outlets have invested in web portals focused on their region,
reinforced interaction with local communities and, ultimately, exercised what they conceive
as civic journalism principles [Kaminaka, 2009; Murakami, 2000; Niinomi, 2002; Nikaido,
2010; Sato, 2000; Yamada, 2001; Yoshimura, 1997].1 However, the low dissemination of
access points in regional cities constituted an initial barrier [Ishikawa, 1996, p. 46].
4.1.2 Mobile phones from newspaper companies’ perspective
Mobile phones, in turn, are seen as the potential cure for two current problems of newspa-
pers: the establishment of a business model and the diffusion of newspaper brands among
young people [NSK, 2006, p. 336]. Furthermore, the internet promises discussed above were
potentialized by mobile phones strength—mobility—and limited by their weak points—low
processing speed and small screens. On the other hand, though a constant in cultural and
marketing studies on this medium in Japan, female users’ attachment to it has not been
1There is no ultimate definition for public or civic journalism and promoters were even cautious to imposeone and limit the movement [Hayashi, 2002, p. 328]. Generally said, it gathers a diversity of movementsinitiated in the US during the 1990s that experimented with journalistic practices focused on contributingto the reconstruction of communities [Chaffee & McDevitt, 1999, p. 177]. Some Japanese local newspaperseditors have adopted such principles in different ways [Parry, K. (2004) Public Journalism: Lessons fromJapan. In: Public Journalism Network. www.pjnet.org/post/15/, accessed in Dec., 2010].
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4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
mentioned as a point to be explored by newspaper companies.
Though small in scale, content for mobile phones has constituted a source of revenue
for newspapers [Nihon Shimbun Kyokai, 2009, p. 83].1 This has become possible thanks
to i-mode mobile internet and similar services established by carriers and the subscription
model they offer. “As the fact that the leadership of mobile business belongs not to handset
makers, but to the telecommunication carriers that control the payment systems shows, the
monopoly of trade channels leads to the conquering of a stable source of revenue”, noticed
one professional [Uemura, 2008, p. 38]. On the other hand, such attractiveness has made
it a competitive platform. A great part of users’ budget is used to pay data transmission
costs and little is left for content. They reportedly subscribe on average to two services.
One tends to be linked to entertainment. Newspapers have been struggling to be the second
choice [Sato, 2003, p. 44].2 These misgivings are even more apparent regarding smartphones.
They consider the market for applications promising, since it unites both the qualities of PC
websites and mobile phones and also because it has an established payment model [Nihon
Shimbun Kyokai, 2010a, p. 80]. However, they are also a new easy option for users to
access PC internet [ibid]. That is, they destroy the artificial border created by keitai models
between i-mode and internet and, consequently, bring to mobile handsets the same problems
faced on the web [Anzai, 2010, p. 20].
The second problem mobile phones could potentially cure is the low infiltration of news-
paper readership among teenagers and people in their twenties in Japan. Besides the decrease
in size of young generations due to dwindling birthrates, the perception that they are turning
away from newspapers abounds in Japanese executives and journalists talks. The attachment
1The mobile content sales in Japan had a 15% average growth between 2005 and 2008 and reached483 billion yen. The demand for news and weather information is high—23.3% of mobile phone user saythis is the type of content they most use, above music and games [Mobile Contents Forum. (2008) K-taiHakusho. Inpress]. However, by sale volumes, the market is dominated by music and games. News andweather information respond to only 7.8 billion of total content sales. On the other hand, while only 9.5% ofPC internet users said they had paid for this type of content on the web, 17.6% said they had it on mobilephones. [Dentsu Soken. (2010) Joho Media Hakusho 2010 [A Research for Information and Media Society].Diamond.].
2Actually, 37.8% of users subscribe to only one content service. Those who pay for two represent 26.9%.[Mobile Contents Forum. (2008) K-tai Hakusho. Inpress].
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4.1 Japanese newspaper sector and digital platforms
of youth to mobile phones gives to this medium the dual role of villain and potential savior.
They already spend a considerable amount on mobile phone bills, which means less money
left for other purposes. Mobile phone carriers top pages also offer news for free. However,
the handsets are one of the few channels left for newspapers to gather the attention of these
users towards their brands and to hopefully make of them a future print reader [Sato, 2003,
p. 43]. “We are learning everyday what kind of information they need and which formats
they respond to”, said a top executive of Asahi Shimbun on its mobile services [Hakoshima,
2005, p. 11].
Some of the weapons used to accomplish such task are the same as seen on the internet:
immediacy, multimedia, and interactivity. Immediacy on mobile handsets is potentialized
by the use of SMS and instant alerts [telop]1. Besides the streaming of audio-visual content
through mobile internet connection, many models are equipped with radio and digital TV
receivers [NSK, 2006, p. 251]. The use of QR codes [bi-dimensional codes] on the newspaper
to be captured through mobile phones internal cameras allows journalists to complement
the article with hyperlinks and multimedia [Saito & Noda, 2007]. Since high quality is
a barrier rather than an attraction to this medium, videos can be produced with mobile
phones themselves, eliminating high costs associated with hardware and training. Regarding
interactivity, Hokkaido Shimbun noticed an increase in feedback from high school students
sent by mobile phones [Kitano, 2002; Otsuka, 2007].
The evaluation of digital platforms, specially mobile phones, however, seems to be more
positive among commercial departments of newspapers [NSK, 2006, p. 228]. Mobile phones
user characteristics, including their daily routines, are reportedly easier to capture on this
medium. This gives a whole new set of possibilities to customize messages and target con-
sumers. Advertising agencies claim that the use of the QR code reader function of mobile
devices in a crossmedia strategy could potentially increase the appeal of newspaper compa-
nies as distributors of advertisements [Fujita, 2008]. That is, when used in print ads, these
1See p. 95.
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
codes allow them to measure response rates quickly and at low costs [NSK, 2006, p. 228].
Another strength of mobile media is its relation to space. With the use of sensors [GPS,
camera], messages could be filtered by users’ location in order to reflect the place and situ-
ation they are in. Such usage of mobile media has ultimately become a new digital promise
[Takazu, 2003].
In contrast, such buzz is not widespread among editorial departments. They consider
mobility the ultimate strength of mobile phones and believe it constitutes the greatest value-
added to their mobile products, as reported by a professional from Nihon Keizai Shimbun.
“We reprocess the content of NET [the newspaper’s PC website by then] to suit mobile
phones and offer the convenience of making it available anytime and anywhere. In exchange,
we charge for it [. . . ].” [Sato, 2003, p. 43] One of the main audiences of news on mobile
phones are salarymen looking for sport results when away from their desktops [Hakoshima,
2005, p. 10]. However, using the user’s position to filter news using a Location-Based Service
[LBS] did not seem a viable option.
That does not mean newspapers have not been exploring targeting. Websites specializing
in content for teenagers, women, specific sports or hobbies are a reality both in PC and mobile
media [Nihon Shimbun Kyokai, 2002, p. 47]. “Breaking away from mass media towards a
complex of middle media” even became a motto for some local outlets [Takahashi, 2010,
p. 24]. However, a profitable exploration of niche audiences through a “long-tail” model1
remains a future promise [Tatematsu, 2007, p. 53].
4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
The three national newspaper companies targeted in this research—Asahi Shimbun, Mainichi
Shimbun, and Yomiuri Shimbun—constitute a very homogeneous group. All are centenarian
organizations, established in late nineteenth century. Asahi and Yomiuri were born as
1See p. 43.
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
popular papers in opposition to the elite political press preexistent [Freeman, 2000, p. 42].
Mainichi belonged to the second group, but adjusted its line as the first became mainstream
by the beginning of the Taisho Era [1912–1926] [ibid, p. 45]. A history of editorial success,
but also mutual support relations with the government until the end of World War Two, and
peculiar market arrangements in the post-war period1 have guaranteed them a hegemonic
position in the Japanese media landscape. Their circulation figures, putting them among the
biggest newspapers in the world, are the most visible sign of their position: Yomiuri is on
top, with 13,4 million daily copies of its morning edition, followed by Asahi, with 11 million,
and Mainichi, with 4,8 million.2
Since early stages of the internet in Japan, they have tried to reproduce such hegemony
also on the new medium. Asahi Shimbun OpenDoors, an initiative of the publishing depart-
ment to promote its products, launched in April 1995, was the first website of a Japanese
newspaper company. The following month, the first news website, Yomiuri Online, went on
air. A shared trait of this and the following initiatives is that they were conceived mostly
inside the newspaper departments that worked as news wires for radio and TV stations.
That is, the same ones that, previously, had experimented with Videotex content.3 These
newsrooms were also in charge of news transmission for displays, such as those in high-speed
trains for example.
The adoption of internet and other digital platforms has been accompanied by constant
reforms in the internal organization. In January 1996, Asahi Shimbun adopted “outgrow
towards a media complex” [media fukugotai e no dappi ] as its internal slogan. Digital and
electronic media was then expected to be the third pillar of revenue, after the print version
and publishing. The many departments in charge of new media were then reorganized
1See p. 75.2Average figures of the first half of 2010, including evening editions and sales abroad [Audit Bureau of
Circulations [Nihon ABC Kyokai] (2010) Shimbun Hakkosha Report: Hanki ].3In the 1980s, telecoms in developed countries, including Nippon Telegraph and Telephone [NTT], in-
vested in data transmission for end-users terminals through landlines, a service known as Videotex. Newspa-per companies were among those that attempted to explore the platform. These experiences and their failurein the US seen through a social shaping perspective on technology have been documented by Boczkowski[2004, 2005].
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
in three sections, grouping approximately 200 professionals, including temporary personnel
[Ito et al., 2004, p. 15]. One was the Project Development Section, in charge of, among
other initiatives, the new-born news website asahi.com and the creation of new formats to
distribute content. “Employees from different departments were put together and, obviously,
among some branches, there were suspicions and uncertainty regarding the work and the
goals”, described a director [Sugita et al., 2000, p. 58]. However, previously, the fear of
the erosion of print readership had even led to attempts to reduce the number and size
of articles available online, practices that were later abandoned [Ito et al., 2004, p. 11].
Though a challenge, this internal reorganization and the new work culture originating from
it have reportedly helped create some consensus inside the company and even among print
distributors on the importance of investment in digital media [ibid].
Yomiuri Shimbun did something similar in 2000, when it transformed its Media Projects
Bureau in the current Digital Media Bureau.1 The objectives behind the reform were 1) to
create an efficient workflow to handle breaking news; 2) to boost the production of multime-
dia; 3) to integrate what by then were separate initiatives in accordance with “one source,
multiuse” policy; 4) to establish a proper environment to explore commercial uses of its
archives, such as digital database services; and 5) to delineate the strategies for five and ten
years ahead. By 2004, it had gathered approximately 150 professionals in charge of PC and
mobile websites, video content, and databases [Ito et al., 2004, p. 14].
Despite the challenging goals, resources were scarce. Its chief-director at the time gave
an honest description of the early years in an article on Shimbun Kenkyu [Takada, 2001, p.
56]:
[. . . ] the number of workers is far behind the main newsroom, and human
resources have been recruited from other departments. Moreover, half of them are
50 years-old and over, which makes of it an aging organization. There are even
those who describe us as a “strategy bureau with no power to fight” [senryoku
1This is the English version of the name of this department as used on business cards. The literaltranslation of the original, however, is Media Strategy Bureau [Media Senryaku Kyoku].
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
naki senryaku kyoku]. Our share in the total amount of investments done by the
company is meager when compared to those of selling and editorial departments.
Furthermore, whenever they decide to invest in us, it is always done cautiously
and accompanied by doubts about whether we will be able to generate profit.
