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THE MICHIGAN REVIEW Volume 12, Number 13 The Campus Affairs Journal of the University of Michigan

Hash Bash,Once More BY ERIK ScHNURSTEIN

FOR EACH OF THE PAST 22 years in April, supporters of the legalization of marijuana have

flocked to the Diag for the annual Hash Bash rally. The prime focus of the demonstrators, most of whom are not University of Michigan students, has simply been to assemble and smoke marijuana, gaining attention through their massive numbers. .

For the past three years, however, another feature has become the focal point of the event. In 1990, the Univer­sity of Michigan chapter of the Na­tional Organization for the Reform of

years, the University has denied U-M NORML's request for a permit. This decision is made by the Office of Frank Cianciola, Dean of Student Affairs . Repeatedly, U- M NORML has re-

formed by U-M that a permit could not be issued because of an outstanding debt of $850 for security and clean-up

. fees from last year's Hash Bash and a depof!it for this year. According to Adam

~ .~. ·l . '" A'''lI..~''~ " ..... "'>'.:09 Brook, former president of and current spokes­man for U-M NORML, this fee is unnecessary because no clean-up was

. ne~ed : 'J'he group ya­catedthe Dia;g after one

~~ ltour,moviilg the re­

Marijuana Laws (U-M NORML) held a , ". .' . rally on the Diag during Hash Bash. . spon4e4 ~th lawsuita against the U­For anyone to hold such ademonstra. . . . M. '!be court system. lUis consistently tion on U-M property, the Univtnity ·· .... ruled in favor of lJ-M NORML, citing

·ri,iairider of the festiVi­ties to FUllef ·Park. FUr· tbennore, Brooltclaims that a federal court de­

. ... 'da&d that ~ty fe.es could not'b.e ~ed to his organiza­tion. 'The Vniv~ty'maynow be wiU· ing to admit eti'Ol'in the billing of the

must approve a request for the use of constitutional law. the Diag. In each of the past three This year, U-M NORML was in- See HASH BASH, page 10

Hun BY MOHAN KRISHNAN

T HIS FRIDAY, CHRISTIANS around the world will celebrate Good Friday, the holiest day of

\

the Christian year. Christians United (CU), a group of

leaders from numerous Christian fel­lowship groups on campus, will be host­ing events collectively to promote their religious beliefs. '!his week, Christian· ity Awareness Week, is funded by CU and the various groups it represents, and by private donatiou&.

'This is the first year in which an entire week of activities was planned, but the rally on Good Friday bas taken place for three or four years and will be the week's finale . It will be held on the Diag from 11:00 a.m. to 2:00 p.m. CU predicts that turnout will be between 1,500 and 3,000 people. Joe Cox, public relations manager of the project, said

. .

that attendees come from many parts est ~'tbe events. of the state, and even other states, as . As CU contains representatives wen at from the U-M. from m,any campus Christian groups,

Under theDiag Pbli~. ~lJ41. Ol!! orth~effarts~i'9~1i ~ter only allows groups to use eI~ty. on .~\ of~t;y,among. ~.'They .want the Diag for one hour, and Ct,J,PlaIu. to . . : th~ a¢;lvities ,to ~;for alLwho arem~r­make the most of it, From noonuIitii ' estE;x( not.~tfor:mehiliezjJ of~s~c one p.m., the rally will fea~; ~ltita, f~llO, .~.$ll.ip . . CO)(, . a ' inember of speeches about evangelism aI)d. Qhrlst':s ' Pl~~tyChris~F~liowehip (IV), resurrection, and Top PriOIjty, ,an., a, .. ~~,~~ ~wldle he.enJoyait. "the only cappella singing group. Befo:reaJ)d aI., · ·· J:'t)~~~J'm : ill [IV) inStead ofano~er ter this time, the rally will present group is' becaqae I met someone in [it] group singing and fellowship. first." By promoting Christianity rather

CU has been pleased with the sup- than individual fellowship groups, CU port the community has offered them. hopes to attract more participants. Cox mentioned that the U-M, through CU hopes to make the activity, the Office of Ethics and Religion, has ··.unique to the U-M campus, a nation-been very valuable to them. Jt1u1;her- ally reCognized event, dtawing even more, he said that student iriterest has more participants. They want to reach been encouraging. Among those with out to pf:lople, Cox said, and to show whom he spoke, he said that all the them what Christianity is really about, Christians were very supportive, and as opposed to the questionable ways in many Qther students displayed inter- which it is popularly seen. Mt

March 30. 1994

'Irresponsibility' Results in

Funding Loss forMTU

BY TRAcy RoBINSON

FAILURE TO COMPLY WITH the conditions of an amendment to the 1993-94 Michigan Stu­

dent Assembly (MSA) budget resulted in the loss of $11,000 to the Ann Arbor Tenants' Union (AATU) last week. On Tuesday;.Mareh 22, $11,000 which was allocated to the AATU in September reverted back into MSA's internal bud­get, releasing the As$embly from ita earlier ~greement to tra.nsfer the money to the AATU this academic y~. Any funding reque'sts ·tnadebyfue AA TU will now require a vote in favor by a niajority of the Assembly.

'The lost funding represents a sig­nificant portion of the AATU's annual operating budget; '!he AATU is a ten­ant advocacY organization which pro­Vides counseling for U-M students and Ann ~r:residents, generally free of clw'ge. MBA has provided the vast ma­jOrity of the organization's funding for mum/oftha AATQ's25-year existence, prompting MSA representatives over the last several years to question the general f9.ilure of the organization to raise outside funding,

The fund transfer of March 22nd occurred according to guidelines laid out in an amendment to MSA's Annual Budget passed by the Assembly on Sep­tember21, 1993. The transfer took place because the AATV failed to meet the reform-oriented requirements of the amendment,

Any new funding requests by the AA TV would now require a vote by a majority of MSA Such a vote would likely fail or be extremely close because of the political views of the Michigan

See AA TU FUNDING. Page 10

3 What's Going On?

4 From Suite One

5 Campus Leftists

9 Libertarians or Libertines?

12 Music Reviews

Don't let the U-M The Code should not be The Left makes another Leam why the Libertarian The Ramones are still harass you into giving amended; it should be attempt at suppressing Party hurts the cause of performing their own them money. abolished. free speech. freedom. brand of punk music.

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2 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

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o SERPENT'S TOOTH

Disney is planning to open yet another tlleme park in central Florida. Among its expected attractions are Dinoland - featuring archeological digs - and Beastly Kingdom - featuring Chelsea Clinton.

Recently at Bursley Hall, a Native American dinner was served. Among the entrees was buffalo meat. Guess the multiculturalists beat the animal activists this time.

The Detroit News reported on Chris­tian Marcillo, winner of the Grand Award in the 37th Annual Metropoli­tan Science and Engineering Fair by listening to cockroaches at night. Give us a break! Anyone can watch C-Span.

LaToya Jackson and Lee Greenwood have plans to release a coWltry-west­ern album together later this year. Jackson's husband said, "She will be the new OOUIltry-Westanheart throb." Not too tough when "Achy-Breaky Heart" topped the charta.

Last week, the custodial staff of Chrysler Auditorium sent a letter to the Dean of Engineering in regards to the excessive amount of food, drink, and paper consistently left on the .floor after a chemical engineering course. In response to the letter, Chemical Engi­neering Chair Johannes Schwank spoke at length to ilie class. He told iliem iliat ad.mi.iustrators were referring to them as, "ilie bad boys ofNorili Campus" and "those unruly chemical engineers." In addition to ilie speech, Schwank threat­ened to send letters home to the par­ents of each student. And if that doesn't work, he'll personally spank each and every one of iliem.

Roger Clinton finally tied the knot last week. Our advice for him: avoid state troopers, .floW'6is, and women ten times smarter and sneakier than yoursell'.

Florida legislators will soon vote on a bill to ban topless womEmtimn~<:hes. We only hope that this applies to retire­ment resorts.

DROVING PHOTOGRAPHER ~ .. .

Howard Stern anr.ounced his candi­dacy for govern":' of New York. His slogan for reinstating the death pen­alty, "A volt for every vote," shocked journalists and electrified his current constituency.

Bill Clinton finally released papers con­cerning ilie Whitewater Development scandal. He claimed, to his surprise, that he just came upon some docu­ments. You !mow, he lied a whole lot better during the campaign.

Warner Bros.' new laser-disc of Who Framed Roger Rabbit? contains some frames of Jessica Rabbit wearing no Wlderwear. 'Thanks to high technology, viewers can watch one frame at a time and get a perfect glimpse. Does Marge Simpson turn these men on too?

Michigan hockey coach, Red Berenson, was arrested for public urination and ~ driving. l:le,y Red, you'rf1 sup" : posed to drop your gloves, not your" pants.

by Eric larson

What is more embarrassing than being \ arrested for public urination?

Matt Page Senior, History «Being arrested for public defecation. "

Alfonso Duran Sophomore, Engineering "Puking on a cop while getting a breathalizer."

Steve Kozup Junior, Engineering "Getting knocked uncon­scious from peeing on an electric fence. "

Wendy Hsiao Sophomore, History "Having your mom get caught for public urina­tion."

