VERBUM - VU

VERBUMVERBUM

ISSN 2029-6223

VILNIUS UNIVERSITY

INSTITUTE OF FOREIGN LANGUAGES

2017Vol. 8

Research Papers

Vilnius2017

VERBUMVERBUMResearch in Linguistics and Education Science

VILNIAUS UNIVERSITETAS

UŽSIENIO KALBŲ INSTITUTAS

20178 tomas

Mokslo darbai

ISSN 2029-6223

Vilnius2017

VERBUMVERBUMLingvistikos ir edukologijos tyrinėjimai

REDAKTORIŲ KOLEGIJA / EDITORIAL B OARD

Vyriausioji redaktorė / Editor-in-Chief Prof. dr. DANGUOLĖ MELNIKIENĖ (04 H) Vilniaus universitetas, Lietuva Vilnius University, LithuaniaNariai / EditorsDoc. dr. JOLANTA ARITZ (04 H) Pietų Kalifornijos universitetas, JAV University of Southern California, JAVProf. dr. DANUTĖ BALŠAITYTĖ (04 H) Vilniaus universitetas, Lietuva Vilnius University, LithuaniaProf. dr. XAVIER BLANCO ESCODA (04 H) Autonominis Barselonos universitetas, Ispanija The Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain

Prof. dr. DAINUVITE BLUMA (07 S) Latvijos universitetas, Latvija University of Latvia, LatviaProf. dr. FRANCINE CICUREL (04 H) Naujosios Sorbonos universitetas, Prancūzija New Sorbonne University Paris III, FranceProf. dr. GIOVANNI DOTOLI (04 H) Bario Aldo Moro universitetas, Italija University of Bari, ItalyDoc. dr. CARMEN CARO DUGO (04 H) Vilniaus universitetas, Lietuva Vilnius University, LithuaniaProf. dr. PIETRO U. DINI (04 H) Pizos universitetas, Italija University of Pisa, ItalyDoc. dr. AUŠRA JANULIENĖ (04 H) Vilniaus universitetas, Lietuva Vilnius University, LithuaniaProf. dr. ROMA KRIAUČIŪNIENĖ (07 S) Vilniaus universitetas, Lietuva Vilnius University, LithuaniaProf. dr. VILMANTĖ LIUBINIENĖ (05 S) Kauno technologijos universitetas, Lietuva Kaunas University of Technology, LithuaniaProf. dr. MARGARITA TERESEVIČIENĖ (07 S) Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas, Lietuva Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania

REDAKCIJOS ADRESAS / ADDRESSVilniaus universiteto Užsienio kalbų institutas / Vilnius University Institute of Foreign LanguagesUniversiteto g. 5, LT-01513 Vilnius, Lietuva /Universiteto st. 5, LT-01513 Vilnius, LithuaniaEl. paštas / E-mail: [email protected]://www.uki.vu.ltTel. (Phone) (+370 5) 268 72 63; Faks. (Fax) (+370 5) 268 72 63

© Vilniaus universitetas / Vilnius University, 2017

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TURINYS

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Julija Kalvelytė, Danguolė Melnikienė. LES FRANCISMES DANS LES DICTIONNAIRES QUÉBÉCOIS .................................................................................. 7

Yaroslava Sazonova. PRAGMATIC POTENTIAL OF THE NOMINATION OF THE SUBJECT-SOURCE OF FEAR (A MONSTROSITY) IN TEXTS OF HORROR DISCOURSE ......................................................................................... 20

Petra Trávníková. REDRESSIVE ACTIONS FOLLOWING COMMISERATIONS IN ONLINE DISCUSSIONS ........................................................................................ 29

Daniela Francesca Virdis. REPRESENTING POSTFEMINIST FEMALE CHARACTERS IN THE CONTEMPORARY MEDIASCAPE: THE DISCURSIVE FUNCTION OF IRONY ............................................................ 40

John Christopher Wade. TOWARDS AUTONOMY IN LANGUAGE LEARNING: THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS AND PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS ............ 51

Yauheniya Yakubovich. « JE REGRETTE L’EUROPE AUX ANCIENS PARAPETS » : ANALYSE LINGUISTIQUE ET TRADUCTOLOGIQUE DU POÈME BATEAU IVRE ET SA RECRÉATION BÉLARUSSE ................................................ 72

Елена Борисова. РОЛЬ РАДИО В ФОРМИРОВАНИИ ITALIANO STANDARD

В ПЕРИОД ФАШИСТСКОГО ДВАДЦАТИЛЕТИЯ ............................................ 83

Алексей Тымбай. ТЕЛЕДЕБАТЫ КАК СРЕДСТВО ВОЗДЕЙСТВИЯ НА АУДИТОРИЮ ....................................................................................................... 93

II. KALBŲ DIDAKTIKA

Lina Bikelienė. THE USE OF THEN IN LITHUANIAN LEARNERS’ ENGLISH .... 104

Domas Rudis, Svetozar Poštić. INFLUENCE OF VIDEO GAMES ON THE ACQUISITION OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE ................................ 112

Maria Tomskaya, Irina Zaytseva. MULTIMEDIA REPRESENTATION OF KNOWLEDGE IN ACADEMIC DISCOURSE ................................................ 129

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Дина Валеева, Олеся Шарафутдинова. ОБУЧЕНИЕ АРАБОВ РУССКОЙ ФОНЕТИКЕ: ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ ИСПОЛЬЗОВАНИЯ ЭЛЕКТРОННОЙ ОБРАЗОВАТЕЛЬНОЙ СИСТЕМЫ ....................................................................... 135

Галина Фадеева. ПЕРСУАЗИВНЫЕ СТРАТЕГИИ В РОЖДЕСТВЕНСКОМ ОБРАЩЕНИИ ГЛАВЫ ГОСУДАРСТВА (АНАЛИЗ АУДИОВИЗУАЛЬНОГО МЕДИАТЕКСТА ......................................................................................................... 142

III. ATMENA AUTORIAMS ..........................................................................................151

SPRENDIMAI 7J. Kalvelytė, D. Melnikienė. LES FRANCISMES DANS LES DICTIONNAIRES QUÉBÉCOIS

Julija KalvelytėUniversité de Vilnius Institut des langues étrangèresUniversiteto g. 5, Vilnius, LT-2734, LietuvaTél. +370 52 687 275E-mail: [email protected] Intérêts de recherche: la lexicographie française et canadienne

Danguolė MelnikienėUniversité de VilniusInstitut des langues étrangèresUniversiteto g. 5, Vilnius, LT-2734, LietuvaTél. +370 52 687 275 E-mail: [email protected] Intérêts de recherche: la lexicographie bilingue et monolingue, la stylistique

LES FRANCISMES DANS LES DICTIONNAIRES QUÉBÉCOIS

Le but de cet article était d’analyser les francismes, relevés dans cinq dictionnaires du français québécois et d’évaluer leur rôle informatif pour les locuteurs du français standard et ceux du français québécois. Le québécisme est un fait de la langue française, propre à sa variété régionale, parlée par les communautés francophones canadiennes au Québec. Elle se distingue du français standard par ses caractéristiques particulières au niveau phonétique, lexical et syntaxique. Le québécisme existe en opposition avec le francisme et le français de France en général. Le francisme (aussi appelé l’hexagonisme) est un fait de la langue française qui comporte les mots d’usage typique du français standard ou autrement, utilisé sur le territoire du Canada. La recherche effectuée nous a permis de constater que le rôle de francisme dans les dictionnaires québécois est celui d’un connecteur ou d’une clé particuliers. En tant qu’un élément du dictionnaire, il peut fournir l’information sur le dictionnaire lui-même, sur son auteur, mais aussi sur les ressources linguistiques utilisées, reflétant l’état de la langue et de ses variantes régionales. Malheureusement, il n’est pas encore défini d’une manière complètement claire et utilisé à son plein potentiel.MOTS-CLÉS : le français de la France, le français québécois, le québécisme, le francisme, le dictionnaire.

L’INTRODUCTION

Dans de nombreuses recherches sur différents aspects de la langue française, les études sur des langues régionales (ou des variantes régionales) occupent une place très importante. Les regards des auteurs sont portés surtout sur le français, utilisé dans la province de Québec, au Canada, qui se démarque des autres variantes par de multiples paramètres.

D’une part, historiquement et traditionnellement, le Québec reste une région où la langue française fleurit. Depuis l’arrivée des premiers colons au XVIe siècle, la communauté

I. KALBOTYRA

DOI: https://doi.org/10.15388/Verb.2017.8.11320

8 I. KALBOTYRA

locale a maintenu une connexion forte avec la Métropole au cours de presque toute son histoire. De plus, dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle, beaucoup de visiteurs (le Père Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix, 1720; d’Aleyrac, 1755; Marquis de Montcalm, 1756; Jefferys, 1761; Bacqueville de la Potherie, 1700) de cette région ont loué la variété du français québécoise comme la version la plus pure et la plus sophistiquée de la langue. Beaucoup de chercheurs sont particulièrement intéressés par le français canadien parce qu’il a préservé les caractéristiques archaïques, comparables avec celles du français de XVIe ou de XVIIe siècle.

D’autre part, à cause de sa position géographique, cette variante de langue est fortement influencée non seulement par les autres variétés du français canadien (par exemple, du français de Montréal) mais aussi, à un certain degré, par l’anglais américain dont les éléments sont toujours modifiés et adaptés au système de langue française locale avec des résultats inégaux. D’après Claude Poirier, on pourrait donc considérer le français du Québec comme un certain point de rencontre linguistique, extérieurement entre le français et l’anglais, et intérieurement, entre les multiples variétés du français très différentes (Claude Poirier, 1990).

Très original et unique dans son genre, le français québécois suscite une attention particulière auprès des linguistes qui s’intéressent surtout à sa prononciation très spécifique et à ses ressources argotiques. Cependant, il existe toujours certains aspects du français québécois qui sont un peu délaissés par les chercheurs. On pourrait y attribuer, par exemple, le problème de la coexistence des québécismes et des francismes, et par suite, de la description des francismes dans les dictionnaires, rédigés au Canada. Le manque des recherches métalexicographiques sur ce sujet n’est pas vraiment surprenant, car les dictionnaires québécois sont consacrés tout d’abord à la description du lexique québécois, c’est-à-dire, des québécismes, et non pas à celle du lexique de la France métropolitaine, peu usuel sur le territoire canadien, c’est-à-dire, des francismes. Néanmoins, si l’on ignore des francismes, en les excluant des dictionnaires, ceux-là deviennent des témoins erronés du français réel. Appelés de faciliter la compréhension et la communication effective entre deux langues, ou, dans le cas mentionné ci-dessous, entre ses deux variantes (le français québécois et le français standard), les dictionnaires sont obligés de proposer aux utilisateurs canadiens l’image réelle de la langue, même si elle est assez incommode et compliquée.