This was the type of newsroom in charge of early digital media projects by Japanese
national newspapers. They generally had two principles. First, they were supposed to avoid
shovelware—metaphorically defined by Japanese journalists as the lazy practice of “lying
down what is standing up” [tate no mono o yoko ni suru]. “We do not use the term digital
newspaper [denshi shimbun], meaning that we do not aim merely to project Asahi Shimbun
on a digital media [. . . ]”, stated one editor of asahi.com [Katsura et al., 1997, p. 11]. For
his counterpart in Jam Jam, the news website launched by Mainichi Shimbun in 1995, an
active search for partnerships in order to acquire content not covered by the parent medium
was the solution [ibid]. For Yomiuri Shimbun, video was one of the keys, not only for PC,
but also mobile internet. The low diffusion of broadband and the lack of trained personnel,
however, proved problematic [Takada, 2001, p. 57].
Such production of original content should be, in their views, compensated by paid models
other than that of the advertisement model, which constituted the second principle. Among
early attempts to monetize news websites was asahi.com Perfect, a paid exclusive version of
Asahi Shimbun website launched in 1997. In the same period, Mainichi Shimbun was exper-
imenting with subscription models on Zaurus, a Personal Digital Assistant [PDA] produced
by Sharp; newsletters sent by e-mail; and a website that gave access to the a reproduction of
the print version. However, these attempts did not reach profitability targets. Consequently,
advertisement models have become mainstream, also following moves in the same direction
abroad in the years prior to the doc-com bubble bursting.
This change did not mean they suddenly turned profitable either. All these efforts have
resulted in few economical gains [Ito et al., 2004, pp. 14–6]. Online advertisement revenue
kept growing even during economic stagnation, while print advertisement suffered a reduction
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of approximately 30% in ten years.1 However, even after growth, revenues did not cover costs.
The work force was considered the main expense. Countermeasures, such as outsourcing,
are considered difficult for a newspaper company [ibid, p. 22]. The summary of the ten first
years of news websites, said a ex-director of General Media Operations of Mainichi Shimbun
in 2004, “is a history of suffering”. “We were constantly given cold looks inside the company
asking us: ‘Why do you all produce such high losses?’” [Ito et al., 2004, p. 11]
4.2.1 The adoption of mobile phones as a platform
The situation has been slightly different regarding mobile phones service. Asahi Shimbun,
Mainichi Shimbun, and Yomiuri Shimbun were among the five news companies available on
i-mode since its launch in 1999.2 In that year, the NTT DOCOMO development team in
charge of the new service actively sought these companies out as potential content providers.
Some of them had explored pagers and mobile phone Short Message Services [SMS] to trans-
mit headlines before. If keitai internet had the same open characteristic of PC internet,
newspaper companies would probably have participated of their own accord as part of their
digital media strategy. The way things turned out, nonetheless, suggests they were part of
the strategy of somebody else, namely the mobile phone carrier.
During the negotiations, NTT DOCOMO reportedly envisioned free news websites based
on advertising models. The suggestion was initially accepted by some of newspapers, and
Asahi Nikkan Sports remained available for free until the end of the first year. Behind the
switch to a subscription model, there was the fear on the part of newspapers companies
about that they would only be reproducing on mobile phones the economical failure of PC
news websites. Advertisement prices on mobile phones are even lower than on the internet.
1Dentsu Soken. (2010) Joho Media Hakusho 2010 [A Research for Information and Media Society].Diamond. Internet advertisement reached 706,9 billion yen in 2009 and surpassed that on newspapers [673,9billion yen] [Net Kokokuhi, Shimbun Nuku: Sogaku wa 11.5% Gen. In: http://www.itmedia.co.jp/news/articles/1002/22/news056.html, accessed in Dec. 2010]. Mobile advertisement reached 91,3 billion in 2008,a growth of 47% compared to the previous year.
2The others were the local newspaper Hokkaido Shimbun and the news agency Jiji.
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
Targeting and crossmedia experiments involving mobile, PC and print are still exceptional.
This led newspaper companies to actively resist the carriers’ suggestion. Such a move,
however, was an act of resistance, not the fruit of objective prospects of profits [Kitamoto,
2003, p. 40]. Pessimism regarding the internet had cast shadows over any new digital
initiatives.
These low expectations influenced the shaping of the services. The departments already
in charge of online journalism were chosen to carry the new project. Though a natural option,
it also facilitated the adoption of a low-cost workflow: shovelware of content from the PC
website to the mobile one. The production of original content was not even considered. All
they did was to produce shorter versions of the articles already available on the main webpage
in order to make them easier to read on mobile handsets. That is, new work routines were
designed to reflect the uncertainty about the new business and the limitations of its platform.
Eleven years after the release of i-mode, little has changed in these initial websites, despite
the evolution of handsets. Instead, companies, with the stimulus of carriers, have decided
to release new services each time a new feature becomes available. Interviewees pointed
to growth in product lineup as the main transformation during the last decade. Together,
these three companies have approximately 30 different services. Besides the general news
websites, they also offer others specializing in specific sports and gossip. News alerts on
natural disasters and traffic and SNS are other genres explored. In recent years, they have
also started releasing applications, both for keitai and smartphone models. Some of these
services are for free, but they are exceptions.
This increase in the variety of products has also meant the establishment of professional
groups in charge of mobile content. All three companies shared a common workflow structure.
Hard news is assembled by a digital section inside the print newsroom. They are in charge
of selecting pieces for both PC and mobile websites. This was considered the best way
to guarantee full use of the coverage network of print editions and, consequently, boost
immediacy in online operations. A separate digital media department, in turn, produces
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
exclusive feature stories and special coverage. The work of these two sections converge
into the same product, but they are relatively autonomous. In other words, while foreign
counterparts have been trying to merge offline and online operations, Japanese newspapers
have found a conciliatory solution. The consequences of this option will be discussed later.
This research conducted surveys among professionals behind mobile content production
from three companies. Personnel involved with mobile content [editorial staff, designers, and
technicians] number 28 in Asahi, 8 in Mainichi, and 10 in Yomiuri.1 Percentages of relatively
young professionals [54% are between 26 and 35 years-old] and women [25%] are higher than
the average in the Japanese newspaper companies [21.5% and 14.4%, respectively [Nihon
Shimbun Kyokai, 2010b]].2 Despite their age, staff were relatively mature professionals: half
of the group has been working at least five years and 41% for more than ten years, most
of them in the same newspaper company they belong to currently. No staff however has
been working with mobile content for more than five years. Half of the group had previous
experience in the offline newsroom and were then transferred to the online one.
They generally work for more than one website or application, in cooperation with [54%],
and in contact with other departments, including the newspaper newsroom [66%]. Most were
satisfied with this interaction, but three chose not to respond and two clearly mentioned there
are occasions in which such collaborations do not work. Around 60% responded they feel
the newspaper currently has priority, but that such policy needs to be changed. The same
was not found regarding the PC website. Four professionals stated that the print version
has preference currently and must maintain it in the future also.
Mobile content is seen as a new attempt to distribute news [70%] and a way to attract
those who do not read the paper version [41%]. Among their comments, three added “exper-
imenting with paid formats” as a reason: “It is still a young service with quite no function
[for the company] just yet, but, in the future, it may bear the responsibility of support-
1Asahi disproportion is due to the EZ News EX case discussed below. From this total, 20 professionalswere exclusive of this product.
2Precise age range in NSK research is from 25 to 34 years-old.
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
ing the newspaper company business by generating revenue as a new medium to distribute
news besides the traditional paper.” In addition to profitability, the use of mobile phones to
complement the print version content is seen as a future task.
Immediacy, usability, paid content models, and a close workflow with offline newsrooms
are perceived as the most important aspects of mobile content production. Hyperlinks,
multimedia, interactivity, and content for young people are thought to have a moderate
importance. Interest in LBS is low. However, there is a gap between their priorities and
what they perceive as being that of management. For them, the company puts more weight
on accuracy than immediacy, and does less regarding content for young people, multimedia
and interactivity that they would like to do. Specific training programs on aspects such as
multimedia, social media, and programming have relatively strong demand: 24% said, for
example, that they would like to learn how to apply social media features in the content
they produce. Software used at work—mainly the Content Management System [CMS]—
was mentioned as another cause of dissatisfaction, a problem that resembles the findings
of previous research from abroad [Brannon, 2008; Domingo, 2008c]. But, above all, those
surveryed were discontent with their own abilities.
From a general perspective, they were only somewhat satisfied with their work, but
mentioned the challenge as worth it.
It is really exciting since you are in touch with the most advanced business
and technology. But, we are in a transitional period from paper to digital, which
demands that we take on the difficult task of steering into the digital while main-
taining the paper business. Moreover, there is a gap between what we provide
in the newspaper and what mobile phones users are looking for and, therefore,
feeling troubled about what to offer, news values and reliability standards is
common.
A close description of the results of such struggle is given in the next section.
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
4.2.1.1 Keitai websites
The first services for mobile phones offered by the three national newspapers companies
were i-mode news websites that merged content from the PC webpages of the main quality
newspaper and of that of their subsidiary tabloid paper.1 Explanations of these coincidental
partnerships vary. Some say they were an attempt to make these products more marketable.
Others say it was just a matter of reducing costs. The subsidiaries reportedly did not have
enough capital and know-how to conduct such projects independently. Doing it together
also eliminated the need to negotiate with NTT DOCOMO separately. For those in the
later group, in any case, it was not the result of an active strategy on the part of the
newspaper companies, even though one could say it was, after it proved relatively successful.2
However, the option for a merge has been cited as one of the reasons for the initial boom in
subscriptions [Kitamoto, 2003, p. 40].3 Others were the price, set initially around 100 yen
[Mainichi Sponichi is currently for free].
Asahi Nikkan Sports was the most successful, reaching the peak of 1 million subscribers
and over 1 billion yen in annual revenue in 2002 [Kitamoto, 2003, p. 40]. In contrast with
the figures, the service was very simple by then. It consisted of a list of short versions of
the top headlines of asahi.com and the reproduction of the centenarian Asahi Shimbun front
page column Tensei Jingo. “It certainly needed a better initial development plan, but it is an
efficient business that demands little effort in its daily management”, said the vice-director of
the department in charge of it in 2003 [ibid]. This was true in Mainichi Shimbun too. In face
of the absence of demand projections, to keep initial costs low was the main preoccupation,
1The companies that publish Asahi Shimbun, Mainichi Shimbun, and Yomiuri Shimbun own each atabloid paper focused on sports and gossip. They are Nikkan Sports, Sports Nippon, and Sports Hochi,respectively.
2This point was addressed by the interviewee from Mainichi. “Making both hard news and sports newsavailable sounds like a strategy to increase page views. Some might even have thought of it this way then.But the truth is that this format is the result of the fact that we did not know what would be of it in thebeginning.”
3Yomiuri has deepened this strategy by offering two subscription models since November 2006. One canread News Yomiuri Hochi and pay 84 yen per month or its content plus that of Mobile Giants for 210 yen.The later is the official keitai site of Yomiuri Giants baseball team, which is part of Yomiuri Group.
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
which helps explain the byproduct character of these initiatives.1
More than ten years later, most of this structure remains the same, including the reuse
of the same news pieces and columns of PC websites and print newspapers. As mentioned
above, such options are the result of established workflows and reflect on them. The digital
sections inside the offline newsrooms are in charge of selecting pieces sent by reporters to
a central server to be post on the web. Asahi Nikkan Sports and News Yomiuri Hochi
automatically reflects these selections. That is, their three top headlines are the same as
those on the quality paper webpage. Since the length of articles is not thought to be a
problem for 3G connections, the content is the same too. The number of photos—which are
not widely used even on the PC site—is reduced when there are more than three.
Mainichi Sponichi, however, had a different approach: the observation of its content over
ten days, in December 2010, showed that only 50% of its three top headlines came from
Mainichi.jp front page main section. Titles are also shortened. That does not mean that
they were original pieces, but that they were picked from different sections of the website.
In contrast to this low diversity found within the same media group, a cross comparison
found discrepancies in the genres highlighted on each website [see chart 4.2]. Asahi Nikkan
Sports leads in the number of news related to crimes and accidents [23%]. Domestic politics
and international news come next [12% each]. Mainichi Sponichi balanced the first two
categories [20% and 18%, respectively], but almost entirely ignored international news during
the period analyzed [3%]. News Yomiuri Hochi, in turn, put more weight on domestic politics
[32%] and regional politics [17%]. Asahi Nikkan Sports and Mainichi Sponichi were the ones
that highlighted more frequently at least one news piece on the same subject and in the
same period of the day [18% of the times]. Asahi Nikkan Sports and News Yomiuri Hochi
did this the least [11.5%].
