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Tipit: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of
LowlandSouth America
Volume 5 | Issue 1 Article 2
6-1-2007
Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka LeaderHanne
VeberUniversity of Copenhagen, [email protected]
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Recommended CitationVeber, Hanne (2007) "Merits and Motivations
of an Ashninka Leader," Tipit: Journal of the Society for the
Anthropology of LowlandSouth America: Vol. 5: Iss. 1, Article
2.Available at:
http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol5/iss1/2
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Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader
AbstractRecent approaches to life history studies emphasize the
power of biography in processes of socialconstruction, highlighting
the individualstoryteller and social beingas creative and created
in relation toothers. Situated in collective meaning systems and
their dynamics, autobiographical narration is transformedinto
agency as it provides definitions of situations and encodes models
for action. This essay discussesalternative interpretations of the
autobiographical narrative of an Ashninka leader, Miguel Camaiteri,
inPeru's Upper Amazon, focusing on the exposition of his
motivations for becoming an indigenous activist andcontemplating
the way his self-presentation is contingent upon the political
agenda he is pursuing in telling hisstory. Camaiteri's narrative
permits an up close examination of the interplay between the
personal and thecollective, and between given structures and
visions of change, with the acting individual as the dynamic
axisthat sets the story into motion and gives it direction. In
presenting the details of his struggle, what initiallyappeared to
be the celebration of a hero turns into an invocation of
"groupness," as well as a recognition oftradition and indigenous
identity. Even if linked with a verifiable past, the
autobiographical narrative is clearlya product and a means of
signification that is associated with the present.
Enfoques rccientes en estudios de historias de vida valoran el
poder de la biografa en procesos deconstruccin social acentuando el
individuode narrador y de ser socialcomo creador y creado
enrelaciones con otros. Situado en sistemas de significado
colectivo y sus dinmicos, la narracin, suministrandodefiniciones de
situaciones y codificando modelos de actuacin, se transborda en
agenda. La autora consideraunas alternativas de interpretacin de la
narrativa autobiogrfica de un lder ashninka, Miguel Camaiteri, enla
Alta Amazona peruana, enfocndose en su exposicin de sus propias
motivaciones de hacerse activistaindgena y contemplando la manera
en que su auto-presentacin queda condicionada de la agenda
polticaseguida en contar su historia. Su narrativa permite una
percepcin de cerca de la interaccin entre lo personaly lo colectivo
y entre estructuras instituidas y visiones de cambio poniendo el
indivduo actuador como el ejedinmico que pone la historia en marcha
y la da direccin. En exponer las dificultades de su lucha, lo que
alprincipio pareca la celebracin de un hroe se convierte en una
invocacin de la colectividad yreconocimiento de la tradicin y la
identidad indgena. La narrativa autobiogrfica, aunque vinculado a
unpasado verificable, queda producto y medio de significacin
asociado al presente.
Cover Page FootnoteAcknowledgments. This essay was written as
part of a study entitled Between Two Worlds:
AutobiographicalChronicles of Ashninka Leaders. The study included
fieldwork carried out by the author in Perus SelvaCentral in the
Fall of 2004 and the Fall of 2005. It was made possible through
financial support from theDanish National Research Council for the
Humanities
This article is available in Tipit: Journal of the Society for
the Anthropology of Lowland South
America:http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol5/iss1/2
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Tipit (2007) 5(1):931 2007 SALSA 9ISSN 1545-4703 Printed in
USA
Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader
HANNE VEBERUniversity of [email protected]
INTRODUCTION
Life history studiesoften imagined as empirical doorways to
theethos of specific cultureshave been a legitimate part of
fieldworkmethodologyforaslongasanthropologyhasbeenanacademicprofession(LangnessandFrank2001).Otherdisciplines(includinghistory,sociology,cultural
studies, and psychology) have embraced life history studies
fortheir ownpurposes. Historianswere among the first to appreciate
theimportanceofpersonalreminiscenceashistoricalevidence(Prins2001),andsocialscientistsfindthatautobiographicaland
biographicalmethodsprovidea sophisticatedstockof
interpretiveprocedures for relating
thepersonalandthesocial(Chamberlayneetal.2000:2).Commonamongtherangeofapproachestolifehistoriesisanideathattheyofferprivilegedwindows
intoculture,history, thehumanpsyche,or
intotheconditionsofhumanaction.
Nevertheless,PeacockandHollandfoundmorethanadecade ago that life
history studieswere poorly integratedwith
thelargerendeavorofdescription,analysis,andtheory,
thuswarrantingtheir being reframed and theorized again (1993:367).
They alsonotedthatmanystudieshave
tendedtoseelifehistoriesascompletereflectionsofanexternalrealitywhethersituatedinthehumanpsyche,inculture,in
society, or in historya reality that constituted the real object
ofstudy.Seenasamediumforgraspingthisreality,thenarrativeitself,oritsrelationtothecontextofnarration,hasbeensecondary.
Withtheantiessentialistturninlatetwentieth-centuryanthropology,this
is changing. The bulk of more recent approachesvaried andcomplex as
they aretend to go beyond the narrow and rather
staticviewsofpreviousepistemologies.AsPeacockandHollandobserve,thesenewapproachessituatethelifestoryinprocessescrucialtohumanlife:collectivemeaningsystemsandtheirdynamics,self-othercommunicationand
discovery, social relations and the formation of sociality, or
self-formation (1993:373). Such approaches inwhichlife stories are
notvaluedsolelyonthebasisofhowwell
theymirrorsomerealityexternal
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tothenarrative,areconducivetoamultidimensionalappreciationofthepowerofbiographicalandautobiographicalnarrative
indiverseprocessesofsocialconstruction.Lifehistoryallowsforaperceptionoftheindividualsubjectsstorytellersandsocialbeingsasbothcreativeandcreated
intheirrelationstoothers. In this vein, the process of telling life
stories is widely recognizedfor its therapeutic value, as ismost
clearly apparent in institutionalizedsettings (e.g., at Alcoholics
Anonymous, group psychotherapy sessions,etc.). Storytelling helps
to reclaim a sense that the protagonists
havesomesayinthewaytheirlivesunfold.Forthenarratorinsuchsettings,asMichael
Jacksonphrases it, storytelling
isavitalhumanstrategyforsustainingasenseofagencyinthefaceofdisempoweringcircumstances(2002:15).
Taking inspiration from Hannah Arendt, Jackson stressesstorytelling
as an important bridge between private and public
realms,andbetweentheindividualandthecollectivity.Inthisway,hehighlightsthe
double-sidedness of autobiographical storytelling as both a sortof
confession and a social act inwhich stories are shared and come
tocarrymeaning beyond the personal. Yet, with such a strong focus
onthe therapeutics in storytelling that enables themarginalizedto
createnecessary illusionswithoutwhich lifebecomes insupportable (
Jackson2002:26), this approach fails to account for the power of
storytellingwhenpositionsotherthanthatof
thevictimarevoicedbythenarrator.In empowered contexts,
autobiographical narratives indeed turn
intomeans,oreveneffects,ofstrategicpositioning.Theyprovidedefinitionsof
situations and encodemodels for action rather than supply
illusionsto live by. Storytelling thushelps to establish agency,
creating itself
asimaginableandeffective.Empirically,acleardistinctionbetweenstoriesasillusionsofempowermentandasmodelsforactionmaybehardtodraw,but,forpurposesofanalysis,thedifferencemaybehelpful.
