Wall Murals in Belfast and Derry. Mural painting has been a feature of unionist popular culture since the early years of this century when images of King.

Wall Murals Wall Murals in Belfast in Belfast and Derryand Derry

Mural painting has been a feature of Mural painting has been a feature of unionist popular culture since the unionist popular culture since the early years of this century when early years of this century when images of King William III and other images of King William III and other Orange symbols began to adorn the Orange symbols began to adorn the gable walls of the working-class areas gable walls of the working-class areas of Belfast. They appeared as part of of Belfast. They appeared as part of an assertion of the Protestant people's an assertion of the Protestant people's sense of British identity during an sense of British identity during an extended period of political crisis. extended period of political crisis.

Battle of the Boyne Battle of the Boyne MuralMural

Mural depicting King Mural depicting King BillyBilly

The Red Hand of Ulster also figured prominently, whether The Red Hand of Ulster also figured prominently, whether traditionally represented, or clenched in a fist, a symbol of traditionally represented, or clenched in a fist, a symbol of the UFF, Ulster Freedom Fighters, or encircled in barbed the UFF, Ulster Freedom Fighters, or encircled in barbed wire, the preferred depiction of the LPA, Loyalist Prisoners' wire, the preferred depiction of the LPA, Loyalist Prisoners' Association. The Red Hand could also appear with other Association. The Red Hand could also appear with other heraldic devices. heraldic devices.

The most noteworthy fact about these murals depicting The most noteworthy fact about these murals depicting inanimate symbols was the stark absence of human beings. inanimate symbols was the stark absence of human beings. It was as if loyalist mural painters no longer knew where It was as if loyalist mural painters no longer knew where loyalist people fitted. Moreover, the flags, shields, etc. loyalist people fitted. Moreover, the flags, shields, etc. seemed sure, indisputable, immovable. Yet the very seemed sure, indisputable, immovable. Yet the very robustness of this representation again disguises an robustness of this representation again disguises an underlying identity problem. These murals protest their underlying identity problem. These murals protest their confidence too much. As James Hawthorne, then Controller confidence too much. As James Hawthorne, then Controller of BBC Northern Ireland put it: of BBC Northern Ireland put it:

"The more the majority - or at least the highly loyal section "The more the majority - or at least the highly loyal section of it - waves the Union flag and talks of loyalty, the more it of it - waves the Union flag and talks of loyalty, the more it strives to cover up its identity problem.”strives to cover up its identity problem.”

By the early 1990s loyalists were killing more people than By the early 1990s loyalists were killing more people than republicans were, and military imagery was the most republicans were, and military imagery was the most common theme in loyalist murals. Balaclavas and common theme in loyalist murals. Balaclavas and automatic weapons abounded, whether the military automatic weapons abounded, whether the military men men were shown in action or posing with their weapons. were shown in action or posing with their weapons. Sometimes the weapons could stand alone as mute Sometimes the weapons could stand alone as mute testimony to loyalist military action. These military murals testimony to loyalist military action. These military murals did not obviously reveal the purpose of loyalist military did not obviously reveal the purpose of loyalist military action, nor against whom the weapons were directed. There action, nor against whom the weapons were directed. There was no hint that during "the troubles" overall loyalists killed was no hint that during "the troubles" overall loyalists killed more civilians than republicans did, or that by the 1990s more civilians than republicans did, or that by the 1990s they were killing more people each year than republicans they were killing more people each year than republicans were, despite official assertions of republicanism as the were, despite official assertions of republicanism as the main problem.4 But, to the nationalist or republican main problem.4 But, to the nationalist or republican potentially at the receiving end of loyalist bullets, these potentially at the receiving end of loyalist bullets, these murals were often sinister or threatening. murals were often sinister or threatening.

Post-ceasefire Post-ceasefire mural, Protestant mural, Protestant West Belfast. West Belfast.

View of the mural in View of the mural in No.632 looking up No.632 looking up the Shankill Road the Shankill Road with the banner with the banner

crossing the road crossing the road reading “UDA, UFF reading “UDA, UFF

Welcome to the Welcome to the Loyalist Shankill”. Loyalist Shankill”.