In contrast, the other mobile website analyzed—Keitai Ote Komachi—is one of the most
exceptional cases. Its parent version, the PC website Ote Komachi was launched in October
1On the lack of planning in the mass media industry, see. p. 41.
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
Figure 4.2: Genres of top headlines in four mobile news services [categories names and newspieces classification are based on the section the articles were listed on the website. On EZNews EX, see p. 97].
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
1999. Created by Yomiuri Online, it focuses on women and covers topics such as fash-
ion, cooking, children’s education, etc. Its main innovation, however, is the BBS Hatsugen
Komachi. The interactive feature, an unique case of its kind among national newspapers, be-
came the most successful corner of the digital magazine, with 100 million page views and 100
thousand posts per month. “As exchanges happen among the participants, this housewives’
gossip [idobata kaigi ] creates a small community. This is a big difference and something
impossible on paper”, wrote a professional from its staff on the tenth anniversary of the site
[Inazawa, 2009, p. 42].
For a traditional mass media outlet, exploring such new formats has its costs. Since
2003, professionals hired just to check all posts review around one thousand each one per
day, spending three minutes on average per post. This task was shouldered previously by
the editors, and even now they have continued helping in their free time. Content that may
be considered unpleasant, questionable, indecent, slander, or spam is deleted. “We expect
the same standard as in our letters-to-the-editor column”, explained Mr. Yamane.1 Users
themselves also help by pointing out non-appropriate or repeated posts and typos.
The current page view figure was reached after a site renewal in 2007. Topics were
separated by theme, such as love affairs, children, work, health, etc. Users can also bookmark
specific threads. Rankings and icons show the most bookmarked, accessed or answered
threads. Recently, the most popular started being published periodically in the newspaper.
A series of books with stories extracted from the BBS was also published. The paid keitai
version was launched in March that year as part of this reform and gathered 11 thousand
subscribers. Costing 105 yen per month, it offers the same content as the PC version, which is
free. One of the few additional features is an e-mail alert sent when one’s post is approved.
Between 10% to 15% of access is done through the mobile version, a percentage that is
increasing.
1See list interviewees on p. 64.
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
4.2.1.2 Keitai and smartphone applications
In 2001, NTT DOCOMO released i-mode keitai models able to run Java based applications.
They were called i-appli and included navigation systems, QR code readers, games, and many
other applications. The economic daily Nihon Keizai Shimbun was one the few newspaper
companies to make use of this system to transmit information in the early years, mainly
stock prices and exchange rates. The most successful case, however, came six years later. In
June 2009, after one year developing the project, Asahi Shimbun Company in partnership
with its sibling broadcasting company, TV Asahi, and the telecom KDDI1 launched EZ News
EX, an exclusive application and website for au by KDDI mobile phones.2 In September
2010, it broke Asahi Nikkan Sports previous record of 1 million subscribers, even though it
cost more [262 yen].
That was the first time Asahi Shimbun had such a relationship in a news related business
with a company from outside the mass media industry. “One of our purposes is to challenge
the ‘news is for free’ idea that thrives on the internet”, stated the professional in charge of
digital media in the newspaper company [Sato, 2010, p. 12]. Mobile phones were the obvious
medium to do that, as the previous experience with Asahi Nikkan Sports had shown. But
the keitai mobile news website market is saturated and niche website growth has clear limits.
The hint came from NTT DOCOMO i-channel, a paid web portal with 15 million sub-
scribers. This figure was reached through a selling strategy that only a carrier could put
into action: to actively introduce the service to users when they buy the handset. Asahi
Shimbun has been working closely with KDDI as the news provider for the carrier’s products.
Therefore, the number two Japanese carrier seemed the natural option for a partnership.3
Among the services that use newspaper content is EZ News Flash, a free application with
1The Japanese mobile phone market leader is the aforementioned NTT DOCOMO. au, the mobilesubsidiary of KDDI, is the second largest, followed by Softbank and EMOBILE.
2An application version for Android, the Google operational system for mobile handsets, was released inDecember 2010, following the release of a series of smartphones by au.
3KDDI, reportedly, was chosen because it agreed on most of the fundamental points with Asahi Group[Takimoto, 2009, p. 48].
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
more than 10 million users. EZ News EX was born from this experience, as an attempt to
convert some of them into paid subscribers.
The next challenge was to increase the service’s value-added. Breaking news was per-
ceived as an element that adds dynamism to websites and the strength of Asahi Shimbun.
“Live Flash News” [Live Sokuho] section is one of the most successful content initiatives to
date. It is characterized by up-to-the-minute short posts published while the event happens.
“[. . . ] we send what we saw or heard just the way we did, one after another. Among us, we
call it a ‘Twitter style news flashes’”, explained the Asahi chief of digital content [Sato, 2010,
p. 13]. The format was especially successful when reporting sports events. It was judged
so worthwhile in generating new subscriptions that the company even sent an EZ News EX
exclusive reporter to South Africa Soccer World Cup in 2010.
The carrier, on the other hand, realized the potential of accessibility and immediacy. The
content is guaranteed to appear as highlights on the au by KDDI top page. The application
also allows users to open it by clicking on the headlines that appear on the screen. Regarding
breaking news, the Broadcast Short Mail Service [BSMS], an emergency alert system for
earthquakes used by the carrier meant “super news flash” [cho-sokuho] became possible.
Through it, data can be transmitted in a “push” style to handsets and displayed on the
screen. “This strong system has disciplined the reporters’ immediacy mind and it is not rare
that we are faster than TV alerts”, the Asahi chief of digital content says [ibid], in a clear
reminder of the role of technology in reinforcing previous standards. Analysis of e-mail alerts
sent by Asahi Nikkan Sports, EZ News EX, and News Yomiuri Hochi showed that EZ News
EX was faster in six of seven times the three reported on the same topic during the eight
days observed.1
The other answer to the query of how to increase the value of the service was to strengthen
multimedia and soft news. TV Asahi, which belongs to the same media group, had been
already providing videos for Asahi Shimbun keitai site Asahi Mobile Station. Moreover, both
1On the other hand, the same comparison found that EZ News EX sent fewer alerts [13], while Yomiuridid it the most [22].
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
have had an agreement, which involved the reinforcement of organizational ties through the
cross ownership of stock, to pursue synergy since 2008.1 A new partnership for EZ News
EX was a natural step. Original content, including video, is also produced by the newsroom
responsible for the application in the newspaper.
Regarding video content, once again, the technical solutions available because of the
partnership with the mobile carrier played their role. Another push type system, the Broad-
cast Multicast Service [BCMCS], permitted the periodical distribution of massive data at no
charge to users. This technology was the very motive behind initial discussions to launch the
application and is used to update data it each 30 minutes. Since data is stored on devices
and therefore users do not need to access the web, they can read the content even when
their mobile network is not available, such as in most of Japan’s subway tunnels. It has also
removed the barrier of transmission costs associated with large amounts of data, what has
led to the strengthening of multimedia and other formats. One example is Asamaga, a digital
magazine with columns, news on famous people, reproductions of content from magazines
for women,2 restaurant information, original videos, and other related content, sent daily.3
New workflows were also designed to support these configurations. The approximately
200 pieces of hard news posted per day still come from what reporters cover for the news-
papers or PC website and is available from the central server. The difference is that it does
not automatically copy the same content and sequence from the PC website as Asahi Nikkan
Sports does. A second gatekeeping stage guarantees a different selection.
This is backed by findings on the genre of the content offered from the content survey
1In a series of operations starting that year, stocks belonging to Mrs. Michiko Murayama, a descendentof one of the founder families born in 1920 and then the Asahi Shimbun Company largest shareholder, havebeen sold or donated to TV Asahi Corporation and Kosetsu Museum Foundation, among other organizationsrelated to Asahi Group. Currently, her participation has been diminished down to the fourth position [Nagae,2009; Takimoto, 2009].
2Ms. Yoshioka reported the team had been studying how to improve the appeal of EZ News EX amongwomen. Months later, they released a new section called EX Caffe, which is focused on them and have socialmedia features as weblogs.
3As its title, the contraction of asa magazine [morning magazine], suggests, distribution is done earlydawn. The reason is another proof of how carriers affect gatekeeping: this is the time period with least useof their networks.
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4.2 Digital content production in the studied cases
[see chart 4.2 in p. 93]. On the EZ News EX keitai website version, the three top headlines
are from asahi.com, though with shorter titles. A fourth one completes the topics list with
some entertainment related news provided by TV Asahi. Analysis found that genres covered
are relatively more balanced than on general news ketai websites, including Asahi Nikkan
Sports. The space is filled mainly with “curiosities and other contents” [sono ta, wadai ], that
gathers soft news and features [15%]; “life”, with content on personal health, food, tourism,
etc [12%]; and domestic politics [12%]. Only in 20% of the time EZ News EX shared at least
one topic with Asahi Nikkan Sports, even though both use content from asahi.com. On the
other hand, posts are done with a delay of 3 minutes on average [maximum of 7 minutes]
compared to the latter.
The active approach and success of EZ News EX contrasts with a relative cautiousness
regarding smartphones. None of the three companies had news applications for iPhone.1
Instead, Mainichi and Yomiuri have been experimenting with Android. The first of such
experimentation was analyzed in this thesis. Mainichi Shimbun Android Version was the
result of a request from NTT DOCOMO prior to the release of new models running the
Google operating system. Differing from initial i-mode websites, the carrier paid for the
development of the application. This constituted the only revenue associated with this
enterprise, since it is free to download. It also explains why the application was available
initially only on DOCOMO Market, the exclusive application shop of the carrier.2 Moreover,
its concept reflects this preoccupation. The top page is a mere list of headlines starting with
more recent news. Articles can also be displayed by genre.
As part of a “trial and error” strategy, Mainichi decided to enrich the content by making
it a reader for two of its Twitter accounts posts. @mainichijpedit, the Mainichi.jp mascot
account3, suggests news pieces from the website. Though the “personal” language style
1This does not mean national newspapers did not have any. Sankei Shimbun and Nihon Keizai Shimbun,those not included in this analysis, offer applications for Apple handsets. Mainichi does it for iPad. Someof them also customized their PC website to be read on the US maker mobile browser.
2In late 2010 [after the conclusion of interviews], Mainichi Shimbun made it available for other mobilecompanies, following their releases of Android models.
3www.mainichi.jp/info/etc/character.html, accessed in Dec. 2010.
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
adopted and invitations to users to answer online quizzes, it is still mostly a strategy to
attract page views rather than interact with the audience. The second account differs entirely
in this aspect. @mainichiRT is part of the print project Mainichi RT 1, a daily tabloid size
paper released in 2010. In an attempt to increase print readership of young people, the
online discussions and the news access ranking on the Mainichi PC news website determines
the topics covered. An active adoption of social media is considered a way to “resonate the
times” and make a “medium made by its readers” possible [Nakajima, 2010, p. 53]. Twitter,
in particular, is praised for its speed and diversity. Misinformation is something to worry
about, but, for its supporters, the dynamics of updates and constant countering with new
information work as an “autocorrection” feature.
4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
Analysis of the targeted cases revealed some patterns regarding agents and factors that affect
the development of mobile phone services by newspaper companies and the gatekeeping of
their content. This will be discussed in the last part of this chapter. After comparisons with
the results of previous research, sources of influence were summarized into six points: 1) work
routines; 2) organization culture; 3) technology; 4) mobile phone carriers; 5) partnerships,
and 6) profitability. These aspects are developed in the following subsections.
