emilymayclark.files.wordpress.com · Web viewWord Count: 10,997 Acknowledgements I would firstly like to thank my dissertation supervisor Dr. Peter Millward, who provided me with

Out With The Old, In With The New: The Threat of

Social Media on the Practice of Sports Journalism

BA (Hons) SPORT

ZO922954

Friday 15th March 2013

Word Count: 10,997

ZO922954 Supervisor: Peter Millward

Acknowledgements

I would firstly like to thank my dissertation supervisor Dr. Peter Millward, who provided me with valuable provision and support from the foundation to the completion of this dissertation, helping to ensure my enthusiasm remained relentless throughout.

I must also thank my parents, for instilling within me a belief that good, honest hard work produces success.

In loving memory of Derek Clark, who taught me perseverance and determination, when he reminded me every day to “keep your eye on the ball”.

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Abstract

This dissertation explores how modern sports journalists are changing their working practices to accommodate for the recent technological advancement of social media networking. Using an intepretivist research approach, eight semi-structured interviews were conducted over Skype with professional sports journalists. This qualitative methodological approach amassed data at a micro level, rather than macro level as undertaken in previous research within this field. Thematic analysis of the interview transcriptions was performed to identify key arguments. A significant discovery of the discussion explains how social media sites such as Twitter are dynamically influencing the practices of sports journalism by increasing the professionalism required, the necessity of building rapport and the compulsion of social media policy intervention.

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Contents PageAcknowledgements p. 2

Abstract p. 3

Contents Page p. 4

Chapter One: Introduction p. 5

Chapter Two: The Past Presents The Future: How Technology Has Shaped Sports Journalism

Literature Review p. 7

2.1 Understanding the Future Through the Past p. 8

2.2 Social Media and Sports Journalism p. 10

2.3 Twitter: A Revolutionary Social Media Format p. 11

2.4 Virtual Rapport: Creating an Identity and Online Trust p. 12

2.5 The Transformation of Media Hierarchies via Social Media p. 12

2.6 Citizen Journalism and Social Media p. 14

2.7 Authenticity Within Social Media p. 17

2.8 Social Media Policy: A Balancing Act p. 18

2.9 Conclusion: An Ambiguous Horizon p. 19

Chapter Three

Methodology p. 21

3.1 Research Design p. 21

3.2 Participants p. 22

3.3 Methods p. 24

3.4 Interviews p. 25

3.5 Data Handling p. 26

3.6 Ethics p. 26

3.7 Conclusion p. 27

Chapter Four: Changing the Game: Breaking Boundaries of Sports Journalism

Results and Discussion p. 29

4.1 Professionalism p. 29

4.2 Rapport p. 37

4.3 Policy p. 39

4.4 Concluding Summary p. 43

Chapter Five: Future or Fad? Further Considerations and Study Limitations

5.1 Conclusion p. 45

5.2 Limitations p. 47

5.3 Final Thoughts p. 48

References p. 50

Appendix

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Appendix A p. 64

Appendix B p. 65

Appendix C p. 66

Chapter One

Introduction

This dissertation argues that social media is impacting on the professional practice of

sports journalists by: increasing professionalism through increased working hours,

brevity, legitimacy and immediacy; building audience rapport; and the

implementation of social media policy by media corporations.

Following the rising use of social media as a journalistic apparatus, coupled with the

potential it holds to transform media mechanisms, it is the impact of this modern

change that is the core of this research project. Through qualitative methods, this

dissertation investigates how social media is influencing traditional techniques of

sports journalism. Meticulously, by collecting data at a micro-level, this study will

outline adjustments experienced by sports journalists as they are forced to embrace

social media.

Little research has been undertaken to explore the impact this revolutionary media

format is having on sports journalism; an industry that has adopted technological

advancements since the creation of the printing press. Therefore, this study was

conducted to provide an understanding of the impact of social media. Such analysis is

important to ensure that social media does not destroy sports journalism in the Digital

Age, but compliments traditional formats sufficiently.

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As an innovative dissertation, this study used a novel approach to research. Using

Skype to conduct interviews with participants, a technological method that has not

been used extensively in previous literature, reflects the original flair of this

dissertation. Directing research using such technological methods is pioneering to the

realm of research. Where previous difficulties arose using traditional research

techniques associated with expense, geographical locality and accommodating the

subject’s schedule, technological modern formats, such as Skype, overcome such

confines. Hine (2005, p.246), identifies that,

‘this air of innovation and anxiety is a valuable asset that Internet research can

build on and sustain, in order to maximize the potential for reflexive thinking

about social science that it offers’.

The subsequent dissertation will combine four chapters: the literature review; within

which the exploration and evaluation of relevant literature will occur; a methodology;

where the justification and explanation of chosen research methods will be outlined; a

discussion section; which will investigate and appraise discovered themes stemming

from the systematic research; and a final chapter delineating future considerations,

conclusive inferences and limitations of the study.

The objectives of this dissertation are to understand: ‘how do sports journalists think

social media has affected professional dimensions of the sports journalism industry?’;

‘how do sports journalists think social media can allow them to build on audience

relationships?’; and ‘why do sports journalists believe social media policies should, or

should not, be implemented by media organisations? Overall, the broader research

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question to be answered within this thesis is ‘how does social media impact on the

practice of sports journalism?’

Chapter Two

The Past Presents The Future: How Technology Has Shaped Sports Journalism

Literature Review

Twitter is a prodigious Internet phenomenon. With an estimated 32% of overall

Internet users registered to the social media site (Honigman, 2012), it is astonishing

that the impact of Twitter on a wide variety of professions, including sports

journalism, has not been analysed in academic research more intricately. A ‘real-time

information network’ (Twitter, 2013), founded in 2006 (Gruzd et al., 2011), Twitter

allows users to send 140-character messages to one another defined as ‘tweets’

(Lomicka and Lord, 2012). The extent to which sports journalists are using Twitter

forces the question as to why they are engaging in such a phenomenon and what

changes it is placing upon them as professionals. Twitter has encouraged the move

towards the current Digital Age, which sociologists describe as an age,

‘in which people are networked together through technology and rely on such

things as television, radio, and computers with which to conduct their lives,

creating a culture different from that which came before’ (Johnson, 2000,

n.b.).

The implications of such technological advancements must be understood thoroughly

alongside the history of journalism to allow sports media personnel to excel. The

following chapter argues that social media is impacting on sports journalism as other

technological advancements have done so previously. Social media and the bearing it

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is placing upon media hierarchies and the public perception of sports journalists is

also explored, alongside how ordinary citizens can be perceived as ‘journalists’

through their social media activity. The concept of social media policy is similarly

investigated, discussing whether the current policies in the industry are effective, and

if they are restrictive to journalist’s professional interests.

2.1 - Understanding the Future Through the Past

It is often said that to understand the future, one must understand the past and

‘throughout history, technology and the media of public communication have

travelled paths often intertwined’ (Pavlik, 2008, p.1). Previously, technology has

dictated the magnitude of each message we conduct; yet today, in the ‘Digital Age’,

the power to communicate is undeniably immeasurable (Murthy, 2011). Mass

communication, defined as ‘communication reaching large numbers of people,

primarily developing in just the last 500 years’ (Lee, 2008, p.158) and formerly a

monologue transaction (Castells, 2009), has been reconfigured by digital media,

providing ‘an alternative, unorthodox, and questioning voice’ (Harcup, 2011, p. 23)

and generating a domain for intercultural discourse (Miah, 2010).

A combination of technological progression and social change has ‘helped spark the

demand and innovation necessary for creating today’s mass media’ (Lee, 2008,

p.158). The most imperative milestone in the expansion of mass communication came

in 1440, when Johannes Gutenberg founded the printing press in Mainz, Germany

(Farah, 2007). This revolutionary invention allowed the shift from script to print,

embodying an indisputable industrial and public mutation. As the public developed an

enthusiastic appetite for information, a cultural drift commenced showing how news

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dispersal impacted on social status – ‘you were what you knew’ (Conboy, 2004, p.