Army Landrover and Army Landrover and soldier on the soldier on the

road.Shankill Road, road.Shankill Road, Belfast Belfast

Memorial to dead Memorial to dead members of the members of the Ulster Defence Ulster Defence Association, in Association, in prticular, Brig, J. prticular, Brig, J. McMichael, and McMichael, and emblem of Ulster emblem of Ulster Defence Association. Defence Association.

Location and DateLocation and Date Sandy Row, Belfast, Sandy Row, Belfast, 1994.1994.

In 1990, Bobby Jackson, then 63 years old, In 1990, Bobby Jackson, then 63 years old, articulated his disdain for such paramilitary articulated his disdain for such paramilitary murals and the young loyalists who painted murals and the young loyalists who painted them. them.

"I don't like them at all because they're very "I don't like them at all because they're very political and it seems as if there's death political and it seems as if there's death about the town and destruction more than about the town and destruction more than anything else. There's nothing beautiful anything else. There's nothing beautiful about them. It's always something political. about them. It's always something political. They can't think about their own town; They can't think about their own town; they've lost out on history. It's a very sad they've lost out on history. It's a very sad thing."[1] thing."[1]

It was not until the early 1980s that murals It was not until the early 1980s that murals became a prominent form of street display in became a prominent form of street display in nationalist areas and the brush joined the nationalist areas and the brush joined the armalite and the ballot box as a facet of political armalite and the ballot box as a facet of political strategy. Republican strategy changed after the strategy. Republican strategy changed after the hunger strikes: the military campaign continued, hunger strikes: the military campaign continued, but at the same time a more open political but at the same time a more open political movement began, culminating in the success of movement began, culminating in the success of Sinn Féin at the polls. This movement tried to Sinn Féin at the polls. This movement tried to emphasise the distinctive cultural base of emphasise the distinctive cultural base of nationalism, which was deemed to provide the nationalism, which was deemed to provide the secure foundations for the political movement. secure foundations for the political movement. Numerous murals and political slogans appeared Numerous murals and political slogans appeared across nationalist Belfast, kerbstones and lamp-across nationalist Belfast, kerbstones and lamp-posts were painted, streets were renamed in posts were painted, streets were renamed in Irish, and the tricolour flew freely to assert a Irish, and the tricolour flew freely to assert a permanent and visible, political and cultural permanent and visible, political and cultural dominance over the area. dominance over the area.

When the first barricades were erected in When the first barricades were erected in the Bogside in Derry, in January 1969, the the Bogside in Derry, in January 1969, the act of excluding the forces of the state, was act of excluding the forces of the state, was proclaimed by the slogan 'You Are Now proclaimed by the slogan 'You Are Now Entering Free Derry' painted on a gable wall Entering Free Derry' painted on a gable wall in St Columb's Street. By the time the in St Columb's Street. By the time the painting was re-done, professionally, for the painting was re-done, professionally, for the visit of the Home Secretary, James visit of the Home Secretary, James Callaghan, in August that year it had Callaghan, in August that year it had become emblematic of communal attitudes become emblematic of communal attitudes and collective resistance and collective resistance

The mural is repainted regularly and Free The mural is repainted regularly and Free Derry Corner has been established as the Derry Corner has been established as the focal point for republican commemorations focal point for republican commemorations within the city: the annual Bloody Sunday within the city: the annual Bloody Sunday Commemoration march terminates in a rally Commemoration march terminates in a rally in front of the wall. In the past few years in front of the wall. In the past few years several other large murals, some related to several other large murals, some related to the early events of the troubles, others the early events of the troubles, others linked to the opposition to loyalist parades, linked to the opposition to loyalist parades, have been painted nearby. Although the have been painted nearby. Although the barricades are long gone and the original barricades are long gone and the original buildings are no more, Free Derry Corner buildings are no more, Free Derry Corner remains a defiant public space. remains a defiant public space.