4.3.1 The role of work routines
One clear transformation in newsmaking made possible by digital media is the elimination of
deadlines. Japanese online enterprises also have immediacy as a premise, but its application
is only partial. Day partitioning, with hard news for salarymen in the morning and soft
news in the evening, for example, is also perceived as a potential way of editing news, but
a systematic application remains a future task. Workflows and routines, mainly those of
1From the acronym for ReTweet, a function of this microblogging system to reproduce other user’s post.
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
offline newsrooms, are reasons for both gaps [Sugita et al., 2000, p. 58]. By implanting
a digital section inside print newsrooms, companies have created a hub in the information
stream that allows them to post breaking news first on the internet. However, it does not
change the fact that they are dependent on coverage which is mainly intended for the print
version. To convince reporters to send news pieces all through the day is still a challenge,
that includes calling regional offices when they know something is happening in that area to
ask for a short report for online media. As explained by Mr. Kasuya:
They have the habit of writing articles in time for the morning and evening
editions. Therefore, news pieces are concentrated when deadlines get closer. We
have been holding meetings to ask everyone to send their pieces as events occur.
But this point is really difficult to change.
These arrangements have also had an impact on the maintenance of previous standards
regarding news values. Thus, strategies have been adopted to ease such influence and adapt
the content for the new audience. If the merger of content from the subsidiary tabloids on the
mobile general news websites did not exist, the type of news found on mobile phones would
have barely changed from that on the PC website and in the print edition, even though they
have different readerships. “Those who are editing on the web are newspaper journalists [. . . ]
and, therefore, they would never put the marriage of some artist on top”, explained the staff
of Mainichi Shimbun. This makes the EZ News EX case the exception that confirms the
rule. With relative independence and their own gatekeeping process, they have guaranteed
that genres usually not highlighted also have a chance to be on top.
Besides workflows structure, other transmission channels of these routines are human
resources. Online newsroom staff have more diverse professional backgrounds than their
offline counterparts. However, still half of them are experienced professionals who have
worked for the print version of the same company. That is, they have likely gone through the
Japanese journalist formation system, wherein new college graduates from a variety of majors
become news professionals through “on the job training” in local offices [Hanada, 1999, p.
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
123]. “Print circulation and revenues are going down. Consequently, it is becoming difficult
to maintain some of these regional offices. In the US, the professionals deployed there would
probably be fired, but not in Japan. Here, they are sent to online newsrooms”, explained
one of the interviewees. On the other hand, 37.5% had some previous experience outside
the current company, which suggests the existence of interactions with professional values
brought from outside. Interviewees, however, stated that the roles of these professionals are
more related to bringing digital media technical know-how than rethinking established news
values, and that they are supposed to learn from the journalists.
Interviewees did not agree unanimously on how to improve current workflows and not
even on whether the influences of print culture should be reduced, but generally cited two
options. One answer already adopted by some Japanese newspapers was to split digital op-
erations or part of them into separated companies. Among the three companies analyzed,
a certain consciousness of the supposed benefits of this move exists.1 However, they raised
contractual costs between the parent and affiliated companies for content purchase and over-
lapping expenses as deterrents. Because of costs, 100% original content production was not
considered an alternative. The second option was the opposite: to merge the offline and
online newsrooms completely, as done in companies abroad. Moves so far, as the creation
of the digital sections inside offline newsrooms, were steps towards this direction.2 How-
ever, further integration requires a change in mentality and would certainly come up against
resistance.1The Digital Media Bureau chief of Sankei Shimbun around 2004 summarized the thoughts behind such
measures. “I think this is a matter for each company management team to judge, on whether you put theweight on the unity of the newspaper company or on flexibility and proneness toward business.” [Ito et al.,2004, p. 21] His company and Nihon Keizai Shimbun—the two national newspapers out of the scope of thisresearch—did indeed adopt the later stance and entrusted the commercialization of part of their contentfor digital platforms to subsidiaries: Sankei Digital [www.sankei-digital.co.jp, accessed in Dec., 2010] [NSK,2006, p. 316] and Nikkei Digital Media [www.nikkei.co.jp/digitalmedia/, accessed in Dec., 2010], respectively.
2Organizational reforms are a constant. Asahi did it in 2002 and 2006 [Nihon Shimbun Kyokai, 2003,2007]. Yomiuri, in 2000 and 2006 [Nihon Shimbun Kyokai, 2001, p. 60]. Mainichi took a similar measure in2009 [Nihon Shimbun Kyokai, 2009]. By the time of the interviews, some mentioned that new departmentreorganizations would take place soon.
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
4.3.2 The role of organization culture
Ote Komachi is a paradoxical case. Similar experiments do exist at local levels [Kaminaka,
2009; Takei, 2002]. However, as shown in the first part of this chapter, SNS and UGC
perceived flaws, such as low reliability and standards, the damage they could cause to the
brand image, and the costs involved in finding and erasing questionable posts are considered
more harmful in big scale initiatives by national outlets. Moreover, the fact that it belongs
to Yomiuri Shimbun, seen by its counterparts as the most cautious in terms of digital media,
makes it more enigmatic.1 It suggests that the factors that ultimately have led to its release
are on levels of analysis not reached by the present research.
On the other hand, even though an exceptional case, Ote Komachi and its BBS corner,
Hatsugen Komachi, still demonstrate the existence of effects caused by organization culture.
First, Japanese newspapers have a long culture of supplements for women, some of them
with life counseling columns. Yomiuri Shimbun is not an exception. Its Jinsei An’nai [Life
Guidance] section dates back to 1914, when it was called Mi no Ue Sodan [Personal Affairs
Consultations ]. Moreover, by tackling social issues from perspectives different to hard news
and with the contribution of readers, these “Home and Family” sections have traits of an
alternative discursive sphere [Hayashi, 2000]. These traits are also found on the Yomiuri
digital initiative, which may mean it inherited and developed practices already existent.
However, a systematic comparison, as well as a deeper discussion on the changes unleashed
by the transposition of such forums to online platforms by the use of UGC remain a future
task.
Second, all posts are hand checked before being published in order to maintain established
standards. “Newspapers are an industry with a social status and newspaper companies have
traditions. Therefore, there is a part of them that cannot take unconventional steps. It is
necessary to protect their moderation and pride as newspaper companies”, stated one Yomi-
1By mid 2010, the newspaper company had only three mobile services. Ten new ones have been releasedsince then.
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
uri executive [Ito et al., 2004, p. 19]. The costs of maintaining this gatekeeping phase are
seen as prohibitive by all companies when considering launching new similar experiments.1
The organization culture that makes companies suspicious of UGC, however, had to be ne-
gotiated with regards to perceived BBS essential features: no strict registration requirement
and anonymous postings. The removal of these aspects would reduce the main merit of this
format, its ability to extract sincere and free comments [Inazawa, 2009, p. 43]. On the other
hand, the very existence of newspapers as a filter is praised as adding value compared to
other online forums. “The safe environment [of Hatsugen Komachi ] is only possible because
Yomiuri Shimbun is committed to it”, defended Mr. Yamane.
Asahi and Mainichi, on the other hand, have a relatively more open approach concerning
social media. Twitter is mostly used by Japanese newspapers as an RSS feed aggregator.
The purpose is to lead followers to specific articles on their websites, even though some fear
that most users are satisfied with the alerts and do not click the links. That is, it becomes an
immediacy tool, and not an interactive tool. Within this context, the exceptional Mainichi
experiment with Mainich RT to produce an “interactive” newspaper is attributed to the
“open newspaper” [hirakareta shimbun] principle adopted by the organization [Nakajima,
2010, p. 52]. The company has been promoting two-way communication channels with the
audience, which includes making “the face of the newspaper visible” [kao no mieru shimbun].
In accordance to these principles, the newspaper has a tradition of crediting reporters for
articles, a practice still not widespread in Japan. It was also the first national media outlet to
adopt the weblog format. In another example, articles on Asahi Nikkan Sports and Mainichi
Sponichi also are integrated with the Japanese SNS Mixi, while those on News Yomiuri
Hochi are not. That is, users can post and comment on them on their profiles. The thinking
behind this is that articles are public information already approved by an editor. Moreover,
there is no way to impede users from commenting on the internet, since they can always
1In an experiment three years ago, Yomiuri Shimbun asked readers to send photos of Tokyo Marathon.They were displayed then on a map of the route, in an attempt that mixed UGC and geotagging. Eventhough relatively successful among users, the idea was discontinued. The conclusion was that checking allcontent is a troublesome job.
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
do so on other websites anyway. “We are just making it a little bit easier”, explained Mr.
Takano, adding that, however, allowing this service on their own websites with no checking
system in place is problematic, since users’ posts could lead to law suits for the company.
4.3.3 The technological factor
Professionals have handset and connection specifications in mind when producing content.
Around 60% of NTT DOCOMO handsets are not able to use cookies, which limits the
adoption of automatic customizations.1 The variety of models required a series of pre-tests
and warnings about those for which certain services are not available.2 The existence of
users perceived as technologically unsavvy also means downloads are often accompanied by
notices on data transmission costs. It also explains why the general news keitai websites
have not evolved much with time. “We are offering this content since i-mode started and
we have a relative number of users in their forties and fifties that do not use the latest
models. Therefore, we maintained the design almost untouched so it is accessible even on
old handsets”, said Mr. Takano, from Asahi Nikkan Sports. Even with the widespread 3G
network, long downloads times on keitai were considered a possible source of irritation for
users. Thus, videos were limited to less than one minute.3
In other contexts, technologies also boost new gatekeeping formats. The ubiquitous
aspect of mobile phones was also claimed sometimes as the reason for certain enterprises.
“The conspicuous feature of mobile phones is the fact that it is a ‘personal media device
1au by KDDI and Softbank models have cookies enabled, but the leading company and its market shareof 47,5% [Telecommunications Carriers Association, TCA, www.tca.or.jp, accessed in Dec., 2010] have aconsiderable weight on content providers decisions.
2The variety of Android OS versions due to the customizations done by the handset makers was cited asa demerit of this platform compared to Apple products.
3Around 2007, one minute long videos could be downloaded in most of keitai. On average, this meantapproximately 30 seconds of download. Two professional from a local newspaper considered 15 seconds (7 or8 seconds to download) the ideal length [Saito & Noda, 2007, p. 67]. The remark illustrates how “perceivedirritation towards long downloads” was a stronger factor shaping the news rather than “satisfaction with alonger content”. Besides saying moving objects on the screen were preferable, they also mentioned that thatwas the duration of most TV commercials. Although possibly just the first comparison they had in mind,one may infer from these comments that the role of such audio-visual content was more linked to offering anemotional stimulus than complementary information.
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
always attached to people’s body’. I consider that such a characteristic can be utilized best
during disasters”, wrote an Asahi professional on their keitai website specialized in offering
alerts on traffic and natural disasters. That is, the technological aspect meets the immediacy
demand already existent in mass media journalism. This point was reinforced by Mainichi
staff when explaining why the mobile website does not have as much features content as its
PC counterpart. On keitai, “we put more effort in updating it with flash news as fast as the
information arrives”.1
Regarding another technological factors, professionals and companies have different re-
actions regarding Content Management Systems [CMS]. Half of those who responded the
online survey said they were somewhat dissatisfied or totally dissatisfied with it. The num-
ber is in accordance with the findings of Domingo [2008c]. However, for the interviewees,
who also shoulder management responsibilities, CMS was strictly connected to which type of
content and workflows they were aiming for. Changes in the software have been planned by
Mainichi Shimbun to support the merger of offline and online operations. The goal is that
reporters, in the future, could feed all media, including mobile, with content posts through
an efficient CMS directly from the scene. The only weapon mentioned against expected
resistance, nonetheless, is a patient explanation of why such move is necessary. “We will
have to educate them, by explaining how we wish they would make use of it, as well as the
principles behind it”, explained Mr. Kasuya.
One final aspect of digital media technology is its effects on the perception of audiences.
