Wh-Relative Clauses in Tagalog · [ano what kumain ate.av ang nom lalaki man sa obl kusina] kitchen (Intended: ‘mangothatthemanateinthekitchen’) (23) kusina kitchen kung kung

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Wh-Relative Clauses in Tagalog

Henrison Hsieh

McGill University

SEALS 28Wenzao Ursuline University of Languages

May 17–19, 2018

1 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Table of Contents

Introduction

BackgroundGeneral BackgroundLinker Relative Clause Basics

Kung Relative Clause Basics

Restrictions on Kung Relative ClausesRestriction to non-DPsFurther RestrictionsMore Morphosyntactic Restrictions

Summary and Conclusion

2 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Introduction

I 2 relative clause strategies in Tagalog (Austronesian)I Distinguished by element mediating between head and modifier

(1) [bata]=ngchild=lk

[uminomdrank.av

nggen

tubigwater

]

‘child who drank water’ Linker RC(2) [palengke]

marketkungkung

[saanwhere

bumilibought.av

angnom

guroteacher

nggen

isdafish

]

‘market where the teacher bought fish’ Kung RC

Linker Kung

Linker na/=ng Complementizer kungNo overt relative pronoun Overt wh-elementWell-studied Understudied

3 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Introduction

I 2 relative clause strategies in Tagalog (Austronesian)I Distinguished by element mediating between head and modifier

(1) [bata]=ngchild=lk

[uminomdrank.av

nggen

tubigwater

]

‘child who drank water’ Linker RC(2) [palengke]

marketkungkung

[saanwhere

bumilibought.av

angnom

guroteacher

nggen

isdafish

]

‘market where the teacher bought fish’ Kung RC

Linker Kung

Linker na/=ng Complementizer kungNo overt relative pronoun Overt wh-elementWell-studied Understudied

3 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Introduction

I 2 relative clause strategies in Tagalog (Austronesian)I Distinguished by element mediating between head and modifier

(1) [bata]=ngchild=lk

[uminomdrank.av

nggen

tubigwater

]

‘child who drank water’ Linker RC(2) [palengke]

marketkungkung

[saanwhere

bumilibought.av

angnom

guroteacher

nggen

isdafish

]

‘market where the teacher bought fish’ Kung RC

Linker Kung

Linker na/=ng Complementizer kungNo overt relative pronoun Overt wh-elementWell-studied Understudied

3 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Introduction: Goals

I Relatively understudied area of Tagalog syntaxI Initial detailed investigation into the behavior and distribution

of relative clauses formed using the kung strategyI Findings:

I Linker Strategy and Kung Strategy are syntactically distinctstrategies for relativization (contra Otsuka and Tanaka, 2016)

I Fairly complex restrictions on what may be targeted by thekung strategy

4 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Table of Contents

Introduction

BackgroundGeneral BackgroundLinker Relative Clause Basics

Kung Relative Clause Basics

Restrictions on Kung Relative ClausesRestriction to non-DPsFurther RestrictionsMore Morphosyntactic Restrictions

Summary and Conclusion

5 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

General Background

Word Order

I Verb initial languageI Elements may appear preverbally with various clausal

operations

(3) Pumuntawent.av

sinom

SaraSara

saobl

opisina.office

‘Sara went to the office.’ Verb-initial sentence

(4) Sinom

SaraSara

ayay

pumuntawent.av

saobl

opisina.office

‘As for Sara, she went to the office.’ Ay -topicalization

6 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

General Background

Case Marking

I ang (Nominative)Syntactically prominent clausal dependent

I ng (Genitive)Non-nominative core arguments (also possessors)

I sa (Oblique)“Peripheral” arguments and adjuncts

(5) Kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina.kitchen

‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’

7 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

General Background

Voice

I Case marking correlates with verbal morphology (=voice)

(6) K<um>ain<av>ate

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina.kitchen

‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Agent Voice

(7) K<in>ain<pv>ate

nggen

lalakiman

angnom

manggamango

saobl

kusina.kitchen

‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Patient Voice

(8) K<in>ain-an<pfv>eat-lv

nggen

lalakiman

nggen

manggamango

angnom

plato.plate

‘The man ate a mango from the plate.’ Locative Voice

8 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Linker Relative Clause Basics