March 30, 1994

The Campus Affairs Journal of the University of Michigan

"Bill Clinton must go'

EDlTO~N-CHIEF: Nate Jarrison PUBLISHER: Aaron Steeinan CAMPUS AFFAIRS EDITOR: Rachel cardone MANAGING EDITOR: Jarres A. Roberts, II FEATURES EDITOR: Eddie Arner ASSOCIA lE PUBLISHER: Eric Larson

ASSISTANT EDITORS: Gene Krass, Greg Parker COPY EDITOR: Chris Barrett MUSIC EDITORS: Chris Peters, Drew Peters ClRCULA llON DIRECTOR: Paulo Uma FUNDRAtSlNG DIRECTOR: Erik Schnurstein CARTOONIST: Terry Lorber STAFF PHOTOGRAPHER: Dan Krauss

EDITORIAL STAFF: Robb Alley, Dean Bakopolous, Dave Bogue, Tolly Brevitz, Mille Bums, Kevin Costello, Marie Fox, Frank Grabowski, Stephen Hessler, Chauncey Hlchcock, Shea Karrrner, Mohan Krishnan, Brent Lever, Nina Misuraca, Crusty Muncher, Nathan MJrphy, Trenl Reynolds, Peter Schweinsberg, Perry ~

EDITOR-AT-LARGE: Tracy Robinson EDITOR EMERITUS: Adam DeVore

The Metrgan Review Is an Independent, bi-weektf stu-dent-run journal allhe Universlly ~ ~an. We neither soIc~ nor ~ rrone1aly donations from the Univelsly ~ Michigan, and have no respect for anyone that does. CortrWIons 10 the, Mch/gaf1 RrtItJw are tax-deductllle IJldef SecIIon 501 (c)(3) 01 the . emalReveu Code. We alIo have no respect Q the flS (Or It1'f OIlIer IIegiImIIe , i I department a the federal QCHemment). The Review is not aIfiliaIed wtil 8!rf pofiIicaI party 01 UnNersily poltical group, or the electoral proce$S il general

Unsigned edlor\aJs repJesent the opinion d the e<lt0l1a1 board. Ergo, they are uneq\ivocably correct and just. You needn't alleJ11)l to dlsprO¥e the k9c that went ilIo thei formali>n, lor you cannot Signed articles and cartoons represerd the opinions 01 the author and ~ necessarily those a the Review. The opinions pJeserded in this pub1i-cation are not necessarltt those 01 the advertisers or the Unlvmty d Michigan. We we~ letters and articles and encourage comments abol4 the joIKnal.

Please address all subscrl~1on Inquiries to: Associate PublIsher c/o the MchIgan Review. AI adv8!lising inquiies should be direc1ed k>: Publisher clo the Afchigan Review.

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Alf rights reserved.

Left and Right

Health Care is a right. Bill Ointon

Those losers woo can't afford their own health am don't deserve it.

Robert Novak

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March 30, 1994 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW 3

o WHAT'S GOING ON?

I'm Poor, Leave Me Alone BY TRAcy RoBINSON "H I. I'M CALLING ON

behalf of the Senior Pledge Program. How are you do­

ingtodayr Some of you have received this call,

and many probably reacted similarly to the way I did: ''rm not interested in giving any money right now, thanks."

For those who are not juniors or seniors (they begin working on the jun­iors a year early), the aforementioned tactic is used by the University ofMichi­gan Senior Pledge Program., a large­scale harassment campaign designed to extract as much money as possible out of graduating students in the name of "Maize and Blue Pride" and "Michi· gan Spirit"

The program solicits donations from seniors and their parents through let­ters, postcards, and phone calls. For those who do not have the suggested amount for donation - $100, $50, or a symbolic gift of $19.94 - the repeated contacts by representatives of the pro­gram can be embarrassing. For those students like me who do not want to give money to the University for ideo­logical reasons, the repeatedrequeata . are an annoyance.

The other day I was thinking of justifications to tell the next Pledge Program representative who calls to beg for money. I had no difl,i.culty com­ing up with the following list:

-My family and I have already "given" the University over $80,000. Aa an out-of-tltate stutlent, I already ' , pay an outlandish amount for my tu-ition, in addition to other expenses such as books and housing. The fact that representatives ofU-M call me and ask for more money after my parents have gone into poverty over the last four years is ludicrous. With all the debt my family has incurred during my time here, I can't even afford to donate five bucks. It would be more effective to ask for money after I have had a job for a few years and once again have some disposable income.

-The University doesn't need my money. With its recent M Cam­paign, which raised over one billion -yes, one BILLION - dollars from alumni and corporate donations in less than 2 years, the University doesn't need my symbolic gift of$19.94. If they had no problem raising one billion, then' why not two or three more? Asking for money from financially established

Tracy Robinson is a senior in political BCunce and editol'-at-large of the Re­view.

alumni is a much more effective and guistics 410: Language and Discrimi· painless way than asking for it from nation: Language as Social Statement; poor, indebted students; any gift I could English 317, Section 7-Going to Mi-give would be small by comparison. ami; and Women's Studies 343: Gender

-The Statement of Student Consciousness and Social Change. In Rights and Responsibilities (a.k.a. addition to the questionable value of The Code). Since 19~n, the University many of these courses, one objection haR been working on creating a code of heard against the creation of this re-nVJ1-academic conduct under the guise quirement is that it causes more sched· of necessity as well as student support uling headaches for undergraduates. for one. The argument that a code is The ROE requirement forces students required by law is inexact; only rules to waste valuable time and credits tak· governing sexual assault and alcohol ing courses that probably would not and drug abuse are requirements for exist if there was no such requirement. federal education aid. The argument Considering that the University reo which stated that students wanted a quires no courses in American history, code 80 they could more easily under· great books, mathematics, or the his-stand and predict what punishments tory of Western civilization, the ROE they would receive for violations is pa· requirement is ridiculous. Students can tently false; students from many differ· graduate from the University having ent segments of the university joined taken op!y two weak courses in writing together two years ago to oppose the and nocoUl'86S in computers - skills code and then to change it when it that are imperative in the modem work· became a fait a;ccompa." . place - yet they may have taken En·

So far this year, three amendment gliah 319: Us. Writers on the Left from hearings have been held, qut no dlanges the 19308 to the 196Os. have been .suggested to the Regents In addition to the diversity require-because not enough student jurors ment, I am opposed to the way the U-showed up. Instead of acknowledging M indoctrinates incoming freshmen that the amendment process ma,y be Ii ____ - - - - - -fta1lred, the adririnistiation bas merely Do you ' proposed another hearing for the Fall. I .

The process to amend the Code is I think U-M faulty and needs to be changed. The I d best way for this to occur is for all I stu ents seniors and alumni to refuse to make I h ld b donations to the University until the IS " OU e Code is sufficiently modified, or prefer· I forced to ably abolished. By taking away one of I • . the University's main sources of in· I gIve money come, maybe the administration will • take notice of students' opinions on this : to thiS issue that greatly affects them. !leck, if . . .. ,..... • ?

during summer orientation. Many of the seminars and exercises held during orientation do little more than try to make white middle-class (often Chris· tian) heterosexuals feel guilty for being who they are, by exposing them to "al­ternative lifestyles" that they need to not only admit exist, but that they need to enthusiastically accept or be branded as "racist, sexist, and homophobic." Until the University reevaluates this program, I don't want them to fund it with my donation.

In addition to the above reasons, I could easily add the poor quality and low emphasis placed on undergraduate teaching at the U-M to my list. I could also add all of the names of the profes­sors I have had who are historical revi· sionists or cultural relativists, who don't believe in objective reality, or who are soclaiists. In fact, for all of the lectures I have had to sit through by those professors, I think the University shOuld pay me, so I can go out and reverse their attempts at liberal brainwashing. Maybe I should tell that to the next person who calls to ask me for money. I wonder how they would respond.m. -,.

I I I -I I I I I I I I I I didn't receive one billion dollars that I W()man ·

I had been counting on to pay my bills, I I would want to know why, and I would I

Pattrice Maurer, AATU Director and Notorious leftist

modify my behavior somewhat Maybe I Neither Do We the University would do the same. I

In the same vein, the Diag Policy, I For a t:ax:Ieductible ~nt:rlbution .of $20 ~r ~ore, youll re:eive a o~e-year enacted in 1991, places some restric· I subscnption to the Mlch'8.an R~vzew, which mcludes ~3 ~1.we7kly Issues tions on free speech on campus by cre- and the 1994 Summer Onentation Issue. Your subscnption will keep you ating excessive procedural rules and I posted on the state'ofleftist activists at Michigan, the continuing erosion of regulations for holding events and pro- I traditional academic standards, and the politicization of the classroom. tests on the Diag. Although not as re- I .. . pressive nor extensive as the Code, I I Please send my subscnption to. would like to see this abolished before I I write a check to the U-M. I Name: ____________________ _

-The Race or Ethnicity Re- I quirement. All students new to the I Address. _____________________ _ University since the 1991-92 academic I . year must meet a "Diversity Require- I . . ment," which entails taking a course I City: State: ZIP: ------focusing on another culture, race, or I misunderstood group. Some of the cl that fit th . t d' I Please make check or money order payable to: asses e reqUll"6men unng th Wi te te f 1994 . Soci 1. I THE MICHIGAN REVIEW 0;_ ~;: . ~e X::e~':Bn. ;::']y; ~ .. _ ~ __ ~ U'l.~..!1~~i~ ~e!:e~~e~~ ~ .:r~~M2. !!l~-!.:~_ ~.J

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4 THE MIcmGAN REVIEW March 30,1994

o FROM SUITE ONE " ~').

The Code Must Go

T ~ STATEMENT OF STUDENT RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES (the Code), an interim non-academic code of oonduct, is not yet a University policy. Nonetheless, students seem to think they have no say in changing I ~'

it, as demonstrated by the third. failure of the judiciary panel to reach a quorum. For this reason, along with the basic tenets of the interim policy, the Code must be abolished. Packaged under the mask of doing what the administration deems best for the academic community, the Code can be used to stifle freedom and pursue the ulterior motives of the governing administration.