18). As subversive as the computer would later be on society, the invention of the

typewriter in the early 1800s (Brake and Demoor, 2009) forced a substantial increase

in typing skills and eliminated the need for good penmanship and a growth in the

profession of journalism ensued (Squier, 1919). Almost a century later, in 1937, the

first functioning computer, of which we are familiar with in today’s society, was

created (Mayo, 1985).

This rapid development from agricultural to industrialised societies was subjective to

the improvement of media, as well as the technological advancements involved in the

medias expansion (Beniger, 1986). The Industrial Revolution provided a period in

which education and transportation thrived (Hartwell, 1971), supporting a ‘spur reader

demand and hence the growth of newspapers, books and magazines’ (Lee, 2008,

p.159).

‘From the simple, crude printing techniques of yesteryear to today’s

sophisticated digital communications that canvas the globe, the mass media

have continually evolved and adapted to changing demands and technological

opportunities’ (Lee, 2008, p.159).

The media has established into a relentless domain as an integrated combination of

new and old technology forms. The constant evolution in the news media has subtly

formed a history that, according to Steinburg (1961 cited Eisenstein, 2012) ‘is an

integral part of the general history of civilization’ (p.4).

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Although this flashed historical narration is not directly related to journalism, it must

be emphasised that it composed quantities of societal and economic alterations that

formed modern society. These adaptations then created necessary conditions in which

journalism could prosper into the Digital Age of media that is currently prevalent.

2.2 – Social Media and Sports Journalism

The fluctuating field of media consumption is dependent upon a multiplicity of

elements, ‘including the evolution of new media technologies, wider public access to

the internet, [and] the globalisation of information flows’ (Anderson, 2006; Gillmor,

2005; Lasica, 2003 cited Mythen, 2010, p.45), constructing a pioneering sphere of

interaction (Castells, 2007). As technology has developed, such advances have

inevitably formed the provision of sports journalism (Conboy, 2004) which,

‘has become one of the most important sections of the UK media, increasing

greatly in the amount and prominence of coverage it receives and the respect it

gets within the wider profession’ (Boyle, 2006a; Boyle, 2006b cited Price et

al., 2012, p.10).

Sports journalism is undergoing ‘a time of radical media change’ (Miah, 2010, p.2);

forcing journalists into a competitive digital domain (Sanderson and Hambrick, 2012).

The revolution of digital media ‘seems to add another dimension that questions

previous boundaries and definitions of professional journalism’ (Domingo et al.,

2008, p.326), dilapidating the precincts of reporting and hinting that our current

concept of ‘media’ is self-destructing (Couldry, 2009).

Previous research into social media within the sporting field has taken place on a

macro-level. Overlooking the implications of such a sensation on sports journalism,

earlier studies have examined the emergent use of systems on professional athletes

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(Pegoraro, 2010; Kassing and Sanderson, 2010). Therefore, many of the earlier

findings undertaken within this topic have failed to produce empirical studies

examining how media members employ social media, such as Twitter (Kassing and

Sanderson, 2010). Ahmad (2010, p.147) identifies: ‘within academia… virtually

nothing has yet been published on Twitter in journalism studies, the social sciences or,

for that matter, in the field of media studies’. Some research, however, has been

piloted on a quantitative level, producing statistics that lack a complex examination of

the imperative issue. Consequently, ‘as the Internet has seemingly emerged as the

medium for the future of sport reporting, it is integral to know the dispositions of this

new era of journalists’ (Kian et al., 2011, p.39) as well as the inferences of digital

media on sports journalism.

Kassing and Sanderson (2010) claim that social media is becoming fundamental to

sports journalists, serving as both an information source and a means for distributing

information to consumers (Hutchins, 2011). Reducing the barriers between athletes,

journalists and fans, social media is amplifying previously impeded communication

(Kassing and Sanderson, 2010), as well as restructuring concepts of space, time and

place (Mythen, 2010).

2.3 – Twitter: A Revolutionary Format

Twitter, the most profound network in the social media shift, was founded in 2006

and is said to have reached 500 million users worldwide (Semiocast, 2012). The

primary users of Twitter are aged 35-49 years old (Gregory, 2009), coinciding with

the demographics of sports consumption (Gantz and Wenner, 1991 cited Shultz and

Sheffer, 2010) and reasoning the social media bearing on sports journalism. Now the

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second most popular social network site, topped only by the omnipresent Facebook

(Keneally, 2012), Twitter allows users to send 140-character messages referred to as

‘tweets’. Each message a member sends is transmitted to the person’s ‘followers’, a

relationship which ‘requires no reciprocation’ (Kwak et al., 2010, p.591). Individuals

can respond to a tweet by replying, or ‘re-tweeting’ the message to their own

followers and tweets can be directed by using ‘@’ followed by the individual’s

username (Murthy, 2011). Users can identify a search term by using a hash tag (#),

which although originally used by Twitter to express a ‘trending’ topic (Page, 2012),

now represents a social tendency. How a function of a social network site can escalate

into a social phrase, as ‘LOL’ previously did, reflects the prominence of Twitter

within the social sphere.

2.4 – Virtual Rapport: Creating an Identity and Online Trust

Twitter allows communication amongst its users without the intervention of

gatekeepers vital in offline settings (Lister et al., 2009). However, the identities

shared via the network are often ‘staged selves’ (Page, 2012) performed to serve a

purpose. Journalists often create personas to operate as reliable news sources and play

a supporting role in the ‘soap opera of the digital age’ (Wahbe, 2011, n.p.). Now, the

magnitude of a follower list on Twitter has been socially constructed to represent a

sign of status (Page, 2012), with some sports journalists hosting as many followers as

elite athletes.

2.5 – Social Medias Transformation of Media Hierarchies

The transition of media formats is forcing a shift in the purpose of media centres.

Rather than being controlled outputs of material, media organisations are now obliged

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to provide arenas for innovation, democracy and participation (Miah, 2011). Hermida

(2012, p.318) claims that social media ‘disrupts the authority of the journalist as the

professional who decides what the public needs to know and when it needs to know

it’. Benkler (2006, p.32) describes an emerging ‘simple coordinate existence’ as a

result of such a media revolution as d’Entreves (1992, cited Harcup, 2011, p.17)

likewise note:

‘the ability of citizens to enlarge their opinions and to test their judgements

can only flourish in a public culture of democratic participation that guarantees

to everyone the right to action and opinion’.

An outburst from a citizen, however, is not enough to transform their status into that

of a journalist. The public ultimately find interest in the stories themselves, rather than

who wrote them, which suggests that ‘citizen journalists are ephemeral, vanishing

after their fifteen minutes in the limelight’ (Murthy, 2011, p.14).

Social media, whilst destructing media hierarchies, ‘demands adjustment and

reorganization in both media and sports industries’ (Hutchins and Rowe, 2009, p.

354). As Curran identifies the various forms of social media,

‘enable divergent social groups to define and constitute themselves, facilitate

internal strategic debate, and further the forceful transmission of their concerns

and viewpoints to a wider public.’ (2007, p.xix)

Social media can inform us considerably about the current state of media globally.

The concept of digital media has evolved from discontent with the ‘epistemology of

news’ (Atton and Hamilton cited Harcup, 2011, p.16), signalling that changes ensure

the positivity of the media. Previous research (Harcup, 2011) has identified an

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axiomatic societal requisite for other media formats, and has expressed that digital

media is a fitting solution to placate such a desire.

2.6 - Citizen Journalism and Social Media

Many of the most iconic images present within twenty-first century media are a result

of ordinary citizens distributing their involvements in an incident via Twitter (Siapera

and Veglis, 2012). Miah (2010, p.5) believes that ‘digital media has given rise to a

proliferation of citizen journalists’ as smart phones in particular, allow everyday

individuals who happen to be in the right place, at the right time, share their

experiences with a practically infinite audience instantaneously.

The term ‘citizen journalism’, although not yet holding a certain definition (Lasica,

2003), refers to the online engagement by everyday consumers, in journalistic duties

(Goode, 2009). Producing their own media forms, active citizens are, or at least

attempting to, give themselves a voice (Harcup, 2011). Through online interaction, a

sense of importance is created within the public sphere. Digital media ensures that the

conversation between media and consumer is no longer monologue, and is

fundamental to how identities form. Couldry (2009, p.437) acknowledges, ‘producers

and consumers of media are often now the same person’ and it has been reasoned that,

‘the increasing ubiquity of the internet shifts the balance between expert

knowledge, everyday experience and personal testimony and increases

opportunities for public participation in debates around shared risk’ (Hughes et

al., 2006, p.266).