Possible Positions to Target

Austronesian Extraction RestrictionOnly the nominative position can be targeted(9) Kumain

ate.avangnom

lalakiman

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina.kitchen

‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Baseline Sentence

(10) a. lalaki=ngman=lk

[kumainate.av

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina]kitchen

‘man who ate mango in the kitchen’b. *mangga=ng

mango=lk[kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

saobl

kusina]kitchen

(Intended: ‘mango that the man ate in the kitchen’)c. *kusina=ng

kitchen=lk[kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’)

9 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Linker Relative Clause Basics

Possible Positions to Target

Austronesian Extraction RestrictionOnly the nominative position can be targeted(9) Kumain

ate.avangnom

lalakiman

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina.kitchen

‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Baseline Sentence(10) a. lalaki=ng

man=lk[kumainate.av

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina]kitchen

‘man who ate mango in the kitchen’b. *mangga=ng

mango=lk[kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

saobl

kusina]kitchen

(Intended: ‘mango that the man ate in the kitchen’)c. *kusina=ng

kitchen=lk[kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’)9 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Linker Relative Clause Basics

Possible Positions to Target

I Relativizing other positions requires a change in voice(11) Kinain

ate.pvnggen

lalakiman

angnom

manggamango

saobl

kusina.kitchen

‘The man ate the mango in the kitchen.’Baseline Sentence

(12) a.?? lalaki=ngman=lk

[kinainate.pv

angnom

manggamango

saobl

kusina]kitchen

(Intended: ‘man who ate the mango in the kitchen’)b. mangga=ng

mango=lk[kinainate.pv

nggen

lalakiman

saobl

kusina]kitchen

‘mango that the man ate in the kitchen’c. *kusina=ng

kitchen=lk[kinainate.pv

nggen

lalakiman

angnom

mangga]mango

(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate the mango’)

10 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Linker Relative Clause Basics

Possible Positions to Target

I Relativizing other positions requires a change in voice(11) Kinain

ate.pvnggen

lalakiman

angnom

manggamango

saobl

kusina.kitchen

‘The man ate the mango in the kitchen.’Baseline Sentence

(12) a.?? lalaki=ngman=lk

[kinainate.pv

angnom

manggamango

saobl

kusina]kitchen

(Intended: ‘man who ate the mango in the kitchen’)b. mangga=ng

mango=lk[kinainate.pv

nggen

lalakiman

saobl

kusina]kitchen

‘mango that the man ate in the kitchen’c. *kusina=ng

kitchen=lk[kinainate.pv

nggen

lalakiman

angnom

mangga]mango

(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate the mango’)10 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Linker Relative Clause Basics

Word Order

I Basic word order is head-initial, and the head may be omittedI Relative clause head may also appear after or within the RC

modifier (Aldridge, 2003, 2017)

(13) a. angnom

(mangga=ng)mango=lk

[kinainate.pv

nggen

lalaki]man

‘the {mango/one} that the man ate’Head-initial/Headless

b. angnom

[kinainate.pv

nggen

lalaki]=ngman=lk

manggamango

‘the mango that the man ate’ Head-finalc. ang

nom[kinain=gate.pv=lk

manggamango

nggen

lalaki]man

‘the mango that the man ate’ Head-internal11 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Linker Relative Clause Basics

Interim Summary

Linker RC Kung RC

Rel. Pronoun None/Not overtCan target Only NominativeWord order Relatively free

12 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Table of Contents

Introduction

BackgroundGeneral BackgroundLinker Relative Clause Basics

Kung Relative Clause Basics

Restrictions on Kung Relative ClausesRestriction to non-DPsFurther RestrictionsMore Morphosyntactic Restrictions

Summary and Conclusion

13 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Kung Relative Clause Basics

I Targets non-DP positions (neither ang - nor ng -marked)I Overt wh-element corresponds to the role of the targeted

position

(14) Kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina.kitchen

‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Baseline Sentence

(15) kusinakitchen

kungkung

[saanwhere

kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’

(16) *kusinakitchen

kungkung

[anowhat

(ang)nom

kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’)

14 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Kung Relative Clause Basics

I Targets non-DP positions (neither ang - nor ng -marked)I Overt wh-element corresponds to the role of the targeted

position

(14) Kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina.kitchen

‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Baseline Sentence

(15) kusinakitchen

kungkung

[saanwhere

kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’

