1 Was Zheng He a Colonialist? Tan Ta Sen In recent years, some historians began to re-examine the nature and impact of the Admiral Zheng He’s expeditions. Lectures, books and articles have been published by scholars in China and outside China including Dr. Geoff Wade. These publications have enriched our understanding of the subject under study. While most writers argue the positive aspects of the Zheng He voyages, Dr. Wade chose to be highly critical and is of the opinion that voyages were aggressive and colonialist in nature – in fact, they constituted acts of aggression and invasion. This essay examines some of the arguments presented by Dr. Wade in his article published in the journal entitled “The Zheng He Voyages: A Reassessment” 1 and he reiterated his similar accusations in many seminars held at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore and elsewhere in Malaysia. Wade accused Zheng He and Emperor Yongle of systematically pursuing a so-called southern expansion programme in a three-pronged strategy: 1. Zheng He’s voyages and Ming maritime proto-colonialism, 2. Ming invasion of Dai Viet (Annam), 3. Ming’s invasion and occupation of Yunnan. 2 1 Geoff Wade, “The Zheng He Voyages: A Reassessment” in JMBRAS, Vol. LXXV!!! Pt. 1, 2005, 37-58 2 Ibid., 55.
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1
Was Zheng He a Colonialist? Tan Ta Sen
In recent years, some historians began to re-examine the nature and impact of
the Admiral Zheng He’s expeditions. Lectures, books and articles have been
published by scholars in China and outside China including Dr. Geoff Wade. These
publications have enriched our understanding of the subject under study. While most
writers argue the positive aspects of the Zheng He voyages, Dr. Wade chose to be
highly critical and is of the opinion that voyages were aggressive and colonialist in
nature – in fact, they constituted acts of aggression and invasion.
This essay examines some of the arguments presented by Dr. Wade in his
article published in the journal entitled “The Zheng He Voyages: A Reassessment” 1
and he reiterated his similar accusations in many seminars held at the Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore and elsewhere in Malaysia. Wade accused
Zheng He and Emperor Yongle of systematically pursuing a so-called southern
expansion programme in a three-pronged strategy:
1. Zheng He’s voyages and Ming maritime proto-colonialism,
2. Ming invasion of Dai Viet (Annam),
3. Ming’s invasion and occupation of Yunnan. 2
1 Geoff Wade, “The Zheng He Voyages: A Reassessment” in JMBRAS, Vol. LXXV!!! Pt. 1, 2005, 37-58 2 Ibid., 55.
2
I. Were Zheng He and Emperor Yongle proto-colonialists?
The following section examines the records of Ming’s intentions and actions taken in
connection with the diplomatic relations between the Ming Court and surrounding
small states.
Ming Foreign Relations and Tributary Exhanges
Wade began his first argument that Zheng He’s missions were
“intended to create legitimacy for the usurping emperor, display the might of
Ming, bring the known polities to demonstrate submission to the Ming, and
thereby achieve a pax Ming throughout the known world and collect treasures
for the Court”.3
Emperor Yongle (Zhu Di) was indeed an usurper and he made great efforts to
legitimize his throne, but he was by no means an expansionist and colonialist. He
ascended to the throne by a revolt against his nephew, Emperor Jianwen, who was the
second Emporer of the Ming Dynasty. He was very conscious of the fact that he had
usurped the throne and was concerned with how history would view him and judge
his position in history. He would not want to be remembered as a usurper in history.
His throne’s legitimacy was of the utmost importance to him. When he captured
Nanjing in 1402, he promptly issued an imperial decree to declare himself as
3 Ibid., 45.
3
Emperor Hongwu’s oldest son of the legal wife. He proceeded to make himself a
great Ming emperor so that he would leave a good legacy behind him. He chose
foreign lands as the stage to achieve his goal. Zheng He’s historic voyages were
aimed at expanding Ming China’s sphere of political influence as wide as possible in
the western ocean and into new frontiers from Southeast Asia to Africa. Ming China
under his reign had become the sole superpower in the world and the guardian of
world peace. Emperor Yongle through Zheng He had achieved his goal and he was
remembered favourably in history for being the only Chinese emperor who had made
China a global maritime super power in history. His towering historical image had
overshadowed his usurpation of the throne. He had created another Golden Age in the
history of China. However, his overseas glory was not achieved by invasion and
territorial conquest as claimed by Wade.