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Atton and Couldry (2003) identify that active citizenship is a result of dissatisfaction

with media, thereby ascertaining a crippling problem for media on an empirical level.

By providing a contrasting voice to the professional journalists, Mythen (2010, p.49),

claims that citizen journalists are uniting,

‘against the tendency within professional journalism to produce black and

white accounts of news events that gloss over the grey areas that might

otherwise be productively debated’.

Alternatively, the development of citizen journalism can be acknowledged from a

sociologically oriented approach, as a response to the intricacies of society and

serving as a resolution to the defiant process of public interaction in an increasing

social network (Domingo et al., 2008).

The proliferation of alternative media forms does not distinctly divide citizens and

journalists, or traditional and modern media forms, as Schaffer (2007) predicts citizen

journalism holds the potential to link traditional journalism with new media. Citizen

journalism offers abundant opportunities for insight, however its critics focus on the

lack of reflexivity, little familiarity of the libel legislation complexities and its focus

on promoting sensation than accurate news (Mythen, 2010). Meyer (2007 cited

Mythen, 2010, p.55) rationalises such polar opinions, stating:

‘debating over citizen journalism is like arguing over a Rorschach test. Each

sees in it the manifestation of his or her fondest hopes or worst fears’.

Citizen journalism has been praised for its open stance on news and how it

alternatively ‘can lead to greater depth of expression and wider understanding of the

consequences of particular life events and disasters’ (Costera-Meijer, 2001, p.189).

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Giving an unedited account of an incident adds ‘an instant and shocking visual

element to the unfolding tragedy that simply would not have been possible in previous

epochs’ (Mythen, 2010, p.50) and Couldry (2009, p.438) claims that a deep

‘transformation is underway that challenges the ontology on which the mass

communication paradigm was based’. Offering an alternative dialogue, citizen

journalism has the potential to interrogate social judgements associated with events

(Mythen, 2010). According to Johnson (2009 cited Schultz and Sheffer, 2010, p.229),

‘we’re actually having a genuine, public conversation with a group that

extends far beyond our nuclear family and our next-door neighbours… it adds

a second layer of discussion and brings a wider audience into what would be a

private exchange.’

The creation of territories in which individuals can express their opinion is

acknowledged as ‘crucial to their possibilities of acting as citizens’ by Couldry (2006,

p.326) as Harcup (2011) suggests that citizen journalism can be rigorously

comprehended in relation to contribution. Mouffe (1992) insinuates that active

citizenship is not a consequence of habitation, but rather necessitates the custom of

social involvement:

‘A radical, democratic citizen must be an active citizen, somebody who acts as

a citizen, who conceives of herself a participant in a collective undertaking’

(1992, p.4).

Correspondingly, Mouffe proposes that active citizenship is a procedure as opposed to

a rank (Harcup, 2011). This links to sports journalism, as social media gives sports

fans a ‘strong consumer identity that facilitates the unravelling of the primacy of

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national identity’ (Levermore and Millward, 2007, p.145). Therefore, fans gain a

sense of involvement through their dispersal of information via social media.

2.7 – Authenticity Within Social Media

Digital media has triggered temptations to publish news stories before their legitimacy

has been confirmed ‘to the point where websites have reported the death of somebody

only to retract it later’ (Andrews, 2011, p.10). Such a rapid need for information does

not necessarily detract from the quality of sports news (Andrews, 2011), but suggests

that ‘lies can indeed go around the world whilst truth is pulling its boots on’ (Mythen,

2010, p.52).

‘On Twitter because it’s there and people see it, it’s got that broadcast quality

and you assume, in most cases wrongly, it has reliability.’ (Bond, 2012, n.p.).

Bond, as noted in the above quote, possibly envisions the future of his profession in

the accuracy of tweets, rather than the ‘cases of hoaxes and patent misinformation’

(Murthy, 2011, p.14) found on social media that can have devastating implications on

susceptible communities.

With an estimated 400 million tweets sent daily (Costolo, 2012) it is inevitable that

issues surrounding content integrity occur (Mythen, 2010). Media personnel are now

being faced with an ultimatum: be first or be accurate (Kassing and Sanderson, 2010).

Citizen journalists, however, have no fear of consequence when publishing

information and do not distance their opinion from their content, often distorting their

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depiction of news events. In contrast, editors implement policies on gathering data,

colleagues’ double check facts and lawyers are employed to be certain content is

correlated with libel law (Mythen, 2010), giving the qualified journalists, ultimately,

the upper hand. Mainstream media organisations do not hold ‘an unblemished record

so far as accuracy and impartiality is concerned’ (Mythen, 2010, p.52), however,

‘there is perhaps more accountability and more at stake for professional

journalists in maintaining a tight ethical code and steering clear of hearsay’

(Mythen, 2010, p.52).

2.8 – Social Media Policy: A Balancing Act

With the aforementioned issues surrounding illegitimacy, media organisations have

become susceptible to the notion of implementing social media policies. As a fresh

media format, corporations are facing concerns with applying effective policies

without limiting their social media output. With insufficient literature available on

social media policy, it is yet to be analysed intricately to provide reliable data and

suggestions for execution. Flynn (2012) describes the process of implementing a

social media policy as a ‘balancing act’:

‘On the one hand, you want to provide enough social web access to keep your

business thriving and maintain consideration for some level of personal usage.

On the other hand, you are obligated to manage social media use effectively in

order to protect your organization’s assets, reputation, and future’ (p.2).

Amsterdam University Press (2005) denotes that media policy in general ‘urgently

needs such a future-oriented re-appraisal of the current paradigm’ (p.9). However,

Barefoot and Szabo (2009) argue that Microsoft provide an excellent example of

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effective policy making, simply by telling their employees, “don’t be stupid” (p.148).

This policy is founded on the belief that employees who understand the company’s

strategies will act accordingly, acknowledging what to reveal and what not to reveal,

regardless of their environment. Utilising a ‘no-use’ policy on social media can be as

damaging to a company as much as an inaccurate tweet or negative employee

outburst. Audi Inc. appreciated the importance of social media in 2011, when,

following a US snowstorm tweeted, “Did your car get you stuck or get you home?”

The response led to the discovery of a homemade video of a customer testing an Audi

during the blizzard, and subsequently, Audi used the video in television

advertisements (Ernst and Young, 2012).

A policy is a formalised code of ethics, putting parameters around online use

(Barefoot and Szabo, 2009). Kaplan and Haenlein (2010) state that organisations

require a custom social media policy, independent to their consumers and employees

needs as much as their own branding. Jones (2012 cited Durrani, 2012) advocates that

companies should take ‘social responsibility’ and engage with consumers, meanwhile

maintaining a professional approach. With organisations lacking understanding of

social media, many are choosing to restrict their journalists social media use, yet

Sreenivasan (2012 cited Fidelibus, 2012, n.p.) denotes, ‘remember that part of the

reason you hired these people is their personal brand in the first place’ and therefore

journalists should not be permitted from creating an online personality.

2.9 – Conclusion: An Ambiguous Horizon

Social media, as a dynamic framework continuously adapting whenever users output

their information (Trogemann and Pelt, 2006), played ‘a constructive part of Olympic

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consumption and production’ (Miah, 2011, n.p.) during London 2012. This identified

that news organisations are recognising the possibilities of incorporating citizen

journalism features to add value to their news packages (Singer and Ashman, 2009).

Some scholars suggest that this is the direction that all media organisations are

heading with Bardoel and Deuze (2001) claiming prospective reporters will,

‘serve as a node in a complex environment between technology and society,

between news and analysis, between annotation and selection, between

orientation and investigation’ (p. 100).

However, there is still an ambiguous horizon concerning the future of sports

journalism and social media. Therefore, it is principal to explore this phenomenon and

supplement prevailing research underpinnings, particularly through investigating the

practices of sports journalists. An analysis of how journalists perceive social media in

a professional capacity is required, alongside discovering how journalists use social

media to develop audience rapport. As media organisations imminently seek to

employ social media policies, an exploration of the necessities of policy from the

perception of sports journalists is vital.