Le but de cet article est donc d’analyser les francismes, relevés dans des dictionnaires du français québécois et d’évaluer leur rôle informatif pour les locuteurs du français standard et ceux du français québécois. Afin d’atteindre ce but, nous avons choisi comme la source de notre recherche cinq dictionnaires québécois sur les supports différents (deux sur le papier et trois en ligne1) et nous y avons sélectionné 55 lexèmes. Ces deux types de sources ont été choisis pour plusieurs raisons. D’abord, parce que des ressources lexicographiques

1 Dictionnaire canadien-français ou Lexique-glossaire des mots, expressions et locutions ne se trouvant pas dans les dictionnaires courants et dont l‘usage appartient surtout aux Canadiens-français, Le québécois de poche ; http://www.fredak.com/dicoquebec.htm; http://www.je-parle-quebecois.com/lexique.html, http://www.dictionnaire-quebecois.com/.


traditionnelles, complétées par des références modernes, peuvent vraiment donner l’image plus crédible et plus nuancée de la langue. Puis, parce qu’il existe relativement peu d’études, consacrées à la relation entre québécismes et francismes dans les sources en ligne. Finalement, l’analyse de ces deux supports évoque certaines particularités ainsi que certains problèmes, liés à chacun de ces supports différents. L’origine et la nature de chaque lexème analysé ont été vérifiées dans les ressources fournies sur http://www.cnrtl.fr. Bien que les mots choisis soient classés comme québécismes dans les dictionnaires québécois mentionnés ci-dessus, théoriquement, ils peuvent aussi être considérés et analysés comme francismes. Ce double choix peut être justifié par le fait que la majorité des sources sur http://www.cnrtl.fr/ ne les distingue pas comme québécismes ou canadianismes. Par ailleurs, les autres québécismes comme bibitte, par exemple, n’apparaissent pas du tout dans ces dictionnaires, ou, dans certains cas comme beau dans l’acception québécoise bon, apparaissent avec le marquer Reg.

Pour effectuer l’analyse des lexèmes choisis, nous avons recouru aux méthodes qualitatives, à savoir descriptive, analytique et comparative ainsi qu’aux méthodes quantitatives.

Avant de passer à l’analyse des francismes, enregistrés dans les dictionnaires, nous nous proposons d’éclaircir les concepts du québécisme et du francisme.

Le québécisme versus le francisme

Les variétés du français contemporain peuvent être relevées en s’appuyant sur différents paramètres, mais, de toute évidence, tout d’abord, sur le paramètre historique et géographique. Comme l’objet de cet article est le francisme dans les dictionnaires canadiens, il est bien pertinent de nous concentrer sur l’aspect géographique. Dans le cas du français, la division géographique la plus générale est probablement la distinction entre le français standard (appelé aussi métropolitain) et le français régional.

Bien que la distinction géographique soit relativement neutre en soi, le traitement linguistique des variétés régionales de français en comparaison avec celui de la variété standard a été parfois mis en doute. Dans son article, Poirier (1990, p. 91) remarque que les lexicographes de la France ne reflètent dans leurs dictionnaires que l’usage de la capitale métropole. L’auteur ajoute que pour cette raison, les dictionnaires édités en France « […] ne donnent qu’une description partielle de l’usage réel ». À leur tour, les dictionnaires québécois éliminent assez souvent de leur nomenclature des francismes, en proposant l’image du français non moins partielle.

Mais revenons tout d’abord à la définition du québécisme et du francisme. D’après Le grand dictionnaire terminologique (GDT), le terme « québécisme », créé après les années 1980 pour remplacer celui du canadianisme, désigne « le fait de langue caractéristique du domaine linguistique québécois ». Au sens large, il définit aussi les parlers « dans d’autres provinces canadiennes de l’ouest, en Ontario et au Manitoba notamment, de même qu’en Nouvelle-Angleterre, autrement dit dans les aires géolinguistiques francophones où l’on

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trouve une population majoritairement issue de l’immigration québécoise ». De point de vue typologique, on évoque le plus souvent des québécismes lexicaux, dont la forme et le sens diffèrent des mots de la métropole et des québécismes sémantiques, qui, en gardant la forme traditionnelle « française », se démarque par un sens différent. D’après le GDT, certains linguistes ajoutent d’autres catégories à cette classification, par exemple : québécisme de statut, québécisme de fréquence, québécisme syntagmatique.

Quant au francisme, le GDT propose la définition suivante : « fait lexical (mot, expression ou leurs sens) qui désigne des termes exclusifs à la France ». Nous trouvons pourtant très importantes les précisions sur ce terme, apportées par Poirier et Thibault. D’après Poirier, les francismes doivent être compris comme « les usages de France qui n’ont pas cours dans notre variété de français et qu’on juge utile de rappeler afin de donner accès à un large ensemble de discours francophones » (1990, p. 91). Thibault (2012, p. 307–309), à son tour, relève l’origine de ce terme en le liant avec le nom du métalaxicographe éminent Franz Josef Hausmann. En 1986, dans son article, consacré aux dictionnaires du français hors de France, Hausmann estime que « pour le français de France, par exemple, il s’agirait des francismes, terme qu’on ne trouve encore dans aucun dictionnaire. » (1986, p. 8). Ce sont donc « des mots français usuels en France, mais peu courants au Québec (1986, p. 7) ». D’après Thibault, ce terme a été introduit comme une sorte d’équivalent au terme briticisme (qui désigne des mots propres à l’anglais de Grande-Bretagne, mais inusités aux États-Unis). Thibaut résume également la réception de ce nouveau terme qui n’était pas univoque. La décision de deux dictionnaires du français québécois non différentiels « d’une part, signaler les francismes par une marque d’usage, et d’autre part, supprimer le marquage diatopique pour les québécismes », a provoqué de violentes réactions. D’abord, de nature idéologique, car « [...] de nombreux puristes québécois avaient regretté l’absence de marquage diatopique pour les québécismes », ce qui est, selon Thibaut, « une banale conséquence de l’insécurité linguistique dont souffrent la plupart des locuteurs de franco-québécois ». Quant au marquage des francismes, il « avait surtout fait réagir les linguistes-lexicographes ou métalexicographes ». Ces derniers avaient parfaitement raison d’ observer que la plupart des mots (mais pas tous), présentés comme propres au français de France s’utilisent ailleurs en francophonie et ne sont donc pas uniquement des « francismes ». En plus, il était évident que les mots, présentés par ces dictionnaires comme des francismes, ne sont pas nécessairement inconnus ou inusités par tous les Québécois et dans toutes les circonstances énonciatives.

Avec le temps, le terme francisme a gagné de la popularité, mais il reste toutefois vague et peu approprié : « Les équipes rédactionnelles chargées du marquage des francismes dans le DFP 1988 et le DQA 1992 n’ont pas vraiment explicité, dans l’introduction de leur dictionnaire ou dans des publications ou autres communications, la démarche qu’ils avaient suivie pour décréter qu’un mot méritait un tel marquage » (Thibault 2012, p. 308–309). Beaucoup d’autres lexicographes, en utilisant ce marqueur linguistique, se basaient généralement sur leur intuition linguistique. Cependant, et ceci n’est pas un secret, que certains mots, considérés à l’époque comme peu convenables pour l’utilisation dans le


québécois, à cause de leurs caractéristiques plus proches du français standard, et les mots dits « québécismes », évités par les francophones de la France, comme trop éloignés du français standard, ont subi une révision linguistique. Ce qui a été considéré inopportun par la génération des parents et des grands-parents, est couramment utilisé par la jeunesse d’aujourd’hui, tandis que certains mots utilisés avant sont évités actuellement. En somme, certains francismes ont pris la place des québécismes respectifs. Thibault (2012, p. 307) remarque que la bicyclette (ou, plus familièrement, le bicycle), est aujourd’hui remplacée par le vélo dans l’usage de la jeunesse québécoise. Un autre exemple très spectaculaire est le cas de certains lexèmes marqués : « […] con et toute sa famille dérivationnelle (connerie, connard, déconner, déconnage, etc.) étaient à peu près inexistants au Québec jusqu’aux années soixante ; ils se sont répandus aujourd’hui, tout comme dégueulasse, bouffe ou bouffer. » (2012, p. 307).

État des lieux : les dictionnaires québécois

Signalons d’abord que l’analyse quantitative des francismes dans les dictionnaires québécois nous a permis de constater des tendances lexicographiques suivantes :

1. Dans 129 cas, les lexèmes en question figuraient dans les dictionnaires en tant que des entrées à plein titre, accompagnées d’une définition détaillée ou d’un commentaire supplémentaire.

2. Dans 102 cas, les francismes n’ont été mentionnés que dans un des dictionnaires analysés.

3. Dans 55 cas, les dictionnaires ont proposé les définitions développées des francismes et des informations contextuelles pertinentes pour chaque définition. Dans ces cas, les dérivés possibles du mot analysé ou d’autres modifications ont été mentionnées aussi.

4. Dans 32 cas, les francismes ont été proposés en paire avec leurs équivalents québécois. Toutefois, cet enregistrement lexicographique n’était pas accompagné d’aucune explication supplémentaire ou d’aucun commentaire. Ceci peut suggérer indirectement une idée que ces mots sont des synonymes absolus au Québec et, par conséquent, peuvent être utilisés comme tels dans tous les contextes.

5. Dans 6 cas, les francismes ont été mentionnés dans le texte du dictionnaire (par exemple, dans les citations dictionnairiques), mais n’ont jamais apparu comme des entrées à plein titre. Ce manque d’information aurait pu être causé par un ou plusieurs facteurs comme, par exemple, la structure imprécise du dictionnaire, les changements dans les systèmes linguistiques du québécois ou du français standard.

Avant de procéder à l’analyse de quelques francismes choisis, caractérisons, en grands traits, de types de l’information lexicographique, proposés dans les dictionnaires en question.

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L’information phonétique

Même si la prononciation québécoise le plus souvent est considérée comme cette caractéristique unique du québécois qui le distingue du français standard, aucun dictionnaire québécois analysé n’offre pas de transcription phonétique des entrées. L’information phonétique sur les francismes n’apparaît que dans des cas assez rares, tous figurant sur le fredak.com, sous forme des commentaires.

Ainsi, dans l’article de l’entrée bleuet on trouve un commentaire tout court : « se prononce souvent beuluè (eu et l inversé) ». Un commentaire sur la prononciation du lexème cent est inclus dans l’article du québécisme cenne qui est la « déformation de «cent» (centième de dollar). Très peu de Québécois prononcent le «t» à la fin de cent ». Ce qui est particulièrement intéressant, c’est le troisième cas, inclus sous l’entrée «gageure». On y trouve un certain jugement des francophones de la France, plus concrètement, leur prononciation : « On doit prononcer «Gajure». En effet, le «e» est là pour que la 2e syllabe se prononce «ju» et non pas «gu». Beaucoup de Français font l’erreur. Les Québécois ne la font pas. »

L’information grammaticale

La classe grammaticale et d’autres caractéristiques grammaticales plus précises, comme le genre et le nombre du nom, par exemple, sont mentionnées explicitement vingt-deux fois au total. Dans tous les autres cas elles sont fournies implicitement. Quand même, ces caractéristiques peuvent être identifiées à partir d’information contextuelle, telle que des exemples ou bien les mots équivalents du français standard.