Sharing increasing feedback from users among all professionals in charge of Asahi Nikkan
Sports is routine [Kitamoto, 2003, p. 41]. An active investigation of subscribers’ demands
was done through group interviews and monitoring of new subscriptions, cancellations, and
the most accessed stories [ibid]. Recently, article lists are also generated automatically using
1This aspect was also cited by Yomiuri Shimbun staff as the most important evaluation point whenthey compare digital operations with those of other newspaper companies. Accordingly, he did not considerYahoo! Japan News a competitor, even though it is the leading news service on the internet. This was dueto the fact that, since it does not produce their own content and actually purchases Yomiuri one, it couldnot be faster than newspaper companies.
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
search engine trends as a filter. Though not systematic, Ms. Yoshioka reported that, as
individual initiatives, professionals pay attention to what is being discussed on Twitter and
extract hints on which are topics of interest at the time. Daily coverage, however, has
limitations when reflecting such perceptions because of its dependence on offline newsrooms.
For example, even though the fact that mobile audiences are relatively young compared
to those of other media is a known characteristic, it did not mean hard news was edited
with them in mind. The margin to mirror users demand was bigger in services as EZ News
EX, where an additional gatekeeping phase allowed different top news arrangements and
the production of “special coverages” sections, with a list of articles related to some specific
topic. The dispersion of content into different niche services is also a strategy to avoid these
restraints and satisfy users’ demands, which are perceived as being less “massive” than those
of other media.1
4.3.4 The role of mobile phone carriers
Among the companies targeted in the present research, Mainichi Shimbun online operations
had previous experience in partnering with a company not from the traditional mass media
sector. Confronted by difficulties in making profits on the internet, the company chose to
make an alliance with the Japanese version of MSN [Microsoft Network ] portal in January
2004.2 The merge of the websites gave MSN content it did not have, while the Japanese
newspaper had access to a stable audience. However, editorial independence was seen as
an issue in early stages. “It is true we faced, even inside the company, people asking if it
was appropriate for a newspaper to join forces with such partner. There was a particular
resistance with the other part being a foreign company.” [Ito et al., 2004, p. 16] A direct
comparison of this case and the relations established by newspapers with mobile phone
1Despite being an aspect developed in academic and marketing research, the supposed attachment ofwomen to mobile media was not cited as a decision factor behind the focus on them by Ote Komachi and,more recently, EZ News EX.
2Mainichi-MSN Interactive lasted until September, 2007. Sankei Shimbun substituted Mainichi in thepartnership and both are together until the time being.
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
carriers as content providers or partners may not be correct, since they have different natures.
However, as a matter of fact and in contrast with the aforementioned example, no deep
considerations of their “appropriateness” were captured during the data collection of this
research.
That does not mean conflict has not existed. The vice-director of the department in
charge of Asahi Nikkan Sports around 2003 summarized the uncomfortable situation [Kita-
moto, 2003, p. 42]:
One big difference, compared to the business schemes experienced by newspa-
pers before, is possibly the huge presence of carriers standing between [providers
and audiences]. [. . . ] in the initial period, it was difficult to draw a clear limit
between us and them and it is a fact that different opinions have led to collisions
many times. Fortunately, it became possible currently to draw an appropriate
line for both of us, after some experience. However, it is common to hear that
many providers are still unsatisfied regarding the economic power unbalance in
face of carriers, depending on their region or business. On our side, there is
this feeling that ‘we are the ones who are offering the content’ and a sense of
incongruity since, in ‘paper’ times, there was nothing corresponding to carriers.
According to one of the Asahi sources, newspaper companies actively resisted initial sug-
gestions by NTT DOCOMO that news services should be free. Moreover, keitai internet top
pages constitute more of a barrier than an incentive, since they “hide” newspaper websites’
urls in the link directories.1 One could argue then that these companies were not passive
victims of mobile phone carriers, but actively negotiated their foothold on the new platform.
Moreover, as emphasized by one of the interviewees, providers are guaranteed editorial free-
1E.g., on au by KDDI mobile phones, one has to go four levels to reach newspaper websites list [Top >Menu List > News, Weather > National Newspapers; accessed in Dec., 2010]. One professional from Asahijoked that being the first on the list was one of the reasons behind Asahi Nikkan Sports success [Kitamoto,2003, p. 41]. For those that do not have such luck, QR codes are a strategic detour to lead users to thecontent without the filter of carriers [Saito & Noda, 2007, p. 67]. In the present time, however, those whofind the website through the directories list are a minority. Around 80% of users access Asahi Nikkan Sportsthorough bookmarks and the rest through links posted on SNS [Mixi ] or search engines.
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
dom in the contract. When the present research states that these external companies have
been influencing the gatekeeping function of newspapers, however, it does not suggest that
they actively dictate what should be covered and reported. The influence of mobile telecoms
happens through other subtle and not so subtle ways.
First, even though one cannot state that these companies would not have developed the
services for mobile phones if the carriers had not invited them, they did start these
services in the way they did in response to carriers’ invitations and with their technical
support.1 As the Mainichi Shimbun Android Version case shows, this scheme may
be reproduced even when creating content for smartphones, which were believed to
help eliminate the centrality of mobile telecoms by empowering the makers. Android
is perceived as having all the open aspects of the internet. However, the excess of
content and the consequent risk of being buried under it has become an issue. That
is what makes carriers own application stores attractive. As explained by an Asahi
interviewee, being there means you were certified [sumitsuki ] by the mobile telecom.
Moreover, while the Android Market requires a credit card, carriers offer the option of
paying through mobile phone bills, such as i-mode.
Second, though not definitive, mobile telecoms have a strong hand in what will be available
and, to a certain extent, successful on keitai internet. Such power is exerted when they
select which providers will be official and, consequently, displayed on mobile portals
and able to use their billing system. The effects of this scheme are exemplified by an
interviewee:
For example, if we were the managers of a vegetable shop, we could decide
where to put the products we want to sell. But we are not granted the same
1Carriers offered the technical know-how that newspaper companies lacked. Asahi staff built the websitesthemselves from scratch and counted on manuals and technical assistance offered by the carriers to do so.Technical work was outsourced in Mainichi to an external company indicated by NTT DOCOMO. YomiuriShimbun, on the other hand, initially assigned the task of developing and maintaining its mobile website to asubsidiary company, which, in turn, outsourced the system development to an external company. Operationswere absorbed by the parent company in March 2000.
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
freedom to do so [on i-mode]. The carrier ultimately decides what to place
near the entrance, where things sell more. Therefore, if we have the carriers’
idea in mind and produce what they want to offer now, they would display
us somewhere that attracts attention. [. . . ] And this is one of the important
points in case you want to increase subscriptions.
Moreover, the newspaper companies targeted here may have had problems being high-
lighted on top pages, but not being part of i-mode. This may be an obvious rational
business choice, but constitutes an issue for journalism studies in the digital age. Al-
though an unsettled discussion, on PC internet, startups and individuals are believed
to have the chance to compete against the hegemony of mass media giants. Economic
power disparities constitute a hurdle, but, on mobile internet, such barrier is accompa-
nied by a new one: mobile phone carriers as an external filter, a “macro-gatekeeper”.
Third, the very existence of them as mediators has retroactive impacts on providers, as
shown in attempts by newspapers to bring audience also from channels other than
i-mode top page. Such retroactive forces, however, need to be relativized as just one of
the factors under which professionals make their decisions. The power of such external
filters in determining how mobile internet will be marketed and to which audience it
is aimed suggests a potential channel of influence. The i-mode team focused on young
people as the preferential users of i-mode while still in the project phase. This target
has coincided with newspapers wishing to reach this very audience. “We are always in
touch with the carriers staff. For example, NTT DOCOMO always tell us on which
generations they will focus next summer. As a response, we discuss proposals of what
content and formats to offer targeting these generations”, explained an interviewee.
However, this has had few results in the actual news content offered by the early mobile
news websites, since they were under the constraints of offline newsrooms routines.
To merge content from the quality paper and the tabloids appears to be a skillful
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
maneuver to eliminate such limitations, but here again low budgets have also been an
issue. Carriers targeting attempts are more apparent in initiatives that achieve further
independence from offline newsrooms, such as EZ News EX and the weight they put
on soft news. But this later example is the product of a different context and, thus,
not directly comparable with early initiatives.
Fourth, influence is also exerted regarding formats. “When NTT DOCOMO planned to
release the FOMA keitai models, on which it became possible to watch videos on
mobile phones for the first time, they consulted us, six months prior to the release,
to see whether we could offer video content. And we indeed started a new service
with videos. This idea was born only because we received such consultation from NTT
DOCOMO, asking us to synchronize with the launch of these models”, an interviewee
explained. The stance of this research is that the digital environment has made choosing
formats a part of gatekeeping. The availability of a new technology has the obvious
effect of offering new packaging options. Flash has helped popularizing videos on the
internet, but few [correctly] thought of Adobe as a player in the gatekeeping function.
Mobile phone carriers, however, not only made technology [3G, multimedia] available,
but actively stimulated providers, including newspapers, to produce content using it.
4.3.5 The role of partnerships
As seen in the EZ News EX case, although still exceptional, the initial discomfort regard-
ing the presence of carriers as an intermediary has grown into a willing partnership. One
executive mentioned the arrival of a “ubiquitous information society” as the motivational
force that has pushed them towards partnership with a telecom company. “It is a society
in which is possible to make Asahi brand news available whenever and wherever, through
PC and mobile devices.” [Takimoto, 2009, p. 48] Besides enabling the company to explore
such an environment, ties with the companies that own the platform are part of an strategy
to leave the role of being a mere content provider. Partnerships with mobile phone carriers
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
give access to technologies not available to other content providers. It also guarantees a
highlighted position, both on top pages and on mobile default screens. Moreover, handset
vending staff can actively promote the service to new subscribers. All these benefits are
believed to surpass the fact that content becomes accessible only through one specific mobile
company.
Partnerships with the subsidiary TV stations, on the other hand, promote the use of
multimedia content. The broadcasting companies not only offer their content, but also
training. As part of the Asahi Group synergy strategy, TV Asahi offered workshops on digital
recording for Asahi Shimbun photographers and online newsroom staff. Nihon TV does the
same for its print counterpart Yomiuri Shimbun and has also sent one professional to work
with its digital bureau. Such collaborations are a rational choice from the management point
of view. However, the reinforcement of the cooperation inside these media conglomerates
may lead to a deepening in the discursive uniformity in the media landscape.
4.3.6 The profitability factor
The new situation of being intermediated by mobile phone carriers when offering content
for audiences has also shifted from tolerable to desirable because of the business solutions
it has offered. “I am certain that paywalls for news content thought to be difficult became
a reality on mobile phones so easily only because the payment system was ingenious”, said
one professional from Asahi Shimbun in regard to the i-mode billing model [Kitamoto, 2003,
p. 42].1 The merit of participating in such a promising sector overpasses any discomfort,
since even content available for free on their PC internet media can be charged for on mobile
phones, as happens in most of the cases analyzed.
Profitability is the keyword behind why some promises of digital technology have ma-
1The employment of hybrid models of paywall, in which certain contents are left open for free access whileothers not, poses a new decision during gatekeeping processes which is closely linked to business rather thanjournalism. Such model is already in use in Japan and editors are anticipating or already being confrontedwith these tasks [Anzai, 2010; Utada, 2010].
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
terialized, while others not.1 One strategy cited by the source from Mainichi to convince
reporters on why immediacy is important was to show them how it generates page views and,
consequently, revenue. On the other hand, QR codes printed on Yomiuri Shimbun Sunday
edition have been used to complement articles with multimedia. Mainichi Shimbun, in turn,
offers updates on articles that can be accessed through the codes, such as election results.
However, such usages remain an exception because “making money out of it is out of ques-
tion”. The same is true for LBS. All information sent by reporters of Mainichi and Yomiuri
through their CMS already have location tags. But an automatic filtering of content using
these tags is not available.2
The strategy of creating new services in opposition to adding new functionalities to those
already existent is cited as what has led to the biggest transformations in the eleven year
history of i-mode. When it became possible to watch videos on mobile phones, Asahi chose
to launch a new service based on multimedia—Asahi Mobile Station. Asahi Nikkan Sports
continued having only texts and images. That is, the first option was thought to lead to an
increase in revenue bigger than that a growth in the number of subscribers for the already
existent service would do. The exploration of niche markets was seen as a feasible source
of revenue. However, the market is reaching saturation. Moreover, the increasing switch
of users to smartphones is perceived as the beginning of keitai content industry shrinkage.