Right from the outset, Yongle had no ambition to colonize native states.
“Colonialism” is defined by Heywood as a “theory or practice of establishing control
over a foreign territory and turning into a ‘colony’. Colonialism is thus a particular
form of imperialism. Colonialism is usually distinguished by settlement and by
economic domination. As typically practiced in Africa and Southeast Asia, colonial
government was exercised by a settlement community from a ‘mother country’ who
were ethnically distinct from the ‘native population”.4 Foreign relations of the Ming
court, especially during the Zheng He period, cannot be fitted into such a concept.
Imperial China since the Qin dynasty had developed a Sino-centric world
view and world order. China was perceived as the centre of the universe, the Middle
Kingdom, and the emperor the Son of Heaven who presided over all-under-Heaven
(tianxia 天下) (Fairbank 1968b: 2). Under such a framework, China’s foreign
relations were hierarchical. The graded and concentric hierarchy of China’s foreign
relations with peoples and states were grouped by Fairbank under the following three
zones 5:
A. Sinic zone consisting of the most nearby states and culturally similar
tributaries such as Korea and Annam parts of which had anciently been ruled
within the Chinese empire in the past, and Ryukyu (now Okinawa).
B. Inner Asia zone consisting of tributary tribes and states of non-Chinese
nomadic or semi-nomadic peoples of Central Asia.
C. The outer zone consisting of the ‘outer barbarians’ (waiyi 外夷) further away
including states of Southeast Asia, South Asia, Japan and Europe that were
supposed to send tribute when trading. 6
According to Fairbank, China pursued a proactive interventionist approach in dealing
with states in zones A and B, respectively, by using military or administrative
control, and cultural or religious influence. However, towards the states in zone C,
5 Fairbank, John King 1968, “A Preliminary Framework,” in John King Fairbank, eds., The Chinese World Order – Traditional China’s Foreign Relations. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 2.
6 Ibid.
5
China used a non-interventionist approach through material interest such as trade and
imperial gifts, and diplomacy.
The early Ming emperors Hongwu and Yongle adopted this traditional
Chinese world order and China’s foreign relations framework especially in dealing
with Southeast Asian states. After ascending to the throne, Emperor Hongwu
implemented a diplomacy of peace and fraternity with all foreign states. This policy
was against the deployment of force when dealing with foreign states. He issued
decrees to his ministers prohibiting them from launching military action against
foreign native states.
The Veritable Records of the reign of Emperor Hongwu records, “The
Emperor held an audience at Feng-tian Gate (Nanjing Palace) and instructed the
Secretariat, Military Commission and Censorate officials saying: "Of the man and the
yi countries abroad, there are some which are dangerous to China. They must be
subject to suppression. However, we should not quickly raise troops against those
which are not dangerous to China. The ancients had a saying: `Expanding territory is
not the way to lasting peace. Troubling the people is the road to disorder.' For
example, Emperor Yang of the Sui dynasty raised troops and subjugated Ryukyu,
killing the yi people, burning their palaces and houses and taking several thousand
persons prisoner. He obtained the territory, but it could not provide even its own
needs. He obtained the people, but they could not be employed. He merely longed for
a name. Thereby, he brought disorder to China and was derided in the various
subsequent history books. I feel that as the various small man and yi countries are
6
obstructed by mountains, are across the seas or are secluded in some corner, they do
not pose a danger to China. I will certainly not attack them. It is only the hu and the
rong of the Northwest who have for generations posed danger to China.We must
carefully guard against them. Ministers, you must bear my words in mind, so that you