A concise summary and explanation of the methods used in this study will follow this

literature review. The methods undertaken are the most suitable for achieving the

objectives of this research: (i) ‘How do sports journalists think social media has

affected professional dimensions of the sports journalism industry’, (ii) ‘How do

sports journalists think social media can allow them to build on audience

relationships?’ and (iii) ‘Why do sports journalists believe social media policies

should, or should not, be implemented by media organisations?’ The aim of this

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dissertation is to determine, ‘How does social media impact on the practice of sports

journalism?’

Chapter Three

Methodology

Within this chapter, the research methods adopted during this pragmatic research

project will be reflexively presented. Through focus on participants, selection of

methods, interviews, data analysis and ethics, this methodology will provide a

thorough account of the research design and process in relation to the relevant

research question.

3.1 - Research Design

The research of this study utilised an interpretive explanation towards understanding.

An interpretivist model is,

‘a type of theoretical explanation about why events occur and how things work

expressed in terms of the socially constructed meanings and subjective world

views’ (Neuman, 2011, p.84).

Interpretive epistemologies determine that social phenomena are made distinct by the

individuals who overtly construct them (Orme, 1997) which advocates that people

hold distinctive subjective comprehensions of social facts.

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Interpretivism deems that theory results from the collection of data, and hence an

inductive exploration of the research area was implemented. Thematic fields of study

were induced from the process of research, rather than situating pre-defined themes in

relation to results (Draper, 2004). The studies research questions were formulated

from the literature review, which provided the researcher with a theoretical

understanding of the topic (Strauss and Corbin, 1990). Qualitative research, such as

this study, is an on-going process of reflexivity where,

‘the activities of collecting and analysing data, developing and modifying

theory, elaborating or refocusing the research questions, and identifying and

dealing with validity threats are usually going on more or less simultaneously,

each influencing all of the others’ (Maxwell, 2005, p.2).

An interpretivist approach is often criticised for abandoning scientific verification

processes and consequently being incapable of generalisation (Kelliher, 2005).

Despite its aptitude to achieve substantial awareness of the experiences of participants

(Merriam, 1998), critics claim that interpretivism is ‘not radical enough’ (Mack, 2010,

p.9). It must be recognised that, should the exploration be repeated, different

inferences may outcome from a researcher’s alternative subjectivity to the research

(Williams, 2000).

3.2 - Participants

Eight semi-structured Skype interviews with six male and two female professional

sports journalists currently working on a local level within England were conducted.

‘Skype is a peer-to-peer VoIP application that has gained substantial popularity since

its launch in 2003’ (Ehlert and Petgang, 2006, p.1). Skype offers a reliable mode for

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communication (Educause, 2007) similar to that of a video-call and ‘users download a

piece of software that allows computers to communicate directly with one another’

(Educause, 2007, p.1), regardless of their geographical location. Participants ages

ranged from 21 to 55 years with journalistic experience ranging from 2 to 35 years.

All of the participants involved in this study used Twitter on a daily basis.

The demanding working hours of journalists, and the particular characteristics of the

target group made finding participants willing, and able, to participate in the study

challenging. Initially, it was intended for the interviews to be performed face-to-face,

but with the unorthodox schedules of the participants the interviews were conducted

via Skype. Such difficulties are identified by Powell and Lovelock (1991, p.128):

‘Empirical research in the social sciences generally requires access to data and

to research subjects…the ultimate quality of a piece of research, indeed the

very possibility to carrying it out, depends upon the researcher successfully

negotiating and sustaining such access’.

In order to target participants who were familiar with the concept of social media, I

used the ‘Sports Journalist Association’ (@SportSJA) as a gatekeeper, defined as ‘a

person in an official or unofficial role who controls access to a setting’ (Neuman,

2011, p.429). Using a gatekeeper with prominence as a leader ‘that members in the

field obey’ (Neuman, 2011, p.429) ensured that participants recognised the mature

tone of the research. This yielded a significantly high response rate (45 respondents),

allowing me to choose eight participants of varying ages, locations, sex and

journalistic experience to interview.

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With no sampling frame for the studies population group, ‘purposive sampling’ was

conducted. Purposive sampling, a non-probability sampling method, is defined as

when ‘particular settings, persons, or events are deliberately selected for the important

information they can provide that cannot be gotten as well from other choices’

(Maxwell, 1997, p.87). Using eight participants in this study is in regulation with

Seidler (1974), who highlighted that a minimum of five informants is necessary for

data to be reliable when using purposive sampling. Operating a non-probability

sampling method has limitations such as bias and universalising (Gliner and Morgan,

2000), however, purposive sampling can stipulate robust data (Tongco, 2007). As

Kidder et al., (1986) advocates, by selecting the participants directly, samples can be

elected which suit the requirements of the study.

3.3 - Methods

A qualitative methodology comprising of semi-structured interviews was utilised for

this study. Previously research within this domain, focus has been placed on

quantitative data (Armstrong and Gao, 2010; Howe, 2011; Kwak et al., 2010),

therefore, it is essential that a qualitative, in-depth focus be given to this field.

Qualitative interviews ‘are reality-constructing, meaning-making occasions, whether

recognized or not’ (Holstein and Gubrium, 1995, p.4), thus are useful for examining

emotions in response to a given study area than a questionnaire, for example.

Churton and Brown (2010) suggest that interviews, as a micro-level method, offer a

magnitude of insight into person’s experiences which alternative methods are unable

to achieve. Semi-structured interviews benefit from the ability to ‘deviate [from the

questions] where necessary in order to maximize the information obtained’ (Adams

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and Cox, 2008, p.22), allowing themes to emerge that were not considered before the

interview (Aira et al., 2003).

As a necessity, an interview schedule was composed to direct discussion with

participants (Appendix 1). This schedule allowed for flexibility from outlined themes,

yet ensured that the focus of the interviews was maintained.

3.4 - Interviews

All of the interviews for this research took place between Thursday 15th November

2012 and Monday 3rd December 2012. With the discretion of the participants, all

interviews were recorded to ensure precise translation of data. This improved the

subsequent ease of transcription, later used for data analysis. The questions asked

during the interviews concentrated on themes that ascended from the literature review,

with attention on participant’s experiences of using Twitter professionally. As well as

allowing for later transcription, recording interviews in research ensures that the

interviewer can maintain focus on the questions being asked (Hoepfl, 1997).

A fundamental element in the process of interviewing is the building of rapport

between interviewee and interviewer (DiCicco-Bloom and Crabtree, 2006). It is

important that the researcher exercises reflexivity, which is defined by Spencer et al.,

(2003, p.71) as,

‘showing awareness of the importance of the research on the researcher and

vice versa; recognizing how values, assumptions and presence of the

researcher may impact on data’.

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This includes not taking advantage of any vulnerability the participants may have to

the interview questions and not wording questions in a certain way to influence results

(White and Marsh, 2006).

A recurrently disregarded concern in qualitative research is how the researcher’s

individual characteristics influence the gaining, forming and sustaining of rapport

with participants (Gurney, 1985). As Hammersley and Atkinson (2007, p.73) suggest

‘the researcher cannot escape the implications of gender: no position of genderless

neutrality can be achieved’ and therefore, as a female researcher interviewing within a

principally male domain, the affect gender may have on the interview process must be

considered. Consequently, one must not overlook the possibility that information may

remain undisclosed during interviews with male participants.

3.5 - Data Handling

The transcription of interviews was performed unerringly and, while time-consuming,

‘analysis led to the emergence of themes and categories that helped the researcher to

intuitively unravel the developing construct’ (Polit and Hungler, 1999, p.239). With a

sizeable magnitude of data produced, it was not possible to comprise all of the data

sourced in the subsequent discussion. While a vigilant effort was made to include a

range of themes, it could be said that the researcher undertook confirmation bias, and

selectively chose data to include (Nickerson, 1998). For example, Corden and

Sainsbury (2006, p.12) state that ‘a researcher would be able to find at least one

quotation to support any point they wish to make.’