The Code claims to "protect the freedoms guaranteed by the United States Constitution. .. Do studenta need this protection? That is the government bureaa'acy's job. Cal'eful examination of the Code implies other motives behind its existence. In Section IV B, the Code explains that a student can be tried for a criminal action not only by local, state, or federal laws, but also by'the University judici.alsystem, regardleaa of where the crime occurs. While the Fifth Amendment of the United States Constitution states, "nor shall any person be BUbject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb," the Code - maintaining that it upholds the ConsUtution -allows a student to be tried twice for the same crime. J'1:.f?,<.y ,o~1~ ~~

------------------------------------------------.-----The U.S. Constitution, the law of the land, does its job relatively well; the University should not have to create a second set of rules to govern the stuqent body. In fact, the Code maintains many of the same laws that are oommon to the United States; it only reapplies them to the student body. If a student oommits a ' crime, U.S. laws abould punish the student accordingly. When the administration creates ita own set of rules, it implies that the Constitutipn does not wolk. How can the adminiatrationjustifiably take the place of the COnstitution? This UniveRrity should rely on the eatablishedjustice system to enforce laws. Thus, the Code is unnecessary; it merely establishes a needless UniversitY bureaucracy.

o COMMENTARY

By establishing the Code, the University assum.es the role of parents. But part of going away to college involves leaminghow .1:<> su:rvive in tb.ereahvodd.. .This happens as students become more independent. '!he administration seems to regard an education at the U- M as a $10,000 to $20,000 per year day camp, in which their rules apply to all students, living on or off campus. Safety wiWo University Housing is not a reason; Housing has a separate code of conduct: %e University has no real reason for the Code beyond what is required by federal law.

Recently, the administration declared all University judicial records closed to the public. Thls intolerable move leads us to question the real motives of the administration. There is little reason that the University should want to hide judicial records. It might not be the University's intention, but with an internal judicial system and the right to withhold trial documents, it would be easy to frame an individuhl or group of individuals. Since the administration's arbitrary values of oommwrlty define the jurisdiction for the Code, this is not such a far .... fetched idea. It would be easy to place someone on trial for harming the acade~c oommunity - as detennined by the arbitrary standards of the University. It,would be a severe violation of the First Amendment and acadenuc freedom in gen:eral, if an individual reeeived a suspension due to an ideology. But because all judicial reoonis are now closed to the public, it would be hard to oppose the judicial system's decision. Another problem with the Code is that it CIllTently allows for only one appeal by the accused.

'!he Code is obviously detrimental to the student body; so it would be logical to change it. But the administration makes the process difficult: a 26 person quorum out of 50 randomly selected students who are not required to attend the Code amendment hearings, only a training seminar. '!his weak system promotes apathy. Apathy aside, it should hold that any number oftha 50 random students be present to have amendment hearings. If only three students show up, then obviously those three care enough to change the Code and should have the right to do so. '!he administration should not. make the process to amend the Code so arduous and dependent on so few.

'The University of Michigan's Statement of Student Rights and Responsibilities must be abolished. 'The University does not have the best intentions of the students in mind. The administration is paid to govern the academic community here in Ann Arbor and make a student's education worthwhile, not slap codes of conduct and superfluous policies on their freedom. Non-academic matters are handled well enough by the state and federal judiciary processes, Students must have more responsibility and freedom. '!he administration has no right to act in loco parentis, and thousands of parents would agree, if they knew what was really going on, We shall say it again. '!he Code must be abolished. Ml

Bill Clinton: American Disgrace

D URlNGTHE.1992 PRESU1ENltAL ELEC'llON, SERIOUS QtJEST.[ONS ' . were raised about Bill OlintOn'scltaracter. From.~ .ofwomatlizing '.

to draft. dodging, there seemed to be an endless number of skele' Arkansas governor's closet. One of these was the Whitewater affair, but little attention was paid to it at the time. Unfortunately for the President, this has not remained so. Whitewater has rocked the administration to its oore.

Much ha~ been said about the ooverage of Whitewater. '!he general consensus among leftists, a growing minority of the press corps, apd the administration, is that it has been blown far out of proportion. While one can question the coverage of Whitewater (why it wasn't covered effectively during the election, when much of the information was already known), to say that the charges have been blown out of proportion is utterly ridiculous.

Whitewater, coupled with all of the other allegations leveled against Clinton, should ruse serious questions about his fitness to be president. Indeed, if Clinton were tobe'Criminally charged and oonvicted of all the current allegations, he could be sentenced to 178 years in prison and more than $2.5 million in fines. This is a story which under any circumstances and by any measure of journalistic integrity should be covered and critically analyzed.

Bill Clinton, his ideological misgivings aside, has proven to be a disgrace to the United States and the office of the presidency. With little experience in foreign affairs, he was already at a serious disadvantage when he took office, Now, from his incredible mishandling of affairs in Bosnia (threatening to use air strikes and ground forces and then never doing so) as well as his buffoonery in Somalia, he has lessened his already weak position. 'The last thing he needed was to make himself appear even weaker to foreign leaders from some domestic scandal; yet scandals seem to follow Slick Willie wherever he goes.

Concomitantly, Clinton has made the task of governing domestically - which he was already having a hard time with due to dissension among members of his own party - impossible for himself While this is a positive thing for all who oppose the creeping hand of the state, it is not a positive precedent to set. 'The office of the executive must command respect. Clinton simply does not oommand respect and never will be able to do so with Whitewater lurking in the shadows,

. This leads us to ask, "What does the future hold for Clinton?" At this point it is hard to tell what he is going to do; although judging from past performance one can oonclude that he will cling to the office until his death; no one loves the state and holding an elected office more than Comrade Clinton; As for what he should do, there seems to be no alternative at this point: Bill Clinton should resign as President of the United States. He has disgraced himself, the office of the president, and the United States, Ml

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March SO, 1994 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW 5

o OPINION

Should Doctors Deal in Death? BY STEPHEN HEssLER

THE ISSUE OF DOCTOR­a.ssi.sOOd suicide is one of the most controversial in our country to­

day. At the forefront of this complex debate over the legality of a physician's role in suicide stands Dr. Jack Kevorkian and his attorney Geoffrey Fieger. Both former students at the University of Michigan, Kevorkian and Fieger recently spoke on campus to explain the goals of their movement and to gather petition signatures for their proposed constitutional amend­ment. This legislation seeks to prohibit the state of Michigan from passing any law that would prevent an individual with the intention of ending their life from consulting a doctor.

Fieger, who earned a B.A in the­ater from the U-M, was at his hyper­bolic best. He lambasted a myriad of forrea that he believed BOught to oppose his efforts. From Governor Engler to the National Rifle Association, Fieger spared no person or organization even remotely right-wing. He invoked im­ages of the Scopes Monkey Trial, the Civil Right's movement, and even the struggle for democracy in pos~m­munist Russia as even~ closely resem­bling his tight for justice.

Kevorkian, who has assisted in over twenty suicides, was a bit calmer in his arguments. He stated that because this is not a religious issue (attributed to the "fact" that religion is inherently irrational), neither his amendment nor any other law should be based on reli­gious doctrine. Contihuing this line of reasoning, Kevorkian Istated we cannot consider life sacred, because sanctity is a theological concept, apparently nulli­fying its credibility.

Despite Fieger's bluster and Kevorkian's generalizations, the two are actually minor characters in a much larger drama. The debate over assisted suicide is both complex and emotional. '!be significance is that we are faced with yet another effort to place defining limits on the importance of human life. Roe v. Wade established the legal con­cept of when life begins, and now we are being asked to determine when it can end. Instead of Kevorkian's debate on semantics, we need to examine how dangerously close we are to devaluing human existence even further than we already have.

Certain liberal factions would have us believe that our freedoms are being

Stephen Hes81er is a sophomore in p0-

litical lICienee and a (ftatT writer for the Review.

--,--, ,-'" ,-, -~-,----

assaulted by a fanatical "Religious Right" that seeks to impose an un­wanted faith upon us. 'Th.e fact remains, we are a religious society. Our country was founded on Judeo-Christian ide­ala. Most Americans believe in the pres­ence of some type of god. What is irra­tional would be to not base our laws, which in reality are merely extensions of our morality, on the collective faith of the majority of our population.

Suicide is a socially unacceptable practice. '!be taking of one's life is looked upon with disgrace. 'Th.ink seriously for a moment Is this really a bad thing? Do we actually want to codify any legisla­tion that would contribute to the legiti­macy ofkilling oneself? The Kevorkian amendment may intend to aid only mentally competent, terminally ill pa­tients, but any step in this direction cannot be taken without contempla­tion of a precedent being set.

Look closely at Kevorkian's criteria for physician assistanse. 'Th.e individual must have a terminal disease, be in constant pain, and be, certified by 6

psychiatrist to be in fun possession of their intellectual faculties. Accordingly,

these are people whose quality of life has eroded to a point where they no longer want to live. However, does this include mentally retarded individuals who are in constant pain due to termi­nal illness? What about the leukemia­stricken middle aged mother of young children, or the teenage boy with mul­tiple sclerosis? Can we honestly make a checklist of qualifications as to who is best deserving of a doctor to facilitate their suicidal desires?

Another flawed argument is that people are going to commit suicide any­way, and the government has no right to regulate what individuals can or cannot do to their bodies. Is this the argument we should take towards drugs? Crime? Should we just give up? We need to lose this mentality of a defeated people. We have laws to en­sure that people act within accepted norm~ of conduct that are in the best interests of the nation as a whole. Of course the government can stipulate that you cannot inject heroin into your arm. Why? Because a nation of drug addicts adversely affects us all. We cannot hide behind these excuses and

legalize every social ill simply because we think the problem too difficult to handle.