Dans douze cas, le mot a apparu comme partie d’une collocation ou phrase. Parfois même sans aucune définition ou aucun commentaire supplémentaire :

• Avoir des idées croches : Avoir des pensées malhonnêtes.• Caler une bière : la boire rapidement, presque cul sec. • Caler dans l’eau : s’enfoncer dans l’eau. • Caler qqn dans l’eau : lui mettre la tête sous l’eau. • Il a une face a fesser dedans : Il a une vraie tête a claques.• Se faire trimer la face.• Frapper un coup.Même si le mot affaire ne figure pas dans la nomenclature du dictionnaire Le québécois

de poche, la section sur les particularités générales du français de Québec inclut la remarque suivante (p. 11) :

Certains noms n’ont pas le même genre. Ainsi, sont du féminin : avion, ascenseur, hôpital, autobus, etc. Alors que d’autres noms féminins deviennent masculins : erreur, affaire, histoire, etc. Ces questions de genre n’existent qu’à l’oral et dans un registre populaire.


Notamment, cette remarque n’est pas incluse dans aucun autre dictionnaire, même si un ou plusieurs mots énumérés ci-dessus apparaissent comme des mots vedettes. Ces dictionnaires fournissent cependant les explications ou commentaires semblables à cette remarque pour expliquer les autres mots-vedettes.

L’information sémantique

Parmi les mots analysés, on a observé huit cas de polysémie. Le mot, offrant le plus grand nombre d’acceptions était croche :

Croche1) Tordu, de travers. Attention croche n’a pas le même sens que crochu (=en forme de

crochet).2) Une personne croche = une personne louche, bizarre. 3) Un détour, un crochet «J’irai peut-être bien faire un croche pour aller voir ma

Matante à Gaspé».4) Une courbe (sur la route). Un croche. Voici une expression envoyée par un internaute du

Québec : «J’ai passé ce croche lâ yenque su une gosse», autrement dit : «j’ai pris cette courbe là rien que sur une seule couille» (sur les chapeaux de roues). Imagé, non ?

Les synonymes du mot-vedette ont été indiqués dans sept cas, trois d’entre eux liés au gager ou gageur:

cent – centime chicane – querelle, chamaill;colon – bête, idiot;gager – parier, présumer, prendre une chance; gageur – parieur; un gage : synonyme d’une chance, d’un pari;crosseur : synonyme de voleur.Aucun dictionnaire n’a inclus ni des antonymes, ni des homonymes ni des homographes

des mots-vedettes.

L’information stylistique

Principalement concentrée sur les sens péjoratifs ou familiers, la plus grande partie des remarques stylistiques attire l’attention d’utilisateur sur des problèmes ou des fautes, associés au mot-vedette. Parfois les dictionnaires ne se contentent pas d’une liste des mots à éviter, mais rassurent leurs utilisateurs, comme par exemple fredak.com dans le cas de l’entrée du mot Franco :

FrancoFrancophone. Ce terme n’est pas péjoratif. Les termes anglophones et francophones sont beaucoup utilisés, d’où l’abréviation. Remarque : «francophone» est un exemple influencé par le français dans la langue anglaise du Canada (dans les autres pays anglophones, comme les Etats-Unis, ça se dit «french speaking»).

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D’ailleurs, dans certaines entrées du dictionnaire électronique sur http://www.je-parle-quebecois.com/lexique.html, les différences entre le français de la France et le français québécois sont indiquées d’une manière brève et claire, mais assez particulière :

AffaireC’est un mot très utilisé au Québec pour parler des choses.ex : C’est fatiguant c’est tannant cette histoire cette affaire

En outre, trois mots sont désignés comme « mot courant » : bicycle, breuvage et face. Une autre remarque stylistique, à savoir « propre au langage populaire », est utilisée pour décrire les mots comme bretter, boucaner (et boucane), capoter, épeurant(e), flâner et frette.

Pour les entrées de brailler, chandail, face, farce, fatiguant on trouve quelques brèves remarques qui établissent le lien de comparaison entre les formes les plus communes en France et au Québec, en mettant l’accent sur les formes québécoises.

L’entrée chaudière, par contre, indique que ce mot a été replacé par un autre « […] Le mot était utilisé en France mais il a disparu. En revanche, «chaudron» est resté. »

Référence mutuelle

Martel, P., & Cajolet-Laganière, H (1995, p. 24) illustrent les incohérences existantes entre les dictionnaires du français standard et les dictionnaires du français québécois, en recourant à l’exemple suivant : la littérature au sens de « dépliant, prospectus », qui fait partie de l’usage au Québec, est condamné parce que la plupart des lexicographes et linguistes du Québec considèrent ce mot comme un anglicisme. Cette condamnation des spécialistes contribue à « […] l’attribut du mot dont il faut tenir compte dans toute description, même si le mot en ce sens est maintenant consigné, sans étiquette de condamnation, par les nouveaux dictionnaires français (le Nouveau Petit Robert indique seulement « MODERNE ») ».

Parfois, le groupement des québécismes et les francismes est aussi relativement sélectif. Voici quelques cas intéressants :

AsphalterAsphalter est inclus dans la liste des québécismes sur http://www.je-parle-quebecois.

com, dictionnaire qui a été mise en ligne en 2015. Cependant, ce lexème est inclus dans le TLFi sans aucune marque particulière ou le renvoi aux régionalismes. De plus, dans cette source il est daté de 1866 :

TRAV. PUBL. Couvrir d’un revêtement d’asphalte. Asphalter une rue, un trottoir (Lar. 19e-Lar. encyclop.) :En ce moment, on asphalte le sol de cette place [le Parvis de Notre-Dame] qui doit être rendue aussi peu sonore que possible, à cause de la proximité du nouvel Hôtel-Dieu. Journal officiel,10 sept. 1877, p. 6243, 2ecol. (Littré).Rem. 1reattest. 1866 (Lar. 19e); dér. de asphalte*, dés. -er. Attesté ds la plupart des dict. gén. du xixeet du xxesiècle.


Selon un exemple, film est aussi un québécisme discutable : Film (dictionnaire du québécois) :

1. Un film à recommander; Film ayant reçu une bonne critique2. Pellicule photo

Film (dictionnaire du français standard) :

A.− Bande pelliculaire photographique de celluloïd ou de nitrocellulose, recouverte d’une émulsion photosensible, sur laquelle on enregistre des vues à l’aide d’un appareil cinématographique. Le perfectionnement essentiel [...] fut la perforation des bandes et l’emploi de films sur celluloïd (Sadoul, Cin. des orig. à nos jours, 1949, p. 11)

B.−1. P. méton. Œuvre cinématographique. L›ému et tendre Silence est d’or a été le meilleur film qu›ait dirigé René Clair depuis son départ de Paris (Sadoul, Cin. des orig. à nos jours, 1949, p. 354)

Face est un autre mot qui n’était pas toujours explicitement associé au français standard :Face (dictionnaire du québécois) :

La face est le mot courant en québécois pour parler du visage. ex : le nez est au milieu de la faceSelon le contexte : Visage, figure, gueule, tronche. Le mot n’est pas une particularité du Québec, mais il s’y emploie beaucoup plus souvent qu’en France.

Face (dictionnaire du français standard) :

A.− Partie antérieure de la tête de l›homme. Muscles de la face. Synon. figure, visage, frimousse (fam.), minois. Jeanne, violemment, tournait la tête, s›enfonçait la face dans l›oreiller (Zola, Page amour, 1878, p. 941)

Bienvenue, beau

Ces deux mots sont traités comme québécismes, propres au langage quotidien et courant, chacun ayant les deux acceptions. Un d’entre eux est traditionnellement reconnu comme standard et l’autre comme populaire, souvent utilisé au Québec, mais inconnu en France.

Ainsi, l’entrée beau fournit l’information suivante :

− Vx ou région. (Canada). Beau dommage. Certainement :118. − Pas à la chasse encore? − Beau dommage. Il est toujours pas allé ramasser des framboises. Il va coucher aux noirs, vous le savez ben : son affût est au bord de la baie. G. Guévremont, Le Survenant, 1945, p. 73.119. Vot’père a dit cinq chambres. T’auras p’têtre la tienne, Yvonne. Il faut pas se bâtir des châteaux en Espagne, beau dommage, tant qu’on aura pas vu la maison, mais ça me dit qu’on va être mieux qu’icitte. G. Roy, Bonheur d’occasion, 1945, p. 339.

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Contrairement, l’entrée bienvenue ne fait pas de référence ni au Canada, ni aux québécismes :

A.− Arrivée propice et de ce fait bien accueillie [...]B.− Accueil aimable

Les anglicismes

Presque toutes les recherches qui décrivent la nature et les influences linguistiques du québécois, soulignent une forte influence anglophone, surtout américaine. Quand même, certains de ces québécismes, formés à cause de l’influence de l’anglais, existent dans les dictionnaires français sans marqueurs spéciaux. Pour comparaison :

Cent (dictionnaire du québécois) :

Cent : synonyme de centime – AnglicismeDéformation de «cent» (centième de dollar). Très peu de Québécois prononcent le «t» à la fin de cent.

Cent (dictionnaire du français standard) :

A.− Centième partie du dollar. Nous avons déjeuné pour quelques cents dans les automatiques (Morand, New York, 1930, p. 259).B.− Centième partie du florin. Sur la place de Middelburg [...] Maria débitait ses crevettes; dix cents le paquet (Van der Meersch, L’Empreinte du dieu, 1936, p. 150).

Annuler (dictionnaire du québécois):

Annuler. De l’anglais «to cancel». Le verbe annuler remplace petit à petit canceller. Termes québécois qui désignent une annulation. C’est un anglicisme emprunté à l’anglais to cancel. Canceller une réservation c’est donc annuler une réservation. Faire une cancellation c’est faire une annulation.ex : J’ai cancellé mon rendez-vous car je ne pouvais plus y aller.

Annuler (dictionnaire du français standard):

Vx. Annuler un document, un écrit par des ratures en forme de croix ou par des lacérations. Canceller et annuler des lettres (Ac.1798-1878).Rem. Attesté ds tous les dict. gén. du xixeet du xxes. sauf ds Pt Lar. 1906 et Ac. 1932.

Les mots « aller-retour »

Outre les définitions, fredak.com inclut plusieurs articles courts, offrant l’étymologie des mots québécois et les remarques sur certains changements linguistiques. Dans un de ces articles, on observe un commentaire suivant sur la relation complexe et la diffusion des mots différents entre le français standard, l’anglais et le québécois : « [...] mais ce sont


souvent les mots anglais qui au Moyen Âge sont issus du vieux français qui reviennent le plus facilement dans le français du Canada ». On y remarque aussi que les mots québécois d’origine vieux français sont souvent plus facilement acceptés par les locuteurs québécois parce qu’ils « sonnent français ».