This context makes a long-tail strategy difficult, as explained by Mr. Kasuya. “Even if we
produce a lot of websites, the others would do the same.3 Therefore, the number of users
who subscribe to each one of them is falling [. . . ]. And many are switching to smartphones,
1“After I started getting involved with the internet, I became conscious of costs and I have made ofthem an important factor in my work decisions”, stated a local media outlet editor [Murakami, 2007, p. 34].The remark is in accordance with findings on online operations being more market-driven [Boczkowski &Livingstone, 2002, p. 275; Cohen, 2002].
2Asahi products are the only ones on which news can be customized by region, even though geotags arenot available in the articles entries. Experiments have been done in the past by Asahi Shimbun, when aparticular mechanism of J-Phone [current Softbank] base stations allowed filtering information by its location.The idea was discontinued after this function was disabled. Using the BSMS technology, EZ News EX staffsends alerts to specific regions in a similar manner. This example is another argument regarding the effectsof partnerships on gatekeeping.
3One known consequence of the lack of audiences demands measurement is the reproduction of successfulformulas [Shoemaker & Vos, 2009, p. 78–79].
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
so I think all newspaper companies are facing this decline.”
The decline of the keitai market is seen as a reason not to invest in new services on this
platform or additional features for currently existent services. In contrast, the rise of smart-
phones is promising, since their users are perceived as technologically savvier and having
higher purchase power. An active investment in content for these new devices, nonetheless,
is considered premature. “The market itself is small. [. . . ] It is still dominated by Apple
alone and it is not time to put money into producing something for Xperia”, said the intervie-
wee from Mainichi, referring to the Sony Ericsson model running Android recently released
in the Japanese market.1 As this remark suggests, the main preoccupation of Mainichi while
developing its Android application was to maintain production and operational costs close
to zero, as became possible thanks to NTT DOCOMO investment.2
Regarding Apple handsets, the newspaper adapted Mainichi.jp for iPod and iPhone, but
was cautious about releasing applications. One big reason is the central role of the maker.
“The worst aspect of Apple is that they practice censorship”, Mr. Kasuya said, citing stricter
rules imposed by the US company regarding what content can be sold in the AppStore.3 This
was true even though the former shares the same problems from PC internet in generating
earnings, while the latter has an established paid model. “If users can access the website
through browsers, why would they buy an application? NTT DOCOMO offered us money to
produce the Android application. But we do not expect, of course, Apple to do the same”,
explained Mr. Kasuya. “We do not embark on adventures based only on optimism”, he
1Mainichi Shimbun at the most, but the other companies also, have released new products for keitaiinternet and smartphones in late 2010 [see appendix]. These recent moves are out of the scope of thisresearch. They suggest however how transitory the judgements of these companies are. Therefore, anyconclusion upon them is also subjugated to such temporality. That is, they are specific of a certain period,which are getting shorter with the accelerated evolution of markets.
2Contrary to the common conception that online operations are cheaper since technology is accessible,many editors seem to have a high cost perception regarding the development of new mobile services [Anzai,2010; Omachi, 2010].
3Some European tabloids application, but not only, have had problems with Apple policy [McGann,L. (2010) Mark Fiore Can Win a Pulitzer Prize, But He Can’t Get His iPhone Cartoon App PastApple’s Satire Police. In: Nieman Journalism Lab, April, 15. http://www.niemanlab.org/2010/04/mark-fiore-can-win-a-pulitzer-prize-but-he-cant-get-his-iphone-cartoon-app-past-apples-satire-police/, ac-cessed in Dec. 2010.].
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4.3 Factors affecting the gatekeeping of content
added. This remark shows how disregard concerning costs, that allowed previous research
on online journalism to make light of this factor, is part of the past, possibly not just in
Japan.1
1It has not always been like this in Japan also. “Regarding niche products, only those that have somechance of being profitable are produced these days because of costs. It is not like in the past anymore, whenwe created new projects one after another”, reported Ms. Yoshioka.
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Chapter 5
Concluding remarks
The present case study has confirmed some of the findings of previous research and has
added new focal points for further analyses. Regarding the gatekeeping model, newsmaking
for mobile phones is dependent on news flows from other departments, mainly the offline
newsroom.1 Therefore, differences in mindsets have to be negotiated, such as the importance
given to immediacy or differences over news values. Such negotiations, however, have been
reduced to a minimum level with the establishment of relatively independent workflows that
converge into the same product: quality paper news content is produced by the parent paper
newsroom; tabloid news comes from the subsidiary sports newspaper; and features are the
responsibility of online departments. Partnerships with other media outlets, such as TV
stations, may create content currents coming from outside the organization.
Behind this attachment to efficiency, there is an increasing consideration of costs and
profitability. These factors have made of workers and managers “realists”. That is, the
technological “utopias” described by previous research still exist as symbolic constituents of
media. However, their weight in the negotiations that precede the creation of new services
and the establishment of work routines has been deeply reduced. In other words, the frus-
tration captured in studies of online newsrooms regarding their failure to fully explore the
potential of new platforms was not found in this case. Instead, there was a widespread feeling
1A different pattern with similar results has been observed in previous researches outside Japan: thedependence of online operations on news agencies. In many of them, work was restricted to fine-tuning newswires stories [Paterson, 2005; Quandt, 2008].
115
that this is what is possible in the current context.
This realism of the professionals in these newspapers may not be recent, but has not been
a constant either. Initial skepticism resulting from business frustration with the internet
has given way to some euphoria in early years in the face of a paid business model for
online content on mobile phones. This was reflected in the boom of new services in the
last decade until it reached the perceived current level of saturation. In all these phases, the
influence of mobile phone carriers as accelerators has been present. More than that, the data
collected suggests that their role has been generally greater than newspaper companies’ own
innovation strategies and users’ demand. Accordingly, such central agency of an external
organization may have not determined newsmaking and the actual content produced, but
has had consequences for both.
In practice, these dynamics have resulted in hypertext almost never being applied in
newsmaking as a potential tool. Multimedia, on the other hand, has materialized as we-
bvergence.1 Behind its implementation, carriers stimulus and efficient content production
through partnerships have functioned as accelerators. A strong perception that audiences
are not satisfied with one-way communication flows has push media outlets toward experi-
ences with interactivity. But once again, the tools offered are the result of negotiations with
organization culture and costs.
The potential of mobile phones was wrought with difficulty due to preexistent work
routines and the extent to which it was required to fit them. Accordingly, day parting has
not become a systematic practice since news is dependent on print workflows. Incidentally or
not, the perception of mobile audiences as having different demands for news was partially
satisfied with the merge of content from quality papers and tabloids. That is, in a way
no change has been required of the established news values of each newsroom. An already
existent culture of print supplements for women may explain the focus on them in some of the
services analyzed. However, the view of mobile phones as an efficient medium to reach this
1See p. 22.
116
audience as discussed marketing and media research was not pointed as a reason. Filtering
news by user location was more probable when technologies that only a partnership with the
carrier would give access to were available. Otherwise, the absence of profitable perspectives
have hampered implementation.
Immediacy, on the other hand, has emerged as the digital feature par excellence. Breaking
news culture has been boosted by technology and by the fact it is a widely shared premise in
many journalistic cultures. However, it has become a reality only as far as offline newsrooms
were already prone to provide it, since they are in charge of breaking news at the time being.
The emphasis in immediacy has been observed in research abroad [Brannon, 2008; Domingo,
2008c; Steensen, 2009], as well as its impact as a brake concerning the implementation of
other promises of digital media. This coincidence suggests discussion on the homogeniza-
tion and consequent commoditization of news due to constant updates [Boczkowski, 2010;
Boczkowski & Santos, 2007] as research topics also in Japan. It also reinforces suggestions
that the internet has had a bigger effect in increasing the efficiency of distribution, rather
than lowering production costs and stimulating original production [van der Wurff, 2008, p.
67].
In sum, these findings resonate the remarks of Tuchman [2002, p. 87], suggesting how
innovation in mass media does not necessarily lead to innovations in the way mass media
journalism is done:
When, from to time, the protocols of writing the news change, it is rele-
vant for research to ask how this discursive change relates to possible changes
in professional routines and in the political economy of news. [. . . ] In terms of
organizational routines and professional ideals, the actual shift is presumably the
result of both management deliberations and contestations among professionals
about the relatively prestigious ‘product’ which they co-sign. [. . . ] Significantly,
the core definition of news as the presentation of facts remains untouched by this
joint commercial, professional, and discursive strategy.
117
Her conclusion regarding the permanence of objectiveness despite changes in production
processes was verified regarding other journalistic practices in the present case.
Figure 5.1: Gatekeeping in the “mobile news worlds”.
Lastly, Boczkowski [2005] defends that online journalism is not the fruit solely of online
journalists, but something that emerges from“news worlds”. Among the other actors he lists
are other professionals, such as designers and programmers; other departments, including
the offline newsroom, commercial, and marketing; and audiences. One can add that, sup-
porting this environment, there is a platform, the internet in this case. The “mobile news
worlds” contain all these agents and are supported by mobile phones as the platform [fig.
5.1]. However, while the possible influence of the multitude of actors that control internet
technology is dispersed enough to the extent of being ignored with relatively no consequence
for research, this was not true for mobile phones in Japan. The existence of this channel of
influence through platform ownership and its consequences for mass media systems consti-
tute a new focal point for journalism studies. Moreover, such logic may be being reproduced
on smartphone and e-book markets, which constitute potential targets for further research.1
1New moves suggesting such reproduction are occurring. A new alliance among Asahi Shimbun Company,KDDI, Sony, and the printing company Toppan, which resulted in the creation of Booklista, a company
118
5.1 Limitations and future research
5.1 Limitations and future research
The methodology and scope of the present research has obvious limitations. Consequently,
some of its findings need to be relativized. The most obvious flaw is the very restricted
range of newspapers followed during the field work. The homogeneous group targeted has
allowed to argue in this thesis the existence of common models and mechanisms behind their
initiatives in the mobile content sector. However, transposing them to other contexts requires
caution. This is true even regarding the other two national Japanese newspaper companies
not targeted, since they occupy different positions in the market and have different stances on
digital operations. Application in a foreign context is even more problematic. The Japanese
media system has its peculiarities and mobile phones are“boundary objects” [Lievrouw, 2006,
p. 249], that is, their usage is open to be shaped by each social group. Digital media as a
research object is also a “moving target” [Lievrouw & Livingstone, 2006, p. 24; Westlund,
2008, p. 459], which makes past or future extrapolation difficult.
In regard to methodology, the present research has not employed a systematic method of
interpretation to texts—the content of interviews and the articles collected. A stricter content
analysis or a discourse analysis applied on a smaller corpus might have shown different results.
Moreover, the use of gatekeeping models is also limited to routines, organizational, and inter-
organizational levels. It is possible that much more could be explained with observations of
the individual also.
Lastly, discussion of this topic in its relation to other social scholarship remains a future
task. As briefly covered in the literature review, the idea of professional routines as impedi-
ments to change in mass media is interrelated with the concepts of “fields” and “autopoietic
social systems” proposed by Pierre Bourdieu and Niklas Luhman, respectively.1 These pre-
focused on the e-book market, is one of the most visible cases [Denshi Shoseki no Jigyo Gaisha Hassoku:Sony, Asahi Shimbunsha Nado 4-Sha. In: asahi.com, Nov. 2010, accessed in Dec. 2010. www.asahi.com/business/update/1124/TKY201011240414.html]. Mainichi Shimbun Company, on the other hand, has joinedforces with the mobile carrier Softbank and both established Viewn, a company focused on providing contentfor smartphones [www.viewn.co.jp].
1See p. 20.
119
5.1 Limitations and future research
liminary connections may constitute bridgeheads towards locating this topic within broader
social theories.