will know my will.” 7
He further ordered his descendants not to invade neighbouring states in an
imperial ancestral edict which states,
“Foreign states are sited in remote corners. To acquire their lands is
unable to meet our needs. To acquire their peoples is unable to achieve
our mission. If they are not aware of their limitations and attack our
borders, they will be courting disaster. If they are harmless to China and
we mount military action against them, it will also be inauspicious. I am
afraid that my descendants might take advantage of China’s might to
invade others and harm peoples without cause and reason. So always
remember [this ancestral edict].” 8
In his imperial ancestral edict, Zhu Yuanzhang [Emporer Hung Wu, the
first Ming Emperor], warned his descendants that there would be no tangible
benefits from acquiring those remote undeveloped states. Wars that did break
out were caused either by ignorant states attacking China’s borders or by
Chinese invasion without any cause and would inevitably lead to great
7 Ming Taizu shilu: ch. 68. Geoff Wade tran.
8 Huangming Zuxun: Ming Huidian, opening chapter.
7
damage. He wanted his descendants not to launch military campaigns against
neigbouring states. He went one step further to list 15 native states including
Portuguese who used coercion that led to the decline of these port cities. In 1511 the
population in Melaka was about 15,000 of them and after the war, 10,000 of them
were killed by the Portugese. However, in 1407 Zheng He fleet arrived with 28,700
people but none of the 3,000 population in Melaka were killed.
As regards Wade’s second allegation that foreign rulers were coerced to pay
tribute to the Ming court, it is equally unfounded. In fact, foreign rulers were attracted
by the favourable tributary trade to send tribute missions to the Ming court. Under
this imperial system, China and vassal states would exchange visits by missions. The
vassal states would pay tributes to China with their local produces regularly and in
return the Ming court would bestow handsome imperial gifts to vassal states. The
Ming missions would bring along the imperial decrees with valuable gifts such as
hats, robes, gold and silver, porcelains and silks. When the rulers of the vassal states
or their tribute missions came to the court, they would bring along local produces,
animals and rare curios, treasures or luxury goods to present to the Ming emperors.
These tributes included peacocks from Brunei, elephants, ivory and pepper from
Siam, and lions, pearls and Zebras from Hormuz. To show off China’s wealth and
greatness, the Ming emperors would return them with tens of silks and thousands of
porcelains. In terms of value, the exchange of gifts was absolutely unbalanced and
lopsided, very much in favour of the vassal states.
Besides tributes, foreign missions also benefitted tremendously from the
ensuing private trade following ceremonial diplomatic functions. After having made
tribute to the emperor, the Ming court allowed the tribute missions and its individual
19
members to engage in trading activities within the compound of the official guest
house, Hui Tong Guan, for three days under the supervision of the Ming officials.
According to the tributary regulations as laid down by Emperor Hongwu, tribute
missions could bring in private goods for trading. The Ming government would
acquire 60 per cent of these goods at a price much higher than the market price. The
balance would then be traded in the market place, tax free.
Over the years, in order to increase foreign trade with the Ming Empire so as
to satisfy their demand for Chinese products, a few vassal states were found to have
abused their tributary privileges by sending tribute missions more frequently and with
larger entourages. The goods they purchased also exceeded their specified quota.
Consequently, the Emperor had to impose regulatory measures to curb such abuse by
regulating the frequency and duration of the tribute mission each vassal state could
send. Some would make tributes every three years and some every five years. It was
also stipulated that the tribute missions would proceed to the capital Nanjing via
Guangdong, Fujian and Zhejiang provinces and they could only stay at three cities,
Guangzhou, Quanzhou and Mingzhou. The number of ships, number of entourages
and the type of tributary items were also specified. To prevent fake or illegitimate
tribute missions from entering China for trading, all tribute missions were issued with
official identity documents. If foreign states had to be coerced as Wade claimed to
send tributary missions to the Ming court, it is extremely illogical for the Ming court
to impose regulatory measures on frequency, duration and size of tributary mission to
curb abuse. It is clear that it was the pull factor (substantial material gains made from
20
the tributary trade) that was responsible for native states sending tributary missions to
the Ming court.
The third charge against Zheng He’s military actions taken in Java,
Palembang, Samudra and Sri Lanka was not justifiable. A Ming source, Shuyu
Zhoushilu by Yan Congjian, gives an account on Zheng He’s military action in Java
as follows:
“In the 4th year (1406) for the reign of Emperor Yongle, the Ruler of the
West sent tributes like pearls and coral while the East Ruler sent horses.