One additional obstacle may impede anthropological work on
lifehistory narratives frommoving beyond a focus on their role in
copingwith positions of disempowerment. Centering on the
individual, lifehistorywork
inanthropologyconvergeson,buttriestodifferentiateitselffrom,thepopularbiographygenrethatfocusesonheadsofstate,greatmen
or women, superstars, and common celebritieswhether they
areheroesorvillains,royaltyorspin-doctoredpoliticians,oreventhehumanproductsofcommercialbrandingstrategies.Thismodelisnotwheremostanthropologistslookforthesubjectsoftheirinformantbiographiesandlifehistories.Rather,anthropologiststendtoshyawayfromheromakingandfromindividualizationofsubjectsintheirwritings.Whilethisisnormallyahealthydispositiononthepartoftheethnographer,itdoestendtoignore
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Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader 11
thefactthatincertainsituationsspecificinformantsmayactuallyratetheheroismtheyclaim(ordonotclaim,asthecasemaybe).Mycommentsarenotmeanttoadvocateashifttocontemporarycelebritymemoirsortotheheroictextsofnineteenth-centuryhistorians.Rather,Iwanttocreateaninformedunderstandingoftheroleoftalentedleadersandthepowerofautobiographicalstorytellinginethnography.Bothareunderstoodbymetobeapartofapoliticsofliberation.Myfocusisthewaysuchleadersactpoliticallyacrossconflictingculturalformsandpoliticalsystems,effectingintheprocessavisionofethicalandpracticalethnographictexts.
Workingfromanontologicalassumptionthat
individualscanmakeadifferenceandthattheymaybeeffectiveagents,lifehistory(andmorepreciselytheautobiographicalnarrative)needstobeseenasalignedwithhistory,
authenticityand reflection. Itmustalsobeconcernedwith
thepresent,withsubjectivity,invention,representation,andfabrication.Iusethetermautobiographicalnarrativeheretorefertoaccountsthatdonotcoverapersonsentirelife,aslifehistoriesdo,butcovershorterepisodeswithinthisspan.1Autobiographicalnarratives,evenifindissolublylinkedwithanactualverifiablepast,aretheproductsofsignifyingprocessesthatare
associated with the present, with hopes and dreams, and with
theproductionofmeaning.Inthissense,theautobiographicalnarrativeisacomplexproductinvolvingboththerepresentationoflivedexperienceandthe
ability of the storyteller to seize the opportunity for
transformativeimpulse. In this essay I discuss some possible
interpretations of an
auto-biographicalnarrativeIcollectedin1987fromMiguelCamaiteri,amanwhowasashrewdorganizerandunusuallytalentedleader.
Iwantedtodeterminehowheunderstoodhisownpolitical roleamong
thePajonalAshninka, an indigenous population in one of Perus more
isolatedAmazon regions.2 A central theme in the personal story he
presentedin 1987, a theme to which he returned time and again,
concerned hismotivationsforbecominganactivist.
Miguels1987accountself-consciouslypaintsapictureofanidealistic,goal-oriented
person,whowitnessed recurrent injustices as a child
anddecidedasanadultthathewouldreturntoliberatehispeople.Hisstoryisepisodic.
It recountsanumberofhis
featsoforganizingthePajonalAshninka.Miguelalsoexplains
someofthepersonalsacrificeshemadetoattainthisgoal.Itisthecareerstoryofahero.Toanoutsiderand,undoubtedly,toMiguelhimself,thenarrativeappearsplausibleandtrueatfirstglance.Yet,uponcloserscrutinyitbecomesapparentthatthedetailsdonotsupportapictureofideal-drivenheroism.Rather,thestoryrevealsan
energetic and pragmatic person, with a talent for
opportunistically
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respondingtoandinfluencingunfoldingeventsbeyondhismaking.Whatheroismexistsemergesas
anexpostfactorationalization,asdoesthegoalitself.Thismaybethecasewithallheroesandheroism.However,readingMiguelCamaiteris
narrative in concertwith information abouthis
lifeandhisactionsderivedfromothersources,includingmyownfieldnotes,andmyknowledgeofhimasapersonalternativeinterpretationsemerge.ThesealternativeinterpretationsareprobablynomorenorlesstruethantheheroicversionofthestoryastoldbyMiguel.However,takentogetherthey
offer a different perspective on Miguels accomplishments
andmotivations. Theyalsooffer
anunderstandingofhowhispresentationofhimselfdependsonhisownpolitical
agendaat the timehe tells thestory. Suchacontextualized
interpretationmayrevealhisactions
tobecrucialtotheimprovementofthelotofhispeople.Hisnarrativeexpresseshissenseofagency,notasasolitarymanstandingalone,butassomeonewhoenvisions
and emphasizes collectivegoals. Through this
emphasisonthecollective,Miguelsnarrativechallengesnotionsoftheimpendingbreakdownofindigenoussolidarityinthefaceofmodernization.Assuch,the
narrative forges self-confident indigenous identity while
speakingtruthtopower.
THE PAJONAL ASHNINKA AND THE SETTLERS
Approximately 6,000 Pajonal Ashninka live in small
settlementsscatteredover3,600squarekilometersofdenserainforestandgrasslandsknownastheGranPajonal,amontaaregionbetweentheUcayaliriverand
the far eastern slopesof theAndes. They forma subgroupof
thelargerArawakanpopulationformerlyknownintheethnographicliteratureasCampa
and today referred toby their
autodenominationsAshninkaandAshninka(HvalkofandVeber2005).Numberingmorethan80,000peopleintheUpperAmazonofcentralPeru,knownasLa
Selva Central,these populations find themselves in varying degrees
of socioeconomicinvolvement with national society. The Pajonal
Ashninka are on thelesserintegratedendofthecontinuum.
TheGranPajonalisadifficultregiontoaccess.ItwasbroughtunderthepurviewofthePeruviangovernmentonlyinthelate1930s,whentheFranciscanMissionsetupthesmallcolonycalledOventeniinthecenterofGranPajonalregion.Fromthenon,theAshninkawhohunt,gather,andengageinhorticulturegraduallyfoundtheirbestlandstakenoverbysettlerswhoweremostlyimmigrantsfromtheAndeanhighlands.AlongwithsettlerscamelethalepidemicsthattookaheavytollontheAshninka
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Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader 13
population. Yet, the decline was soon reversed thanks to
vaccinationcampaignsinitiatedinthe1970sbyAmericanmissionariesoftheSummerInstituteofLinguistics(SIL)whoworkedinthearea.Fromanestimatedlowof1,500personsin1969(Bodley1971),thepopulationhadmultipliedtoapproximately4,000by1985
(Hvalkof1989). By the 1970s, serious conflicts had developed
between settlers
andthenativeAshninka.TheAshninkaneededtheirlandforsubsistenceandforthedevelopmentofcashcrops,whileambitioussettlerswantedtoexpand
the cattle-ranching schemes inwhich theyhad
investedmoneyandeffort.3Thesesettlershadnointentionoflettingafewragtagnativesstopthemfrommakingtheirdreamsofwealthcometrue.
Yet, settlersdepended onAshninka labor for clearingfields and
planting
pastures,andtheywereaccustomedtosecuringthislaboratverylowcosts.4
TheAshninkawereawarethatalongwithland,educationwascentraltotheirhopeforabetterfuture.WiththeirlimitedknowledgeofSpanish,andwithouttheabilitytoread,write,orperformsimplearithmetic,theywould
never be able to secure control of the territories on which
theysubsisted.Intheabsenceofsuchskills,theywouldneverreceivefairpricesforthecropstheywantedtomarket.