(16) *kusinakitchen

kungkung

[anowhat

(ang)nom

kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’)14 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Word Order

I Unlike Linker RCs, kung RCs exhibit no word order flexibilityI Only the head-initial word order is possibleI Below are a few attempts, a more exhaustive list of

possibilities is left out for reasons of space(17) ang

nom*(kusina)kitchen

kungkung

[saanwhere

kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’(18) *ang

nomkungkung

[saanwhere

kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

mangga](=ng)mango=lk

kusinakitchen

(19) *angnom

[saanwhere

kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

kungkung

kusinakitchen

(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’)15 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Table of Contents

Introduction

BackgroundGeneral BackgroundLinker Relative Clause Basics

Kung Relative Clause Basics

Restrictions on Kung Relative ClausesRestriction to non-DPsFurther RestrictionsMore Morphosyntactic Restrictions

Summary and Conclusion

16 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Restriction to non-DPs

Necessary ConditionMorphological non-DP-hood is a necessary condition for targets ofkung relativization; No ang - or ng -marked positions may betargeted by kung relativization

17 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Restriction to non-DPs

I Only targets non-DP positions; i.e., neither ang - norng -marked (Otsuka and Tanaka, 2016)

(20) Kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina.kitchen

‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Baseline Sentence

(21) * lalakiman=lk

kungkung

[sinowho

kumainate.av

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina]kitchen

(Intended: ‘man who ate mango in the kitchen’)

(22) *manggamango

kungkung

[anowhat

kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

saobl

kusina]kitchen

(Intended: ‘mango that the man ate in the kitchen’)

(23) kusinakitchen

kungkung

[saanwhere

kumainate.av

angnom

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’

18 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Restriction to non-DPs

I Same positions may be targeted with different voice marking...

(24) Kinainate.pv

nggen

lalakiman

angnom

manggamango

saobl

kusina.kitchen

‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Baseline Sentence

(25) kusinakitchen

kungkung

[saanwhere

kinainate.pv

nggen

lalakiman

angnom

mangga]mango

‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’

19 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Restriction to non-DPs

I ...but not if the relevant position becomes ang -marked viavoice morphology

(26) K<in>ain-an<pfv>eat-lv

nggen

lalakiman

nggen

manggamango

angnom

plato.plate

‘The man ate a mango from the plate.’

(27) *platoplate

kungkung

[saan/anowhere/what

k<in>ain-an<pfv>eat-lv

nggen

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

(Intended: ‘plate that the man ate a mango from’)

(28) plato=ngplate=lk

[k<in>ain-an<pfv>eat-lv

nggen

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

‘plate that the man ate a mango from’(Grammatical Linker RC)

20 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Restriction to non-DPs

I ...but not if the relevant position becomes ang -marked viavoice morphology

(26) K<in>ain-an<pfv>eat-lv

nggen

lalakiman

nggen

manggamango

angnom

plato.plate

‘The man ate a mango from the plate.’

(27) *platoplate

kungkung

[saan/anowhere/what

k<in>ain-an<pfv>eat-lv

nggen

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

(Intended: ‘plate that the man ate a mango from’)

(28) plato=ngplate=lk

[k<in>ain-an<pfv>eat-lv

nggen

lalakiman

nggen

mangga]mango

‘plate that the man ate a mango from’(Grammatical Linker RC)

20 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Further Restrictions

Adjuncts vs Arguments

I Adjunct/Argument status does not determine targetability forrelativization

I Locative argument of naglagay ‘put (AV)’ is also relativizedusing a kung RC

(29) Naglagayput.av

sinom

GinaGina

nggen

peramoney

*(saobl

lamesa).table

‘Gina put some money on the table.’(30) lamesa

tablekungkung

[saanwhere

naglagayput.av

sinom

GinaGina

nggen

pera]money

‘table where Gina put some money’