However, the two were at war, and the Ruler of the East was killed. At
that moment, our mission was passing through the city of the East Ruler,
the West Ruler killed 170 of our men. The West Ruler sent a messenger
to say that the East Ruler should not have been installed and had
therefore been killed. The West Ruler was severely reprimanded with a
decree. In the 5th year (1407) , the West Ruler Dumaban asked for
forgiveness and was prepared to compensate 60 thousand taels of gold.
He also consented to accession of the son of the East Ruler. It was
consented. In the 6th year (1408), the West Ruler Dumaban paid tribute of
10 thousand taels of gold as a token of apology for his wrongdoing. The
Minister of Rituals said that he had owed us 50 thousand taels of gold
and asked an official to deal with him in accordance with the law. The
Emperor noted, “it was sufficient if people in far lands feared punishment
21
for their crimes. We were not interested in his gold! As long as he was
remorse for his crime, paying gold as compensation was not required.”30
The narration above reveals that Zheng He’s men were not willfully killed
and Zheng He had not sent troops to take revenge. He had just submitted the case to
seek the emperor’s decision. There was no military action, and certainly no
invasion.
On Zheng He’s capture of the notorious pirate, Chen Zuyi, in Palembang,
Ma Huan who accompanied him on the trip wrote,
“During the 5th year of the reign of Emperor Yongle (1407), the emperor sent
Eunuch Zheng He to lead a fleet of treasure ships and arrived at this place. A
certain Shi Jinqin, originally from Guangdong, reported the atrocities
committed by Chen Zuyi. He was arrested by Eunuch Zheng He and together
with others was brought back to imperial court for execution.”31
Similarly, the Ming Shi (The Official History the Ming Dynasty) records,
“During the 5th year (1407), Zheng He returned drom the West Ocean. The
emperor sent for him…Zuyi plotted to rob Zheng He by pretending to surrender. A
30 Yan Congjian (严从简),Suyu Zhouzilu (殊域周咨录)..北京:中华书局, 2000. 294-5.
Ming Shih has similar narration.
31 Ma Huan (马欢), Yingya Shenglan (瀛涯胜览). 北京:中华书局,1955. 17.
22
certain Shi Jinqin informed Zheng He of the conspiracy. Zuyi was captured when
he mounted an attack. He was presented to the emperor, and was executed.”32
At that point in time, Palembang was in name a vassal state of Majapahit
but, in fact, the port of Palembang was governed by several Chinese. Chen
Daoming and Chen Zuyi were the pirate chief and kangzu (port master)
respectively. After Zuyi was defeated, Emperor Yongle established a separate
mission in Palembang and appointed Shi Jinqin to be the commissioner there.
Nevertheless, Palembang remained as a vassal state of Majapahit; there was no
change of suzerainty. This helped to clamp down on piracy and thus was good for
maritime trade. Zheng He did not send troops to occupy or invade Palembang.
As regards the incident in Samudra, a small native state on the island of
Sumatra, the Ming Shi states: “The ruler of Samudra was killed by a certain Batak
king in a battle. As his son was too young to revenge…a fisherman…thus led
troops to defeat the Batak king…As agreed the wife of the Samudra ruler married
the fisherman and made him the king…In the 10th year during the reign of Emperor
Yongle (1412)…the grown-up son of the former ruler conspired with troop leaders
to murder the stepfather, the fisherman, usurped the throne and ruled the native
state. The fisherman had a son called Sekander who escaped with his men and
formed a settlement on a hill. In revenge he launched attack frequently. In the 13th
year during Emperor Yongle’s reign (1415), Admiral Zheng He with his fleet of
32 Ming Shi (明史)。北京:中华书局, 1974. Vol 323-332. 408.
23
treasure ships arrived and captured Sekander…”33 At the request of the ruler, Zheng
He quelled the rebellion. Once the rebellion was over he left the native state. It
would be most unreasonable to call him an invader and a colonialist.