Free Derry Corner" You are Free Derry Corner" You are now entering Free Derry’, with now entering Free Derry’, with sniper at work sign Rossville sniper at work sign Rossville

Street, Bogside, DerryStreet, Bogside, Derry

Portrait of Martin Luther King, " Injustice Portrait of Martin Luther King, " Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere … If colour, religion or political opinions do … If colour, religion or political opinions do make us different, misery, oppression, make us different, misery, oppression, unemployment and exploitation make us unemployment and exploitation make us the same - Martin Luther King".Hillman the same - Martin Luther King".Hillman Street, New Lodge, BelfastStreet, New Lodge, Belfast

For tourists, many of the murals may suggest a For tourists, many of the murals may suggest a romanticised view of the violence of recent years, romanticised view of the violence of recent years, even a nostalgia for the imagined sense of even a nostalgia for the imagined sense of community which has provided the base for community which has provided the base for resistance and struggle, and at times encouraged resistance and struggle, and at times encouraged sacrifice for the cause. For the communities sacrifice for the cause. For the communities themselves the walls have long been regarded as an themselves the walls have long been regarded as an appropriate place on which to honour and remember appropriate place on which to honour and remember the dead and imprisoned. The working-class areas the dead and imprisoned. The working-class areas contain many small memorials which record the contain many small memorials which record the names of local individuals who have been killed names of local individuals who have been killed during the Troubles. Although some will include the during the Troubles. Although some will include the name of relevant paramilitary organisations many name of relevant paramilitary organisations many commemorate those not killed by chance or commemorate those not killed by chance or misfortune. A diverse array of small plaques, formal misfortune. A diverse array of small plaques, formal marble memorials, murals and free-standing Celtic marble memorials, murals and free-standing Celtic crosses is scattered across the city, and permanent crosses is scattered across the city, and permanent reminders to the price of the cause. While all of reminders to the price of the cause. While all of these memorials have an impact on the sense of these memorials have an impact on the sense of place, the murals are probably the most assertive in place, the murals are probably the most assertive in demanding acknowledgement of their presence. demanding acknowledgement of their presence.

Bobby SandsBobby Sands

Horse and cart Horse and cart carrying away carrying away the dead, with the dead, with starving children, starving children, "An Gorta Mor "An Gorta Mor (The Great (The Great Hunger) - They Hunger) - They buried us without buried us without shroud nor coffin" shroud nor coffin" Ardoyne Avenue, Ardoyne Avenue, BelfastBelfast

Overall, as numerous murals Overall, as numerous murals declared, the ultimate aim of declared, the ultimate aim of republicanism was "Brits Out" and republicanism was "Brits Out" and "free Ireland" "free Ireland"

Bloody Sunday MuralBloody Sunday MuralJanuary 30th, 1972January 30th, 1972

The above mural depicts one of the The above mural depicts one of the events that took place on 'Bloody events that took place on 'Bloody Sunday' in Derry on 30 January Sunday' in Derry on 30 January 1972. On this day the British Army 1972. On this day the British Army opened fire on a Civil Rights opened fire on a Civil Rights demonstration and killed 14 people. demonstration and killed 14 people. The mural shows a group men, led The mural shows a group men, led by a local Catholic priest (later to by a local Catholic priest (later to become Bishop Daly), carrying the become Bishop Daly), carrying the body of Jack (Jackie) Duddy from body of Jack (Jackie) Duddy from the scene of the shooting. Depicted the scene of the shooting. Depicted in the background are the marchers in the background are the marchers carrying a 'civil rights' banner. The carrying a 'civil rights' banner. The same banner became bloodstained same banner became bloodstained when used to cover the body of one when used to cover the body of one of those killed. of those killed.

This mural was painted in 1997 to This mural was painted in 1997 to commemorate the 25th anniversary commemorate the 25th anniversary of 'Bloody Sunday' on 30 January of 'Bloody Sunday' on 30 January 1972. 1972.

Despite its origins in a prison hunger Despite its origins in a prison hunger strike, an event which could have been strike, an event which could have been depicted solely in humanitarian terms, depicted solely in humanitarian terms, the republican mural tradition had from the republican mural tradition had from the start refused to distance itself from the start refused to distance itself from the reason the prisoners had ended up the reason the prisoners had ended up in prison. Murals portraying the "armed in prison. Murals portraying the "armed struggle" were common from 1981 on, struggle" were common from 1981 on, but were less so in the 1990s. but were less so in the 1990s.