3.6 - Ethics

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The Durham University ethics committee approved the study and the participants

completed an ethical consent form prior to participation. The participants received a

description of the study and were made aware that they could willingly withdraw from

the study at any point. Additionally, the participants were informed that to secure the

anonymity of participants’, aliases would be used throughout the research

conclusions. It was also necessary to make the participants conscious that the

interviews would be recorded for transcription purposes, but that all of their data

would be stored, maintained and protected in compliance with the Data Protection

Act, 1998.

3.7 - Conclusion

This research project utilised research methods to generate intricate findings. The aim

of this chapter was to judiciously analyse the selected methods to draw upon any

limitations. Although an observable limitation of the study is the moderately small

sample volume, suggesting that the data cannot calculate comprehensive generalities,

it is coveted that the study will nonetheless offer a respected input to the research

field.

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Chapter Four

The Past Presents The Future: How Technology Has Shaped Sports Journalism

Results and Discussion

An arguably revolutionary format, it is surprising that there is little academic research

into the impact of social media on various professions. This study provides evidence

to contend that the impact of social media on sports journalism is extensive and must

not be ignored. The following discussion explores how professionalism is enhanced

because of the expectations associated with social media and the implications on

journalists’ working hours, legitimacy, brevity and immediacy. As media

organisations debate the necessity of social media policy, this study explores how

journalists perceive policy as a legitimate method of management, rather than a mode

of constraint. Furthermore, this thesis constructs an argument agreeing with the

literature review that social media is redefining ‘journalist’. It is essential that the

impact of social media on sports journalism be understood thoroughly to certify that

media personnel can utilise this new skill effectively.

The extent of sports journalists use of Twitter, revealed within this study, cannot be

overlooked. Rather than regarded as an informal domain for cyber socialising, Twitter

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must now be assumed to be a professional and serious territory for journalists.

Another notation of importance is that the impact Twitter has on the practice of sports

journalism is greater than one-fold. This study disputes claims by Sears (2011) that

Twitter is not revolutionary. Changing the methods of news production and

consumption, Twitter predominantly impacts on sports journalists in three emerging

themes from the conducted research: professionalism, rapport and policy.

4.1 - Professionalism

Sports journalism is often identified as the ‘toy department’ of the newsroom (Boyle,

2006, p.9) and the lack of respect it has previously received has caused it to face a

challenging contest to confirm its specialty as a commendable news sector. Fehser

(2002) makes reference to the definition of what constitutes professionalism,

observing skills such as responsibility, public service, benevolence, esteem and

preservation of a high ethical code as an apt description. Schultz and Sheffer (2010),

however, provide a definition of professionalism in a sports journalism domain:

‘to make decisions about the newsworthiness of daily news… and [keep] pace

with the speed of media consumption and the increasing demand for

information services’ (p.227)

Twitter has increased the discipline of sports journalists and, as Price et al., (2012,

p.15) state, ‘from a professional standpoint [Twitter] does raise questions about

expectations on journalists’. These expectations include the growth of sports

journalists working hours.

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As Andrews (2011, p.5) depicts, ‘print newspapers have traditionally been once-a-day

mediums. They have now become 24/7 machines’, forcing journalists to work

dynamic hours to produce around-the-clock news and serve the public as identified in

Fehser’s (2002) definition of professionalism. The majority of participants within this

study reflect these views, with Participant D stating,

‘I use Twitter all the time. It’s something I’m constantly checking, you know.

It almost pays to be on there, even though, in a way, it’s the opposite. As a

journalist I don’t get paid for those extra hours I’m putting in on social media

but I’m always kind of, naturally, looking for a story on there’.

As the above statement implies, journalists find themselves expected to constantly

scout Twitter for content in order to provide their audience with the latest information,

thus increasing their journalistic professionalism. Participant F echoes this awareness

of expectancy,

‘I think with all of the cuts and such going on in the media recently, it kind of,

makes me feel grateful for having a job in journalism. So, I guess, I feel like

I’m required to put in the extra hours and get a social media presence, you

know?’

Participant F suggests that, without keeping to the expectancy of engaging frequently

in social media, their job as a journalist would be at risk. This agrees with Nolan

(2012, n.b.) who describes how ‘real-time journalism has become, a mind-bending,

frenetic, sleep-deprived hamster wheel’ as journalists acknowledge the necessity to

immerse in the digital environment to maintain their profession.

Not engaging in Twitter on a seemingly constant basis would suggest that a journalist

is lapse in their professionalism and unprepared to make sacrifices to ‘get ahead’ in

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their occupation. Participant C explicated how ‘everyone is looking for that exclusive

– including the average ‘everyday Joe’ public tweeters’. This common perception

increases the pressures placed on journalists despite the fact that spending significant

time on a medium which some journalists fail to engage in completely, is an intense

commitment (Price et al., 2012). It is now mandatory for most sports journalists to

write several online news articles, frequently update these stories, meanwhile

scripting a blog post and constantly tweeting updates of their activity (Andrews,

2011). Such demands are resulting in a 24/7 professional lifestyle for sports

journalists as they seek ‘to keep pace with the speed of media consumption and the

increasing demand for information services’ as required by Schultz and Sheffer’s

(2010, p.227) professionalism definition.

None of the participants within this study spoke negatively regarding the additional

pressures placed upon them. Participant C claims that ‘what I didn’t realise was how

24/7 my role would become – especially since social media became the norm rather

than an exception.’ Interestingly, all of the participants in this study deem it

unacceptable to not engage in social media activity in a professional capacity. As

Participant F stated, ‘I love sports, so I’d probably be on Twitter checking out the

latest stories even if I wasn’t in sports journalism’ which questions the ‘previous

boundaries and definitions of professional journalism’ as noted by Domingo et al.,

(2008, p.326), as a merging of personal and professional life is enforced by social

media. Despite this increased discipline, participants within this study noted that they

did not resent the expectation, nor did they question it as unreasonable. For example,

Participant C claimed,

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‘I pride myself on being on hand for fans as much as possible. Like, they can

ask me a question at say 11pm, and if I’m up, then I’ll answer them. Because

[Twitter] is on my phone, it’s just like sending them a text message back. It’s

so easy to reply. It’s kind of overkill on my part, but I don’t mind.’

With previous research failing to investigate the implications of digital media on

journalists working hours, the findings from this study reflect that professional

expectations of journalists are expanding. A constant presence on social media

suggests a 24/7 career for journalists, or contrastingly, could promote the formerly

common view that journalism is not a profession and is, rather, a hobby (Hornig,

2009).

Price et al., (2012) identified that brevity in social media is coupled with the skill of

being concise as a journalist: ‘if good journalism involves saying a lot in a few words,

then Twitter’s 140 characters could provide one of it’s greatest tests’ (p.10). Previous

research (Hughes and Palen, 2009) disagrees with Price et al., (2012) and suggests

that a limiting factor of Twitter is the stubborn constraint of 140-character ‘tweets’,

which ‘produces at best eloquently terse responses and at worst heavily truncated

speech’ (Murthy, 2011, p.4).

Twitter, Participant C concedes, ‘is like getting a digest of world thought in an

instant’ and participants recognised brevity as an advantage of social media, but were

also familiar with the negativity of such a restriction. Sambrook (2009 cited Bunz,

2009, n.b.) denotes that ‘you get a lot of things, when you open up Twitter in the

morning, but not journalism’, insinuating that there is more to journalism than a 140-

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character tweet. However, with the dynamics of news reporting changing, and in

consideration of Bardoel and Deuze’s (2001, p.94) definition of journalism as a

‘professional selection of actual news facts to an audience’, Participant C accepted

that,

‘Keeping it short and sweet keeps a lot of followers happy. People are too

busy to want to know every single detail of the game. So, like, when you’re on

the go, a lot of fans just want, kind of, ‘Arsenal 2, Spurs 1, you know?’

This highlights that participants within this study viewed journalistic professionalism

as providing a service to ‘sports fans’. This immediacy was viewed as advantageous

to journalists in the package they provide. Participant H discussed the sense of

emergency in providing news,

‘Sometimes when you’ve just got hold of a decent bit of information, you just

want to get it out there ASAP, really. Like, if I wanted to get the piece out on

the website, I’d have to write it all up, say, then send it over to the editor, get it

back and then make any changes, get it posted by one of the online team. It’s

just not practical in a fast-paced job like journalism, particularly sports

journalism.’