Wade also mentioned Zheng He’s military action in Sri Lanka. The military
action in Sri Lanka is interesting but it is far from a planned deliberate invasion. The
Ming Shi again threw light on the incident: “In the 9th month of the 6th year (1408)
when Zheng He was passing by Ceylon (Sri Lanka) again, the king Alakeswara lured
Zheng He into the country and demanded gold and silk while he sent troops to rob
Zheng He’s ships. Realizing that most of the king’s troops were out. Zheng He led
2000-odd men and took the town by surprise. The king and his family members were
captured. The ship robbers, on hearing of the attack, rushed back to town but they
were badly defeated by the imperial troops. In the 6th month of the 9th year (1411),
captives were presented to the imperial court. The emperor granted them amnesty and
spared their lives. They were released and sent back to their native state.”34 Based on
the above records, it appears that Zheng He mounted the military attacks in self-
defence. It should also be pointed out that Emperor Yongle did not execute the
captives as he had done in the case of the pirate chief, Chen Zuyi. Instead, he sent
them home and installed another individual to be the king. In addition, there was no
occupation of the native state. The episode though a military action but should
therefore not be regarded as an act of invasion.
33 Ibid. Similar story was carried by Ma Huan, 27-28, Gong Zhen (巩珍),Xiyang Fanguozhi
(西洋番国志)。北京:中华书局,1961. 18; and Fei Xin (费信), Xingcha Shenglan
(星槎胜览)。北京:中华书局,1954. 27. 34
Ibid., vol. 304.
24
In the above cases, Zheng He acted as a peace-keeper and guardian of native
states to maintain law and order of the region and safety of trade routes. Throughout
his seven voyages, Zheng He did not occupy or colonize an inch of foreign land.
Wade’s expansionist theory is not supported by valid evidence and therefore not
plausible at all.
III. Invasion and Occupation of Yunnan
Located at the southwest corner of China, Yunnan has been part of the
Chinese empire since the Han Dynasty. In 109 BC Emperor Wu ordered General
Guo Chang to go to the south to establish Yizhou province and 24 regions. The
capital should be in the Dianci region, today’s Jinning, another region was called
Yunnan. In 109 AD, the Han court established the county of Yunnan as
commandant. 35 Yunnan was called Kunzhou in the Sui Dynasty and Nanzhao in
the Tang Dynasty. Nanzhou was overthrown in 902 and in 937. Duan Siping
established the Kingdom of Dali with Dali as its capital. It was ruled by a
succession of 22 kings until the year 1253, when it was conquered by an invasion
of the Mongol Empire. The Yuan Dynasty was the first regime in China to govern
Yunnan under a strict administrative control. In 1253, Kublai Khan’s Mongol
forces advanced to Yunnan and many other native regimes, including the
controlling Dali Kingdom, who had to abdicate from their thrones. Thus, Yunnan
became a province of Kublai Khan Empire. Zheng He’s 6th generation ancestor,
35 Ming Shi, vol. 201.
25
Sayid Ajall ShamsuddinYunnan was posted by him to Yunnan as its governor.
After the fall of the Yuan Dynasty, Yunnan province was thrown into chaos and
anarchy. Remnants of the Mongol forces continued to rule Yunnan. It was 13 years
later that Zhu Yuanzhang, sent his troops to crush the remnants of the Mongol
forces in Yunnan in 1381. He sent 300 thousand-strong imperial troops led by one
of his capable generals, Fu Youde to attack the last Mongol fortress in Yunnan.
Yunnan was captured and China was unified. When Yunnan fell, a good number of
young boys, including the 10-year old Ma He, were taken, castrated and brought
back to the capital. Hence, the invasion and occupation of Yunnan was more a
dynastic civil war between the Ming government armies and remnants of Mongol
forces.
IV. The Invasion of Annan, 1406
Annan (Vietnam today) formed part of the Chinese empire before the Tang
Dynasty as a province called Jiaozhi. The collapse of the Tang Dynasty provided
an opportunity for Annan to break free of Chinese imperial control. In 966 AD, six
years after the founding of the Song Dynasty, Dinh Bo Linh proclaimed Annan’s
independence.36 However, Annan continued to maintain vassal relations with
China. Historians give a variety of causes which led to the Ming invasion on
Annan in July 1406, ranging from Annan’s attack on Guangxi and Yunnan due to
36 Martin Stuart-Fox, 45.
26
border disputes to Champa’s complaint to the Ming court about Annan’s invasion.