Bloody Sunday Bloody Sunday CommemorationCommemorationBloody Sunday VictimsBloody Sunday Victims

The above mural contains The above mural contains portraits of the 14 people portraits of the 14 people who were killed by the who were killed by the British Army on 'Bloody British Army on 'Bloody Sunday' in Derry on 30 Sunday' in Derry on 30 January 1972. In addition January 1972. In addition to the portraits, there are to the portraits, there are also 14 oak leaves with also 14 oak leaves with each leaf symbolising one each leaf symbolising one of the victims. Derry takes of the victims. Derry takes its name from the Irish its name from the Irish word Doire meaning word Doire meaning oakgrove. oakgrove.

Death Of InnocenceDeath Of InnocenceAnnette McGavigan Annette McGavigan MuralMural

The young girl in the The young girl in the mural is Annette mural is Annette McGavigan who was 14 McGavigan who was 14 years when she was years when she was killed on 6 September killed on 6 September 1971. She was shot 1971. She was shot dead by a British soldier dead by a British soldier while standing on the while standing on the street in which she street in which she lived. The mural is close lived. The mural is close to the site where she to the site where she died. died.

The first of the two major hunger strikes began on 27 The first of the two major hunger strikes began on 27 October 1980 and ended on 18 December 1980 after a October 1980 and ended on 18 December 1980 after a period of 53 days. Raymond Mc Cartney, the main subject period of 53 days. Raymond Mc Cartney, the main subject in the mural, was one of those who took part. Initally seven in the mural, was one of those who took part. Initally seven Republican prisoners in the H-blocks of the Maze Prison Republican prisoners in the H-blocks of the Maze Prison volunteered to go on hunger strike. They were followed on volunteered to go on hunger strike. They were followed on 1 December 1980 by 3 women prisoners in Armagh prison. 1 December 1980 by 3 women prisoners in Armagh prison. A further 23 Republican prisoners joined the strike on 15 A further 23 Republican prisoners joined the strike on 15 December 1980. The first hunger strike was called off when December 1980. The first hunger strike was called off when the prisoners thought that the government had conceded the prisoners thought that the government had conceded on the issue of political status. on the issue of political status.

The entire episode together with the second hunger strike The entire episode together with the second hunger strike in 1981 when ten men, including Bobby Sands, lost their in 1981 when ten men, including Bobby Sands, lost their lives left an indelible scar on the Bogside psyche. Raymond lives left an indelible scar on the Bogside psyche. Raymond Mc Cartney's face is emblazoned on many peoples minds to Mc Cartney's face is emblazoned on many peoples minds to this day because his photograph smuggled out of 'the this day because his photograph smuggled out of 'the Maze' seemed to tell the whole story of the grief and Maze' seemed to tell the whole story of the grief and suffering of the inmates. suffering of the inmates.

Portrait of Bobby Portrait of Bobby Sands with Long Sands with Long Kesh watchtowers in Kesh watchtowers in the background and the background and Bobby Sands funeral Bobby Sands funeral procession in the procession in the foreground, "Our foreground, "Our laughter will be the laughter will be the joy of victory and joy joy of victory and joy of the people, our of the people, our revenge will be the revenge will be the liberation of all - liberation of all - Bobby Sands" Bobby Sands" Garden Row, Garden Row, Twinbrook, BelfastTwinbrook, Belfast

Hunger StrikeHunger StrikeRaymond Mc Cartney Raymond Mc Cartney MuralMural

The above photograph The above photograph shows a mural painted shows a mural painted by 'the Bogside by 'the Bogside Artists'. The painting is Artists'. The painting is based on the events of based on the events of the Hunger Strike. The the Hunger Strike. The mural was unveiled on mural was unveiled on Tuesday 25 July 2000 Tuesday 25 July 2000 and is situated on and is situated on Rossville Street in the Rossville Street in the Bogside area of Derry. Bogside area of Derry.