Voici quelques autres exemples des mots qui ont fait un tel voyage aller-retour (avec des équivalents en anglais – français standard – québécois – vieux français) :

• appointment – rendez-vous – appointement – appointement (1388)• to clear – débarrasser (un lieu)/liquider (de la marchandise)/acquitter (des dettes) –

clairer – clair/cler (XIIe s.)• to cruise – draguer – cruiser – croiser (XIIe s.)• to flirt – draguer – flirter – fleureter/conter fleurette (XIIe s.)• camp – camp – camping – camp/champ (XIIe s.)Selon certains dictionnaires analysés, le terme bleuet est aussi une sorte de réinvention

encore plus ancienne. C’est un bon exemple de la force et de la variété des effets du vieux français encore visibles dans le québécois moderne :

Le nom masculin bleuet est une adaptation du terme préroman «belluca», signifiant petit fruit bleu. Au Québec, il désigne : [1] une petite baie bleue succulente [2] une personne un peu sotte; [3] un habitant de la région du Lac Saint-Jean.

CONCLUSIONS

Le but de cet article était d’analyser les francismes, relevés dans cinq dictionnaires du français québécois et d’évaluer leur rôle informatif pour les locuteurs du français standard et ceux du français québécois. La recherche accomplie nous a permis d’en tirer des conclusions suivantes :

1. Le francisme (aussi appelé l’hexagonisme) est un fait de la langue française qui comporte les mots d’usage typique du français standard ou autrement dit de français de France, utilisé sur le territoire du Canada.

2. L’analyse empirique des francismes, relevés dans les dictionnaires québécois, a montré les tendances générales de leur description lexicographique. Si les dictionnaires de France ne proposent dans leurs nomenclatures que l’usage de la capitale métropole et ne donnent que la description partielle de l’usage réel, les dictionnaires québécois, à leur tour, éliminent aussi certains francismes, en proposant l’image du français non moins partielle.

3. Malgré des lacunes des francismes assez surprenants que nous pouvons observer dans les dictionnaires québécois, leur rôle est celui d’un connecteur ou d’une clé particuliers. En tant qu’un élément du dictionnaire, il peut fournir l’information sur le dictionnaire lui-même, sur son auteur, mais aussi sur les ressources linguistiques utilisées, reflétant l’état de la langue et de ses variantes régionales. Malheureusement, il n’est pas encore défini d’une manière tout à fait claire et n’est pas encore utilisé à son plein potentiel.

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BIBLIOGRAPHIEMARTEL, P., & CAJOLET-LAGANIERE, H., 1995. Oui... au français québécois standard.

Interface, 16(5), 14–24. MERCIER, L., & VERREAULT, C., 2002. « Opposer français ‚standard’et français québécois

pour mieux se comprendre entre francophones? » Le français moderne. Revue de linguistique française, 87–108.

SURMONT, D., 2008. Polémique à propos du Dictionnaire québécois-français. Montréal, Guérin éditeur.

OAKES, L., & WARREN, J., 2007. Language, citizenship and identity in Quebec, Vol. 27. Basingstoke/England/New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

POIRIER, C., 1990. Les québécismes dans les dictionnaires: marqués ou non marqués? Québec français, (79), 90–91.

POIRIER, C., 1980. Le lexique québécois: son évolution, ses composantes. Stanford French Review Stanford, Cal. 4(1–2), 43–80.

REBOURCET, S., 2008. Le français standard et la norme : l’histoire d’une «nationalisme linguistique et littéraire» à la française. Mot de l’équipe éditoriale.

SALIEN, J., 1998. Quebec French : Attitudes and pedagogical perspectives. The Modern Language Journal, 82(1), 95–102.

SIMONI-AUREMBOU, M., 2000. Français du Canada, français de France (1e. éd.). Tübingen : M. Niemeyer Verlag.

THIBAULT, A., 2012. Le concept de «francisme» en lexicographie/lexicologie québecoise, ou : comment l’objetiver In: Estudios franceses en homenaje a Berta Pico. Servicio de Publicaciones.

SOURCESCLAPIN, S., 1894. Dictionnaire canadien-français ou Lexique-glossaire des mots, expressions et

locutions ne se trouvant pas dans les dictionnaires courants et dont l’usage appartient surtout aux Canadiens-français. Montreal : C. O. Beauchemin.

SCHEUNEMANN, B., 1998. Le québécois de poche (1e. éd.). Chennevières-sur-Marne (Val-de-Marne) : Assimil.

http://www.fredak.com/dicoquebec.htmhttp://www.je-parle-quebecois.com/lexique.htmlhttp://www.dictionnaire-quebecois.com/http://www.cnrtl.fr/http://www.tlfq.ulaval.ca/http://micmap.org/dicfro/search/dictionnaire-godefroy

Julija KalvelytėVilniaus universitetasMoksliniai interesai: Prancūzijos ir Kanados leksikografijaDanguolė MelnikienėVilniaus universitetasMoksliniai interesai: vienakalbė ir dvikalbė leksikografija, stilistikaSantrauka

Vienas regioninių prancūzų kalbos variantų – Kanados prancūzų kalba – neabejotinai išsiskiria iš kitų savo unikaliais lingvistiniais bruožais fonetiniame, leksiniame, sintaksiniame lygmenyse. Jame persipina keli leksikos klodai, atspindintys Kvebeko kultūrą ir gyvenimo realijas. Mokslininkų


akiratyje dažniausiai atsiduria kvebekizmai – žodžiai ir posakiai, kuriuos vartoja Kanados Kve-beko prancūzakalbiai. Kur kas mažiau dėmesio susilaukia francizmai (arba hegzagonizmai), t. y. Prancūzijoje vartojami standartinės prancūzų kalbos žodžiai, kurie nėra paplitę Kanadoje arba yra įgavę kitokią reikšmę. Šiame darbe yra nagrinėjami francizmai Kvebeke leistuose žodynuose. Norėdami nustatyti, kokia reikšmę francizmams teikia Kvebeko leksikografiniai leidiniai, atlikome tyrimą ir išanalizavome penkių skirtingo formato žodynų – dviejų popierinių ir trijų elektroninių – straipsnius. Remiantis aprašomuoju, analitiniu ir lyginamuoju metodais, darbe buvo ištirtas leksiko-grafinis penkiasdešint penkių leksemų aprašas. Tyrimas parodė būdingiausias šių žodžių pateikimo tendencijas. Nustatyta, kad francizmai Kvebeko žodynuose atlieka savotiškos jungties arba rakto funkciją. Francizmas tarsi apjungia dvi svarbias, bet ganėtinai atitolusias prancūzų kalbos formas. Kita vertus, mūsų aptartos prieštaringos lingvistų teorinės nuostatos kvebekizmų ir francizmų atžvilgiu puikiai išryškėja leksikografiniame kontekste : kai kuriuose straipsniuose francizmai įvardijami kaip kvebekizmai, kituose minima tik regioninė, bet ne dažniau vartojama standartinė žodžio reikšmė. Pasitaiko tokių žodyno straipsnių, kuriuose informacija yra pateikiama, pabrėžiant ne skirtingų kalbos variantų niuansus, o potencialias kalbėtojų klaidas. Atliktame tyrime konstatuojama, jog nepaisant savo svarbos, francizmai kol kas nesulaukia pakankamai dėmesio ir nėra tinkamai ap-rašomi Kanadoje leistuose žodynuose.

REIKŠMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: Prancūzijos prancūzų kalba, Kvebeko prancūzų kalba, kvebekizmas, francismas, žodynas.

Julija KalvelytėVilnius UniversityResearch interests: French and Canadian lexicographyDanguolė MelnikienėVilnius UniversityResearch interests: Monolingual and bilingual lexicography, stylistics

FRANCISMS IN QUEBEC DICTIONARIES

Summary

The goal of the present paper is to analyse various francisms collected from five dictionaries of Québec French and to evaluate their informative capacity with respect to speakers of standard French and Québec French. The québécism is an element of the French language related to the regional language variety of the same name, utilised by the French-speaking community of Québec, Canada. It differs from standard French in its unique phonetic, lexical and syntactic features. The québécism may be placed in opposition to the francism and, more generally, the variety of French spoken in France. The francism (also referred to by the term hexagonism) is a term which encompasses words used in accordance with the standard French usage, primarily associated with the variety of French spoken in France, also used in Canada. The conducted study has determined that the role of the francism in the context of Québec French dictionaries can be viewed as that of a link or key. While as an element of a dictionary it can indeed provide information about the dictionary itself and its author, it can equally be informative about the employed linguistic resources, the state of the relevant language and its regional varieties. Ultimately, this element can potentially link two important, but relatively distant, domains of the French language. Unfortunately, the study has shown that the francism has not yet been defined in a clear and unanimous manner and cannot be implemented to its full potential.

KEY WORDS: standart French, Qu.bec French, francisms, qu.b.cism, dictionaries.

Įteikta 2017 metų liepos 15 d.

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Yaroslava SazonovaH. S. Skovoroda Kharkiv National Pedagogical UniversityValentynivska St. 2, Kharkiv, UkraineTel.: +380679340008,E-mail: [email protected] interests: linguistic pragmatics, comparative studies, theory of grammar

PRAGMATIC POTENTIAL OF THE NOMINATION OF THE SUBJECT-SOURCE OF FEAR (A MONSTROSITY)

IN TEXTS OF HORROR DISCOURSE

The research is aimed at studying the pragmatic potential of nominations of the subject-source of fear (a monstrosity, in particular) in texts of horror discourse in English and Ukrainian. The idea is that the expression of the communicative sense “fear” in a subjectively created world according to an author’s intention is explicated in the nomination of the subject-source of fear (SSF). Generally, any SSF is a monster as far as its attributes and actions are harmful for the recipient of fear (SRF), its essence contradicts the SRF’s world creating norms. Psychologically, a SSF-monstrosity is a metaphor that gives ground to a trend in the horror discourse (J. Hartwell) and preconditions the modus of fear emphasis that lets the reader concentrate his empathy on the SRF, revealing his hidden fears. In psychology this state is called dysmorphophobia, or an obsessive fear of deformities (both own and others). Alogism of SSFs’ reference includes repellent appearance as the feature of external inconsistency with the norms of the SRF’s world: in this sense it borders on the notion of otherness that, revealed to its fullest, may be perceived as horrific. On the other hand, deformities viewed as the features of some other world creation relate to the notion of novelty, and may be understood as not fearful. Both sense variations mentioned above are present in texts of horror discourse and actualize such senses as “fear-disgust”, “fear of the unknown” and “fear of otherness”; their differentiation helps exclude from the analysis tautological notion “fear of fearful”. KEY WORDS: pragmatic potential, horror discourse, text, communicative sense, fear, subject-source of fear, monstrosity.

Introductory remarks

Fear has always been the object of scientific interest in the humanities: not only philosophers (S. Kuharsky, A. Turenko, W. Wundt, etc.) and psychologists (C. Izard, J. Laplanche, Yu. Scherbatykh, etc.) but also representatives of cultural and social studies (Ch. Baker, A. Brian, J. Kristeva, V. Rudnev, V. Wee), semiotics (N. Bukhs, L. Geller, M. Lotman), pragmatics (P. Cap), conceptology (M. Nikitin, T. Zajtseva) paid their attention to the roots and expression of this phenomenon. These studies contribute to each other and create a multifaceted view on the understanding of fear. Still, there is one topical aspect that needs


SPRENDIMAI 21Y. Sazonova. PRAGMATIC POTENTIAL OF THE NOMINATION OF THE SUBJECT-SOURCE OF FEAR

(A MONSTROSITY) IN TEXTS OF HORROR DISCOURSE

clarification – textual actualization of fear. Investigating this aspect offers an opportunity to engage linguistic pragmatics that could provide rich insight into how author-reader communication is organized in order to transmit and perceive the sense of fear.