37 The direct cause seems to be the usurpation that took place in Annan in 1400. In
that year a powerful Vietnamese mandarin, Hu Quy Ly, took advantage of the
political turmoil in China to replace the emperor of Annan (last of the Tran
Dynasty), with his own son and proclaimed a new dynasty. When Yongle ascended
the throne, the new king sent tribute to him and was acknowledged as Annan’s new
king. However, Yongle was annoyed when he discovered a few months later the
man was a usurper. The sole remaining descendant of the Tran line was found and
returned to Annan to be installed as the new king, but he was murdered on his
arrival. Yongle gave his support to the Tran family and escalated the conflict with
Annan’s usurped throne. An imminent war with Annan was looming large. Despite
Annan’s non-invading status as laid down in his father’s Ancestral Injunctions,
Yongle “believed that there was sufficient provocation in this instance according to
the Ancestral Injunction”38 to punish the usurper in a large-scale war. Twenty main
crimes held against the usurper were listed as reasons for the military campaign.
Prof. Wang Gungwu listed and analysed these crimes as follows:
• For the murder of the Tran King who was properly recognized by China;
• For the massacre of the Tran royal family;
37
戴可来,“明明成祖证安南原因探析”,梁志明等编,《古代东南亚历史与文化研究》。
北京:昆仑出版社,2006。131-139。
38 Wang Gungwu, Chinese and the Chinese Overseas. 61.
27
• For not using the Chinese calendar and for using his own reign-period;
• For ill-treating the Annamese people;
• For changing his own surname from Li to Hu;
• For deceiving the Ming emperor about his usurpation;
• For blushing the Ming emperor and resisting Ming missions;
• For murdering the legitimate Tran heir;
• For taking Chinese tribal territory at Ning-yuan Chou;
• For killing the tribal chief’s son-in-law and related crimes;
• For disturbing the peace among other border tribes;
• For taking Ssu-ming Fu territory and only returning parts of it;
• For inciting the tribes of His-ping Chou against the emperor;
• For invading Champa territory during the king’s mourning period;
• For taking four chou from Champa and sacking them;
• For taking over one hundred elephants from Champa and some territory;
• For forcing Champa, a vassal of China, to use Annan seals and ceremonial
dress instead of Chinese ones;
• For invading Champa because it acknowledged China as suzerain and not
Annan;
• For capturing Chinese and Cham envoys at one of the Cham ports; and
28
• For insulting China by sending a criminal as envoy.39
Prof. Wang pointed out that one of the key words in the declaration of war
appears to be that Annan was very closely related to China and it is in this context
that the crimes can be seen as heinous. 40 He added, “ I have listed them fully to
show what vassalage to China meant at the time. The first eight may be described
as moral and idealogical issues, the next five as security matters, the five after that
as Annanese aggression against another vassal, and the final two as personal insults
to the emperor”.41 Prof. Wang very correctly and aptly concluded, “There are thus
four groups of issues which purported to have aroused Yongle to take strong
action. From his point of view, it may be argued that there was extreme
provocation. From the point of view of the country (Cham) attacked, the list
reveals the extent to which Chinese claims to suzerainty denied freedom and
independence of action to the vassal state.”42
Concluding Remarks
Dr. Wade attempted to interpret the role of the Ming Dynasty in general and
Zheng He’s expeditions in particular, based on Chinese historical records but using a
Western perspective. He was imaginative and very selective in arguing his cases but
it was not adequately or correctly supported by historical records. In addition, he
39 Ming Tai-zong Shilu: juan 60.1a-4a.
40 Wang Gungwu, “China and Southeast Asia 1402-1424” in Jerome Chen & Nicholas Tarling eds., Studies in Social History of China and Southeast Asia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. 382. 41
Ibid. 42
Ibid., 382-383.
29
purposely ignores the decrees issued by many Ming Emperors not to invade the
foreign countries and concluded that Yongle's seven voyages was to launch invasions
for the purpose of China southern expansion and for colonization.
Zheng He was an admiral in the Ming Dynasty. He was instructed by the
Ming emperor to project the power of Ming China (xuanyang guowei 宣扬国威), and
to implement the tributary system to States around the Western Ocean. He conducted
his diplomacy in the context of the Chinese concept of world order and tributary
system. His expeditions should be seen in that context rather than that of Western
colonialism. There is always a danger to see history from a non-historical point of
view; forcing a Western model and interpreting Chinese history pose pitfalls and will