Contrastingly, succinctness in communication is not consistently suitable; Participant

C was unforgiving in outlining,

‘I wonder if we are going down a route of, are we diluting the good journalists

out there? I work with some people who could really, given the chance, do a

wonderful 2000 feature. But, with pressures now on getting information out

there via social media, they can’t. Doesn’t our industry lose something as a

result?’

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This suggests that Twitter is restricting the abilities of journalists, leaving one of their

fundamental skills unused. However, as literature suggests, some of the most defining

technological advancements were made with the pithiest messages: ‘What Hath God

Wrought’ was the first telegraph sent, only twenty-one characters in length, and

‘QWERTYUIOP’, constructed the first-email (Murthy, 2011). With this in mind, and

in consideration of the discovered impact of Twitter, it has to be questioned with

Berman (1982 cited Murthy, 2011, p.3), ‘are we saying more with less, or just saying

less?’

Participant A stood by the notion that Twitter is not a defining aspect of a journalist’s

arsenal of skills:

‘The basics of journalism is storytelling. People read because they want to

learn a story, so as good as Twitter is, it will never replace traditional

journalism. It just doesn’t have the depth, you know, you don’t get that chance

to really develop your voice.’

The above statement from Participant A agrees with Sambrook (2009 cited Bunz,

2009, .n.b.) that ‘journalism needs discipline, analysis, explanation and context… the

value that gets added with journalism is judgement, analysis and explanation – and

that makes the difference.’ As Participant A admits, ‘you can’t tell a story in 140-

characters’, acknowledging that you cannot be a journalist via Twitter alone.

Therefore, should the use of Twitter develop further, it must be forewarned that the

social media site can damage the talents of future journalists should they forget the

importance of storytelling.

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As discussed in the literature review, legitimacy is a problem associated with social

media. Increasing professionalism within journalism forces media personnel to be

thorough in their reviewing of sources; a necessity that has never been more

significant. The interviewees within this study tended to discuss legitimacy of tweets

liberally, in acquiescence with Mythen (2010), who identified the ease at which a

rumour can be spread through social media with the presence of unidentified

‘tweeters’ and fake validity. Participant D reflected on a recent controversy,

‘There was this guy, you might have heard about him actually, he created this

account, something like, I think ‘@footballagent49’. He just tweeted football

transfer rumours and he ended up with something ridiculous like 50,000

followers. Professional journalists, top ones too, were using him as a source,

retweeting him and everything. It came out that he was just some 18-year old

kid who was bored and thought it’d be a laugh.’

Participant D has outlined a relevant example of the deceitfulness permitted by the

candidness of Twitter (Murthy, 2011). As the public tends to undermine the

importance of reliable sources online, illegitimacy can have ‘disastrous ramifications

on marginalized and vulnerable populations’ (Murthy, 2011, p.14). Many of the

participants within this study, however, expressed confidence in dealing with

unverified hoaxes. Participant A believes ‘it’s often down to common sense. Can this

person be trusted? Is it a credible source?’ Participant E, however, thinks that

unlawful sources will eventually be eradicated:

‘As long as you’re sensible and check your sources, it shouldn’t be an issue.

Now a lot of people have made mistakes with quite big consequences in the

media, people are aware of the problems with fake accounts and things and I

think it will start to be less of a problem.’

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Mythen (2010) believes that with editors in media organisations regulating data

collection, double-checking facts and involving lawyers in examples of libel,

professional journalists should be exempt from falling victim to fraudulence on

Twitter. Participant B, however, contrastingly noted that professionals are liable to

forgetting their professionalism in a hurry to get news out first:

‘[Twitter] is often quicker off the mark but deals mainly in speculation and

rumour. There’s that pressure to get news out there first which means you

don’t always check if where you got your news from is legit’.

This notion of legitimacy has the potential to restrict journalists in their findings,

giving citizen journalists an edge in fast-paced news distribution. Despite professional

journalists facing an increased risk in preserving a strong moral approach (Mythen,

2010), there is the pressure that ‘many independent, digital-based news sites do not

subject themselves’ to such pride (Sanderson and Hambrick, 2012, p.398). Participant

C was familiar with such instances:

‘I’ve had journos print stories about the club on ‘Twitter sources’. For me,

that’s piss poor journalism, and you can quote me on that! It does the industry

no favours. Any gossip you get down your local boozer from your standard

‘John Smith’ can be put on Twitter as fact.’

This shows that Twitter has significantly impacted on sports journalism, but that it

should only be used to maintain professionalism and not as a sole method of

journalistic practice.

Under four main divisions, Twitter affects the professionalism of sports journalists.

Notably, Twitter is causing journalists to be more disciplined through increasing their

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working hours, becoming more concise, evaluating their sources and increasing the

speed of news production. The participants within this study complimented previous

research (Sanderson and Hambrick, 2012; Armstrong and Gao, 2010), noting that

Twitter itself is not journalism and social media is only an aspect of the journalistic

sphere regardless of its impact on discipline and expectancy.

4.2 - Rapport

‘Relationships in the physical world are based on real trust and rapport’ (Durieux and

Stebbins, 2010, p.189) and the social media world is not dissimilar. Defined as ‘a

tripartite feeling state involving interest, positivity and a balanced or smooth

interaction’ (Capella, 1990, p.304), rapport is the progression of unconscious

receptiveness, which constructs a synchronous mutual feeling of confidence between

personnel. Relatedly, social media provides a domain in which ‘space for intercultural

dialogue and collaboration’ (Miah, 2010, p.4) is encouraged. Previous studies have

identified how athletes have utilised Twitter to personally connect with others (Cohen,

2009 cited Sears, 2011), yet little research has been conducted to identify how

journalists employ social media to develop rapport with an audience. However, many

of the participants in this study were familiar with the affects developing a

relationship with their followers can have. Participant A indicated that ‘having a close

rapport with readers through Twitter has benefited with giving my audience what they

want’, suggesting that the role of a journalist now involves more than distributing

news, but distributing news in a specific manner.

Social media is forcing the boundaries of what constitutes being a journalist to

expand. Now, more is required from reporters than merely exhibiting facts however,

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Bowman (2008, p.110) believes this deviates substantially from ‘the core tasks of the

journalist’. Participant G conceived that building a self-identity has become valuable

as a journalist in this Digital Age:

‘I interact with fans with the intention of building my brand. It’s not

something I get to do, say, online or in print, which is why I see it as a benefit

of social media. A one-on-one interaction, it lets your target audience feel as if

they know you.’

Regardless of socioeconomic background and geographical location, social media

sites allow for rapport to be built between individuals. This lack of restriction makes

sports journalists vulnerable to criticism and can turn journalists, whose role is to

create news, to be the subjects of the news themselves. Forcing a practically

‘celebrity’ status upon media personal suggests that they are ‘part of the raw material

through which we construct identities and engage in public discourse’ (Marwick and

Boyd, 2011, p.141). Pulitzer (1904) proposed that journalists with better education

experienced greater regard as journalists in the nineteenth century (Beamin, 1990

cited Reed, 2011). In this Digital Age, however, it seems that the use of social media

is linked to validity and status as a sports journalist. Sears (2011, p.85) identifies that

‘Twitter impacts journalists by blending their professional and personal lives in a way

that is unprecedented’ and that Twitter allows relationships to form unrestricted by

editorial constraints. Similarly, Johnson (2009, p.2/p.3) outlines how,

‘We’re actually having a genuine, public conversation with a group that

extends far beyond our nuclear family and our next-door neighbours… it adds

a second layer of discussion and brings a wider audience into what would be a

private exchange.’

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Sears (2011) agrees with Johnson that social media is eradicating gatekeeping theories

and allowing individuals to communicate regardless of socioeconomic status,

geographical location or opinion. Although this intensified communication positively

erodes boundaries of journalism, Bowman (2008) worries that new media forms are

causing journalists to deviate from their fundamental duties. With the destruction of

margins and increased expectancy, reporters are now forced to provide opinion as

well as fact, corrupting the borders between journalist and columnist (Anderson et al.,

2012).