Over the years, Oventeni settlers had actively resisted
Ashninkaefforts to improve their lot. By the early 1980s, the
Ashninka
werebecomingawarethattheyneededtoactcollectivelytochangethesituation.WithsupportfromSILmissionaries,5somelocalheadmenmanagedtosetupbilingualschoolsinafewlocalsettlements.Theyhadalsostartedtoorganizethemselvesintocomunidades
nativas (nativecommunities),legalentities that byPeruvian law allow
groups ofAmazonian natives to beformally recognizedas
separatepopulationswith rights to territoryandthemanagementof
theirowninternalaffairs.ThisorganizationalprocesswasanongoingconcernfortheAshninkawhenIarrivedinOventeniinNovember1985todoethnographicfieldwork.6
To learn about indigenous life and relations between settlers
andAshninka,myhusbandandIstayedindifferentAshninkasettlementsand in
Oventeni, observing interactions between the two groups
andlisteningtocomplaintsfromindigenouspersonsthattheywerenotbeing
paidforworktheyhaddoneforsettlers,thattheircropswerecutdownandtheirfieldstakenoverbysettlers,andthattheywerebeingthreatenedand
abused by settlers by being evicted from their homes and
cheatedwhentheysoldtheirharvestofcoffeetosettlerbuyers.IbecameawarethattheircomplaintsreflectedarecentconsciousnessawakeningamongtheAshninka
that the ill-treatment
theywereexperiencingwaswrongandunlawful,andthatindigenouspeopleactuallyhadrightstoterritory,
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education,healthservices,andtoformcommunitiesoftheirownwithameasureofautonomyingoverningthemselves.
The news that Indians had rights seemed miraculous to
manyAshninka.Theyhadbeenleadtobelievethat
thepowertocommandandcontrolnativepersonsbelongedtononnativenationals,betheyAndeansettlers
or mestizos from other parts of the country. This news
hadspreadoverthevastGranPajonalregionfroma
seriesofmeetingswhereMiguelCamaiteriandotherleadershadlecturedonPeruvianlegislation.Settlers
only became aware of thesemeetings as
theAshninkawhomtheyemployedstartedtomakedemandsforbetterpaymentandwrittencontractsonthetermsofwork.Evenmorethreateningtothesettlers,theAshninkanowevenclaimedrightsofownershiptocropsandland.AssettlersstartedtorealizethecentralroleplayedbyMiguelCamaiteri
inspreadinginformationaboutindigenousrights,someofthemaccusedhimofbeingacommunistagitatorandreportedhimtothepoliceinSatipo,theprovincialcapital.TheydenouncedhimasacriminalandasubversiveandaccusedhimofplanninganIndianuprising.ThisonlymadeMiguelevenmoredeterminedtocontinuewhathehadstarted.
ByApril 1987, I had been in theGran Pajonal for some
eighteenmonths,andwasgraduallybecomingawareofthesubtleinfluenceofthisoneman.However,hisexactrolewasnotentirelycleartome.Iknewofthe
frequentgatheringsofmanyAshninkainthelargecompoundofhisolderbrotherNico,whohadbeen
living inOventeni
foryearsworkingforsettlers.IhadwatchedMiguelexplainindigenousrightstoacrowdofAshninkaandIknewhewasconstantlytravelingfarandwidewithintheGranPajonalandbeyond.HewasalsoincontactwithpublicauthoritiesinSatipoandelsewhere,andheoftenmetwithindigenousleadersfromtheregionalorganizationsthathaddevelopedinotherpartsoftheSelvaCentral
from the late1970sonwards. Still, Ihadonly a vague
ideaofwhohereallywasandwhatmadehimtaketherisksandgothroughthedifficultiesofspearheadingtheprocessoforganizingindigenouspeopleintheGranPajonal.IdecidedthatonewayofunderstandingMiguelsroleandhismotivationwouldbetoaskhimtotellmehislifehistory.
MyhusbandandIwouldoccasionallymeetMiguelathisbrotherscompoundontheoppositesideoftheOventeniairstripfromwhereourrentedhousewaslocated.Ifoundhimtobeasoft-spokenandhumbleman.Hehadbeenservingasabilingualteacherinanearbycommunityforawhile,yethedidnotconsiderhimselfateacher.Hislifewasdedicatedtopromoting
indigenousorganizing, and this iswhathe spentmostofhis timedoing.
Hisbehavior showednoneof
theaudacityorboldnessdisplayedbymanyotherAshninkaheadmen.Heneverstoppedbyour
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Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader 15
housetosolicittradegoodsortoaskformedicine.Heneverapproachedpatronsettlersaboutadvancepaymentsonworkcontracts,nordidheeverseektheirhelptogainaccesstomerchandizesuchasguns,ammunition,axes,machetes,knives,aluminumpots,andotheritemsthathavebecomenecessitiesinPajonalAshninkahouseholds(Veber1996).WhenMigueldidcomearoundourhouse,
itwas todiscusspolitics and to
talkaboutpossibilitiesforexternalsupportforhiscause.HeassumedresponsibilityfortheimaginedcollectivityofthePajonalAshninka.(Thiscollectivityis
imagined in the same way Benedict Anderson [1991:6] uses
theconcept, that is, imagined because themembers of this
collectivitywillneverknowmostoftheirfellow-members.)Totheextentthatthereexistsan
imagined communityon thepartof the scattered and
independent-mindedAshninka,itisundoubtedlytheresultoftherecentorganizingencouraged
byMiguel and others (Veber 1998; see alsoVeber 1999).7Apart from
encouraging the formation of comunidades
nativas,MiguelfoundwaystosecurebilingualschoolingforalloftheAshninkachildren,themajorityofwhomdidnotknowenoughSpanishtobenefitfromtheeducationofferedintheOventenipublicschoolorwhosimplylivedtoofarawayfromthesettlercolonytobeabletoenroll,hadtheywishedtodoso.
Miguelwaspainfully aware that, throughallhis efforts toobtain
afewimprovementsforthePajonalAshninka,hehadbecomethefavoriteobjectofhateforsettlerswhohadplannedtheirfuturewithaneyetowardsthegainstobemadefromcheapAshninkalabor.Thesesettlersrealizedthatwell-organizedAshninka,withevenaminimumofeducation,wouldturn
into defiant field hands demanding not only higher pay, but
landrightsandotherrightsofcitizenship.WithsettlersthennumberingonlyafewhundredpersonsasmallminorityagainstsomefourorfivethousandAshninkait
was obvious that such a development would mean
theendofbothsettlerhegemonyintheGranPajonalandofsettlerdreamsof
territorial expansion and future wealth. In a vain effort to
preventfurtherAshninkaempowerment,settlersdeclaredMiguelCamaiteri
tobeasubversiverebelandadrugtraffickerwhowassponsoredbyforeigninterests.Inthecontextoftheserumors,
MiguelknewhewasriskinghislifebycontinuingtoorganizetheAshninka.Foralongtimehehadkepta
lowprofilevis--vis thesettlers. However,by1987 lying
lowwasnolongeranoption.Aprocessofindigenouslandtitlingwasabouttobegin.Amajor
development scheme, thePichis-Palcazu Special Project,8
hadagreedtoallocatefundsfordemarcationofindigenouslandsintheGranPajonal.
Tensionamongthesettlerswasgreat.Meanwhile,atacitconviction
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had developed among theAshninka that they nowheld the
strongestposition.Bythistime,twenty-twocomunidades
nativashadbeenformed,afewhadalreadybeenlegallyrecognizedandtitledwithassistancefromtheSIL.Therestwereabouttogothroughtheprocess,andmorecomunidades
nativas were still being formed. Settlers would soon find
themselvesenclosedwithinatinyareaontheregionalmap,completelysurroundedbylargeindigenouslandholdingsthatwouldimpedeanyexpansionofthecattleventuresthroughwhichtheyhopedtodominatetheregion.Theywere
furious. ThePeruvian statewas compelled to fly a highly
placedrepresentativeoftheMinistryofAgricultureintoOventenitolecturethesettlerson
indigenous rightsandon theirdutiesasPeruviancitizens
torespectthecountryslegislation.Thisleftthesettlersevenmorefrustrated.Theirworldwasbeingturnedupsidedown.
IsuggestedtoMiguelthatheallowmetotape-recordhisstory.Heimmediately
agreed andwe had our first recording session onApril
6,1987.Bythistime,hehadthoughtcarefullyaboutwhatshouldgointohisaccount.Ihadimaginedastorythatwouldincludedetailsofhispersonallife,hiswork,gettingmarried,andmovingbetweendifferentcommunitiesintheSelvaCentral,Peruscentral
forestregion.