Finally, the proponents of doctor­assisted suicide speak of the right to die with dignity. Why is it that we must equate dignity with a person's physical condition? Does the individual in a wheelchair not have any dignity? What about the person who has a facial defor­mity, or stutters? Dignity has never been about someone's appearance, and never should be. Dignity is determined by a person's strength of character, by the family they raised, and by the way they touched other people's lives, not by the disease that afflicts them.

During his speech, Kevorkian asked the crowd what value is placed upon a ton of coal today. Certainly less than that of fifty years ago, he said, his obvious point being that the impor­tance we place upon things can change. Human life cannot become one of these objects. Although this is a tough, pain­fulissue, do not be misled by the sound bites and press conferences of Fieger and Kevorkian. '!be value with which we regard life is far too important. Mt

Eve rl···E8b ri.ler>;'L:eftlists"'~fg~;'S;i):"W~i.;;~~::(i/':\"'ir\V\ BY GENE KRAss

WELCOME TO ANOTHER installment in the Michigan Review's attempt to wipe left­

ist extremism from the face ofilie Earth (or at least, this campus). Last month, I exposed MIM for what it really is. A few weeks later, Aaron Steelman and Eric Larson did a number on SPARK. This time, the focus is less on any indi­vidual group that has more letters in its acronym than members. Instead, the "no free speech for fascists" movement will be this issue's dartboard.

Part One: The Trotskyist League From what I've heard, the

Trotskyist League broke off from SPARK Keeping in mind that SPARK consists of only three members, I couldn't resist a trip to the Crowfoot Room ofilie Union to see what merited the advertisement in the Calendar box of the Daily.

Gene Kros8 is a sophomore in English and p8yChorogy and an a.ssistant editor of the Review. He wiu never dye his lcng hair green but really wants a lipring.

'Th.is turned out to be nothing more than a study group that discusses cur­rent events from a Marxist viewpoint. About ten people, few of whom are U­M students, discussed the history of the former Yugoslavia and how it led to the current situation in Bosnia. Aside from the word "imperialism" being ut­tered with unusual frequency, and the Bosnian crisis being blamed on capital­ism, nothing special 0CClllTed.

What caught my attention was the announcement that the neo-Nazisl KKK were scheduled to march through Ann Arbor. Inevitably, the Trotskyists, NWROC, and several other leftist groups were going to plan a violent counterprotest and smash their oppo­nents to freedom. I decided to continue my journey.

Part Two: The Planning Meeting This time, I did not go alone. Greg

Parker, my fearless Review colleague, accompanied me to East Quad (what a surprise!). I expected at least twenty people to be there with hammers and sickles in hand.

Parker and myself included, the total attendance was seven. '!be

Trotskyist League had all but two rep­resentatives while NWROC had one -the other two probably random leftists hoping to violently let out some steam at the expense of the First Amendment

'Th.e lady with the short moustache representing NWROC started the meet­ing by commending earlier counterprotests that resulted in vio­lence (Hooray!). '!be plans themselves included nothing but making a few phone calls to lesser-known groups, telling them what time to show up to prevent free speech. Parker and I re­mained silent, except when he pointed out to me how frequently the word "shit" was being used, especially in the context of beating it out of someone. I left at the end of the ten minute meet­ing, promising the little Lenins that there will be no "beatings-out-of~hit" at the rally. They were left dumb­founded (dumb, anyway).

Part Three: The Rally I met Parker and one ofhis friends

at the main entrance to the Union. From here the fascist-smashers

See LEFTISTS, page 10

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6 THE MIOHIGAN REVIEW March 30, 1994

o INTERVIEW: JON COON ./

Libertarian Defends,'Freedom

ON MARCH 24, GREG PARKER of the Review interviewed Jon Coon, LiberlarUm candidate for

U.s. Senate. Coon, 34yet:tnold, ruida in Hendereon, MI, where. ~ ~ «Jle pro. prietor of Hendertion Land and Timber. Coon is al¥J Vice-Chair oftlu Libertar­ian Party of Michigan.

MR: How does your campaign differ from other Senate candldat .. such 18 Spencer Abraham, Roma Romney, 01' Lana Pollack?

COON: Those candidates are running with the two political parties in this country that have had control of the country for over one hundred years. I'm running with the party that represents the political alternative. Not only a political alternative, but the number one political alternative in the country. We've got 23 years of experience; we knew that the country was not going well back. in 1971 when we fonned this party, and events to date have proven us correct, I believe. We have a track record; we have over 100 elected or appointed Libertarians around the country, We're different because we represent a real alternative; people are losing faith in those two parties, as they rightly should.

When[the constituents] elect the next Senatm- next November, they want to know they're electing someone who cares about this country deeply, who's going to do what he says he's going to do and has principles. And they're not confident ~t they can get that from the Republicans or Democrats any­where.

MR; Why did you choee to 1\11 for Senate 18

• UberIIriIn? Many woWd say 1hIl you have • better chance of getting elected under the DernocfatIc 01' Republcan pardee.

COON: I voted Democratic when I was young, I voted Republican after I had established myself in business and learned a little bit more about econom­ics. I became a Libertarian when I learned that there was no fiscally con­servative party represented in Wash­ington, and there hasn't been for 20 years. There's also no party of the work­ing people represented in Washington. No such parties would ever saddle the people of this country with $20,000 a piece, and that's what the national debt represents today.

What we need. in this country is less government, lower taxes, less regula­tion, more freedom. To sum it up, we need government to be out of our lives and out of our pocketbooks.

MR: Many people •• not fImIlllr with the main prlnclpIea of the Ubtrtariln Plrtyi In your words, whit •• thole principles?

COO N: Increased personal liberty along with responsibility.

MR: Many think that the Ubertarlan party -being an Independent party - has little influ­ence on the outcome of an election. Is this necessarily true?

COON: Of course not. Ross Perot cer­tainly had an impact; I don't think he had an effect because he drew evenly from both parties, but nonetheless he had an impact His success is an indica­tion of the frustration that exists today in this state and across the country. And we're going to see more of that. We're going to see more three-way­races, and we're going to see some four­way-races; people are frustrated and they're looking for solutions; they're looking for political alternatives. bu~ pact - we;re running this race to win. That's a fair impact, isn't it?

MR: What YIOUId be the first issue you would pursue If you were eIeCted1:

COON: Balance the budget witho-qt raising taxes. . .

MR: How do you propose to do this?

COON: We have had three Republican administrations in the past twenty years, we have had two Democratic administrations in the past 20 years; at any time in the last 20 years we could have balanced the budget by a presi­dent veto and the votes of 34 senators and it hasn't happened once. There is no fiscally conservative party in Wash­ington. You don't need a program, you just need the guts to just say no, as someone once said. The only thing you need to do to balance the budget is to hold what you're spending to what you're taking in; you can do it without raising taxes, that's the only require­ment to balance the budget. Why haven't we done it? What's my plan for getting it done? Maybe 111 get up there and embarrass some Republicans into acting like Republicans, if that's pos­sible.

MR: Some challenge that Ubertarlanism as a philosophy Is a breakdown of human morals; Is this 8O?

COON: Of course not. 'Ibis country was founded on the basis of freedom of religion. Where do they get the idea that a Uberta:rian philosophy is a break-

down ofhumanmorals when the teach­ings of Christ - and·1 assume this is probably coming from Christians -follow more closely with Libertarian philosophy than they do with the phi-10sophy represented by conservatism as its practiced today or liberals. The New Testament and the teachings of Christ follow consistently with Liber­tarian political philosophy. We have many Christians in this party who re­alize that Christ never taught you to use the government to beat up on your neighbors to force them to behave, never did he teach that. Even in the Old Testament, the Ten Commandments are written to you individually; it doesn't say "thou shalt not allow thy neighbor to steal"; it says "thou shalt not steal." Those laws are between an individual and God; they're not political, they never

: will be and Christ never taught that.

MR: A basic Ubertarian principle is that hu­mans have the responsibility and the Intell!­gen~ to govern themselves. Can people re­ally be trusted to do this? Do they really have the ability to govern themselves and use the free market as 11 tool for freedoms?

COON: We're talking about greed and corruption and the lust for power. Most people know that there is a tendency out there for people to be greedy and to take advantage of others , so ifthia is so, why would you want to create a system like the bureaucratic nightmare we have today for them to inhabit? Where would you rather they worked, down at the 7-11, where you can take your business elsewhere, or at the Environ­mental Protection Authority where they're going to use their position and authority to crush you and you're not going to be able to touch them? Where would you rather have them, managing McDonalds or inspecting meat for this whole state? Would you rather have them at your local bank - where you can take your business elsewhere, or at the IRS? You're not going to get rid of greed - it's there and it's going to stay there forever - we're going to deal with it, the market deals with it very effec­tively. You can only get so much advan­tage over your competition before your customers go somewhere else, but when you work for the IRS there is not much of an escape, is there? Where would you rather have a greedy, corrupt person­where you can take your business else­where, or working for some govern­ment agency? You see, we set up many of these agencies to protect ourselves from people who take advantage of us, but in doing so we've created. the per­fect environment for them to take ad-

vantage ofus. Who is going to move into those positions as often as possible? If you were a greedy, corrupt person to­day, where would you go? The free enterprise system is the best one we've got, the best ever devised, and, by the way, we have laws against fraud, and we should. They ought to apply to Con­gress, too.