120
Chapter 6
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159
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1 of
27
Prof
essi
onal
s in
cha
rge
of m
obile
con
tent
in n
ewsp
aper
com
pani
es
1. A
ge
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
15-2
04.
2%1
21-2
5
0.0%
0
26-3
016
.7%
4
31-3
537
.5%
9
36-4
025
.0%
6
41-4
512
.5%
3
46-5
04.
2%1
51-5
5
0.0%
0
56-6
0
0.0%
0
61-6
5
0.0%
0
66-7
0
0.0%
0
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
2 of
27
2. G
ende
r
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
Mal
e75
.0%
18
Fem
ale
25.0
%6
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
3 of
27
3. E
duca
tiona
l Lev
el
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
High
Sch
ool
8.3%
2
Spec
ializ
ed T
rain
ing
Colle
ge
0.0%
0
Juni
or C
olle
ge
0.0%
0
Und
ergr
adua
tion
Cou
rse
87.5
%21
Gra
duat
ion
Cour
se4.
2%1
Leav
e in
bla
nk
0.0%
0
Oth
er
0.0%
0
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
4 of
27
4. Y
ears
sin
ce s
tart
ed w
orki
ng
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
Less
than
1 y
ear
0.
0%0
1 ye
ar to
3 y
ears
0.
0%0
3 ye
ars
to 5
yea
rs8.
3%2
5 ye
ars
to 1
0 ye
ars
50.0
%12
Mor
e th
an 1
0 ye
ars
41.7
%10
Leav
e in
bla
nk
0.0%
0
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
5 of
27
5. Y
ears
wor
king
in th
e cu
rren
t com
pany
.
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
Less
than
6 m
onth
s
0.0%
0
6 m
onth
s to
1 y
ear
0.
0%0
1 ye
ar to
3 y
ears
12.5
%3
3 ye
ars
to 5
yea
rs8.
3%2
5 ye
ars
to 1
0 ye
ars
37.5
%9
Mor
e th
an 1
0 ye
ars
41.7
%10
Leav
e in
bla
nk
0.0%
0
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
6 of
27
6. T
ime
wor
king
with
mob
ile c
onte
nt in
the
curr
ent c
ompa
ny.
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
Less
than
6 m
onth
s20
.8%
5
6 m
onth
s to
1 y
ear
16.7
%4
1 ye
ar to
3 y
ears
33.3
%8
3 ye
ars
to 5
yea
rs29
.2%
7
5 ye
ars
to 1
0 ye
ars
0.
0%0
Mor
e th
an 1
0 ye
ars
0.
0%0
Leav
e in
bla
nk
0.0%
0
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
7 of
27
7. W
hat w
ere
your
prio
r w
ork
expe
rienc
es?
(Mul
tiple
ans
wer
s)
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
I had
no
prio
r exp
erie
nce
4.2%
1
Prin
t new
sroo
m o
f the
cur
rent
ne
wsp
aper
54.2
%13
Com
mer
cial
dep
artm
ent o
f the
cu
rrent
new
spap
er8.
3%2
Adve
rtisi
ng d
epar
tmen
t of t
he
curre
nt n
ewsp
aper
4.2%
1
Oth
er d
epar
tmen
t of t
he c
urre
nt
news
pape
r16
.7%
4
Oth
er p
rint m
edia
com
pany
4.2%
1
Oth
er d
igita
l med
ia c
ompa
ny8.
3%2
Broa
dcas
ting
0.
0%0
Oth
er m
ass
med
ia c
ompa
ny8.
3%2
Oth
er m
obile
con
tent
pro
vide
rs4.
2%1
Mob
ile p
hone
car
riers
0.
0%0
Leav
e in
bla
nk4.
2%1
Oth
er
12.5
%3
8 of
27
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
8. W
hy d
id y
ou c
hoos
e to
wor
k w
ith m
obile
con
tent
?
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
It w
as m
y fir
st o
ptio
n4.
2%1
I bec
ame
inte
rest
ed a
fter f
indi
ng
the
vaca
ncy
by c
hanc
e16
.7%
4
It w
as th
e be
st a
mon
g th
e op
tions
I ha
d
0.0%
0
It w
as m
y on
ly a
ltern
ativ
e
0.0%
0
Pers
onne
l shu
ffle
70.8
%17
Leav
e in
bla
nk
0.0%
0
Oth
er
8.3%
2
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
9 of
27
9. W
hat's
you
r ty
pe o
f con
trac
t?
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
Part-
timer
0.
0%0
Tem
pora
ry w
orke
r8.
3%2
Con
tract
wor
ker
0.
0%0
Reg
ular
wor
ker
83.3
%20
Leav
e in
bla
nk4.
2%1
Oth
er
4.2%
1
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
10 o
f 27
10. W
hich
type
of m
obile
ser
vice
do
you
prod
uce
cont
ent f
or?
(Mul
tiple
ans
wer
s)
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
New
s w
ebsi
tes
58.3
%14
News
app
licat
ions
41.7
%10
Spor
ts n
ews
29.2
%7
Gos
sip
news
29.2
%7
Vide
o we
bsite
s4.
2%1
Dat
abas
e12
.5%
3
Nic
he w
ebsi
tes
0.
0%0
Oth
er33
.3%
8
Leav
e in
bla
nk
0.0%
0
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
11 o
f 27
11. W
hat a
re y
our
daily
act
iviti
es?
(Mul
tiple
ans
wer
s)
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
Dat
a co
llect
ion
8.3%
2
Writ
ing
16.7
%4
Editi
ng te
xts
58.3
%14
Editi
ng m
ultim
edia
8.3%
2
Proo
fread
ing
0.
0%0
Prog
ram
min
g20
.8%
5
Des
ign
12.5
%3
Man
agem
ent
12.5
%3
Leav
e in
bla
nk4.
2%1
Oth
er
33.3
%8
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
12 o
f 27
12. W
hich
trai
ning
pro
gram
s ha
ve y
ou e
nrol
led
in th
e pa
st?
(Mul
tiple
ans
wer
s)
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
A g
ener
al p
rogr
am58
.3%
14
Artic
les
and
feat
ures
writ
ing
for
prin
t med
ia33
.3%
8
Artic
les
and
feat
ures
writ
ing
for
digi
tal m
edia
12.5
%3
Artic
les
and
feat
ures
writ
ing
for
mob
ile m
edia
4.2%
1
Des
ign
for d
igita
l med
ia4.
2%1
Mul
timed
ia16
.7%
4
Soci
al m
edia
8.3%
2
PC s
kills
8.3%
2
Prog
ram
min
g12
.5%
3
Oth
er te
chni
cal t
rain
ing
prog
ram
16.7
%4
I hav
e ne
ver p
artic
ipat
ed20
.8%
5
Leav
e in
bla
nk4.
2%1
Oth
er
12.5
%3
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
13 o
f 27
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
13. W
hich
trai
ning
pro
gram
s do
you
thin
k yo
u ne
ed?
(Mul
tiple
ans
wer
s) R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
A ge
nera
l pro
gram
4.2%
1
Artic
les
and
feat
ures
writ
ing
for
prin
t med
ia16
.7%
4
Artic
les
and
feat
ures
writ
ing
for
digi
tal m
edia
20.8
%5
Artic
les
and
feat
ures
writ
ing
for
mob
ile m
edia
20.8
%5
Des
ign
for d
igita
l med
ia45
.8%
11
Mul
timed
ia29
.2%
7
Soci
al m
edia
54.2
%13
PC s
kills
16.7
%4
Prog
ram
min
g45
.8%
11
Oth
er te
chni
cal t
rain
ing
prog
ram
29.2
%7
I don
't ne
ed a
ny
0.0%
0
Leav
e in
bla
nk4.
2%1
14 o
f 27
Oth
er
12.5
%3
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
14. H
ow is
you
r da
ily w
orkf
low
?
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
I hav
e a
clea
r fun
ctio
n an
d I
perfo
rm it
mos
tly in
divi
dual
ly12
.5%
3
I wor
k in
coo
pera
tion
with
des
igne
rs
and
tech
nici
ans,
but
ther
e ar
e co
nflic
t som
etim
es
0.0%
0
I wor
k in
coo
pera
tion
with
de
sign
ers
and
tech
nici
ans
and
ther
e ar
e no
con
flict
s54
.2%
13
Leav
e in
bla
nk /
I do
not k
now
25.0
%6
Oth
er
8.3%
2
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
15 o
f 27
15. H
ow is
wor
king
with
oth
er d
epar
tmen
ts?
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
I do
not h
ave
chan
ces
of w
orki
ng
with
oth
er d
epar
tmen
ts12
.5%
3
Ther
e ar
e oc
casio
ns in
whi
ch I
work
in
coo
pera
tion
with
the
PC w
ebsi
te
staf
f12
.5%
3
Ther
e ar
e oc
casi
ons
in w
hich
I w
ork
in c
oope
ratio
n w
ith th
e PC
w
ebsi
te s
taff
and
the
prin
t ne
wsr
oom
66.7
%16
Leav
e in
bla
nk /
I do
not k
now
8.3%
2
Oth
er
0.0%
0
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
16 o
f 27
16. H
ow w
as w
orki
ng w
ith th
e PC
web
site
sta
ff?
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
I do
not h
ave
chan
ces
to w
ork
with
th
em4.
2%1
The
wor
k flo
wed
sm
ooth
ly66
.7%
16
Ther
e w
as s
ome
conf
lict
0.
0%0
Leav
e in
bla
nk /
I do
not k
now
25.0
%6
Oth
er
4.2%
1
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
17 o
f 27
17. H
ow w
as w
orki
ng w
ith th
e pr
int n
ewsr
oom
sta
ff?
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
I do
not h
ave
chan
ces
to w
ork
with
th
em16
.7%
4
The
wor
k flo
wed
sm
ooth
ly54
.2%
13
Ther
e w
as s
ome
conf
lict
4.2%
1
Leav
e in
bla
nk /
I do
not k
now
20.8
%5
Oth
er
4.2%
1
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
18 o
f 27
18. D
o yo
u fe
el th
e pr
int n
ewsp
aper
has
pri
ority
ove
r di
gita
l med
ia?
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
The
prin
t new
spap
er d
oes
not h
ave
the
prio
rity
4.2%
1
The
prin
t new
spap
er h
as th
e pr
iorit
y an
d th
is is
a n
atur
al o
ptio
n16
.7%
4
The
prin
t new
spap
er h
as th
e pr
iori
ty b
ut th
at n
eeds
to c
hang
e62
.5%
15
Leav
e in
bla
nk /
I do
not k
now
8.3%
2
Oth
er
8.3%
2
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
19 o
f 27
19. D
o yo
u fe
el th
e PC
web
site
has
pri
ority
ove
r di
gita
l med
ia?
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
The
PC w
ebsi
te d
oes
not h
ave
the
prio
rity
25.0
%6
The
PC w
ebsi
te h
as th
e pr
iorit
y an
d th
is is
a n
atur
al o
ptio
n8.
3%2
The
PC w
ebsi
te h
as th
e pr
iorit
y bu
t tha
t nee
ds to
cha
nge
33.3
%8
Leav
e in
bla
nk /
I do
not k
now
25.0
%6
Oth
er
8.3%
2
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
20 o
f 27
20. W
hat d
o yo
u th
ink
the
func
tion
of m
obile
con
tent
for
a ne
wsp
aper
com
pany
has
bee
n so
far?
(Mul
tiple
ans
wer
)
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
Attra
ctin
g ne
w re
ader
ship
s41
.7%
10
Expe
rimen
ting
with
new
form
ats
to d
istr
ibut
e ne
ws
70.8
%17
Show
ing
the
high
light
s of
prin
t ed
ition
of t
he n
ext d
ay4.
2%1
Com
plem
entin
g ar
ticle
s pu
blis
hed
in
the
prin
t edi
tion
4.2%
1
Leav
e in
bla
nk /
I do
not k
now
16.7
%4
Oth
er
16.7
%4
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
21 o
f 27
21. W
hat d
o yo
u th
ink
the
func
tion
of m
obile
con
tent
for
a ne
wsp
aper
com
pany
sho
uld
be?