ButMiguelchosehisownparticularfocus.ThestoryhegavemeturnedouttobethestoryofMiguelCamaiteriasapoliticalactivist.HewantedtheworldtoknowoftheabusessufferedbytheAshninkaatthehandsofsettlersintheGranPajonal.
He alsowanted to establish his own role as a key person
inbringingaboutchangesinthesituation,changesthatwouldbenefitourfellow
countrymen, (which, significantly, is what Ashninka
literallymeans).
MIGUEL CAMAITERIS STORY
ThissectionbeginswithanexcerptfromMiguelsstorydescribinghowhebecameanorganizerandthedefensesecretaryintheGranPajonalofthe1980s.
GrowingupinOventeniIwitnessedtheoutragescommittedbythesettlersagainstournativepeople.Isawhowtheywerebeingseizedandcarriedoff,hung
up andwhipped. And apart frombeing punished, theywere
beingforcedtowork.WhentheCatholicMissionwashere,theauthoritiessentthesheriffouttogetindigenouschildrenfortheMissionschool.Sometimestheparentsdidnotwanttheirchildrentocomeandlivehere.Theymissedtheirchildrenandbesides,theyneededtheirhelpathome.TheOventeniauthorities
claimed these abuses were being perpetuated in order for the
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Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader 17
childrentolearnSpanishandbecomecivilized.But,intheend,thisisnotatallwhatresultedfromthis.Thewaytheparentssawit,theirchildrenweresimplybeingkidnapped.Asaconsequence,someparentscommittedsuicidebypoisoningthemselvesaftertheirchildrenhadbeentakenfromthemtobebroughtupattheMission.TheycouldnotthinkofanythingelsetodoandtheyhadnoideawhatwasgoingtohappenhereinOventeni.And,asIwaswitnessingallthis,beingjustasmallboy,Icouldnotunderstandwhytheseabusestookplace.Later,afterIhadleftin1967or1966andwasworkinginPuertoOcopaintheMissionhelpingmygodmothertendingherfields,Idevelopedtheideathat,onceIhadgrownup,IwouldreturntoOventenitodefendtherightsofmyfellowAshninka.AndthisiswhatIamdoingnow.Iammoreorlessconfrontingalltheseproblemsthataretroublingus.
AsIlistenedtoMiguelsstory,Iwassurprisedbytheextenttowhichhehadthoughteverythingthroughandreconstructedhisentirelifearoundthe
singular purpose of liberating his fellow Ashninka from
settleroppression. Hewas born for this, he said. Miguel clearly
needed
theworldtoknowabouthisaccomplishments,thesufferingsofthepast,andtheactsof
liberationhewasengineering. Future
leaderswouldbeabletolearnfromhisexperiences.Therefore,helikedtheideathathisstorymightbepublished.
Besides,he reasoned, ifhebecamewellknown
inPeru,hisenemiesmightstarthavingsecondthoughtsaboutkillinghim.
Despitehisearlierenthusiasm,gettingMigueltocontinuetellinghisstoryafterthatfirstsessionturnedouttobedifficult.Hefailedtoshowuptwodayslaterforasecondscheduledsession.Hehadgonefishinginafarawayriver,theUnini,hisrelativesreported.Thisnewswassurprisingtome,consideringtheimpendingarrivalofateamofprojectconsultants.Theseconsultantswouldinitiateworkonregistrationanddemarcationoftherecentlyformedcomunidades
nativas.WhenMiguelshowedupthreedayslaterwithaloadofsmokedfish,theconsultantshadalreadyarrived.Thenextday,Migueltookoffwithtwoofthem,headinginthedirectionfromwhichhehadjustreturned.Icouldonlyguessatthemotivebehindhisunexpectedurgetogofishing.Onedayhewouldbethere,andbythenext,hewouldvanish,onlytoshowupagainwhenleastexpected.
Hisbrothersinsistedhisunpredictabilityhelpedkeephimsafe.
Wefinishedthesecondlifehistoryinterviewtwoweekslater.Bythen,Miguelhadotherthingsonhismindandwasnotinamoodtogointodetailsheconsideredirrelevanttothelargerpointhewantedtomake.IlefttheGranPajonalamonthlater,and,followingshort-termfieldtripstotwoAshninkasettlementsontributariestotheUcayali,returnedhometoDenmark.
Forthenextsevenyearsacivilwarmadetheareasofmyfieldworkinaccessible
and preventedme fromworking further onMiguels story.
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Later,othercircumstanceskeptmefromreturningtothefield.But,overtheyearsMiguelkeptaskingabout
the fateofhis story. Hewanted itmadepublic. Itwasnotuntil 2004 that
Iwas able to return to followupon it. By then,hewas ready to
relatea fewdetailsaboutwhathadoccurred during the years of war. He
showed up for the first sessionwehad agreed upon and thenmissed the
next, and the next. The
oldpatternofhisbehaviorcontinued.IfoundmyselfwithmanyhoursoftaperecordingsanduncoordinatedsectionsofnarrativethatcovereddifferentaspectsofMiguelslifeasanindigenousactivist.Theserecordingsofferaccess
to the thoughtprocessof a leader. Miguels statements reflect
aconscious, if subjective, attempt to construct and shape his
version
ofsociopoliticalrealityashewantsittobeunderstood.Thenarrationalsobegstheinterpretationofthisethnographer.
MIGUELS STORY INTERPRETED I: LEARNING TO LEAD
MiguelsstoryisanaccountofhismotivationforassumingapositionofleadershipinthemovementtofreetheAshninkafromsettlerdomination.Herepeatedlyreturnstothefactthat,asayoungchild,hewitnessedmanyinjusticescommittedagainsthispeople.Asapersonwhospenthisentireyouthamongnonnatives,bearingwitnessinthiswayrhetoricallyconnectshimtothePajonalAshninkaandtheirneedforliberation.Hewasthere,andhesawwhathappened.Hisnarrativealsoestablisheshislegitimacyasalocal,onewhowasbornandraisedintheGranPajonal.Hispositionstandsinoppositiontothatofanyoutsider,whowouldbesuspectedofbeingouttotakepersonaladvantageofthesituation.
ItisdifficultformetomakesenseofMiguelsclaimofhavingdecided,asachild,toreturnasaliberatorofhispeople.Ratherthaninterpretingthisclaimasanactualchildhoodrecollection,IbelievethatitismostlikelyaproductofMiguelsneedtogroundhisactivismhistorically.Severalstatements
in thenarrative suggest this tome. These statements
relatemoretothecircumstancesofthetellingofthenarrative,ratherthantothespecifichistoricaleventsheisnarrating.
Goingbeyondtheinformationofferedinthenarrative,Ibelievethatone
likely source ofMiguels anger concerning abuses inOventeni
andhisdeterminationtomakesomethingofhislifewastheinfluenceofhisgodmotherduringhischildhood.Althoughhisnarrativedevotesfewwordstohisgodmother,SeoraRosa,herinfluenceonMiguelseventualactivistpersonamaywellhavebeenconsiderable.Afterall,Miguelspentsometenyearsofhislifewithherinthe1950sand1960s.Twodecadeslater,Ihad
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Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader 19
thepleasureofgettingtoknowherwellwhenIlivedinOventeni.Itookallmymealsinherhouse.Shemadeamodestlivingcookingandservingfoodtoitinerantsandresidentsingles,includingvisitinganthropologistsandyoungteacherscontractedforshort-termpositionsattheOventenischool.