Development of social media rapport is not always constructive and extensive

exposure of intimate disclosure can land journalists in controversial predicaments

(Sonderman, 2012). Additionally, the absence of media logos, adverts, and even

newspaper titles by sports journalists on Twitter stresses the individual as a brand

rather than part of a broader identity (Bruns, 2012; Schultz and Sheffer, 2012). As all

participants within this study identified, developing a personal public image is now

essential for journalists on social media. This transforms journalists from simply news

reporters into high-status, idolised online figures.

4.3 - Policy

Policy is a broad term used to reference a commitment towards an action of intent and

‘the rules and regulations, the ways in which things are customarily done or attitudes

that are customarily taken’ (Becker et al., 2012, p.12). Media organisations offer

policies to ensure consistent action is undertaken by all of their colleagues (Mangold

and Faulds, 2009). These, however, have not yet extensively included social media

39


policies, which regulate how journalists use sites such as Twitter to aid their

profession.

Recently, the media has sensationalised controversies on Twitter. A combination of

the ease at which a tweet can be sent, and the disregard of the mass audience Twitter

has, can lead to serious misjudgement of the consequences of a tweet. Sears (2011)

acknowledged that some organisations have begun to construct social media policies,

ultimately decreeing the actions of their employees, including limiting what they can

say on social media sites. Participant C explained how it was necessary for a social

media policy to be implemented in his organisation:

‘Fans can be very rude, and abusive too, and a number of the lads at my club

had to come off Twitter to get away from it all. As a club, I had to start putting

a policy in place after one player ripped into a fan big time and another started

posting pictures of, well, I won’t go into it, but it was pretty crude. The

player’s didn’t realise they weren’t texting each other, anymore. The vast

majority of users have a few brain cells, but it only takes one, so I think policy

is important.’

A mandatory requirement when considering policies within sports journalism is

training. Participant C described the manner of social media policy training utilised

within their media organisation:

‘Part of my social media training with our staff is to say – do you know who

the person you are tweeting is? If so, how old are they? Is what they’re saying

relevant? And if they said that to you in the street, would you care?’

Price et al., (2012) conducted research that identified that many journalists were not

given instructions on how to use social media sites professionally, nor given guidance

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on what they were, and were not, allowed to say. Seemingly, many media

organisations recognise that Twitter can be a useful resource for staff yet are unable to

outline a strong policy on the most effective method of using it. Breed (1955 cited

Schultz and Sheffer, 2010) recognised that media organisations are inconsistent in

detailing general policies to journalists; therefore, this habit has transpired to social

media. Consequently, journalists socially construct what is deemed acceptable and

unacceptable in a professional capacity, leaving severe space for error. Perhaps this is

one of the reasons why ambiguity remains over what constitutes beyond the

professional boundaries of journalism online.

Participant B delineated,

‘A problem is, it’s so time consuming, which is why I think a lot of

organisations overlook it. You need someone constantly monitoring what

employees say on Twitter. So, every time they tweet, it has to get sent off to

somebody to then assess it and say if it’s acceptable or not. I can understand

why some companies just don’t want to take that step towards policies. It’s not

practical.’

Interestingly, the only participant to completely disagree with the idea of social media

policies was Participant D, who rationalised,

‘I think we should try and avoid implementing policies. You have to think

about why people like Twitter and why they use it. It’s that freedom of speech.

That’s why it’s so appealing to so many. If you start clamping down on what

people can and can’t say on social media, then it’s just going to lose it’s

appeal.’

With this in mind, the implementation of social media policies is significantly more

complex than initially understood. In 2012, the University of Washington’s athletic

41


department implemented a bold social media policy based on the University selling

media rights to allow broadcasting of their games which are ‘private, ticketable

entertainment, after all, not public domain’ (Guzmán, 2012, n.p.). Therefore, they

prevented journalists from real-time tweeting at their home matches. Sports journalist

Thiel (cited Guzmán, 2012, n.p.) described the policy as ‘breathtakingly stupid… It’s

so 1960s, when teams thought telecasts of home games would threaten the gate.’ It

seems that the University took the step prematurely as a defensive, proactive

statement of intent as they predicted it is,

‘better to ‘draw the line in the sand’ now, the official said, than to wait until

live tweeting gets even more thorough and some media outlet develops a

lucrative model off real-time content off the University’s games.’ (Guzmán,

2012, n.p.).

All participants within this study that recognised a need for social media policy were

aware of the increasing requirement of such an implication, agreeing with Ward

(2009, n.p.) that ‘we need sober, nuanced, ethical thinking that takes the long view,

not emotional arguments from social media enthusiasts’. Contrasting to Participant

D’s views, Ward (2009) believes that critics who discard social media policy arguably

solicit rights of free speech. In deliberation of the principles of journalism, editorial

independence must be acknowledged which asserts the averting of conflicting

interests. Ward (2009) continues to argue that the implementation of policy is not

suggesting restrictions to the freedom of journalistic style, but is ‘about how social

media should be used to contribute to responsible, democratic journalism’ (n.p.). This

does not, however, imply that policies must be strict. Aswamy (2009, n.p.) denotes

that,

42


‘organizations that appear to be least restrictive of journalists’ use of social

media are also the ones that have embraced social networks to effectively

disseminate information, engage with the audience, and promote content.’

Social media policies are nothing more than coherent parameters and it must be

questioned ‘if you can’t trust the women and men who put out your newspaper to use

their keyboard wisely regardless of platform, what are they doing working for you?’

(Rich, 2009, n.p.)

From this study, it is identified that guidelines are a necessity, but are not required to

be greater than ‘common sense and ethical awareness on the part of the reporter’

(Aswamy, 2009, n.p.). Ward (2009, n.p.) concludes,

‘Journalists who take on the often thankless task of developing guidelines

should ignore the sceptics and push on with this remarkable reinvention of

journalism ethics. The future of responsible journalism depends on it.’

Conclusively, based on the results of this study, social media is being used by

journalists to achieve different outcomes than traditional media formats. Impacting

both positively and negatively on the practice of sports journalism the use of social

media is proving a learning curve for journalism professionals. All of the journalists

interviewed with this study identified that social media is now an essential component

of journalistic practice, however, it does not define journalism, nor can it replace

traditional media formats.

4.4 - Concluding Summary

Overall, the identified increase in professionalism forces a subconscious demand for

discipline to be applied by journalists, as acknowledged by the participants of this

study. An increase in brevity, legitimacy, immediacy and journalists working hours

43


increases the expectations on media professionals. Causing the boundaries of what

constitutes a journalist to change, social media is forcing journalists to portray

themselves as a brand, often straining against a connection to their employer as

‘Twitter certainly brings the person to the forefront of journalism carried out on that

platform’ (Sears, 2011, p.86) as well as build rapport with their audience. As this

discussion suggests, policy is a prevalent topic within the social media arena, which

the participants within this study recommend should be implemented. The use of

policy within social media, despite general perceptions, does not have to be intolerant,

and should be thought of as a process as opposed to a product (Ward, 2009) to achieve

optimum results.

From the evidence produced, it is rational to advocate that journalists recognise the

impact of social media and how it is transforming their previously stable formalities.

However, sports journalists are embracing the change to develop a dynamic media

industry and an underlying message exists that social media is causing an impact; and

it is wise that journalists should not try to beat it, but join it.

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Chapter Five

Future or Fad? Final Considerations and Study Limitations

5.1 - Conclusion

In consideration of the initial research question guiding this project, which asks, ‘How

does social media impact on the practise of sports journalism’, the answer is complex.

Dealing with a recent technological advancement, this empirical, qualitative study

aims to identify the impacts, if any, forced upon journalists, as social media becomes

a predominant aspect of their professional domain.