MR: What is your opinion of the current state of the U.S. Senate?

COON: Basically the same opinion of most of the people in this state. Fed up.

MR: What do you think of the involvement of the Libertarian party on college campuses?

COON: We have a pretty active cam­pus organizing program! I'd like to see it stepped up more. There is no one in this country affected more by what we do today in government than the gen­eration that is going to be graduating from college and who is in college now. Those will be the most affected by the utterly suicidal economic policies this xmtiollhas pursued. We need to restore this colUltryto its fOrmer . freedom, propserity, and greatness. We can do it, but we can't do it unless people are aware. Young people who haven't ar­rived at set opinions yet, who are much more open minded - they are the ones we have to reach. They're also the ones with the most to gain or lose.

MR: If one wanted to find out more informa­tion on the Ubertarian party, what could one do? Is there a certain book?

COON: The best book would be Liber­tarianism in One Les8on; go from there . There are many of them. Anything by Ayn Rand is also good.

MR: Is there anything you would like to add?

COON: Just a general comment people are getting increasingly frustrated with politics as usual in this country. It has been evident for several years. They're seeking political alternatives. The Lib­ertarian party is the proven alterna­tive. We have elected officials, a proven track. record, and we're ready. Inciden­tally, rm the only candidate in this race right now who we know is going to be there in November. Right now I have a better chance than the rest of them; they have to do well in the primary. ltR

Ii Hey Pattrice, do you like your ,I picture being plastered on

page 81 If not, write the Review.

March SO, 1994 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW 7

o INTERVIEW: SPENCER ABRAHAM .f:

Leaning Towards · Conservatism

ON MARCH25,SHEAKAMMER of the Review intero~ Spen­cer Abraham, Republican can­

~ for U.S. Senate. Abraham served cu Chairman of the Michigan Republi­can Party for eight yet1J'8 and lo.ter served M Chairman of the National Republi­can Congressional Committee . Abraham hcu high hopes for the upcom­ing 199-1 senate election.

MR: How has the campaign been going?

ABRAHAM: It's going well. We've passed the three quarter of a million mark in terms of fundraising, which was a big accomplishment for us and a good indication of the strength we've got as a campaign. We've also had a lot of success with organization and re­cruiting volunteers. We've passed the seven thousand mark and are well on our way to a goal we set often thousand by the summer. So in both the organi­zational and fundraising contexts, it's going well.

MR: What was it that convinced you to run fof Sena1e?

ABRAHAM: I've always .b.ad a strong philosophical interest in public pOlicy . and have looked for different ways to pursue and sUPpOrt the things I cared about; and for the most part, I did that by helping people get elected. Here in Michigan, that was a good thing to do because we elected a lot of people like John Engler who have accomplished great things for what, I consider to be the right political philosophy. In Wash­ington I don't think that we've had quite as many people as in Michigan who have carried forward with their ideas and fought the fights strongly enough and compellingly enough to win. I kept seeing defeats in Washington on issues I cared about; and my wife and I decided that part of the problem was that advocates for our philosophy were either not strong enough or strategi­cally not doing things the right way and that there maybe was a role for some­body like me to play in the elected side of this business.

MR: What issues do you believe will domi­nate this campaign?

ABRAHAM: I think health care will be a very important topic in the months ahead. I've come out against the President's program in favor of a free market set of solutions to our health care problems. I think we can: address the issue of access to health insurance and the problems with the growing cost

of health insurance without resorting to a big federal bureaucracy and. a uni­versal health care system~ fve put for­ward a plan that would use the free market to solve the problems in health care today and I think it can work. There are a lot of other issues, too. We've put out a position paper on crime. For all the talk about solving the crime problem, the bottom line that has to be addressed immediately is that some­thing like seven percent of the criminal element commit about 70 percent of violent crime. Unless we take action to apprehend, convict, and incarcer­ate that seven percent, we're all at great risk. The cost of having those violent repeat offenders in society day in and day out is huge to us both as victims, in the case of people who are victimized by crime, and also as a society. I think it undermines our school systems, it lUlde:rmi.Iies our communities, it costs us a fortune in insurance costs and personal dam­ages that are inflicted. We have to address that first. 'Ihetop priority is taking violent repeat offenders out of society.

MIt: What do you thln~ .ar~ some of the . major differences betw8en you lind the ,

other Republican primary candidates?

ABRAHAM: I know there are some issues we've disagreed on, but I don't think youll see a lot ofphilosophical differences on the Republican side. I think what the major measuring stick should be is who can not only go to Washington and vote the right way but who can go to Washington and win the fights. I think I'm the only Republican candidate with a proven track record on the national level of fighting and winning the battles, whether it was at Harvard Law School taking on the aca­demic establishment and starting the first conservative law review, or in the national legal community where I helped co-found the Federalist Society which has become the principle voice of conservative legal thinking in America, or here in Michigan as chairman of the Michigan Republican Party, where I helped lead the fight to restore conser­vative Republican government to Michi­gan. I've been on the front lines win­ning those fights, and I think that in the Senate it is going to take that kind of experience and success record if we're going to prevail in the fights ahead.

MR: As former chairman of the National Re­publican Congressional Committee, you have a lot of expertise on congressional elections. How do you see the Republican party as a

whole faring In the upcoming election?

ABRAHAM: I think we have a great opportunity. Historically, the party out of the White House has gained ground in off-year elections, and that should be the case in 1994. In addition, I think the direction that America is now headed under a Democratic president and a Democratic Congress will be re­jected by voters this November. It's been twelve years since the public saw what would happen if the Democrats . controlled both the Capitol and the

Senatorial Candidate Spencer Abraham

White House, and the feedback I get as I travel around Michigan is that they don't like it very much. They don't like to seethe. highest tax hike in history passed:' They aren~t ,aIWous to see a verydntrusive federal health care sys­tem imposed on them and have the quality and access to health care lim­ited. So I think that we'll have a lot of issues working our way that will make a difference, also. I think that at both the congressional and the ,U.s. Senate level we'll make gains inNovember.

MR: In law school you founded the Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy, which was one of the first conservative univefsity news­papers in the country. What were some of your motivations behind this?

ABRAHAM: I got to Harvard Law School in 1975, and quickly discovered that every publication that Harvard subsidized, using our tuition dollars in part, was a very leftr-wing publication offering very liberal views on legal policy. I also recognized the degree to which publications that came from

Harvard influenced decisions that were made by appellate courts at the federal as well as the state level. When I real­ized that my tuition dollars were help­ing to shape the direction of the law and move it away from the direction that I thought was appropriate, I felt there needed to be some balance. I went to the Dean of the Law School with some friends who shared my opinion, and we asked for some Harvard dollars to start a conservative law review. We were

· turned down. We became very commit­ted at that point to starting a journal whether we had Harvard funds or not. We began a small corporation and had a one-room office totaling about 120 square feet. We found about fifteen students who wanted to be editors of this joUrnal and I was able to raise enough venture capital to get the first volume published in 1978. We had a very emall sub8cribenhip of law librar­ies aroW'l.d the COlBltry in that first year

· bec8usewe were an unknown publica­tion. But slowly as people learned about

· the journal, more subscribed and it has continued to grow. Today it is the second'-nlost widely read law review in

. the country. Vtbatmakes us especially proud is that the amount of s.tudent interest has mushroomed smee'webe­gaIl, and today there are typically over a hlUldred law students who work on our journal each year.

MR: Large universities have historically been overwhelmingly liberal institutions. However, they seem to be becoming more and more tolerant of conservatism. 00 you see ttis vend continuing?

ABRAHAM: Well, academia, Holly­wood, and the media tend to be the main outposts of people with very lib­eral philosophies. But as some of those liberal leaders have pushed things so far to the left, I think it has created a certain moderation in response. I saw it at Harvard Law School. After I was there, the whole critical legal studies movement developed. These were pro­fessors who were pursuing even more lett-wing views than the ones that had traditionally prevailed at Harvard. And the further left they tried to move the faculty, the more moderates and con­servatives on the faculty they produced, because people who had always thought of themselves as liberals realized that they were really in fact more on the conservative end of the spectrum. I see the same thing happening with the PC thing. It's making people realize that they're not as liberal as they thought Mt -

I

-

8 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW March 30, 1994

o EsSAY

Trying to Make ,Cents of Financial Aid BY RACHEL CARDONE

T HE UNIVERSITY OF Michigan, the most expensive public school in the nation, pr0-

vides the least amount of financial aid among public universities across the country. Additionally, tuition increases at an average rate of 11.4 percent per year, making a U-M degree a severe financial burden. Tuition, board, and modest living expenses for the '93-'94 year were $11,900 for upper-level in­staters, and $22,900 for upper-level out-of-staters. In four years, it will cost $13,566 and $26,106. respectively. These figures are terrifying.

In 1992, Congress passed the Higher Education Amendment, which changed the way financial aid is pro­vided. The law guarantees anyone who applies for aid either a grant, loan, or work-study award. This was an at­tempt to make the system more fair, because under the old system, middle

Rachel Cardoneu a (re8hman in LSA and campru affairs editor of the Re­view.

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class applicants often didn't qualify for aid even though they needed it.

The problem with the Higher Edu­cation Amendment lies in one of the fundamental problems with Congress. Although the bill passed into law with positive measures (like increasing the amount of the average loan to students), a separate act to fund this altruism had to be passed by the House Appropria­tions Committee. It failed, and as a result, the law and reality are entirely two different things.

In an effort to collect as much out­side money as possible, students often apply for merit or need-based scholar­ships from private or hometown orga­nizations. While winning one of these awards should ameliorate the financial burden of an education, it does not, because any amount of money won is deducted from the university's aid pack- . age.