Orphaned at an early age, Miguel and his younger brother wereraised
by SeoraRosa, a woman ofmixedYine9 and Spanish
descent.HerhusbandhadbeenatraderandoneoftheearlysettlersinOventeni.SeoraRosaneverhadchildrenofherown,butover
theyearsshehadtakencountlessAshninkachildrenintohercare,raisingthemwell,andmakingsure
theyattendedclassesregularly inOventenispublicschool.She was a
devout Catholic and believed firmly in the equal value ofevery
human being,whethermestizo, indigenousAmazonian, or
other.Thisbeliefwasnotgenerallysharedbythesettlers,manyofwhomwereconvincedthatthenativeAshninkawereinferiorhumancreatures,usefulforhardworkandnotmuchelse.SomebelievedthattheAshninkahadthemental
capacity for civilization and that, if theywanted to
orweregiventheopportunity,theymightactuallycatchupwithsettlers.Astheysawit,theproblemwasthatmostAshninkadidnotwantcivilization.Inthisview,theAshninkathusfoundthemselves
indirestraits,andtheyhadonlythemselvestoblame.SeoraRosasharedthelatterconviction.Therefore,
she taught herAshninka foster children the importance
ofeducationandcivilizedconduct.Asfarasshewasconcerned,alcoholism,violence,exploitation,andabuseofotherhumanbeingswerenotpartofcivilizedconduct.Fromherperspective,thebulkofsettlersinOventenifellrathershortofthebenchmarksofcivilizedbehavior.
ConsideringtheattitudesofOventenisettlerstowardstheindigenousAshninka,itmaybenosurprisethatSeoraRosasfosterchildren,oncethey
had finished school and were expected to provide for
themselves,eitherwentback into the forest to livewithAshninka
relativesor
lefttheregionaltogethertoexploretheworldandfindlivablealternativesforthemselvesoutsideoftheGranPajonal.Miguelchosethelatterstrategy.Inaninterviewconductedwithhimin2004,heputitthus:
Iwantedtoeducatemyself,preparemyself.Todothat,Ihadtowork.Therewasnoonetohelpme.Iwasonmyown.IfIdidnotwork,therewasnoeducation.Iwouldhavehadtolookaftercattleandtendfieldsfortherestofmylife.Ihadtogetoutofthere.IhadfinishedprimaryschoolandIwantedtogooneducatingmyself.
Hegoesontoexplainhowhemovedon. Insummary,Miguel
learnedfromhisfriendsaboutthemilitary,anever-presentoptionusedbyboys,
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andsometimesgirls,toescapealifeofhopelesspoverty. At the age of
18, Miguel enrolled in the Peruvian military on
avoluntarybasis.Itsuitedhimwellandhespentmorethanfouryearswiththeinfantry,ultimatelyrisingtotherankofsergeant.Whenheresignedintheearly1970s,hecamebacktoOventeni,buthedidnotlikeitthereanymore.Hehadbecomeaccustomedtoadifferenttypeofenvironment,he
explained. He soon foundwork logging in theneighboring
areaofSatipo.Atthistime,hetooknointerestwhatsoeverinindigenousissues.HewasawarethatorganizingwasgoingonamongtheAshninkaintheregion,buthedidnotcare.Hisnarrativeclearlyexplainsthathebelieveditwasnoneofhisbusiness.Yet,histalentsdidnotgounnoticedbytheindigenousleadersintheareaandhisrecruitmentforleadership,Ibelieve,wasinevitable.
Theearly1970swasa timeofchange inPeru. The leftist
reform-orientedgovernmentofGeneralJuanVelascoAlvaradohadseizedpowerin
1968. New legislation was being passed to improve conditions
forthecountrysruralpoor,includingtheindigenouspeopleoftheAmazonlowlands.
The government had created a special agencySistemaNacional de
Movilizacin, SINAMOS (National System of SocialMobilization)to
promote indigenous organizing. It informed
peopleaboutthenewLawofNativeCommunities(DecreeLaw20653,passedin1974)andtheadvantagesitoffered.Becausehehadfouryearsofmilitarytraining,Miguelwasconsideredwelleducatedbyanylocalstandards.HesoonfoundhimselfinvitedbytheleadersofanAshninkacommunityintheSatipo
region,Yavirironi, to act as their representative at
ameetingcalledbytheSINAMOSinHuancayo, theadministrativecenterof
theDepartmentofJuninthatincludesmostofthecentralforestregion.ThismeetingwasapparentlyMiguelsintroductiontoindigenouspolitics.Herecounted,
in the life-history interview of 1987, his experience of it
insomedetail:
Theymademeadelegate.TheyprovidedmewithcredentialssayingthatIwouldbeworkingforthecommunityandtheymademeattendaseminarinHuancayo.
Weleft forHuancayothatsamenightwithsixtytwootherdelegates
representing the different native communities. We arrived
inHuancayothefollowingdayattheseminar.ThepeoplefromtheSINAMOSwerethere,theleaders,thechairmen,andmanymorewaitingforus.Thenwebegan,andthiswasthefirsttimeeverIwasrepresentingacommunity.I
did not knowmuch about the laws of native communities. And
sowestartedtheseminar.Someleadersmoreorlessknewaboutthelawsofnativecommunitiesandtheybegantotalk.Theytalkedandtheytalked,claimingtheirrights,sayingthatweusedtohavealawthatwasthesameforsettlersand
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peasantcommunitiesinthehighlands.ObviouslyIlistenedcarefullytoalloftheleadersandtothedelegatesfromeverycommunity,theirexpositionsandtheclaimstheyweremaking.Andwell,atthistimeIalsospokesomewordsbutIwasnotverywellacquaintedwiththelawsandalloftheproblemsofthecommunities,asIhadonlyjuststartedtogettoknowwhatacommunitywasallabout.Afterthreedaystheseminarended.Andhavingbeenattheseminar,Iwasprovidedwithfullcredentialsasacommunitydelegate.
Assuch,theytoldme,Iwastheonewhohadtofindoutabouttheirproblemsandtravelaroundtodealwithanycasesthatmightneedattention.AndthenIreturnedtoYavirironi.AtameetingItoldthemeverythingIhadlearnedattheseminar.Iinformedthecommunityandthen,thefollowingweek,webegantowork.
Migueldidnotofferanydetailsaboutthetypeofworkheinitiated.Hequicklymoved
on to explain that he soon got into trouble with
otherleaders,ormenwhoaspiredtobecomeleadersinYavirironi.ReferringtoMiguel,theytoldpeoplethatthispersonwhohascomefromtheoutsideshouldnotbedirectingusbecausewehavepeoplefromamongourownwhocanbeourleaders!Miguelwentontoexplain:
TheydidnotlikemyworkandthethingsIwasdoing.Wehadadiscussionandtheytoldme,Youhavecomefromfarawayandyouaresubduingus,puttingthepeopletowork!Butmydutytherewastomakethecommunitymembersworktogether.Thisiswhattheytoldmeattheseminar.ThiswasmydutyandIhadtofulfillit.
Miguelsawnosolutiontotheconflictandhechosetoquit.Heleftthecommunityandwentbacktofindworkamongthesettlers.
In retrospect this brief drama appears to be crucial to
Miguelsdevelopmentasaleader.Thisisprobablywhyhetakesthetroubletoexplainitinsomedetail.Yet,hisnarrativerequiresfurtherclarification.AlthoughtheproblemfocusesonthefactthatMiguelhascometoYavirironifromtheoutside,thisishardlyasufficientexplanationforthecriticism.Manysuccessfulnativeleadershaveoriginatedoutsideofthecommunitieswheretheyserveasleaders.Miguelsownwords,however,suggestthenatureoftheproblemthatmoveshimtoresign.Heisbeingblamedforputtingthepeopletoworkandsubduingus.Atthetime,heapparentlyperceivedittobe
hisdutytoputpeopletowork,apositionoriginatingwiththoseheconsideredhissponsors,theSINAMOS,anstateagencythatpromotedcommunitydevelopment.MiguelappearstohavethoughtofhimselffirstasactingonbehalfoftheSINAMOS,ratherthanthecommunity.Inthisrole,hedidnotseehimselfasprincipallytheretorepresentthecommunity,ortocarryoutdecisionsmadebyitsmembers.Rather,hewasmakingthe
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communitycomplywithdecisionsmadebySINAMOS.