(31) * lamesa=ngtable=lk

[naglagayput.av

sinom

GinaGina

nggen

pera]money

(Intended: ‘table where Gina put some money’)Ungrammatical Linker RC

21 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Further Restrictions

Adjuncts vs Arguments

I Adjunct/Argument status does not determine targetability forrelativization

I Locative argument of naglagay ‘put (AV)’ is also relativizedusing a kung RC

(29) Naglagayput.av

sinom

GinaGina

nggen

peramoney

*(saobl

lamesa).table

‘Gina put some money on the table.’(30) lamesa

tablekungkung

[saanwhere

naglagayput.av

sinom

GinaGina

nggen

pera]money

‘table where Gina put some money’(31) * lamesa=ng

table=lk[naglagayput.av

sinom

GinaGina

nggen

pera]money

(Intended: ‘table where Gina put some money’)Ungrammatical Linker RC

21 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Further Restrictions

Semantic Restrictions

I Commonly, reasons and times may also be relativized with thekung strategy

I (Note lack of oblique marker sa)

(32) Umalisleft.av

sinom

MariaMaria

dahilbecause

masamabad

angnom

pakiramdamfeeling

niya.3sg.gen

‘Maria left because she was feeling unwell.’ Baseline

(33) angnom

dahilanreason

kungkung

[bakitwhy

umalisleft.av

sinom

Maria]Maria

‘the reason why Maria left’

22 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Further Restrictions

Semantic Restrictions

I Commonly, reasons and times may also be relativized with thekung strategy

(34) Angnom

lahatall

ayay

maaarican

natin=g1pl.incl.gen=lk

maangkinpossess.pv

saobl

susunodfollowing

nalk

taon.year

‘Everything can be ours in the next year.’ Baseline(35) ang

nompanahontime

kungkung

[kailanwhen

angnom

lahatall

ayay

maaarican

natin=g1pl.incl.gen=lk

maangkin]possess.pv

‘The time when we can have everything’(modified from Sabbagh, 2013)

23 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Further Restrictions

Semantic Restrictions

I In contrast, there is some variation for the acceptability ofkung RCs targeting humans/individuals

I Currently unclear to what extent the variation is byconstruction or by speaker

24 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Further Restrictions

Semantic Restrictions

I Recipient argument of ibinigay ‘gave (CV)’ cannot use thekung strategy

(36) Ibinigaygave.cv

nigen

TinaTina

angnom

regalogift

saobl

babae.woman

‘Tina gave the gift to the woman.’ Baseline

(37) *angnom

babaewoman

kungkung

[{kanino/saan}who.obl/where

ibinigaygave.cv

nigen

TinaTina

angnom

regalo]gift

(Intended: ‘the woman who Tina gave the gift to’)

25 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Further Restrictions

Semantic Restrictions

I Source argument of natuto ‘learned (PV)’ can use the kungstrategy (at least for some speakers)

(38) Natutolearned.pv

sinom

JulianJulian

nggen

IlokanoIlokano

kayobl

Bb.Ms.

deladela

Cruz.Cruz

‘Julian learned Ilokano from Ms. dela Cruz.’ Baseline

(39) ?angnom

gurowoman

kungkung

[kaninowho.obl

natutolearned.pv

sinom

JulianJulian

nggen

Ilokano]Ilokano

‘the teacher who Julian learned Ilokano from’

26 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

More Morphosyntactic Restrictions

No Complex Wh-Elements

I Kung Relative Clauses cannot be formed with complexwh-elements

(40) Nag-usapspoke.av

angnom

mgapl

guroteacher

tungkolabout

saobl

giyera.war

‘The teachers spoke about the war.’ Baseline

(41) *angnom

giyerawar

kungkung

[(tungkol)about

saanwhat.obl

nag-usapspoke.av

angnom

mgapl

guro]teacher

(Intended: ‘the war that the teachers spoke about’)

27 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

More Morphosyntactic Restrictions

No Complex Wh-Elements

I Kung Relative Clauses cannot be formed with complexwh-elements

(42) Bumilibought.av

sinom

KikoKiko

nggen

sapatosshoe

parafor

saobl

bata.child

‘Kiko bought shoes for the child.’ Baseline

(43) *angnom

batachild

kungkung

[(para)for

kaninowho.obl

bumilibought.av

sinom

KikoKiko

nggen

sapatos]shoe

(Intended: ‘the child for whom Kiko bought shoes’)

28 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

More Morphosyntactic Restrictions

No Complex Wh-Elements

I Often, these relative clauses are constructed using the linkerstrategy with the corresponding voice form