Within the limits of the article, texts with the subject-source of fear a monster are analyzed. The material of the research is texts in Ukrainian and English where the subject-source of fear is nominated by lexemes and phrases with the meaning synonymous to the noun monster/монстр. This research is aimed at revealing the pragmatic potential of nominating SSF-monsters in creating and perceiving horror texts while transmitting the communicative sense of fear (the ground for differentiating subjects in texts of horror discourse into sources of fear (SSF) and recipients of fear (SRF) is analyzed before (Sazonova 2016 a). To achieve this aim the following methods are used: sampling, structural analysis, hypothetical-inductive method, intent analysis.

Accepting the interdisciplinary tendencies in modern linguistics, we cannot but address the neighbouring sciences, first, psychology where the notion of a fearful object is used to denote an actual element in emerging the state of fear. Second, in semiotics the subject-subject relations are viewed as the basic ones in the construal of the passion discourse (Greimas, Fonanille 2007) where one of the subjects overwhelmed by passion pursues another. Borrowing these ideas allows hypothesizing that a text, to convey the sense of fear, should contain two elements – the source of fear and its recipient; the characteristics of the former are psychologically and culturally predetermined that allows the reader to get involved in sharing the author’s intention to transmit this communicative sense (with variations depending on the author’s intention). The verbalization of the source of fear influences its perception and as a result successful actualization of the communicative sense in author-reader interaction. In this respect, the verbalization of the source of fear by a lexeme monster/монстр or its equivalents bears pragmatic potential in the actualization of fear in texts. The roots of its pragmatic potential lie both in linguistic and extra linguistic spheres.

Generally speaking, any frightening object is a monster in human perception as far as its attributes and actions, its essence are set at damaging the person’s world order. As researchers say, monsters explicate senses that reveal hidden social or religious problems. The ugliness of these problems and their consequences, as well as the person’s fear, wishes, worries and fantasy, are visualized by the monster’s body (Cohen 2012). This way of visualizing allows to draw a line between the norm and deviations because a monster is “A product of a multitude of morphogenesis (ranging from somatic to ethnic) that align themselves to imbue meaning to Us and Them behind every cultural mode of seeing, the monster of abjection resides in that marginal geography of the Exterior, beyond the limits of the Thinkable, a place that is doubly dangerous: simultaneously “exorbitant” and “quite close” (Cohen 2012, p. 17). The notion of monstrousness becomes one of the crucial elements of revealing fears before boundary confusion, in other words before mingling with the new, deviant, or otherworldly (Wright 2013). Still, as M. Foucault (Foucault 2003) mentions, this borderline nature of a monster is very appealing as far as it is associated with freedom and sublime bravery.

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Researchers of monster culture (Kristeva 1982) emphasize the following important aspects of the notion of monstrosity:

− it is characterized by an anomalous body, abjection (misery and borderline existence) and transgression (breaching the laws and borders);

− it helps clearly distinguish the norm from otherness;− its explication of senses is tied with transmitting the sense of fear.These extra linguistic factors are implied in the nomination of the source of fear a

monster/монстр and direct its pragmatic potential to building the text around the source-recipient relations.

Monsters’ nominations and the variety of communicative senses expressed by them

Pragmatic potential of the lexeme monster/монстр is implied by its lexical meaning as well which the following considerations will prove. Lexical units that verbalize this SSF include both lexemes that comprise the synonymous chain of monster/монстр (monster, monstrosity, чудовище (чудовисько), огидник, страховище, (кретинська) потвора, пугало (з того світу) and others) as well as nounal phrases with a neutral head and an attribute that characterizes this head as a monster-like creature (демонічне видовище, дивогляд страшний, unearthly creature, gigantic thing, etc.) – they mark the subject as fearful a priori. Dictionaries define monster in the following way: 1. a. An imaginary or legendary creature, such as a centaur or Harpy, that combines parts from various animal or human forms. b. A creature having a strange or frightening appearance. 2. Archaic An organism that has structural defects or deformities. 4. One who inspires horror or disgust: a monster of selfishness (TFD); monstrosity is defined as its synonym: 1. An outrageous or ugly person or thing; monster (TFD).

It is worth mentioning that the lexeme монстр (1. Виродок, потвора. 2. перен., лайл. Про людину, що вирізняється своїми негативними рисами (ВТС, p.539)) in horror text in Ukrainian lingual culture is not used, though instead a range of its synonyms is widely used: чудовисько (чудовище) 1. Жахлива фантастична істота, потворне страховище. // Людина або тварина, яка має дивний, потворний зовнішній вигляд. // Тварина велетенських розмірів або величезна на зріст людина. 2. перен. Про людину з негативними моральними якостями, надзвичайно жорстоку, люту і т. ін. (ВТС, p. 1384); огидник розм. Огидна, бридка людина (ВТС, p. 657); страховище розм. 1. Фантастична істота незвичайного, страшного вигляду; страхіття. // Тварина або людина незвичайного вигляду, ненормальних розмірів, ваги і т. ін. (ВТС, p. 1203); потвора 1. Страхітлива фантастична істота; страховище. // Про велетенську тварину, що вражає розмірами свого тіла. // Про бридку, негарну зовні людину або тварину, що має непропорційну будову тіла, фізичні вади тощо. 2. перен. Про люту, жорстоку і т. ін. людину, що втратила кращі моральні якості; недолюдок (ВТС, p. 902); пугало (опудало) 2. перен., лайл., зневажл. Про незграбну, вайлувату або негарну людину (ВТС, p. 678).



The analysis of definitions shows that the pragmatic potential of these lexemes is based on the connotations that convey the attributes of abnormality: disgusting appearance and character; frightening moral or physical features; antisocial features; strangeness. These connotations help actualizing the following sense variations: “fear of otherness”, “fear of the unknown” and “fear-disgust” implied in the nomination a priori, for example: Above these apparent hieroglyphics was a figure of evidently pictorial intent, though its impressionistic execution forbade a very clear idea of its nature. It seemed to be a sort of monster, or symbol representing a monster, of a form which only a diseased fancy could conceive. If I say that my somewhat extravagant imagination yielded simultaneous pictures of an octopus, a dragon, and a human caricature, I shall not be unfaithful to the spirit of the thing. <…> but it was the general outline of the whole which made it most shockingly frightful (Lovecraft 1926); Із страшним писком і сиканням зі всіх кутків посипалися страховища: мотилі, в яких замість крил виросли з боків вогненні язики; товсті черви, що дихали димом, пухирями піднімалися вгору; галасливі цвіркуни і крилаті гади літали над підлогою [Horribly squeaking and hissing, monsters scattered from all sides: moths that had fire tongues instead of wings; thick worms that exhaled fire rose up like blisters; noisy crickets and winged snakes flew above the floor] (Barschevskyi 2014, р. 59).

The identified variations of the basic communicative sense may be either combined in one text and actualized though the perception of different recipients or organize the whole text each. The reader’s understanding of differences between these variations (which is analyzed further) makes the communication via the text successful.

Sense variation “fear of otherness” VS “fear of the unknown”Alogism of the SSF’s reference includes monstrousness as the characteristic feature revealing the inconsistency in the world order and the exterior norm as it is perceived by the SRF (Sazonova 2016 b). In this respect, the notion of monstrousness borders on the idea of otherness which in the highest degree of its expression may be considered fearful. On the other hand, monstrousness may be related to the idea of a new world order or a new norm – in this case the subject becomes fearful because of the threat of potential transgression. Differentiating these two variations of the sense of fear helps better understanding the mechanisms of transmitting fear through texts: it becomes obvious only

1) when the otherness reaches its peak (“fear of otherness”) or2) when the new order endangers the usual one where the SRF feels comfortable (“fear

of the unknown”).The first mechanism is implemented when the subject is deformed to the extent that

its external features are viewed as a deviation or abnormality: a horribly anthropoid forepaw; страховиська з собачими головами і козлиними ногами [horrible creatures with dogs heads and goats legs] – the SRF perceives these subjects as belonging to several real objects simultaneously and to neither particular at the same time. Usually, in such texts the emphasis is made on the external, visual side of the SSF’s verbalization; on the textual level its otherness results in vast body descriptions and in the description of fear or other accompanying feelings experienced by the recipient.

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To emphasize the abnormality of the SSF’s appearance lexemes of general semantics may be used (a figure, a thing, a creature, an object, a being) which, when accompanied by monstrous attributes, may be viewed as units synonymous to the lexeme monster: The youth’s febrile mind, apparently, was dwelling on strange things; and the doctor shuddered now and then as he spoke of them. They included not only a repetition of what he had formerly dreamed, but touched wildly on a gigantic thing “miles high” which walked or lumbered about. He at no time fully described this object, but occasional frantic words, as repeated by Dr. Tobey, convinced the professor that it must be identical with the nameless monstrosity he had sought to depict in his dream-sculpture (Lovecraft 1926). As the analysis of the corpus of texts in Ukrainian shows, lexemes of general semantics are not used there.

The second mechanism, for example, is used by S. King in the text of “Cell” where the new world order was imposed on people through phones and transformed them into phone-crazies, phone people, phoners who can spread new catching abilities. The nomination phone people is synonymous to a monster as it bears double connotation by marking the SSF by the origin of transformation and by emphasizing the new means to perform transgression. Researchers of monster culture mention that the most frightening aspect of encountering a monster is not seeing it but turning into one (Cohen 2012). Modern notion of transgression has widened and now it includes the fear of new technologies or space, or the fear of progress that may result in the extinction of mankind: By using cell phones, which have become the dominant form of communication in our daily lives, you simultaneously turn the populace into your own conscript army – an army that’s literally afraid of nothing, because it’s insane – and you break down the infrastructure (King 2011, p. 116). Similarly, M.Kidruk uses this mechanism in “Бот” where an independent computer mind operates human clones (bots who look like boys) and via them people who kill themselves and others. Thus, the variation “apocalyptic fear” appears. On the textual level the variation “fear of the unknown” directs the text creation to the further depiction of the SSF’s transgression and SRF’s close extinction.

For contrast, it is worth giving an example of non-fearful monster nominations ape-princess, ape-goddess and others in the text of H. Lovecraft “Facts Concerning the Late Arthur Jermyn and His Family”. Though being monstrous, these subjects are active in the myths of an African tribe retold in the world of “real” horrible events: A third told of the return of the son, grown to manhood – or apehood or godhood, as the case might be – yet unconscious of his identity (Lovecraft 1920). The subject bears features of a human, an ape and a god but it is not perceived as frightening as it doesn’t mean transgression but rather a miracle.