Recentlydischargedfromthearmy,itseemsthatMiguelcontinuedtoembodyamilitaryethosofgivingandtakingorders.Suchcomportmentwouldhardlybeacceptable
inanativecommunityofAshninkathat
isaccustomedtocharismaticinformalleadershipbymen,andoccasionallywomen.Traditionalleadersleadbysubtlepersuasionandbygoodexample.Besides,fromhisOventenichildhood,Miguelhadbeenmadetobelievethat
indigenouspeoplewereunfit formakingpolitical decisions,
unlesstheywereacculturatedcivilizados.Miguelhadbeenchosenforleadershipbecause
of his military education and his knowledge of mestizo
ways.Now,intheYavirironicontext,theseverycapabilitiesgotinhisway.HehadtolearntheAshninkastyleofleadership.
He soon had another chance to find a more appropriate modusoperandi
as a community leader when another Ashninka
community,Pumpuriani,which is located in thePeren, invitedhim in.
This timeMiguel apparently had learned his lesson and managed to
becomea successful leader.Hehelped to solve problemswith
settlerswhohadinvadedcommunitylandsandhesecuredtheallocationofapublicschoolteacherforthecommunity.
MIGUELS STORY INTERPRETED II: RETURN OF THE LIBERATOR
MiguelgoesontoexplainhowheeventuallyreturnedtoOventeni.Herepeatsthetaleofsettlerabusesandhischildhooddecisiontoreturntoliberatehispeople:
Isaidtomyself,No,IhavetodosomethingformyfellowAshninka.
IhavetoreturntomyhomeareaandtoOventeniwheremanyproblemsexist!Thenin1979,Iwenttovisitmyfamilywholivedhere.IstayedinOventeniwiththemfortwomonths.Isawmybrother.Isawalltheproblemsthatweretroublingthem.ItwasevenworsethanithadbeenwhenIleftbecausemoreambitioussettlerskeptcomingandstillmoreabuseswerecommittedagainstmyfellowAshninka.SoIlookeditover,metallthepeople,sawwhatwasbeingdonetothem,sawthosewhohadbeenbeaten,andalltheproblemstheywerehaving.SometimestheAshninkafoughtamongthemselves,andtheywereseizedandlockedupinprison,hungupandwhipped.Theydidallkindsofthingstothem.Andtheymadethemworktiedupinchains.AndIsaid:Whatisthis?Whenisthisevergoingtostop?MybrothersNicolsandPascualsaidtome,Insteadofhelpingothercommunities,whynotcomebackheretohelpusbecausewearesufferingsomanyabusesandinjustices
andourfieldsarebeingtakenfromus?And,asmybrotherwasfacingall
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oftheseproblemstakingplace,Iagreedtostay.SinceearlychildhoodIhadknownthesethings,theinjusticesinthisvillageofOventeni,andsoIdecidedtostay,andI
told
them,Iwillcomeandorganizemyfellowcountrymenhereandformadefense,likeanorganizationoracenter!So,Icarriedthisdecisionhere.Icamehereafterhavinglivedoutsideforalongtime.AndIhadcometovisithereforonlytwomonthsandthenIreturned,longingtoorganizecommunitiesandworkwithmyownpeopleinthisregion.
There is no reason to doubtMiguels intentions of organizing
theindigenousPajonalinosandtryingtoendsettlerabuses.ButwhyshouldthisideasuddenlymakehimdecidetogiveupagoodlifeinPumpuriani,wherehewasheadofthecommunity,andcomebacktoliveinOventeni,aplacehehadsodislikedwhenreturningtovisitonpreviousoccasions?TheimportanceIattributetoMiguelsstatementthathesawhisbrotherneedstobeconsideredinlightofothereventsnotincludedinthisnarrativethatwereoccurringaroundthesametimehecamebacktoliveinOventeni.
In 1979 and 1980,German filmmakerWernerHerzog was in
thePeruvianAmazon shooting footage forFitzcarraldo, his film about
theinfamous rubber baron Carlos Fermn Fitzcarrald who in 1894,
hadorchestrated the hauling of a large motored boat across the
isthmusseparatingtwogreatriversystems,theUrubambaandtheMadredeDios.TheoperationhadlastedmorethantwomonthsandrequiredthelaborofathousandIndiansandmorethantwohundredwhites.HerzoghadmanagedtocontracthundredsofPajonalAshninkaasextras,andMiguelCamaiteriandhisbrothersNicolsandPascualwereamongthem.Whennotbeinginterviewed,Miguelwashappytotalkabouttheexperiencesheandhisbrothershadfilming.Wewentthroughtheircollectionofphotostaken
on the location. Unfortunately,Nicols suffered a serious
injuryinaplanecrashinOventeniasthefilmingwascomingtoanend.Theinjury
lefthimparalyzed from thewaistdown. Hedied in1989
fromkidneyfailureresultingfromhiscondition.AccordingtotheCamaiteribrothersandtheAmericanSILmissionaries,theaircraftcontractedforthefilmmakingoperationhadbeensabotagedbysettlersbeforetakeofffromOventeniandthishadcausedthecrashimmediatelyaftertheplanehadbecomeairborne.SettlerswerefuriousthattheirAshninkalaborleftforthehighlypaidworkprovidedbyHerzog,andbelievedthattheywouldreturnwithdemandsforequallygoodpayifthesettlerswantedtheirlandclearedbyAshninkahands.
WithNicols disabled and in awheelchair,whowouldbe there
todefendhimandpreventhisfieldsfrombeingtakenbysettlers?Nicolsaccident
may have been the event that convincedMiguel to return
toOventeni.Hemayhaverealizedthatifhehadtodefendhisbrother,he
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mightaswelldefendeveryotherPajonalAshnikaatthesametime.HecouldcleanupthemessthatthesettlershadmadeofOventeni.Miguelmighthavethoughtthathecouldbringaboutdevelopmentandprogressforthedestitute,asSINAMOShadenvisioned,byhelpingtheAshninka,aswell
as allied settlers and individuals ofmixed ancestry, living in
theGranPajonal.
Migueldoesnotmentionhisbrothersdisabilityinhisnarrative.Nicolsaccidentresultedfromsettlermalice.Hisneedforsomeonetodefendhimarosefromthesamesource,thatis,settlergreedandtheawarenessthattheycouldtakeadvantageofhisweakness,iftheyhadanopportunitytodoso.Forthepurposeoftellinghisstory,MiguelsreferencetosettlerabusesasahistoricalfactprovidessufficientjustificationforhisstateddecisiontohelpendtheoppressionoftheAshninka.Besides,bynotmentioninghisbrothersdisabilityandthewaythismayhaveinfluencedhishomecoming,Miguel
is rhetoricallyabletosituatehimselfmoreclearlyaspartof
theimaginedcollectivityofPajonalAshninka.
Situatinghimselfwithinthecollectivityinthismannerauthenticateshis
claim to leadership in away that emphasizing his duty to help
hisbrotherwouldnot. After all,Miguel couldnot riskbeing
identifiedasjustanotherAshninkacivilizadowhohadshoweduptotakeoverforhisbrother.Hewasverymuchawarethatamongtheilliterate,monolingualPajonalAshninkaofthe1980s,thenotionof
civilizado didnotsimplyrefer toa nativewho speaks Spanish. It also
carried connotations
ofimmoralityofindigenouspersonswhoallywithsettlersandturnagainsttheir
own (see Veber 1998). Miguel needed to put distance betweenhimself
and this negative image of the civilizado. His story
includesmentionof individualswhofit intothiscategory.
Itstressesthefutilityin their aversion to becoming part of the
Ashninka organization
andpretendingthatcivilizadosaresuperiortootherPajonalAshninka.Frominformal
conversations outside of the interview context, it seemed
thatMiguelhadrealizedundoubtedlyfromhisArmyexperiencethatthereisnorunningawayfromyourbackgroundorwhoyouare.Perhapsthisiswhy,asanadult,heacquiredafacialtattooastraightbluelinerunninghorizontallyacrosshis
faceatnose-levelofa stylenormallyonly seenamong older Pajonal
Ashninka. Today, most Ashninka are
satisfiedpaintingthestraightbluelineacrosstheirfaceswhentheyneedtolooktheirbest.