(44) angnom

giyera=ngwar=lk

[pinag-usapanspoke.rfv

nggen

mgapl

guro]teacher

‘the war that the teachers spoke about’

(45) angnom

bata=ngchild=lk

[binilhanbought.lv

nigen

KikoKiko

nggen

sapatos]shoe

‘the child for whom Kiko bought shoes’

29 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Table of Contents

Introduction

BackgroundGeneral BackgroundLinker Relative Clause Basics

Kung Relative Clause Basics

Restrictions on Kung Relative ClausesRestriction to non-DPsFurther RestrictionsMore Morphosyntactic Restrictions

Summary and Conclusion

30 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Summary

Linker RC Kung RC

Rel. Pronoun None/Not overt OvertCan target Only Nominative (See below)Word order Relatively free Rigid

Valid Kung RC Targets

I Non-DPs,I resulting in simplex wh-phrases,I that do not denote individuals/entities (...sometimes)

31 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Conclusions and Further Work

I Kung RCs and Linker RCs exhibit a number of differences thatsuggest that these are syntactically distinct constructions(contra Otsuka and Tanaka, 2016), in particular:

I word orderI restrictions on application

I More work is needed to ascertain what can and cannot berelativized with the kung strategy

32 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Thank You!Salamat Po!

33 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Bibliography

Aldridge, Edith. 2003. Remnant movement in Tagalog relativeclause formation. Linguistic Inquiry 34:631–640.

Aldridge, Edith. 2017. Internally and externally headed relativeclauses in Tagalog. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics2:41.1–33.

Otsuka, Yuko, and Nozomi Tanaka. 2016. Tagalog oblique relativeclauses. Paper presented at the 23rd Annual Meeting of theAustronesian Formal Linguistics Association (AFLA 23), TokyoUniversity of Foreign Studies.

Sabbagh, Joseph. 2013. Word order and prosodic-structureconstraints in Tagalog. Syntax 17:40–89.

34 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Apparently Similar Constructions?

I Worth Noting: kung also introduces a number of other typesof CPs which have overt wh-elements: embedded questions,free relatives

I At least for embedded questions, we do not find the samerestrictions as kung RCs

35 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Apparently Similar Constructions?

I Ang -marked targets

(46) Tinanongasked.pv

ko1sg.gen

kungkung

[sinowho

angnom

kumainate.av

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina].kitchen

‘I asked who ate the mango in the kitchen.’

(47) * lalakiman=lk

kungkung

[sinowho

(ang)nom

kumainate.av

nggen

manggamango

saobl

kusina]kitchen

(Intended: ‘man who ate mango in the kitchen’)

36 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Apparently Similar Constructions?

I Oblique Human Targets

(48) Tinanongasked.pv

ko1sg.gen

kungkung

[kaninowho.obl

ibinigaygave.cv

nigen

TinaTina

angnom

regalo].gift

‘I asked who Tina gave the gift to.’

(49) *angnom

babaewoman

kungkung

[{kanino/saan}who.obl/where

ibinigaygave.cv

nigen

TinaTina

angnom

regalo]gift

(Intended: ‘the woman who Tina gave the gift to’)

37 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Apparently Similar Constructions?

I Complex wh-elements

(50) Tinanongasked.pv

ko1sg.gen

kungkung

[parafor

kaninowho.obl

bumilibought.av

sinom

KikoKiko

nggen

sapatos]shoe

‘I asked who Kiko bought shoes for.’

(51) *angnom

batachild

kungkung

[(para)for

kaninowho.obl

bumilibought.av

sinom

KikoKiko

nggen

sapatos]shoe

(Intended: ‘the child for whom Kiko bought shoes’)

38 / 39

Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References

Apparently Similar Constructions?

I Kung RC may contain another instance of inversionI Emdedded wh-questions cannot

(52)*?Tinanongasked.pv

ko1sg.gen

kungkung

[kailanwhen

angnom

lahatall

ayay

maaarican

natin=g1pl.incl.gen=lk

maangkin]possess.pv

‘I asked when everything can be ours.’(53) ang

nompanahontime

kungkung

[kailanwhen

angnom

lahatall

ayay

maaarican

natin=g1pl.incl.gen=lk

maangkin]possess.pv

‘The time when we can have everything’(modified from Sabbagh, 2013)

39 / 39