Post-ceasefire Post-ceasefire mural (Building mural (Building Blocks of Peace), Blocks of Peace), Catholic West Catholic West Belfast. (67K jpeg) Belfast. (67K jpeg)

Images of DerryImages of Derry

< previous ... index page ... next >

If you have any questions or comments regarding the CAIN service please send an email message. Or you can contact the CAIN Project Manager directly at the following email address: [email protected] © 1996-2004 CAIN (Conflict Archive on the INternet)

Last Modified by Dr Martin Melaugh : 01/07/2004 22:58:35

Back to the top of this page

< previous ... index page ... next >

If you have any questions or comments regarding the CAIN service please send an email message. Or you can contact the CAIN Project Manager directly at the following email address: [email protected] © 1996-2004 CAIN (Conflict Archive on the INternet)

Last Modified by Dr Martin Melaugh : 01/07/2004 22:58:35

Back to the top of this page

< previous ... index page ... next >

If you have any questions or comments regarding the CAIN service please send an email message. Or you can contact the CAIN Project Manager directly at the following email address: [email protected] © 1996-2004 CAIN (Conflict Archive on the INternet)

Last Modified by Dr Martin Melaugh : 01/07/2004 22:58:35

Back to the top of this page

< previous ... index page ... next >

If you have any questions or comments regarding the CAIN service please send an email message. Or you can contact the CAIN Project Manager directly at the following email address: [email protected] © 1996-2000 CAIN Project

Last Modified by Dr Martin Melaugh : 01/07/2004 22:58:39

Back to the top of this page

Background Background InformationInformation

‘‘The Troubles’The Troubles’

Act Of Union and Great Act Of Union and Great FamineFamine

The drastic action that was taken was the Act of Union, The drastic action that was taken was the Act of Union, passed in 1800. It formed a new country ("The United passed in 1800. It formed a new country ("The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland") by uniting England, Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland") by uniting England, Wales, Ireland and Scotland. A new flag - the Union Jack - Wales, Ireland and Scotland. A new flag - the Union Jack - was created for it which had components from the flags of was created for it which had components from the flags of each member state. All regional parliaments were each member state. All regional parliaments were abolished, and instead the entire UK was to be ruled from a abolished, and instead the entire UK was to be ruled from a centralised London parliament. For most Irish, there wasn't centralised London parliament. For most Irish, there wasn't a noticeable difference, but it meant the Irish government a noticeable difference, but it meant the Irish government representatives could not pass laws on their own. In 1813, a representatives could not pass laws on their own. In 1813, a man named Sir Robert Peel set up a law-enforcing force in man named Sir Robert Peel set up a law-enforcing force in Ireland. Its job was to arrest those who broke the law and Ireland. Its job was to arrest those who broke the law and generally manage crime prevention. This force was known generally manage crime prevention. This force was known as the 'Peelers' or the 'Bobbies', and later became known as the 'Peelers' or the 'Bobbies', and later became known as the Police. It was the world's first Police force and, by as the Police. It was the world's first Police force and, by 1822, most countries has followed suit and set up their 1822, most countries has followed suit and set up their own.own.

The hated penal laws were still in force in Ireland in the early 1800s. The hated penal laws were still in force in Ireland in the early 1800s. These discriminated against non-Anglicans, principally Catholics and These discriminated against non-Anglicans, principally Catholics and Presbyterians. It had been promised that they would be abolished Presbyterians. It had been promised that they would be abolished with the Act of Union. However, this did not happen and it took the with the Act of Union. However, this did not happen and it took the actions of Daniel O'Connell to lead a campaign for emancipation that actions of Daniel O'Connell to lead a campaign for emancipation that captured the English public's imagination and led to the necessary captured the English public's imagination and led to the necessary legislation being passed in 1829. The importance of emancipation to legislation being passed in 1829. The importance of emancipation to the Irish people was recognised when the main street in Dublin was the Irish people was recognised when the main street in Dublin was re-named after O'Connell after independence in 1921.re-named after O'Connell after independence in 1921.