Sense variation “fear-disgust” VS “fear-awe”

A SSF causes abjection that is a complex attitude including disgust due to the SSF’s repellent features; but even more important is the fact that being disgusted doesn’t mean being fearful: На смітнику сиділа кретинська потвора з висадженими очима, обгризала кістки і заходилася здушеним реготом [A cretin freak with its eyes gouged out sat on



the garbage heap, gnawing bones and laughing like mad] (Yatskiv 2014, р. 89); These are new people, Clay thought. Telepaths who don’t take baths (King 2011, p. 406); <…> the Raggedy Man gave off a ripe and powerful stench that almost made Clay’s eyes water (King 2011, p. 407) – till these subjects exist in the possible world of the text without intruding into the SRF’s life, they are strange, weird, hideous but not fearful. What the text needs to actualize the sense of fear is the author’s intention to create a disgusting subject that shows aggression like in the examples: Pixie Light [a phoner] had darted her pretty little face forward with snakelike speed, bared her undoubtedly strong young teeth, and battened on Power Suit Woman’s neck. There was an enormous jet of blood (King 2011, p. 10–11).

Estimating the subject as disgusting may be very subjective and recipients may understand it differently, for example, a scientist sees a new object for analysis and a commoner sees a being created contrary to God’s will: Lake’s reports of those biological monstrosities had aroused naturalists and paleontologists to the highest pitch <…> (Lovecraft 1931) // The bones of the tiny paws, it is rumoured, imply prehensile characteristics more typical of a diminutive monkey than of a rat, while the small skull with its savage yellow fangs is of the utmost anomalousness, appearing from certain angles like a miniature, monstrously degraded parody of a human skull. The workmen crossed themselves in fright when they came upon this blasphemy, but later burned candles of gratitude in St. Stanislaus’ Church because of the shrill, ghostly tittering they felt they would never hear again (Lovecraft 1932). Fear haunts uneducated workers who don’t care about thorough analysis and turn to the simplest way of defending themselves known to them – pray. Perception of fearful subjects by such recipients is characterized by a very hasty classification of the SSF as blasphemy (2. a. Irreverent or impious action or expression in regard to something considered inviolable or sacrosanct. b. An instance of this. (TFD)), which means that it is bad, unlawful, horrible and should be avoided.

Other SRFs, who are more curious for scientific reasons or some other, build subject-subject relations in the way of closer interaction that pragmatically may lead to the expression of the other variation “fear-awe”, emotionally contrary to “fear-disgust” and actualized a posteriori. By “fear-awe” we mean the experience of relations that causes both fear and respect before the SSF because of its greatness, mightiness and absence of ability to be classed under any of the known groups; it’s the fear that is accompanied by the understanding that people and their world are not the only ones, that a human being is not the crown of creation. The SSF that causes “fear-awe” is real in the possible world of a horror text and its nomination exploits comparisons and analogies with the objects of the non-fiction world: Archaean monstrosities; city of no architecture known to man or to human imagination; [mountains] lie beyond the three dimensions we know. Among horror texts the researchers (Ukrainets 2016) single out works by H. Lovecraft who is considered the master of expressing chthonic fear before otherworldly creatures from other civilizations. His way of depicting the possible world is encyclopedic and his vocabulary is full of terms from various branches of natural science, though he also uses the lexeme monster to emphasize the lack of human knowledge, language and power to describe, study

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or oppose the new world: How could he be sure he would not land on that green-litten hillside of a far planet, on the tessellated terrace above the city of tentacled monsters somewhere beyond the galaxy or in the spiral black vortices of that ultimate void of Chaos where reigns the mindless demon-sultan Azathoth? (Lovecraft 1932). The reaction of the SRFs is the one the author intends to imply – “fear-awe”: I think that both of us simultaneously cried out in mixed awe, wonder, terror, and disbelief in our own senses as we finally cleared the pass and saw what lay beyond (Lovecraft 1931). Ukrainian lingual culture horror texts with the SSF-monster do not expose the variation “fear-awe”.

The two sense variations compared are actualized in texts where the pragmatic potential of the nomination leads the text creation in opposite directions – “fear-disgust” (humbles the SSF and repulses the SRF); “fear-awe” (exalts the SSF and attracts the SRF).

Conclusions

Nomination of SSFs by the lexeme monster/монстр and words and expressions synonymous to it possesses pragmatic potential in transmitting the communicative sense “fear”. The analysis of vocabulary definitions shows that variations “fear-disgust”, “fear of the unknown” and “fear of otherness” are implied in the nominations and may be actualized according to the author’s intentions. The actualization of variations “fear of the unknown” and “fear of otherness” is possible only when the author intentionally throws together the SSF and the SRF in the process of transgression; till then the sense variations remain a priori, potential but not actualized. The variation “fear of the unknown” may be accompanied by the variation “apocalyptic fear” a posteriori. The actualization of the variation “fear-awe” is possible only in case of exalting the SSF and depicting a specific nature of the SRF – an advanced scientific-like curiosity. It is the variation that is expressed a posteriori and doesn’t depend only on the SSF’s nomination.

The comparison of texts of the Ukrainian and English lingual cultures showed that pragmatic potential of nominating the SSF-monster is universal for these two cultures but for the variation “fear-awe” that is not found in Ukrainian texts. Universal is the nature of reference of a SSF in such texts: ontological – to outline the borders of the new world; philosophic – to understand the roots of human fears, stress upon the imaginary stability of the modern world order; text creating – to build a text around a SSF and its implied characteristics; communicative – to express the sense “fear” in certain variations.

References

COHEN, J., 2012. Monster Culture (Seven Theses). In: C. J. S. PICART, J. E. BROWNING, Speaking of Monsters. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 15–18.

FOUCAULT, M., 2003. Abnormal. Lectures at the College de France 1974–1975. London. New York: Verso.

KRISTEVA, J., 1982. The Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection. New York: Columbia University Press.

WRIGHT, A., 2013. Monsrosity: the human monster in visual culture. London: I. B.Tauris.



ГРЕЙМАС, А., ФОНТАНИЙ, Ж., 2007. Семиотика страстей. От состояния вещей к состоянию души. Москва: ЛКИ.

САЗОНОВА, Я., 2016 a. Типи референції у текстах дискурсу жахів. Лінгвістичні дослідження. № 43, 208–216.

САЗОНОВА, Я., 2016 b. Алогізм референції в текстах жахів (на матеріалі української й англійської мов). Актуальні проблеми романо-германської філології та прикладної лінгвістики. Вип. 11–12 (частина 2), 212–216.

УКРАЇНЕЦЬ, О., ДУДКА, К., 2016. Найвідоміший з-поміж незнаних. В: Г. Ф. ЛАВКРАФТ, Повне зібрання прозових творів. Київ: Видавництво Жупанського, 5–10.

Sources

KING, S., 2011. Cell. London: Hodder & Staughton.LOVECRAFT, H. P., 1920. Facts Concerning the Late Arthur Jermyn and His Family. Available

from: URL http://www.hplovecraft.com/writings/texts/fiction/faj.aspx (accessed on October 2, 2017).LOVECRAFT, H. P., 1926. The Call of Cthulhu. Available from: URL http://www.hplovecraft.

com/writings/fiction/cc.aspx (accessed on October 2, 2017).LOVECRAFT, H. P., 1929. Fungi from Yuggoth. Available from: URL http://www.hplovecraft.

com/writings/texts/poetry/p289.aspx (accessed on October 2, 2017).LOVECRAFT, H. P., 1931. At the Mountains of Madness. Available from: URL http://www.

hplovecraft.com/writings/texts/fiction/mm.aspx (accessed on October 2, 2017).LOVECRAFT, H. P., 1932. The Dreams in the Witch House. Available from: URL http://www.

hplovecraft.com/writings/texts/fiction/dwh.aspx (accessed on October 2, 2017).БАРЩЕВСЬКИЙ, І., 2014. Жінка-комаха. В: Антологія української готичної прози: у 2-х

т. Т. 1. Харків: Фоліо, 328–341.КІДРУК, М., 2012. Бот. Харків: Книжковий Клуб «Клуб Сімейного Дозвілля».ЯЦКІВ, М., 2014. Дівчина на чорнім коні. В: Антологія української готичної прози: у 2-х

т. Т. 2. Харків: Фоліо, 85–89.

Dictionaries

The Free Dictionary (TFD). Available from: URL https://www.thefreedictionary.com (accessed on October 2, 2017).

Великий тлумачний словник української мови (ВТС). 2003. Ірпінь: ВТФ “Перун”.

Yaroslava SazonovaH. S. Skovoroda Kharkiv National Pedagogical UniversityResearch interests: linguistic pragmatics, comparative studies, theory of grammar

PRAGMATIC POTENTIAL OF THE NOMINATION OF THE SUBJECT-SOURCE OF FEAR (A MONSTROSITY) IN TEXTS OF HORROR DISCOURSE

Summary

Communicative potential of expressing the sense of fear in non-conventional, subjectively created circumstances depends upon the author’s intention and is indirectly implied in the nomination

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of the subject-source of fear. Generally, any source of fear is a monster as far as its attributes and actions, its essence are set at damaging the recipient, contradict the recipient’s world order norms. Monsters are the bearers of senses that are explicated in such a way of visualizing (verbalizing in texts) that symbolizes existing social or religious problems accumulated in the society. In modern non-conventional horror texts with the subject-source of fear a monster, reference to this subject performs several functions: ontological – to outline the borders of the new world; philosophic – to understand the roots of human fears, stress upon the imaginary stability of the modern world order; text creating – to build a text around the necessary set of sources of fear and their relations with the recipients of fear as the author intends for the ups and downs when depicting the fearful atmosphere; communicative – to express the sense “fear” in certain variations like “fear-disgust”, “fear of the unknown” and “fear of otherness” that are implied in the text a priori. Other variations appear in the text a posteriori, for example, “apocalyptic fear” or “fear-awe”. The former reveals the interpretation that monstrous subjects mean transgression. In this case the recipient encounters not a single monster but a representative of an aggressive community that has already invaded the “safe” world of the recipient; the number and quality of subject-subject collisions is indefinite and depends upon the author’s intention. “Fear-awe” is viewed as the sense that bases on the experience of subject-subject collisions which cause the recipient’s respect and obeisance before the source of fear due to its grandeur, power and impossibility to be identified; it is the fear that is accompanied by the comprehension that the man and our world are not the only ones in the Universe, that the man is not the crown of creation, and finally, that there are other gods and worlds created by them. Pragmatic potential of the nomination of the source of fear a monster is viewed in transmitting a priori and a posteriori variations of the communicative sense “fear” in the process of text creation and text perception.

KEY WORDS: monster, horror discourse, communicative sense, subject-source of fear, subject-recipient of fear, text creation, text perception, reference.