Miguel isoneof the fewwhohavehadthisevidenceofhisindigenous
identitypermanently inscribedonhis skin. And so, in
thisway,MiguelclaimsgenuinePajonalAshninkaidentity.Onthisbasis,hepresentshimselfasbornofthegroupandastheleaderitneeds:
IhavefoughtforallofmyfellowAshninka,notfortheloveofmoneyorfor
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personalgain.Indeed,Iwasbornforthis,fordefendingthembecausetheleaderemergesfromwithinthegroupwhenthereisaneedforhim.Heisbornfromthegrouptotakecareofitsproblems.
Miguel uses the Spanish verbs nacer (to be born, to appear)
andsurgir (to spring up, arise) to explain the role of the leader
and
theorganizationasproductsofthecollectivity,thatis,notastheworkofanyoneindividualorahandfulofindividuals.HereturnstothisthemeseveraltimesthroughouthisstoryandheexplainsinsomedetailhowdifficultitwasforhiminitiallytogaintheconfidenceofthePajonalinosandtogetthemtotrusthimandlooktohimforadviceandleadership.Hehadtoprove
himself by producing tangible results for the common good. Atthe
timeof the1987 interview,bilingual schoolswere thefirst
tangibleresultsthathehadhelpedtoorchestrate.Landtitlingwouldcomequicklythereafter,andsowouldformalrecognitionoftheOrganizacinAshninkadelGranPajonal(OAGP).OverthenextfewyearsMiguelwouldfindhimselfheadinghisownarmy,andconsolidatinghispositionasleaderandliberatoroftheGranPajonal.
InDecemberof1988,agroupofsenderistas, membersoftheMaoist-inspired
terroristgroupof theShiningPath
(SenderoLuminoso)madeanincursionintoOventeni,
lootingandthreateningspecificindividuals.Miguel was attending a
meeting elsewhere and was not present
inOventenionthisoccasion.Expensiveequipment,includingmedicineandsolarpanelsfortheradiobelongingtotheindigenousorganization,wasstolenfromhishouse.Apartfromgeneralfright,noonewasharmed.Theincidentwastakenasawarningofwhatcouldcomenext.ThePeruvianmilitary
declared the region an emergency zone.
TheAshninkawereawarethatsenderistaswereresponsibleforcrueltiesandforthekillingsofnativeAshninkaintheEneRiverValleytothesouth.TheyclearlysawtheneedtopreventarecurrenceofthissituationintheGranPajonal.
Miguelthenmadeanimportantmove.HavingsecuredtheconsentoftheheadmenwithintheOAGP,hesetupanAshninkaArmyforSelfDefensetoconfrontthesenderistasandsecureAshninkacontroloftheGranPajonal.Butfirst,hedulyinformedthemilitarycommanderintheMazamariheadquartersintheneighboringzoneofPangoaofhisintention,askingthemilitarytoauthorizetheAshninkamilitiaasaronda
indgena(indigenous defense patrol).10 In this way,Miguel obtained
legitimacyforhisaction. Besides,heexpectedthat
theexistenceofanAshninkaselfdefensearmywouldallowthePeruvianmilitarytoexcuseitselffrommakingitsappearanceinthezone,amovethatwouldforcetheAshninkatoabandontheirhomesandtheirlandsforsecurityreasons.Themeasuresimultaneously
servedasamessage that thePajonalAshninkawere in
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nowayalignedwiththeterrorists,whichassuredthatsettlerswouldnotbeabletousethatsortofaccusationasapretextfortakingpossessionoflandstitledtoindigenouscommunities.By1994,theAshninkaarmy,inconjunctionwiththePeruvianarmedforces,hadexpelledthesenderistasfromtheregion,althoughnotwithoutlossoflifeonbothsides.Havingdefeatedthesenderistas,thePajonalAshninkaproceededtotakecontrolof
localpolitics,arolethathadbeenpreviouslytheprivilegeofmestizosettlers(forfurtherdetailsseeHvalkof1994,1998).
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NARRATIVE AS POLITICAL STATEMENT
Miguelrepresentsanewtypeofself-madeleaderintheAmazoniancontext.Hisroleandfunctionisunlikethatofthetraditionalheadmanorthelocalcommunityleader,whoareheadsoflargeextendedfamiliesthat
tend to form core groups around which other householdscongregate.
Theseheadmenareprimarilycharismatic leaderswho leadby example and
their ability to produce solidarity and consent
withinthegroup(Veber1998).SuchlocalleaderscontinuetobeimportanttoPajonalAshninkasocialorganization,andwiththeformationoflegallyrecognizedcomunidades
nativas theyareoftentheoneswhotakeontheformalfunctionofjefe de la
comunidad (communitychief
).Miguelisnotatraditionallocalleaderofthissort.Hehasnopersonalfollowingandnofamilyapartfromhisoneremainingbrother.Moreover,hiswifeisanAshninka
from a different region. Miguel never had peopleneitherfamily nor
followersfor whom he was responsible in the way
localheadmenorchiefsmoretypicallywere.MiguelsaspirationfromthestartwastobecomealeaderwhowouldcoordinateanduniteallofthelocalcommunitiesoftheGranPajonalinanorganizationthatwouldrepresentthemasoneunitedcollectivity.Thiswouldfacilitatecommunicationwithpublicauthorities,allowforcoordinationofdevelopmentplans,andhelpthe
local communities resist pressures from settlers. Miguel would
bepartofanewleadershipatthissupralocallevel.
WiththeformationoftheOAGPinthe1980s,hisvisionstartedtobecomeareality.WiththeorganizationoftheAshninkaarmy,MiguelhadachancetodemonstraterealstrengthandobtaingreaterpoliticalcontrolinOventeni.
To understandmore fullyMiguels perception of his role as
leader,itisimportanttoconsiderthetypeofaudiencetowhichhiswordsweredirected.
In the interview situation, the anthropologist is obviously
aninterlocutor, yetMiguel was always very conscious of the fact
that his
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storywouldeventuallybereadbyawidergroupofpeople.Fromthetext,certaincuesindicatewhohisanticipatedaudiencemightbe.Hisfrequentuse
of reported speech, for example, activates other indigenous
leadersandhisbrothers,aswellaspublicofficials,foreignmissionaries,andotheroutsidesympathizers.
Inthecontextofthenarrative,
theyaretheoneswhoareempoweredtospeakandwithwhomhehasconversations.HeisconsciousoftheneedfortheirmoralandfinancialsupportinlinkingthetransformativeeffortsoftheAshninkawithinternationalstrategiesforlocalparticipatorydevelopment.Itistothismixedaudiencethathisstoryisdirected,notthePajonalAshninka,whoareunlikelytoreaditanyway.YoungerAshnikawill,however,readhisstory.SomightfutureindigenousleaderswhomaylearnfromMiguelsexperiences.Accordingly,the
story employs language and expressions used among
indigenousactivists,particularlythatusedtorefertotheabuseofindigenouspeople,governmentneglect,andtheneedtoorganizeforindigenousrights(seealsoWarren1998;Muehlebach2001;Aylwin2004).Moralexhortationsareequallypresentinthenarrative.Theystresstheimportanceofbeingtrustworthy
as a leader, working for the common good, respecting thewishesof
thepeople,goingeasyoncompetitiveor inept fellow
leaders,andneveractingselfishly. Listing these virtues as part of
his acquired qualities serves
todemonstrateMiguelsmaturityandlegitimacyasanindigenousleader.Inthissense,Miguelsstorycomesclosetobeingthestoryoftheindigenousherohewouldliketobe:theorphanedboywhoventuresintotheworldtolearnimportantsecrets,buteventuallyreturnstohisownpeopletoliberatethem
from oppression. Yet, neither the innocent giftedness of
LukeSkywalkernortheisolatedbraveryoftheLoneRangerisatworkinthistaleinwhichcommunityprevailsovertheindividual.Miguelsnarrativeisamoralvisionpredicatedonavibrantsenseofcommunity.Hence,inrepresentingthetrialsandtribulationsinhisstruggleforleadershipandorganization,whatinitiallyappearedtobeanindividualisticautobiographyoracelebrationoftheself,turnsouttobeaninvocationofgroupness,adiscoveryoftradition,andarecognitionofethnicidentity.Embracingaspacebetweenthepersonalandthepolitical,MiguelCamaiterisnarrativepermitsacloseupperceptionofthelivelyinterplaybetweengivenstructuresandvisionsofchange,withtheactingindividualasthedynamicaxisthatsetsthestoryinmotionandgivesitdirection.