In 1800 the population of Ireland was between 4 and 5 million, with In 1800 the population of Ireland was between 4 and 5 million, with 200,000 in Dublin. However the Industrial revolution and especially 200,000 in Dublin. However the Industrial revolution and especially the Irish Linen industry expanded explosively in the first half of the the Irish Linen industry expanded explosively in the first half of the century, and this allowed the population to increase dramatically. By century, and this allowed the population to increase dramatically. By 1841, there were 8,175,000 people in Ireland. (This compares to the 1841, there were 8,175,000 people in Ireland. (This compares to the 1996 figure of 5,162,535.) Most Irish landlords were Protestants, 1996 figure of 5,162,535.) Most Irish landlords were Protestants, simply because the law forbade Catholics from owning land. The simply because the law forbade Catholics from owning land. The Irish peasants themselves, who were both Protestant and Catholic, Irish peasants themselves, who were both Protestant and Catholic, ate potatoes almost exclusively, since land was scarce and potatoes ate potatoes almost exclusively, since land was scarce and potatoes were an intensive crop. were an intensive crop.

However, in 1845 a fungal disease called 'phytophthora However, in 1845 a fungal disease called 'phytophthora infestans', or 'potato blight' struck and wiped out a third of the infestans', or 'potato blight' struck and wiped out a third of the potato crop in Ireland. This was a disaster to the peasants who potato crop in Ireland. This was a disaster to the peasants who relied upon it. Those who lived near towns were better off, relied upon it. Those who lived near towns were better off, since towns had other sources of food, but things got very bad since towns had other sources of food, but things got very bad for those living in rural areas.for those living in rural areas.

By 1846, potato supplies had sold out and many people began By 1846, potato supplies had sold out and many people began to slowly starve. The British government stepped in and to slowly starve. The British government stepped in and imported £100,000 worth of maize from America to feed the imported £100,000 worth of maize from America to feed the starving, and this helped prevent mass death for the first year starving, and this helped prevent mass death for the first year of the Famine. However, the crop of 1846 also failed and this of the Famine. However, the crop of 1846 also failed and this time wiped out almost all the potatoes in Ireland. Thousands of time wiped out almost all the potatoes in Ireland. Thousands of people simply starved, particularly in rural areas. Many also people simply starved, particularly in rural areas. Many also died from typhus, scurvy and dysentery. The British set up died from typhus, scurvy and dysentery. The British set up soup-kitchens and workhouses for the poor but they drastically soup-kitchens and workhouses for the poor but they drastically underestimated the scale of the disaster, and many people did underestimated the scale of the disaster, and many people did not receive any aid at all. The problem was compounded by not receive any aid at all. The problem was compounded by landlords who evicted Peasants who could not pay the rent landlords who evicted Peasants who could not pay the rent because they had no potatoes to sell. because they had no potatoes to sell.

Many thousands of Irish decided to cut their losses and set sail Many thousands of Irish decided to cut their losses and set sail on emigration boats to America. This is the origin of about half on emigration boats to America. This is the origin of about half of what is now referred to as 'Irish America'. Hundreds of Irish of what is now referred to as 'Irish America'. Hundreds of Irish died on the ships which were so overcrowded that they became died on the ships which were so overcrowded that they became known as 'coffin ships'. By 1851, the population had fallen 25% known as 'coffin ships'. By 1851, the population had fallen 25% to 6,000,000 and the emigration continued until around 1900, to 6,000,000 and the emigration continued until around 1900, by which time only 4,500,000 Irish remained in Ireland. This left by which time only 4,500,000 Irish remained in Ireland. This left huge chunks of abandoned farmland and even today, large huge chunks of abandoned farmland and even today, large areas of derelict farmland can be seen in Mayo and Galway. areas of derelict farmland can be seen in Mayo and Galway. Many Irish felt that the British could have done more and this Many Irish felt that the British could have done more and this caused a lot of anti-British sentiment to arise, particularly in caused a lot of anti-British sentiment to arise, particularly in Ireland and among the Irish who had gone to America.Ireland and among the Irish who had gone to America.