SPRENDIMAI 29P. Trávníková. REDRESSIVE ACTIONS FOLLOWING COMMISERATIONS

IN ONLINE DISCUSSIONS

Petra TrávníkováLanguage CentreMasaryk UniversityKomenského nám. 260200 BrnoCzech Republicphone number: +420549496165E-mail: [email protected] interests: pragmatics, computer-mediated communication, politeness, English for academic purposes

REDRESSIVE ACTIONS FOLLOWING COMMISERATIONS IN ONLINE DISCUSSIONS

In Brown and Levinson’s (1978) seminal classification of positive politeness strategies, commiserating is listed in the subgroup referred to as human-relations wants. The qualitative and quantitative ana-lysis of a corpus consisting of five Internet discussion boards has shown that it is also one of the most frequent positive politeness strategies used there. All the threads under examination are dedicated to the so-called women’s topics, such as dieting, pregnancy, infertility or mothering. The members of these close-knit communities formed upon the boards find it necessary to express sympathy in order to enhance each other’s (positive) face and avoid face-threatening acts arising from the sensitive nature of these topics. However, the analysis of the corpus has also revealed that to commiserate merely by saying they are sorry is not enough. The interlocutors find it necessary to add often complex redressi-ve actions to boost the illocutionary force of their statements. Thus the aim of the paper is to explore the formulaic character of commiserations and categorise the numerous redressive actions following them, taking into account their two main functions, i.e. building rapport and facilitating smooth communication within online communities. KEY WORDS: commiserations, face enhancement, rapport, redressive strategies.

Introduction

The paper addresses the issue of building rapport in online communication via positive politeness strategies, namely commiserating. Politeness is a key concept in modern lin-guistics; as Xie (2003, p. 811) argues, “where there is communication, there is politeness studies”. Thus there have been numerous studies and articles dealing with politeness in respect to online communication as well (e.g. Hobbs 2003, Lewis 2005, Graham 2007, Kouper 2010, Ädel 2011, Hopkinson 2013). However, the speech act, or better to say speech event1, of commiserating in virtual communities has not been fully examined yet.

1 Speech event is “a set of circumstances in which people interact in some conventional way to arrive at some outcome” (Yule 1996, p. 135).


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Furthermore, the analysis of a large number of discussion board threads has shown that a mere saying sorry is not enough. A vast majority of commiserations are followed by redressive actions, boosting the illocutionary force of the asynchronous utterance, and helping online interlocutors to overcome the face threat posed by their, more or less dif-ficult, life situations. Hence the article intends to demonstrate how the online users build rapport and express support, which leads to establishing a solid common ground and safer environment in which they can discuss just about anything they wish to share in the virtual world. First, it describes the results of a quantitative analysis of all commiserations present in the examined material, composed of several online discussions. Second, it goes on to explain which redressive strategies prevail in the discussions and groups them into several categories.

Leech defines commiserations, together with their more formal component, condo-lences, as “utterances that politely express the speaker’s sympathy for the hearer when the hearer has suffered some misfortune” (Leech 2014, 210). He lists commiserations among hearer-oriented positive politeness strategies related to the Maxim of Sympathy. Contrary to another type of these strategies, congratulations, where the speaker shares the hearer’s joy at his/her accomplishing something good, when commiserating the speaker expresses shared emotions as well, but this time concerning something negative. Apart from express-ing sympathy, the speaker also tends to offer some comfort. In terms of facework, the face threat is represented by the misfortune; therefore, by showing mutual sorrow, the threat is overcome and redressed. This strategy also appears in Brown and Levinson’s (1978, 1987) classification among strategies of giving gifts to the hearer where sympathy is related to the so-called human-relations wants, such as being cared about. Apart from sympathy, other gifts belonging to this category are goods, understanding and cooperation.

Data and methodology

The analysis was conducted on a self-compiled corpus consisting of 5 threads from vari-ous discussion boards (altogether containing 170.500 words), all of which were predomi-nantly attended by women. That determines also the choice of topics discussed, such as pregnancy, mothering, infertility or losing weight. For more details on the individual threads, message boards from which they were retrieved and the particular topics, see Table 1 below.

Table 1. Individual threads, their source and topics

Corpus Thread Message board TopicC1 Slimming_world_support Three Fat Chicks dieting, special diet C2 30_Somethings_chat Three Fat Chicks dieting, everyday talk- chat

C3 Infertility_forum Mothering infertility, trying to conceive C4 Due_date_October2008 Health & Fitness pregnancy C5 Catholic_mammas Mothering parenting, religion



First of all, the quantitative analysis of the corpus has revealed two main facts: the act of commiserating occurred in every thread and recurrently and, more importantly, merely expressing you are sorry was often not enough. Consequently, the communicants apparently felt there should be another step minimizing the threat by offering encourage-ment and other ‘gifts’, as is illustrated in Example 1 below. In the first part, the speaker expresses she is sorry that another board user has gained weight and instantaneously goes on to offer a solution to the problem and gives support. Besides that, the speaker also em-ploys Brown and Levinson’s (1978) positive politeness strategy 11 of “being optimistic”, which again functions as a powerful face-threat mitigator, in this case making the hearer believe that the weight gain is not that bad after all, as it can soon be lost again.

(1) Bubbly, shame about the gain, but don’’t let that get you down. Jump back on and I’m sure next week you’ll be a loser again!!!

Results and discussion

Commiserations and their form

As is clearly visible from Table 2 below, the speech event of commiserations was pre-sent in all the threads under examination, there were altogether 243 commiseration acts. Moreover, the analysis has confirmed that the range of patterns expressing sorrow is quite limited; the interlocutors used only several patterns: 1. expressions comprising the ad-jective sorry, 2. other verbs expressing commiserations, 3. interjections + prepositional phrase, which will now be scrutinised in more depth.

Table 2. Commiserations: total number of occurrence

C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 TotalNumber of occurrences 16 73 101 21 27 238

Let us now briefly examine the patterns of the most productive commiseration struc-ture found in the corpora, sorry. The quantitative analysis revealed the four most frequent linguistic realizations using this adjective (Table 3). Example 2 shows the first pattern consisting of I am sorry boosted by the adverb so repeated several times. This accentua-tion is rather rare in the material and occurs in higher numbers only in C3.

(2) Oh Laggie, I am so so so sorry . That is so unfair it sounds like it’s a MF issue.

Secondly, there is the sorry to hear phrase, analogical to a similar Sympathy Max-im strategy, congratulating (e.g. glad to hear). It also fulfils the same functions, i.e. both showing concern and interest by referring to the hearer’s previous messages. Similar to glad to hear standing on the opposite side of an imaginary scale, this strategy was used most in C2 and C3 (Example 3). Both of the aforementioned structures also serve as

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powerful cohesive devices referring backwards to what was said by other message board users, thus overcoming the often confusing structure of online boards.

(3) Hanna, sorry to hear that the hospital says there is nothing else they can do for your little guy.

The third pattern, sorry (too bad) that followed by a subordinate clause depicting the misfortune itself is used especially in C3 where it represents the most numerous sub-group. In Example 4, the misfortune refers to the addressee’s obligation to work when others have a day off.

(4) Moonchild, sorry you had to work on bank holiday, that sucks, I hope it wasn’t too busy for you.

Finally, the last group consists of sorry/shame and a prepositional phrase (about/for). The prepositional phrase again introduces the misfortune described by the hearer in a previous message. In Example 5, the speaker expresses sorrow at another user’s miscar-riage and minimizes the threat by asking about her feelings. The follow-up question im-plies the speaker’s intensified interest in the hearer; it can also serve as a springboard for giving advice (advice pre-formula). Moreover, it helps to achieve coherence via starting with the first part of a question-answer adjacency pair.

(5) Sorry about your m/s. How else are you feeling?

Table 3. Sorry: number of occurrence

Sorry C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 Total

I am (so) sorry -- 5 19 2 2 28

sorry to hear 3 32 16 10 5 66

sorry/too bad (that) addressee’s misfortune 5 12 29 2 5 53

sorry/shame + prepositional phrase (about/for) 5 17 8 6 8 44

Subtotal 13 66 72 20 20 191

Apart from commiserations expressed by means of the adjective sorry, there are sev-eral other ways, which, however, do not occur in very high numbers (see Table 4).



Table 4. Other commiseration strategies2

C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 Totalit sucks/sux/stinks2 3 3 18 1 3 28(huge) hugs to (excluding emoticons) --- 4 1 --- 4 9

interjections: ugh to not (getting) --- --- 10 --- --- 10

Subtotal 3 7 29 1 7 47

The first small subgroup consists of various verbs expressing more or less the same; it concerns mostly slang expressions suggesting that something is objectionable or in-adequate. The most numerous in this category were the verbs suck and stink; however, other expressions with a similar meaning were included as well: it sounds awful/miser-able/horrible, it’s a pain in the butt, I twinge to think about. As regards creative spelling, the form sux is used several times. Sometimes the verb is modified by a booster, as in it totally sucks. The last two expressions listed express even stronger emotions than it sucks.

In Example 6, the speaker shows she is sorry about the addressee’s having to undergo another infertility treatment. It is followed by a frowning emoticon and an interjection (ugh). Example 7 illustrates a very rare strategy, using the poor you address expressing sympathy, in this case followed by a prepositional phrase referring to the misfortune, i.e. a mouse found in the addressee’s house.

(6) It sucks that you have to go back on the shots though :o( ugh(7) Ugh Helen poor you with the mouse!

The next strategy is a typical feature in CMC (computer-mediated communication); due to the lack of visual means, it is necessary to describe what one would perform physi-cally in real-life face-to-face conversation, i.e. hugging. It is either expressed verbally, as in Example 8, or it is often performed by a hugging emoticon showing two smilies hug-ging each other (as in Example 9 where it actually works on its own with no further text, just following the nickname). Interestingly, C2 members can employ a special version of this emoticon, the grouphug with a circle of hugging smilies (Example 10). It should be pointed out that smilies are actually animated in this sub-corpus and hence they keep moving. Furthermore, the hugging emoticons perform multiple functions depending very much on the context; apart from expressing sympathy, they are also used to express positive feelings, e.g. also with congratulations mentioned above, or to say goodbye to another member.

2 This group includes also the following phrases synonymous to it sucks: it sounds awful, it’s a pain in the butt, I twinge to think about.

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When verbalised, in a vast majority of cases, it is used as a noun phrase (e.g. hugs to you), sometimes pre-modified by an adjective functioning as a booster (Example 8)3. Fi-nally, there is an illustrative sample of what message board users in women’s discussions are often accused and made fun of, proliferate use of smilies. To a great extent, the users in the material under my examination are actually quite sparing with emoticons, as op-posed to some similar Czech discussion boards, but Example 11 shows an excessive use of emoticons used to express sympathy. In this case, it is a sign of humour rather than the over-exaggerated use of this device. Numerous grouphugs are followed by an explanatory sentence using a witty metaphor, an army of monster hugs, implying that the author of the post is actually joking. Further on, in Example 12, the speaker stresses the importance of hugs as comfort givers and points out the difference between real life and CMC.

(8) Keep your head up through out this ordel. Sending you a huge hug. (9) Hanna (10) John – sorry about the bad traffic and getting late to work. Hang in there

(11) Big John:

There, an army of monster hugs to help you through the next few days! ;-)

(12) Silver, I’m so sorry that you’re not feeling well. I’m happy that you got your surgery done and hopefully, recovery is fast but I wish that I could give you a hug in real life because I know that sometimes, when you’re feeling lousy, you just need a hug.