(Mul
tiple
ans
wer
s)
R
espo
nse
Perc
ent
Res
pons
e C
ount
Attra
ctin
g ne
w re
ader
s37
.5%
9
Expe
rimen
ting
with
new
form
ats
to d
istr
ibut
e ne
ws
66.7
%16
Show
ing
the
high
light
s of
prin
t ed
ition
of t
he n
ext d
ay8.
3%2
Com
plem
entin
g ar
ticle
s pu
blis
hed
in
the
prin
t edi
tion
12.5
%3
Leav
e in
bla
nk /
I do
not k
now
16.7
%4
Oth
er
16.7
%4
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
22 o
f 27
22. H
ow m
uch
do y
ou th
ink
the
follo
win
g po
ints
are
impo
rtan
t in
the
prod
uctio
n of
mob
ile c
onte
nt?
N
ot im
port
ant
Alm
ost n
ot
impo
rtan
tA
littl
e im
port
ant
Impo
rtan
tM
ost i
mpo
rtan
tIt
does
no
appl
y / I
do
not
know
Rat
ing
Aver
age
Res
pons
e C
ount
Imm
edia
cy0.
0% (0
)0.
0% (0
)8.
3% (2
)12
.5%
(3)
66.7
% (1
6)12
.5%
(3)
4.67
24
Accu
racy
0.0%
(0)
0.0%
(0)
12.5
% (3
)29
.2%
(7)
45.8
% (1
1)12
.5%
(3)
4.38
24
Focu
s on
you
ng p
eopl
e4.
2% (1
)4.
2% (1
)29
.2%
(7)
37.5
% (9
)12
.5%
(3)
12.5
% (3
)3.
5724
Easy
to u
se0.
0% (0
)0.
0% (0
)4.
2% (1
)25
.0%
(6)
58.3
% (1
4)12
.5%
(3)
4.62
24
Easy
to d
ownl
oad
0.0%
(0)
8.3%
(2)
16.7
% (4
)45
.8%
(11)
16.7
% (4
)12
.5%
(3)
3.81
24
SMS
aler
ts4.
2% (1
)29
.2%
(7)
20.8
% (5
)12
.5%
(3)
8.3%
(2)
25.0
% (6
)2.
8924
Appl
icat
ions
and
web
site
s fo
r sm
artp
hone
s0.
0% (0
)0.
0% (0
)20
.8%
(5)
33.3
% (8
)29
.2%
(7)
16.7
% (4
)4.
1024
Mul
timed
ia0.
0% (0
)4.
2% (1
)45
.8%
(11)
12.5
% (3
)8.
3% (2
)29
.2%
(7)
3.35
24
Inte
ract
ivity
0.0%
(0)
16.7
% (4
)20
.8%
(5)
29.2
% (7
)4.
2% (1
)29
.2%
(7)
3.29
24
Exte
rnal
link
s0.
0% (0
)16
.7%
(4)
33.3
% (8
)12
.5%
(3)
12.5
% (3
)25
.0%
(6)
3.28
24
Soci
al m
edia
0.0%
(0)
8.3%
(2)
20.8
% (5
)41
.7%
(10)
4.2%
(1)
25.0
% (6
)3.
5624
Loca
tion-
base
d se
rvic
es8.
3% (2
)25
.0%
(6)
16.7
% (4
)25
.0%
(6)
4.2%
(1)
20.8
% (5
)2.
8924
Hyp
erlo
calit
y0.
0% (0
)8.
3% (2
)25
.0%
(6)
20.8
% (5
)20
.8%
(5)
25.0
% (6
)3.
7224
Gen
eral
con
tent
for m
assi
ve
audi
ence
s0.
0% (0
)12
.5%
(3)
45.8
% (1
1)12
.5%
(3)
8.3%
(2)
20.8
% (5
)3.
2124
23 o
f 27
Div
erse
ser
vice
s fo
cuse
d on
nic
he
audi
ence
s0.
0% (0
)12
.5%
(3)
16.7
% (4
)41
.7%
(10)
8.3%
(2)
20.8
% (5
)3.
5824
Paid
mod
els
0.0%
(0)
0.0%
(0)
8.3%
(2)
25.0
% (6
)54
.2%
(13)
12.5
% (3
)4.
5224
Adve
rtisi
ng m
odel
s12
.5%
(3)
16.7
% (4
)29
.2%
(7)
8.3%
(2)
12.5
% (3
)20
.8%
(5)
2.89
24
Clo
se c
oope
ratio
n w
ith th
e PC
w
ebsi
te s
taff
0.0%
(0)
0.0%
(0)
12.5
% (3
)41
.7%
(10)
25.0
% (6
)20
.8%
(5)
4.16
24
Inde
pend
ence
from
the
PC w
ebsi
te
staf
f33
.3%
(8)
20.8
% (5
)8.
3% (2
)8.
3% (2
)0.
0% (0
)29
.2%
(7)
1.88
24
Clo
se c
oope
ratio
n w
ith th
e pr
int
new
sroo
m s
taff
4.2%
(1)
16.7
% (4
)4.
2% (1
)25
.0%
(6)
29.2
% (7
)20
.8%
(5)
3.74
24
Inde
pend
ence
from
the
prin
t ne
wsr
oom
sta
ff29
.2%
(7)
20.8
% (5
)8.
3% (2
)4.
2% (1
)4.
2% (1
)33
.3%
(8)
2.00
24
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
24 o
f 27
23. H
ow m
uch
do y
ou th
ink
the
com
pany
con
side
rs th
e fo
llow
ing
poin
ts im
port
ant i
n th
e pr
oduc
tion
of m
obile
con
tent
?
N
ot im
port
ant
Alm
ost n
ot
impo
rtan
tA
littl
e im
port
ant
Impo
rtan
tM
ost i
mpo
rtan
tIt
does
not
ap
ply
/ I d
o no
t kn
ow
Rat
ing
Aver
age
Res
pons
e C
ount
Imm
edia
cy0.
0% (0
)0.
0% (0
)16
.7%
(4)
33.3
% (8
)37
.5%
(9)
12.5
% (3
)4.
2424
Accu
racy
0.0%
(0)
0.0%
(0)
4.2%
(1)
20.8
% (5
)62
.5%
(15)
12.5
% (3
)4.
6724
Focu
s on
you
ng p
eopl
e12
.5%
(3)
37.5
% (9
)20
.8%
(5)
12.5
% (3
)4.
2% (1
)12
.5%
(3)
2.52
24
Easy
to u
se4.
2% (1
)16
.7%
(4)
29.2
% (7
)25
.0%
(6)
12.5
% (3
)12
.5%
(3)
3.29
24
Easy
to d
ownl
oad
0.0%
(0)
20.8
% (5
)25
.0%
(6)
25.0
% (6
)12
.5%
(3)
16.7
% (4
)3.
3524
SMS
aler
ts4.
2% (1
)37
.5%
(9)
12.5
% (3
)16
.7%
(4)
4.2%
(1)
25.0
% (6
)2.
7224
Appl
icat
ions
and
web
site
s fo
r sm
artp
hone
s0.
0% (0
)8.
3% (2
)16
.7%
(4)
41.7
% (1
0)12
.5%
(3)
20.8
% (5
)3.
7424
Mul
timed
ia0.
0% (0
)33
.3%
(8)
16.7
% (4
)16
.7%
(4)
0.0%
(0)
33.3
% (8
)2.
7524
Inte
ract
ivity
12.5
% (3
)29
.2%
(7)
29.2
% (7
)4.
2% (1
)0.
0% (0
)25
.0%
(6)
2.33
24
Exte
rnal
link
s12
.5%
(3)
25.0
% (6
)25
.0%
(6)
8.3%
(2)
0.0%
(0)
29.2
% (7
)2.
4124
Soci
al m
edia
4.2%
(1)
45.8
% (1
1)16
.7%
(4)
8.3%
(2)
0.0%
(0)
25.0
% (6
)2.
3924
Loca
tion-
base
d se
rvic
es8.
3% (2
)54
.2%
(13)
16.7
% (4
)0.
0% (0
)0.
0% (0
)20
.8%
(5)
2.11
24
Hyp
erlo
calit
y8.
3% (2
)12
.5%
(3)
41.7
% (1
0)12
.5%
(3)
8.3%
(2)
16.7
% (4
)3.
0024
Gen
eral
con
tent
for m
assi
ve
audi
ence
s0.
0% (0
)4.
2% (1
)33
.3%
(8)
29.2
% (7
)8.
3% (2
)25
.0%
(6)
3.56
24
25 o
f 27
Div
erse
ser
vice
s fo
cuse
d on
nic
he
audi
ence
s0.
0% (0
)20
.8%
(5)
25.0
% (6
)29
.2%
(7)
4.2%
(1)
20.8
% (5
)3.
2124
Paid
mod
els
0.0%
(0)
4.2%
(1)
16.7
% (4
)25
.0%
(6)
37.5
% (9
)16
.7%
(4)
4.15
24
Adve
rtisi
ng m
odel
s12
.5%
(3)
29.2
% (7
)20
.8%
(5)
12.5
% (3
)4.
2% (1
)20
.8%
(5)
2.58
24
Clo
se c
oope
ratio
n w
ith th
e PC
w
ebsi
te s
taff
0.0%
(0)
0.0%
(0)
25.0
% (6
)29
.2%
(7)
12.5
% (3
)33
.3%
(8)
3.81
24
Inde
pend
ence
from
the
PC w
ebsi
te
staf
f20
.8%
(5)
29.2
% (7
)8.
3% (2
)4.
2% (1
)0.
0% (0
)37
.5%
(9)
1.93
24
Clo
se c
oope
ratio
n w
ith th
e pr
int
new
sroo
m s
taff
4.2%
(1)
4.2%
(1)
25.0
% (6
)20
.8%
(5)
12.5
% (3
)33
.3%
(8)
3.50
24
Inde
pend
ence
from
the
prin
t ne
wsr
oom
sta
ff20
.8%
(5)
20.8
% (5
)12
.5%
(3)
8.3%
(2)
0.0%
(0)
37.5
% (9
)2.
1324
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0
26 o
f 27
24. H
ow s
atis
fied
are
you
rega
rdin
g th
e fo
llow
ing
poin
ts?
D
issa
tisfie
dA
littl
e di
ssat
isfie
dA
littl
e sa
tisfie
dSa
tisfie
dIt
does
not
app
ly /
I do
not k
now
Rat
ing
Aver
age
Res
pons
e C
ount
The
time
avai
labl
e to
wor
k on
eac
h st
ory
4.2%
(1)
29.2
% (7
)12
.5%
(3)
0.0%
(0)
54.2
% (1
3)2.
1824
The
wor
k sp
ace
0.0%
(0)
29.2
% (7
)12
.5%
(3)
33.3
% (8
)25
.0%
(6)
3.06
24
Har
dwar
e12
.5%
(3)
20.8
% (5
)20
.8%
(5)
25.0
% (6
)20
.8%
(5)
2.74
24
Softw
are
8.3%
(2)
33.3
% (8
)16
.7%
(4)
20.8
% (5
)20
.8%
(5)
2.63
24
The
Con
tent
Man
agem
ent S
yste
m
[CM
S]16
.7%
(4)
37.5
% (9
)16
.7%
(4)
0.0%
(0)
29.2
% (7
)2.
0024
Your
ow
n ab
ility
16.7
% (4
)37
.5%
(9)
16.7
% (4
)4.
2% (1
)25
.0%
(6)
2.11
24
The
train
ing
prog
ram
s29
.2%
(7)
29.2
% (7
)4.
2% (1
)0.
0% (0
)37
.5%
(9)
1.60
24
Abou
t the
wor
k as
a w
hole
0.0%
(0)
20.8
% (5
)37
.5%
(9)
12.5
% (3
)29
.2%
(7)
2.88
24
an
swer
ed q
uest
ion
24
sk
ippe
d qu
estio
n0