In addition to applying for scholar­ships, stud~anticipating college Dills often holdparl-time jobs during ltigh school to help. defray the soaring tu­ition rates. Law-abiding employers deduct social security, or FICA taXes (currently at '1;65 ~nt);which ,ap­pear on the tax forms that are evalu­ated by Financial Aid.

AB a hypothetical eXaffiple, Jolw.. an out-of-state student, earned $5,.50 an hour while he was a senior inlUgh school. He worked"fift.een hours every week throughout the year, and in eight months, he earned $2438.08. Over the summer he earned an additional $2000, After subtractfug expenses, he h~d about $3500. Being fiscally responsible, he deposited his money into a sa'(ings account at Mainstreet Bank.

While this behavior is conducive towards boosting the economy, it isn't for receiving aid. The Office QfFinah­cial Aid looks at John's income tax

forms and immediately sees that he ation of a parent's assets. Other factors possesses a considerable amount of include the number of children in col-money. By using a formula that sub- lege and a parent's age; the older the tracts estimated living expenses, they parents are, the more money a student determine how much John can afford to will receive. '!be total amount expected spend towards tuition. According to to be paid by the parents is divided by Elaine Nowak, ABsistant Director of the amount of children currently at-the Office of Financial Aid, students tending college. are exempt from this part of the for- Despite the changes in the system, mula if they earn less than $2000- the cost of attending college forces many $2500. But John, because he earned students to borrow money from a bank. more than t\lat amount, will be ex- The Subsidized Stafford Loan, in-pected to pay 50 percent ofhis available eluded in a standard aid package, is incOme (which is not determined by capped at $2600 dollars per year and him). , renewable for four years. The govern-

One of the basic problems with cal- ment pays the interest while a student culating tl,1ese figures lies in the fact attends school full time (12-18 credits). that the fiscal year ends in June, taxes Many students need more money than are due in April, and tuition bills are this loan provides, so they turn to the paid in September, October, January, next best option, the PLUS loan. and February. By not coinciding with The PLUS loan carries an interest the academic year, earnings from last of 6.64 percent, making it the lowest on year and summer that were applied to the market Also, any amount up to the this year's tuition check will be taxed full cost of tuition may be borrowed, a this year. AB a result, Financial Aid good thing, for in the past, it was pos-makes a blatantmisjudgement, because sible that students would deal with those earnings were already spent. AB several different agencies just for their a result, it is in John's best interest to tuition. The conditions of the loan, like get a job that pays cash, off the books. ",the Stafford Loan, are that it must be

'lbisaBme ~pt appliee u astu:'·'fullypaid off ten yean a&r a student dent possesses assets of any kind graduates and the student must retain (stocks, bonds, savings accounts, and full-time status. the like); those also appear on income Because both the Stafford and tax forms. Financial Aid determines PLUS loans are only renewable for four that students can pay 35 percent of years, a student who borrows must their assets towards tuition. On the only take that amount of time to gradu-other hand, only 5.6 percent of parent's ate. With the trend of five-year degree assessments are calculated to be spent plans. the best interests of the students on education. AB a result, by placing are not met. Also, students who plan to assets in a parent's name, a student double major may be pressed for time, will receive a better package. and may not be able to receive the best

There are several factors involved education available within the depart-in detetmining parents' expected con- ments of their concentrations. tribution .. Unlike the old system, eq- All of the literature recommends uity in a home or farm and Individual that students borrow as little as pos-Retirement Assessments (IRA) ac- sible, for the payments from previous counts are not factors towards the evalu- years carry over each year, and by the

~4) I?EE~§ ()N TAl) fourth year, loan payments are quite large. Yet with an average tuition hike of 11.4 percent, loans are inevitable.

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Because the financial aid system was reformed only last year with 1500 amendments, many kinks still exist that hinder maximum benefits being distributed to the maximum amount of people. Yet without cooperation from Congress, a murky future exists for the thousands of students struggling to pay their bills. And. we all know the history of Congress reforming itself. Conse­quently, individual schools must try harder to keep tuition at a reasonable level for all students, not through price discrimination and financial aid pack­ages, but through cuts in administra­tion and sincere attempts to keep su­perfluous budget expenditures at a minimum. Ml

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March 30, 1994 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW 9

o EsSAY

Libertarians··'or Libertines? BY AARON STEELMAN

I RECENTLY RECEIVED IN THE mail an invitation to attend the Libertarian Party of Michigan's

annual convention. Though I am not a member of the Libertarian Party, I was not surprised that I received such an invitation, for it looked more like a solicitation; check off the events you want to attend and send in the appro­priate entrance fees. This missive should have just dispensed with the formalities and read: 'We Need Money." The Libertarians were not so blunt to do this, however. Yet, when I looked at the materials accompanying the solici­tation, blunt was one of the first words that popped into my mind.

One of the flie1'8 enclosed was an advertisement for an event to be held at the convention. It read: "'The Libertar­ian Party ofWashtenaw County In­vites You to Spend A NIGHT IN LIBERTARIA for AN EVENING OF DECADENCE," flanked by a picture of a scantily clad woman and the words "18 And Over Welcome," emboldened at. the bottom. I began to wonder if this was an ad for Deja Vu, until I remem­bered with whom I "at dealing~ '1ll.e Libertarian Party. while it has pur­ported to be a party ofprinciple since in, inception, had finally come full circle in announcing what it was: a collection of freaks who speak of liberty and per­sonal responsibility, yet devalue such virtues through their very actions.

Last year, I read a critique of the Libertarian Party by philosopher Peter Schwartz. He said, "The Libertarian interprets liberty to mean the license to do whatever he feels like doing. Since he dismisses reason and philosophy, he has no way to even define force. To him, the pseudo-definition of 'force' is that which intereferes with somebody's de­sires; to him any obstacle in the path of people's whims is undesirable. People ought to be 'free' to act on any random impulse they feel. That is Libertarian­ism. That is not liberty."

At the time I thought this interpre­tation was a bit short-sighted and harsh. After all, the Libertarian Party was fighting for people's freedom and recognized the responsibilities that went along with these freedoms, right? Yet after watching the actions of the Libertarian Party and Libertarians with a big "L" over the last couple of years, I have rome to a different conclu­sion. Most people join the Libertarian Party because they want to do what

Aaron Steelman is a sophomore in eco­nomics and publisher of-the Review .

they want whenever they want, Mt because they value freedom. While the Libertarian Party does have some genu­ine libertarians as membe1'8, the vast majority can be lumped into three cat­egories: sixties leftovers (many of whom like the LP's stand against conscrip­tion), potheads (who, of course, think

potheads and rednecks didn't join the Libertarian Party because they identi­fied with the integrated philosophy that the party supposedly offered, but rather did so as an act of opportunism. "Libertaria," too, is an act of opportun­ism. The people planning it argue that they are doing so because it is a true act

that drugs should be le­gal), and rednecks (who don't want the government to take their guns away).

These people are pri­malily single issue voters , who couldn't care less

Most people join the Libertarian Party because they waHt to do what they want whenever they wa1lt, not because they value freedom.

about how the issue that • liS

concerns them fits into the larger con­text of fighting for liberty on all fronts. They should and would be shunned by any legitimate political party but in­stead are welcomed with open arms by the Libertariarl. Party establishment. One wonders why this is. After all, a minor party searching for legitimacy surely wouldn't want' to discredit them­selves .in this way. Howe.ver, when you look at it, these people ' are very similar to the Party leadel'8h.ip who are plan­ning such things as "Libertaria." The

of freedom and display of liberty; the state can't tell them what to do. 'This is completely disingenuous; they are plan­ning "Libertaria" because they are es­sentiapy libertines, not libertarians. They want to indulge in some debauch- . ery and have a good time, not display to the world what freEldom entails.

" Indeed, they say so, albeit in a veiled way, to keep the appearance of respect­

··ability. On the back of the "Libertaria" flier they mock those libertarians who actually believe that liberty is a virtu-

Do Review M'eetings really begin with the Pledge of Allegiance,

a prayer to Barry Goldwater, and the chant

"Greed, Money, Freedom' ~' ?

Find out for yourself, come to a staff meeting and join the Review, its never too late.

Sundays, 7 PM Third Floor of

the League

oua goal and can only be attained through rational discourse as "ivory tower, Libertarian Debating Society, old-time1'8." By doing so they have es­sentially cut themselves off from a long history of thought, a history that in­cludes such figures as Thomas Jefferson, Herbert Spencer, Jolm Locke, and Milton Friedman and replaced them with Cheech and Chong.

The Libertarian Party has dis­graced it.self and in so doing dragged all those who call themselves libertmi ans through the mud. The best solu tion. now that it ha s completely discredited

I itSelf, is CU disband before it makes the case for liberty even hro'der to sell .

Unfortunately, they have chosen not to do so and opened themselves up . to an act of greater buffoonery, a guber­natorial run in New York by radio disc jockey Howard Stern. 'This, permitting a left-liberal to run for office as a Lib· ertarian, is painful to watch for any­body who respects freedom yet com­pletely appropriate in light of "Libertaria." The Libertarian Party couldn't sell out any more or in any greater style. m

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10 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW March 30, 1994

AATU Funding ' !'t .,,'

In e.ssentillls, unity;

Knox Presbyterian Church

Meeting at Tappan Middle School 2551 E. Stadium Blvd.

MTA Route 14

In non--essentials, fibmy;

Sunday Worship at 9:30 a.m.

Chrisitian education lor all ages, induding a college dass, at 11 :00 a.m.