This study concludes that professionalism within sports journalism has increased due

to expectations of the social media audience. As Participant D denotes, sports

journalism is now a 24-7 profession, with journalists expected to work around the

clock to seek information, distribute news and interact with the public. These findings

agree with Andrews (2011) who acknowledges ‘the appetite for and nature of sports

news is such that it needs to be updated around the clock’ (p.41). Brevity, legitimacy

and immediacy are key expectations of sports journalists, with increasing discipline

placed upon them as a result of social media demands. The participants within this

study identified that their audiences now anticipate fast-paced news dispersal, concise

45


facts and accurate sources. Despite these heavy demands, all of the participants within

this study did not perceive this as a burden to their personal life, or as an unjust

expectancy. Outlined in the literature review and confirmed in the discussion, sports

journalists’ roles have altered drastically beside technological innovations, changing

the concept of professionalism in journalism and creating new standards of practice

(Reed, 2011). This thesis supports research by Salwen and Garrison (1998) who

proposed that sports journalists have not rejected conventional concepts of journalistic

professionalism, and have simply been guided towards a concept of professionalism

that has become strictly more disciplined.

Sport journalists, as a result of social media, are now more than news bearers, and

have developed an online reputation as minor celebrities. The responses by

participants within this study outline the importance of developing a rapport with their

audience, which more traditional media formats do not allow. As Page (2012)

denotes, the amount of followers an individual has on Twitter reflects their status in

society, and with sports journalists often hosting thousands of followers, it can be

deemed that people want to know about them, as much as the news they regulate.

The interviewees in this study appreciated the concept of policy, with seven out of

eight participants supporting its application. This is the first study to address social

media policy in relation to sports journalism on an academic level, and therefore will

hopefully stimulate further research to validate the findings of this study. The general

consensus of this study was that social media policy is necessary to protect the

professionalism of journalists, and their employers.

46


The research conducted within this study was original in its approach and its

objectives. Previous research has not focused on the impact of social media on a

sports journalists professional perspective as this dissertation has explored, with little

research existing on social media, generally. Combined with the original aim, the

research conducted used futuristic research methods, such as Skype, to conduct

interviews, reflecting a forward thinking approach. What this dissertation does, which

other studies have failed to do, is offer a micro-level methodology, allowing eight

journalists to explicitly share their opinions on a format which is changing their

profession. This fills the gap between academic research and social media, as well as

the gap between sports journalism and professional appreciation.

5.2 - Limitations

As with any study there are limitations and this dissertation is no anomaly. Firstly,

this research project used a sample size of only eight participants, which is unreliable

in giving a resounding representation of the entire sports industry. Despite using

accredited journalists, further study is required to validate the claims of this research.

Secondly, there was limited previous literature regarding social media and its

relationship with sports journalism. Although ensuring that this dissertation was

original, it restricts the foundations of the study on a research level. Academic

literature surrounding this subject can be deemed sparse for two reasons: (i) social

media is a relatively new phenomenon and (ii) sport is frequently overlooked as a

worthy subject of academic investigation.

47


Thirdly, this study was biased in that all of the participants were social media users

and no journalists were included that did not use Twitter. Using journalists who do not

use social media would be a consideration for future research, and may increase the

validity of this study’s findings.

Finally, all of the interviews completed within this study were undertaken using

Skype, an online application that allows video calling between two individuals.

Despite its obvious strengths (inexpensive, geographically flexible and user-friendly

(Saumure and Given, n.d.), Skype is defective in that it does not allow the same sense

of interaction as face-to-face interviews. Some participants may feel uncomfortable

with using an unorthodox interview style, and therefore this issue may influence their

responses as well as the rapport between interview and interviewee.

Future considerations for research in this field may include an increased sample size,

using participants who both engage and do not engage in social media activity as well

as exploring more social media sites such as LinkedIn, Pinterest, Facebook and

Google+ to gather a more extensive understanding of social media sites.

5.3 – Final Thoughts

The conclusions of this dissertation supplement research by Ahmad (2010), which

acknowledges Twitter as a transforming tool, revolutionising how sports journalists

work. As Participants within this study identified, those sports journalists who refuse

to engage in social media jeopardise their career and restrict themselves from the

wealth of news that sites, such as Twitter, offer. As Sanderson and Hambrick (2012,

p.400) denotes,

48


‘It is imperative that sports media organisations, sports journalists and sports

media researchers pay strict attention to social media and harness the power

that these communicative channels provide.’

This dissertation compliments the work of Sanderson extensively, offering

conclusions which identify social media as a tool that,

‘can no longer be ignored when sports news unfolds, and given the ability to

frame messages, sports stakeholders must capitalize on these forums to

competitively promote their agendas’ (Sanderson and Hambrick, 2012, p.400).

Altogether, this dissertation concludes that social media is impacting on sports

journalism in ways that have not previously been considered. The impact of Twitter is

detailed and, although this research has identified that social media is not expected to

eradicate traditional journalistic formats, the threat of social media cannot be

overlooked. In other words, sports journalism cannot beat social media, and therefore

should look to join it.

49


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Appendix A

Participant Information Sheet

I am a student at Durham University currently researching for my undergraduate degree in BA Sport. The focus of this particular study, of which is my final year dissertation, is the impact social media has on the profession of sports journalism.

Recent shifts towards a suggested ‘digital age’, highly stimulated by advancing technology, have caused recent controversies, by athletes, fans and journalists themselves, in the domain of sports journalism. Consequently, I am looking to assess how the implications of an increasingly dominant social media arena can affect the occupation of sports journalism, and the work of sports journalists.

I am, therefore, interested in learning more about your personal opinion on the subject and any personal experience you may have had concerning social media and your vocation. This will require you to complete an interview, with myself, at your convenience either face-to-face, via Skye, or another suitable method negotiated between both interviewee and interviewer. Please note that all of your answers will be used with the highest confidentiality and in conduct with the Data Protection Act: 1998.

Your answers from the interview will be transcribed and accordingly used to form a conclusion regarding the dissertation focus.

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I would like to thank you very much in advance for your time and honest answers.

Appendix B

Consent Form

Full title of Project: Out With The Old, In With The New:The Threat of Social Media on the Practice of Sports Journalism

Name, position and contact address of Researcher:

Emily ClarkDurham University Student4 Church Street Villas,Durham,Co. Durham,DH1 3DW+447867389679e.m.clark@durham.ac.ukemilymayclark.wordpress.com

Please initial box

I confirm that I have read and understand the information sheet for the above study and have had the opportunity to ask questions.

I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I am free to withdraw at any time, without giving reason.

I agree to take part in the above study.

Please tick box

Yes No

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mailto:[email protected]


I agree to the interview being audio recorded

I agree to the use of anonymised quotes in publications

I agree that my data gathered in this study may be stored (after it has been anonymised) in a specialist data centre and may be used for future research.

Name of Participant Date Signature

Name of Researcher Date Signature

Appendix C

Interview Schedule

1. What is your name?

2. Who is your employer?

3. Please provide a description of your job.

4. How many years of experience do you have?

5. How long have you been using Twitter in a working capacity?

6. What were your reasons for beginning to use Twitter?

7. How is Twitter involved in your daily working schedule?

8. Do you use Twitter to gain information as a source from athletes/coaches etc.?

9. Can you make comparisons between Twitter and other information sources?

10. Do you personally use Twitter as an information output for your work?

11. Do you use Twitter, or know of any other ways to use Twitter, other than as an

outlet or source?

12. What are your thoughts on authenticity of content on Twitter (journalists have

power over citizen journalists)?

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13. What downfalls do you think Twitter has?

14. Do you think Twitter has an impact on sports journalism over other forms of

journalism (if so, why)?

15. What were your first thoughts concerning Twitter as a journalistic device?

16. Have your thoughts changed since those initial considerations?

17. Do you think Twitter offers a long-term impact on the profession of sports

journalism?

18. If you disagree with the above, what do you think will lead to the failure of

Twitter as a journalistic tool?

19. As a professional journalist, do you think that Twitter has impacted negatively

or positively on the quality of your work since becoming part of your

journalistic routine (how?)

20. What do you think Twitter offers you as an input/output tool that traditional

journalistic media formats do not?

21. Do you believe social media policies should be introduced (if so, why?)

22. Any supplementary comments?

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emilymayclark.files.wordpress.com · Web viewWord Count: 10,997 Acknowledgements I would firstly like to thank my dissertation supervisor Dr. Peter Millward, who provided me with

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