WhenImetMiguelagainin2004,hehadservedtwotermsasthealcalde
(electedmayor)ofOventeniandalsomovedontobecomeregidor (a sort of
councilor) inAtalaya, a small townon the confluence of
theriversTamboandUrubambawhere theyunite to form theUcayali. In
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response to the demands of the Pajonal Ashninka, jurisdiction of
theGran Pajonal had been transferred in the 1990s from Satipo
wherepublic administration favored settler interests, toAtalaya,
where
publicadministratorswerelesspredictableintheirattitudes.MiguelhadbeenvotedintoofficeforAPRA(thepopulistAlianzaPopularRevolucionariaAmericana),
a Peruvian political party sometimes likened to the
socialdemocraticpartiesofEuropeancountries,butthathasalsoreliedonhighlyorganized
and violentmilitias. In the 1980s, the staff of
theMinistryofAgricultures Satipo office had actively
encouragedOventeni settlerstodisregardAshninkaclaims to land
rights, including forfieldsundercultivation. They had all
beenmembers ofAPRA. Now,Miguel
hadsignedupwithAPRAhimself.Iaskedhimwhatwashedoingthereandheshrugged,laughed,andsaid:OfcourseIamnotaprista!IcouldonlyguessatthethingshewasbusylearningasanonapristawithintheAPRAparty.Peruvianpoliticsiscertainlynotthebusinessofangels.Tobeanindigenousleaderwhoseeksresultsmaywellrequireinsiderknowledgeofthewaysthisshadybusinessworks.Ifanybodywascapableofmakingitworkfortheindigenouscause,Miguelwouldbetheonetodoit,butonlytimewilltell.MiguelsayshewillreturnagaintoOventenioncehisterminAtalayaisover.Maybehewill.
Postscript:Asof2007,MiguelstermasregidorinAtalayahadexpiredandhehadreturnedtohishomeintheGranPajonal.Sufferingfromanewattackoftuberculosis,Miguelwasundergoingmedicaltreatment.HehadretiredfromactiveleadershipintheOAGP,thepresidencyofwhichhadpassedtoason-in-lawofMiguelsyoungerbrother,PascualCamaiteri.Theyoungpresidentwasbeingcloselysupervisedbytheolderleaders,theCamaiteribrothers,toensurepoliticalcontinuitywithintheorganization.
NOTES
Acknowledgments. This essaywaswritten as part of a study
entitledBetweenTwoWorlds:AutobiographicalChronicles
ofAshninkaLeaders. The
studyincludedfieldworkcarriedoutbytheauthorinPerusSelvaCentralintheFallof2004andtheFallof2005.ItwasmadepossiblethroughfinancialsupportfromtheDanishNationalResearchCouncilfortheHumanities.
1. Here, I follow Suzanne Oakdales use of the term
autobiographicalnarrative(2005:9).SeealsoCain(1991:238).
2.In2004and2005IdidasecondseriesofinterviewswithMiguel.Inthesecondseriesofinterviewshispersonalmotivationsarenotascentralaconcern.Intheselaterinterviews,hefocusesontheeventsandcircumstancesleadingtothe
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Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader 29
creationofthePajonalAshninkaSelf-DefenseArmyanditscampaignagainsttheSenderoLuminosointheearly1990s.Thestoryexplainswhathewasdoing,howhewasdoingit,andwhy.Thisstoryisimportantandexcitinginitsownrightandmeritsaseparatepaper.
3.Oventeni settlersdonotconstituteahomogenousgroup. Asmall
eliteamongthemiscomposedofambitiousindividualswhoseaiminlifeistogetrichandtodoitfast.Controllinglocalpoliticalpower,thiselitewasresponsibleformostoftheabusesofAshninkalabor.OthersettlerswerelessconflictedintheirattitudestowardstheAshninkaandpreferredpeacefulcoexistencetoexpansiveconfrontations.Forthissamereason,theywerenotcapableofraisingtheirvoiceorgoingagainstthedominantelite.
4. As the natural grasses of the Pajonal are not good as pasture,
cattleranchingintheGranPajonalwasprofitableonlytothesettlerswhowereabletotakeadvantageofthecheaplaborofthelocalAshninkainplantinggrassesaptforfodder(Hvalkof1989).
5.Around1980,anewsetofSILmissionariesarrivedintheGranPajonal.Theytookanactive
interest
incommunitydevelopmentandprovidedvaluableassistancetoAshninkaorganizingefforts.
6. Mine was a field study of intercultural relations between the
PajonalAshninka and settlers done in cooperation withmy husband,
anthropologistSrenHvalkof.TheprojectwasentitledCampaCulturalIdentityandthefrontierofDevelopment.Itwascarriedoutoveraperiodoftwenty-twomonthsbetweenOctober1985andOctober1987supportedthroughgrantsfromtheCouncilforDevelopmentResearch(RUF)oftheDanishInternationalDevelopmentAgency(DANIDA)andtheDanishResearchCouncilfortheHumanities(Veber1989).SrenHvalkof
sprojectwasfundedbytheCouncil
forDevelopmentResearchandtheDanishCouncil forResearch in
theSocialSciences (SeealsoHvalkof1985). 7. The Pajonal Ashninka
self-identify as queshiijatzi (people of
thegrasslands).Theyshareaspecificlocaldialectandcertainculturalfeaturesthatdistinguish
them from theAshninka andAshninka of neighboring
regions.However,theyhaveneverhadacommonleadershipandhaveneverbeenunitedas
a group for religious or other purposes (Hvalkof andVeber 2005).
Untilthecreationof theOAGP(thePajonalAshninkaOrganization)their
levelofincorporationwasmoreabstractthanatthelevelofaconcreteassociationoracommunity(Eriksen:2002:4044).
8.The Pichis-Palcazu Special Project was initiated in 1980with
fundingfromUSAID,theInteramericanDevelopmentBank,theWorldBank,andthreeEuropeangovernments.OriginallyintendedtocoveronlytheregionsofPalcazu,Pichis,Oxapampa,andSatipo-Chanchamayo,theSatipo-ChanchamayopartoftheprojectwasextendedtotheGranPajonalin1987forpurposesofdemarcationofthenativecommunities(fordetailsseeHvalkof1998).
9.AnindigenouspopulationoftheUpperUcayaliandtheLowerUrubambarivers,theYinewereformerlyknownasPirointheethnographicliterature.
10. Rondashadbeen legalizedbya1986decree (no. 24571) topermit
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30 Hanne Veber
Andeanpeasantstopatroltheirlandsinanefforttolimitcattlerustling,aswellassenderistaactivities.WhennativeAmazoniansstartedtoorganizeself-defensepatrols
for similar reasons, the lawwasapplied to themaswell. In
the1990s,rondashadbeenrenamedasSelf-DefenseCommitteesoverseenbythemilitary(seealsoStarn1999).
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Tipit: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland
South America6-1-2007
Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka LeaderHanne
VeberRecommended Citation
Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka LeaderAbstractCover Page
Footnote