Nursery provl9ed

In all tftings, cfulril!l.

Senior Pastor: Bartlett l. Hess, PhD

Assistant Pastor: Mid'lael D. Frison

Transportation for college students prOvided. CaJI973·KNOX.

Usten to 001' service on WWCM 990 AM at noon on Sundays.

For roore information, call 11\ 973-KNOX (973-5669) ~

~Knox~_ Presbyterian CtMch

CUITent weaknesses and measures to mitigate these weaknesses," and

·"An agreement that AATU will qualitatively track students' use of AATU, including separate counts of students' use of walk-in services, tele­phone services, and brochures distrib­uted."

The amendment stemmed from controversy early in the school year over MSA's proposed annual budget, as recommended by the organization's executive officers and the chair of the Budget Priorities Committee, who origi­nally proposed $2,320 for the AATU for the 1993-94 academic year. 'The aver­age allocation to the AATU has been approximately $25,000 each of the last several years.

A significant portion of Assembly representatives opposed line-item funding consideration for the AATU in the Fall based on allegations of mis­management, duplication of services, improper use of MSA-provided fund­ing for politi~-activism instead of as­sistance for tenants, and use ofM~A funding to aid ~n-university students.

According to Jacob Stern, Chair of the Budget Prioritie~ Committee arid Vice' Preld.d6n~lect·t>fMSA, ·thefidl,;. c

Leftists

ure of the AATU to comply with the amendment's conditions proves the veracity of claims made by opponents of the organization.

"It further illustrates how little they're following their relations with MSA and the importance of the money," Stern said.

Craig Greenberg, outgoing MSA President agrees with Stern's assess­ment. "'This incident continues to show the Tenants' Union's irresponsibility Il .. ~~~~i'~ and lack of professionalism," he said, ~.~ .. ·~l~~J.b.e~~S~~~I~~.;

According to Stern, the amendment ft!T~~;: · .. · ~'~':<~":lJSfQh~~~:~; . • :~~~~x"'~-t.

and the statistics it required the AA TU to compile for MSA were designed to spur an "ongoing process of internal review of the AATU., It's frustrating. 'They can't even follow a simple proce­dure."

As of TueSday, March 29, none of MSNs executive olli""" had infurmed r=~ ~'·mt1'~~iti.>~···· ~~ " ' ',.' J! , ' '.'1 ,', .~ •• , ~ : .. ~1~~·~ ~ . ..... ~.~

: the AATU of the money transfer, ac- 'r., ,h.u8~f<· .. ~·~ - ·~~~m1i,..a~ cording to Stern. He believes that the . ~<~_~~~ fact that the organization failed to fol­low through by providing MSA with the required information proves that the AATU should not receive the money. "It's $11,000 - you just don't forget about it," he said.Mt

free speech for fascistsl" Cliche! "Build Continued frtim pageS

planned to mareh to the Ann. Arbor City Hall to wait for the Nazis. I stood on t fptoes to find at least . one counterprotester without green hair or a shaved head, noticing how "normal" my eighteen-inch ponytail sudderuy looked. 'The counterprotesters were aU searched (who Can blame the pollee?); and finally the march commenced.

:" . Ii workers' movement to smash fas­cism!" "Biaek pOwer to smash fascism!" "Gay and lesbian pride!" Huh? What does any of this have to do with stamp­ing out fascism? This was single-issue activism at its worst.

Parker, his friend, and I kept our distance as the crowd, dressed entirely in black made its way to City Hall, chanting ever so intellectually, "Hey­hey! Hc>-ho! Fascist scum has got to go!" I was surprised to see how indiffer­ent pedestrians seemed. This might not have been one oftbe milliOlH!trong marches on Washington (only a hun­dred or so rommies were there) but free speech was nevertheless about to be denied.

'!he three of us waited on the oppo­site side of Huron St. as more and more leftists coagulated in front of City Hall 'There was about half an hour left until the Nazis were supposed to show up, so I took the time to contemplate the beauty of the signs some of the fascist­smashers were carrying. "Death to the .racist, sexist sys1;e,mI" Which one? "No

Well, as some of you may have read in the Daily, the NazislKKK never showed up. Parker and his friend left at a quarter to one, already 45 minutes after the scheduled arrival. Left alone to fend for myself, I asked a gentleman with four liprings (yes, liprings) the latest news about the Nazis. He didn't know, so I decided to cross the street to ask the lovely, buxom young NWROCite (not the one with the moustache) with the megaphone if she knew anything. She had received no news from the scout teams, It seems that every van and truck that looked like the type the Nazis show up in every year was put under surveilLmce. Can you say KGB, boys and girls? At 2:00 I finally decided I had better things to do and left.

Of course, the leftists claimed the victory, thinking their numbers scared the Nazis away. I take a different ap­proach: the Nazis won since they man­aged to waste a lot of people's time. Oh well, till next year when, and if, the forces of evil and evil clash again. )It

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March 30, 1994 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW 11

o BOOK REVIEWS ~ tj/4"

Prohibition Must End BY AARON STEELMAN

WITH THE SURGEON General Joycelyn Elders stat· ing that alternatives to the

war on drugs should be pursued, much attention has been given to this debate. While Elders' suggestion smacks of op­portunism due to her son's recent ar­rest on drug charges, there have been

On Liberty and Drugs Milton Friedman and Thomas Szasz The Drug Policy Foundation 171 pages, 1993

two long-standing advocates of a free market approach to drugs, Milton Friedman and Thomas Szasz, who have remained true to their cause.

The Drug Policy Foundation, a Washington-based organization that advances the idea of legalization within a policy framework, has published a collection of 17 essays by Friedman and Szasz. The book is divided. into two sections, the first devoted to the wolk of Friedman and the latter to Szasz.

While both attack prohibition as an

unacceptable abridgement of personal freedom, Friedman comes off as much more the utilitarian in these essays. In Chapter Five, Crime, Friedman pro­poses that legalization, among other social benefits, would cause a dramatic reduction in crime - particularly vio­lent crime.

He states, 'The hann to us from the addiction of others arises primarily from the fact that drugs are illegal. It has been estimated that from one third to one half of all violent and property crime in the United States is commit· ted either by drug addicts engaged in crime to finance their habit, or by con­flicts among competing groups of drug pushers, or in the course of the impor­tation and the distribution of illegal drugs. Legalize drugs, and street crime would drop dramatically and immedi­ately. Moreover, addicts and pushers are not the only on~ corrupted. Im­mense sums are at' stake. It is inevi­table that some relatively low-paid police and other government officials, and some high paid ones as well, will succumb to the. tel:n.ptatio~ to pi~ ~p easy money."

. While Friedman should be com-mended for speaking the truth about the ill. effects that prohibition has reaped

on the inner cities of America, he recog­nizes the need to declare the right to use drugs, or any other hannful sub­stance, as a basic civil liberty and speaks ofit throughout the book, as does Tho­mas Szasz.

Szasz, a psychiatrist by profession, argues for legalization on grounds that few have tried in the past. He states that drugs are property and resultingly should be treated as any other property in a free society. Indeed he explains, "Drugs are a species of property, and hence the right to drugs is a form of property right. Accordingly, I maintain that we have a right to grow, buy, and ingest drugs as much as we have a right to grow, buy and ingest food; and that drug prohibitions, epitomized by laws, const\tute deprivations of our funda­mental right to own and use property."

Szasz also makes painfully true remarks about the hypocrisy bf drug waniors. While it has often been as­serted that ihemajor opposition to le­galization has been on the Right, due to a lack of social tolerance among conser·

vatlves are not the only ones in opposi­tion to personal freedom.

He remarks that, "liberals tend to

be permissive to socially disreputable psychoactive drugs, especially when they are used by young and hairy per­sons; so they generally favor decrimi­nalizing marijuana and treating rather than punishing those engaged in the trade of LSD. They are not at all per­missive, however, toward non­psychoactive drugs that are allegedly unsafe or worthless, and thus favor banning saccharin and Laetrile." A per­fect example of this are the health Na­zis in the federal government who wish to shape the behavior of the citizenry through increased taxes on tobacco and alcohol, thus displaying their belief that the state can shape the behavior of its citizens in a positive way.

All that is left to show for the eighty years of drug prohibition in this coun­try is an even more expansive state and thousands oflost lives. Fi.na1ly, after all the evidence, people are beginning to realize that a new approach to drugs must be tried. If the debate ever be­comes truly sane and it is concluded that a free market approach to drugs

thank. No people over the last quarter of a century have done more work to­wards this cause. m

Rogue Warrior Returns BY EDDIE ARNER

I N HIS BESTSELLING autobiography, Rogue Warrior, Ri­chard Marcinko chronicles his

amazing 30-year Navy career, most of it as a SEAL. Marcinko rose from an enlisted man through the officer ranks and became one of the premier experts on special warfare. He saw combat ac-

Rogue Warrior II: Red Cell Richard Marcinko and John Weisman PocketBooks, 1994 $22.00, 352 pages

tion in Vietnam, served as a military attache in Cambodia, an intelligence officer in the Pentagon, and conducted covert operations all over the world. He created and commanded SEAL Team Six, the Navy's version of Delta Force. In 1984, he was ordered by the Chief of Naval Operations to create Red Cell, a small, elite team of SEAL3, whose pur­pose w.aeto infiltrate the most secure

, '. " , \ -, '. ~

Navy installations. Marcinko did his job too well and in the process embar­rassed numerous high-ranking Navy officers. Dedication to his job and the men he commanded eventually cost him his job and a year in a federal peniten­tiary after conviction on one vague and incredible charge of fraud.