While there is little doubt that the British could have done more While there is little doubt that the British could have done more to prevent the mass deaths in Ireland, some blame must also be to prevent the mass deaths in Ireland, some blame must also be attributed to the over-reliance of the rural Irish on a single food attributed to the over-reliance of the rural Irish on a single food crop and on the lack of communication routes with England, crop and on the lack of communication routes with England, meaning that many in Britain were genuinely unaware of what meaning that many in Britain were genuinely unaware of what was happening in rural Ireland. Most visitors to Ireland stayed in was happening in rural Ireland. Most visitors to Ireland stayed in the cities, which were largely unaffected by the famine.the cities, which were largely unaffected by the famine.

Internment refers to the arrest and detention Internment refers to the arrest and detention without trial of people suspected of being without trial of people suspected of being members of illegal paramilitary groups. The members of illegal paramilitary groups. The policy of internment had been used a number of policy of internment had been used a number of times during Northern Ireland's history. It was times during Northern Ireland's history. It was reintroduced on Monday 9 August 1971 and reintroduced on Monday 9 August 1971 and continued in use until Friday 5 December 1975. continued in use until Friday 5 December 1975. During this period a total of 1,981 people were During this period a total of 1,981 people were detained; 1,874 were Catholic / Republican, while detained; 1,874 were Catholic / Republican, while 107 were Protestant / Loyalist. 107 were Protestant / Loyalist.

The Unionist controlled Stormont Government The Unionist controlled Stormont Government convinced the British Government of the need, and convinced the British Government of the need, and the advantages, of introducing internment as a the advantages, of introducing internment as a means of countering rising levels of paramilitary means of countering rising levels of paramilitary violence. The policy proved however to be a violence. The policy proved however to be a disastrous mistake. The measure was only used disastrous mistake. The measure was only used against the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the against the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the Catholic community. Although Loyalist paramilitaries Catholic community. Although Loyalist paramilitaries had been responsible for some of the violence no had been responsible for some of the violence no Protestants were arrested (the first Protestant Protestants were arrested (the first Protestant internees were detained on 2 February 1973). The internees were detained on 2 February 1973). The crucial intelligence on which the success of the crucial intelligence on which the success of the operation depended was flawed and many of those operation depended was flawed and many of those arrested had to be subsequently released because arrested had to be subsequently released because they were not involved in any paramilitary activity.they were not involved in any paramilitary activity.

In response to internment the Northern Ireland Civil Rights In response to internment the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association began a campaign of civil disobedience which Association began a campaign of civil disobedience which culminated in a 'rent and rates strike' by those in public culminated in a 'rent and rates strike' by those in public sector houses. The Social Democratic and Labour Party sector houses. The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) was forced to end co-operation with the Northern (SDLP) was forced to end co-operation with the Northern Ireland government. In addition many commentators are Ireland government. In addition many commentators are of the opinion that internment resulted in increased of the opinion that internment resulted in increased support, active and tacit, among the Catholic community support, active and tacit, among the Catholic community for the IRA. The level of civil unrest and the level of IRA for the IRA. The level of civil unrest and the level of IRA violence surged.violence surged.

While unionists would have initially welcomed the stronger While unionists would have initially welcomed the stronger security measures represented by internment they would security measures represented by internment they would perhaps have been less enthusiastic for the policy if they perhaps have been less enthusiastic for the policy if they had foreseen the consequences for the Northern Ireland had foreseen the consequences for the Northern Ireland parliament.parliament.

http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/bibdbs/murals/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/bibdbs/murals/jarman.htmjarman.htm

Symbols in Northern Ireland Symbols in Northern Ireland Edited by Anthony Buckley (1998) Edited by Anthony Buckley (1998) ISBN 0 85389 692 5 Paperback 198pp (£8.50) ISBN 0 85389 692 5 Paperback 198pp (£8.50)

Painting landscapes: the place of murals Painting landscapes: the place of murals in the symbolic construction of urban in the symbolic construction of urban spacespace Neil JarmanNeil Jarman

http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/bibdbs/murals/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/bibdbs/murals/rolston2.htmrolston2.htm

Murals of War and PeaceMurals of War and Peace by Bill Rolston (1995)by Bill Rolston (1995) ISBN 0 9514229 7 9 ISBN 0 9514229 7 9