During that year, Marcinko and John Weisman wrote Rogue Warrior, a nonfiction work, which reached #1 on the New York Times bestseller list. Rogue Warrior II continue~ ~o's tale as "fiction" as he appa.rent1yreached an agreement with the federal govern­ment not to write nonfiction works. However, this book's nonstandard dis­claimer about fictitious content forces the reader to attempt to distinguish which parts are fact and which fiction.

Rogue Warrior II begins with Marcinko acting as a security consult­ant by playing teITOriSt at Tokyo's Narita airport. He easily infiltrates the compound and on the final penetration he disrupts four North Koreans' at­tempt to steal some cargo. Marcinko's instincts take over; he charges, wins a short firefight, and "makes a discovery

that plunges him. into a secret war for America's national security. "

Marcinko begins to investigate and concludes that a number of traitorous AmEWicanS are funneling nuclear rech­nology to North Korea through Japan. He is subsequently recruited by former Secretary of Defense Grant Griffith, a behind-the-ecenes PQwer in the Pen­tagon and on Capitol Hill. Griffith thinks that Marcinko is the only man who can stop the smuggling operation and convinces the NavY to involun­tarily recall him. to active duty.

Marcinko is given the choice of re­turning to command Red.Cell and at­tempt to stop the smuggling or face a closed door court martial and spend the rest of his life in Leavenworth prison. Being a SEAL, Marcinko loves to at­tempt the impossible and takes the job. He is reporting directly to the deputy chief of naval operations for plans, policy, and operations, Pinky Prescott III, Marcinko's nemesis at SEAL Team Six. Needless to say, this relationship was strained from the start and simply gets worse. Further, Red Cell's morale is tenible, their equipment is out-dated

and in poor shape, and the mission profile does not allow enough time for training or money for new equipment.

In response to this situation, Marcinko falls back on his experience and his contacts from his career. He steals sop¥Sticated communications gear from an installation, gets intelli­gence from one friend, and weapons and equipment from two others. Marcinko and his SEALs infiltrate Washington's Navy Yard offices, the top secret nuclear weapons depot at Seal Beach, California - where they discover that several nuclear weapons are missing - and a heavily guarded North Korean harbor. After creating mass chaos and more than a few casu­alties, Red Cell discovers who is re­sponsible for the smuggling and where the weapons were actually headed.

Red CeU moves fast and possesses great characters, as well as a very be­lievable plot. Marcinko is an excellent author and a great literary character; how many works of fiction are written in the first person? Rogue Warrior was a great book, ~ut the sequelleaY~ it in the dust for sheer readability. m, ,

,.

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12 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW March 30, 1994

o MUSIC

The Song RaInones The Same BY TRENT A. REYNOLDiJ

THE LEGEND IS WELL known. In 1974, in Queens, four guys formed a band with the

intention of playing some of their favor­ite songs. Finding the songs too diffi­cult for their very limited skills, they started writing two and three chord BOngs that were simple enough for them to play. Calling themselves the Ramones, they began releasing albums and touring, always in their uniform -black leather jackets and long dark hair. They kick-started the punk-rock movement and ended up influencing damn near every bit of good music re­leased in the late Seventies and a re­spectable percentage of the good music made since then.

Now it's 1994, and the Ramones are still around. Yet they have caught a lot offlack from critics who don't think they have a right to be around. Critics know the formula for punk bands: they are supposed to release a couple of great albums .lUUithen <X)mbust, just like the Sex Pistols, the Clash, and any number of other bands between 1977 and 1980. The Ramones don't like this formula; instead, they have preferred to stick. to their own formula - fast, catchy lOngs played in under three minutes - for twenty years now. Orbit MCJ8azine, previewing last Saturday's concert at Detroit's State Theatre, pre­dicted that their perl'ormance would be a «tired, pla~ut, used-to-be-cool­so-long-ago,it's-hard-to-remember routine." Why weren't they content to release four consecutive classic albums in the late Seventies and then vanish? Do the Ramones have a place in the Nineties, or should they hang up their leather and go offin a corner and OD for the sake of keeping the legend intact?

'The Orbit reporter probably skipped Saturday's show. 'IOo bad, because Sat­urday night, the Ramones demon­strated conclusively why the fans will still come to the shows no matter what critics say. Admittedly, things started out a little shakily with fast but limp renditions of classics "Teenage Lo­botomy," "Psycho Therapy," and "Blitz­krieg Bop." But when Joey hit the cho­rus of the band's latest single, a high energy cover of the Who's "Substitute," the band came to life, connecting with the audience like few other bands can.

This level of intensity didn't de­crease one iota during the rest of the set. They songs were played even faster than they are on the album, resulting

Trent A. Reyncuu was an extra on the set of Sid and Nancy.

in a barrage of two-minute anthems that left the audience eliliausted but exhilarated. As soon as one song was over, someone would yell "1_2-

acrimoniously after that album. That should have been the end of the band, but actually things have been better

3-4" and launch into the next. h., . . ,._u .•. _ ... u .~.~ .. >.,

Between-song patter was nearly non-existent. Whenever lead singer Joey Ramone did talk be­tween songs, it was either to thank the audience, or it was a one or two sentence statement of his political beliefs: "Fuck rac­ism and God bless the United States of America!" before "I Wanna Live ," apparently be­cause the song is about freedom; and "I support the right to die!" before "Pet Sematary," appar­ently because they put people in cemeteries when they die. Throughout, the band was obvi­ously having as great a time as

When Retro returned, so did the Ramones

album . . There are no songs by Dee Dee on

the band's current album, Acid Eaters, but there is nothing strange about that; there aren't any songs by the other Ramones either. Acid Eaters is a collec­tion of covers of some of the band's favorite Sixties songs - the Ramones displaying their roots.

"We tried to do songs that we thought were representative of the times," says Marky. "We didn't neces­sarily like some of the bands but we like the songs." All of the songs are done in high-powered Ramones style. The songs range from well-known songs like "Somebody to Love" and "Have You Ever Seen the Rain" to obscurities like "The Shape of Things to Come" from the cult movie Wild in the Streets. Some of the songs covered sound as if they were originally written for the Ramones to play, such as the Troggs' "I Can't Control Myself" Others, such as "Have You Ever Seen the Rain," sound noth-

the audience. Lead singer Joey seemed genmne1y touched by the incredible ' enthusiasm of the crowd, and drwllmer Marky and new bassist CJ could£requently be ~ugM

since then. For one thing, Dee Dee is ing like the Ramones in their original

grinning and singillg along. >

once again getting along with the band. incarnation, but certainly do now. Ev-. Though no longer an official member, . erything works, and this strong albUm

CJ has stepped admirably into former bassist and founding member Dee Dee's shoes, even paying tribute to the former bassist by doing vocals on "Wart Hog," a song co-written and ~ by Dee Dee on the band's aptly named Too Tough To Die album. Dee Dee was responsible for some of the Ramones' , greatest moments up through Brain Drain in 1989, .but he left the band ,

Dee Dee wrote two songs for the last. proves that the Ramones are serious album, Mondo Bizarro, including the about maintaining and building on their single "Poison Heart." Marky confirms legendary status in the Nineties. Both that we'll hear more from Dee Dee: live and on Acid Eaters the Ramones "Dee Dee's a good friend ofmine .. . he's prove that they are not dated or obso-in a band called Chinese Dragons and lete, because good music is eternal. As he's writing good songs and he's going Lemmy says in Motorhead's tribute to to be there when we need him to write the band, "Ramones: Bad boys then, with us."Th;ere shquld be about five bad boys now." 'Ib that he should have songs by Dee Dee on the next Ramones added "bad boys forever." M!

FreeSh'ow.; ~You Should Go BY CHARLES ANDREW PETERS MTV betWeen Beck and Danzig.

"I got run over when my record

M ELISSA FERRICK WILL I came out in the fall with Juliana playa free show at Espresso Hatfield, Pearl Jam, and Nirvana. It

~ ~,:S:*~=:;2 11',., .t.: .. ~.f.!.'j:'tffi:j:t!W!:::i:::; ~M::: !iI;~(~:,;ii;\I \:II:IIIIII.III!!.1 ~t:e~~ other generic folk artist; her At· %~ ~: '{ " %{I those bands lanticdebutMassiveBlur, afresh :, ~;<t; have earned blend of pop, rock and folk that is Iw~:~< that kind of at-consistently impassioned and in- I~·:~~t. tention." ventive. So why is she playing i~1''''ii, With influ-Espresso before Ann Arbor's F;f.~::~{~):; f~':i~, ~q~-;-' ences like Joan most pretentious? It , '><.··,A:::\'8F .... V~>::'·" Armatrading

"We are trying to play places b .~\'f.lV,;h ' and Chrissy that are as cheap as possible for . Hynde, Ferrick people to get in," said Melissa, can be both "and coffee houses seem to work. poppy and pow-Although there is a band on the erful. The per-album, it's just me and my gui- Melissa Ferrick is one hot babe. fect blend of tar. I've been doing it like that co nsi stentl y for years ." gripping melodies over various moods

Don't be afraid of the fact that you of music shows that diversity is key for haven't seen a Melissa Ferrick video on Ferrick.

If you plan on buying an over­priced coffee this weekend, go to Espresso Royale this Friday. It is a 'rare occasion when someone of Melissa's caliber plays in town for free. M!

University Lutheran Chapel i i

t Good Friday Services

Mid-Day 2:00 PM T enebrae 7 :00 PM

Saturday Vigil 11 :00 PM Easter Sunday 10:30 AM

1511 Washtenaw Pastor Ed Krauss

663-5560