The last strategy consisting of an interjection and prepositional phrase referring to the particular miserable event is relatively rare (only 10 occurrences) and restricted merely to C3. In Example 13, the speaker expresses her sympathy for the addressee’s health problems.

(13) Blue, ugh to not getting AF4!

2. Redressive actions following commiserations

The previous parts dealt with the most frequent structures expressing commiseration in the examined data. However, as has been mentioned above, they are rarely used on

3 In the quantitative analysis, hugs to you as an expression of sympathy had to be carefully distinguished from the same phrase used recurrently as a part of a saying goodbye greeting.

4 AF is an acronym for Aunt Flow, which means menstrual period.



their own, without further redress. It is actually quite the opposite, as a great majority of saying sorry is accompanied with one or more follow-up actions mitigating the original threat caused by the misfortune that had elicited the commiseration in the first place. Such a typical string of utterances can be found in Example 14 below. The speaker starts by expressing her sympathy for the hearer who has suffered an anxiety attack. Then she goes on with three more strategies: she admits she knows about the addressee’s difficult past, goes on to express appreciation for a sign of improvement, adds some words of en-couragement (Hang in there!) and, finally, finishes the utterance with a hugging emoticon signifying solidarity and comfort.

(14) I am so sorry about the panic attack. You have been through so much. I am glad that you are feeling a little better. Hang in there!

The complex utterances were divided into single patterns that were grouped under the following subcategories: sharing a personal story, stressing common ground, giving sug-gestions/advice, giving encouragement, offering help/support or I wish I could, agreeing, congratulations, well wishes, follow-up question, complimenting and others.

A. Shared personal experience: the speaker compares the addressee’s misfortune to a similar situation that has happened to her or other people she knows. According to Ei-senchlas (2012), sharing personal experience is something that speakers tend to do quite often as it fulfils two functions: to promote solidarity or to substantiate the speaker’s authority for giving advice, for example. In Example 15, the speaker gives a personal ac-count placing emphasis on how she was feeling when she also discovered a mouse. It is a vividly depicted story full of details and playful humour, as when she calls the little crea-ture mr. mousey. She stresses her own inability to solve the situation herself to enhance the original speaker’s face; hence the story also functions as a claiming common ground strategy via self-deprecation. Moreover, some of the stories they tell are not their own; they like to describe other people’s experience as well, as in Example 16.

(15) Ugh Helen poor you with the mice! I was massively freaked out last November when I had one. I called my boyfriend immediately and said “Oh my god I just saw a mouse!” He was like, “Uh... OK. It’s a mouse. You’ll be fine.” Then I just kinda sat on the bed thinking I saw mr. mousey again and googling ways to get rid of them!

(16) Sorry to hear about your sleep walking and eating. One of my friend’s son’s does that. He had lost 20 pounds. But he started doing it again and gained 11 of them back. He told us he was just going to give up eating.

B. Stressing common ground: the members emphasise in-group values and solida-rity, there is frequent use of the inclusive we and generalisations (“it can happen to us all”). This strategy of sharing responsibility and emphasising that weight is a problem to other board members, too, occurs repeatedly in the two threads dealing with weight loss. Furthermore, in a similar situation, one of the speakers stresses she comes to seek sup-

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port in the thread from “people here in the same boat” (C1). The metaphor of the ‘same boat’ appears in the material six times; besides weight loss, it also refers to people who are pregnant for the first time, like the contributor of the message. Example 17 shows the use of the inclusive we, which is then changed into you in the last sentence suggesting that with the support of others, the speaker herself can achieve her goal and lose weight. In Example 18, the speaker distinguishes two groups – us (women, the in-group) and them (men)5.

(17) We all have these glitches when we slip up, but you can lose it again :D (18) I find men are blunt and to the point when we get the coruage to stay anything when

it comes to feelings it just sorta comes out and we say what goin through our heads at that moment. This is how we end up with our foot in our mouth sometimes all the way up do our but cheek.

C. Expressing sympathy (stressing sameness): again stressing solidarity with the hear-er and expressing sorrow at her misfortune. As is stressed by Leech (2014, p. 211), the speaker claims he/she shares the hearer’s sorrow and at the same time offers comfort to make the sorrow more bearable. There are two strategies in the material: first, the speak-er claims she can absolutely understand the other person’s feelings (Example 19–20). This strategy tends to be followed with the personal story strategy mentioned above; the speaker proves she can relate to the addressee’s emotions as “she has been there, too”. Hence, it also overlaps with the claiming common ground strategy, which is evident in the last sentence of Example 20, where she stresses what a great community has been formed there. Secondly, on the contrary, it is emphasised that the other person’s suffer-ing is so intense that none of the board members can understand how horrible she feels (Example 21).

(19) I know what you mean about moving on, after this year of constant treatments I felt like I had missed “enjoying” my life because I was always looking towards the next cycle, then so disappointed when it was a BFN.

(20) Aura, I know how you feel about being here many seasons, Fall was my fourth this time around...it can be sad to think about the time lost, but I can’t imagine meeting a better group of ladies.

(21) HUGE hug to you... None of us have any idea what you’re going thru right now

D. Giving encouragement: in a way, encouragement is another non-tangible gift that the speaker can give to the hearer, as in Brown and Levinson’s (1978, p. 134) positive politeness Strategy 15. Hence the speaker suggests there is a way out of the unfortunate situation and mitigates the threat of failure. Encouragement often takes on the form of an imperative (don’t be, keep, don’t let, jump back on); in this case, it is not regarded as

5 For more about the claiming common ground positive politeness strategy, see Trávníková (2017).



an imposition on the hearer’s face – it is quite the contrary, as is evident from both utter-ances in Example 22.

(22) Don’t be disheartened hon, keep with the programme and I’m sure you’ll have a good loss next week. love ff x

… shame about the gain, but don’’t let that get you down. Jump back on and I’m sure next week you’ll be a loser again!!!

E. Asking a follow-up question: having expressed commiseration, the speaker asks a question related to the misfortune. Like in Example 23, the question implies the speaker’s intensified interest in the hearer and can serve as a springboard for giving advice (advice pre-formula), as in Example 24. In this case, the piece of advice on how to fight morning sickness in pregnancy is given in the form of a personal story in order not to sound too offensive or clever-clever. Moreover, it helps achieve coherence via starting with the first part of an adjacency pair question-answer.

(23) 8 hours of sleep in the past 4 days... you poor kid:-(. Does the doctor say how long it should take for this new dosage to kick in?

F. Giving advice: the speaker repeatedly shows her interest in helping other less for-tunate participants, which very often takes on the form of advice, as in Example 24 below. Advice-giving is considered a strong FTA (face-threatening act), hence usually mitigated by making the piece of advice less direct and bossy (here the threat is mitigated by asking a question and then sharing personal experience, rather than going bald on record, us-ing, for instance, an imperative). In this example, the FTA is also mitigated by humour; vomiting is replaced by a euphemism when the toilet is called porcelain queen followed by a winking smiley.

(24) Man, getting sick daily would suck. Have you tried ginger pops or ginger tea? I made myself a cup of ginger tea every morning when I was pregnant. Helped me avoid the “porcelain queen;-)” !

G. Wishing well: the last redressive action appearing repeatedly in the material under examination are well wishes, one of the main strategies related to the Sympathy Maxim. They frequently go hand in hand with commiserations; first the speaker expresses she is sorry about what has happened and immediately goes on to wish good luck so that the hearer can soon overcome the difficulties caused by the misfortune itself. In Example 25, the speaker provided a very formal, nearly poetic wish for a great future.

(25) sorry to hear you have had some darker days lately! I hope the sun starts to shine on your life more and more everyday!!!!

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ConclusionsTable 5. Overview of commiserating patterns

COMMISERATIONS-overview C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 Total

sorry 13 66 72 20 20 191

others 3 7 29 1 7 47

Total 16 73 101 21 27 238

In conclusion, the analysis has confirmed that commiserations are a frequent positive politeness strategy found in the data. There was a total of 238 strategies; two-thirds (192) of them were realised by means of the adjective sorry and a prepositional phrase. Their number of occurrence in the individual corpora varied; for example, they were quite rare in C1, just as other Sympathy Maxim strategies (e.g. congratulations). In C2 and C4, the users preferred to express their sympathy by the phrase sorry to hear (that), in C3 by means of sorry followed by a subordinate that clause plus there were also many cases of a simple I am (so) sorry. In C5, the most frequent way to express sympathy with another person’s failure was a prepositional phrase consisting of sorry and the preposition about/for. The last third of commiserations, occurring almost exclusively in C3, was realised via the three following devices: it sucks/stinks, hugging (both expressed verbally and by means of emoticons) and interjections followed by a prepositional phrase. Due to the dif-ferent patterns prevailing in the threads, I believe that each community develops its own way of how to express and share sorrow. Furthermore, the analysis has confirmed that these ways are highly formulaic.

A vast majority of the commiserations in the data contain further redressive actions boosting their effect and mitigating the FTA caused by the original misfortune. These actions occurring in the data were as follows: sharing personal experience, stressing com-mon ground, expressing more sympathy, giving encouragement or advice, asking follow-up questions and good luck wishes. Finally, it should be stressed that commiserating is only one of many other positive politeness strategies used to promote solidarity among community members, others are e.g. complimenting, agreeing or claiming in-group membership.

References

ÄDEL, A., 2011. Rapport Building in Student Group Work. Journal of Pragmatics, Nr. 43, 2932-2947.

BROWN, P., LEVINSON S. C., 1978. Universals in Language Usage: Politeness Phenomena. In: E. N. GOODY. Questions and Politeness: Strategies in Social Interaction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 311–322.

BROWN, P., LEVINSON S. C., 1987. Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cam-bridge: Cambridge University Press.

EISENCHLAS, S. A., 2012. Gendered discursive practices on-line: Discursive Practices. Jour-nal of Pragmatics, Nr. 44, 335–345.



GRAHAM, S. L., 2007. Disagreeing to agree: conflict, (im)politeness and identity in a com-puter-mediated community. Journal of Pragmatics,Nr. 39, 742–759.

HOBBS, P., 2003. The medium is the message: Politeness strategies in men’s and women’s voice mail messages. Journal of Pragmatics, Nr. 35, 243–262.

HOPKINSON, CH., 2013. Trolling in Online Discussions: From Provocation to Community-Building. Brno Studies in English, Nr. 39, 84–87.

KOUPER, I., 2010. The pragmatics of peer advice in livejournal community. Available from URL http://www.languageatinternet.org/articles/2010/2464 (accessed on October 19, 2011).

LEECH G. N., 2014. Pragmatics of politeness. New York: Oxford University Press.LEWIS, D. M., 2005. Arguing in English and French asynchronous online discussion. Journal

of Pragmatics, Nr. 37, 1801–1818. TRÁVNÍKOVÁ, P., 2017 Claiming In-Group Membership in Online Communities. Hradec

Králové Journal of Anglophone Studies. Nr. 4, in print. YULE, G., 1996. Pragmatics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. XIE, CH., 2001. A Critique of Politeness Theories: Review of Gino Eelen. Journal of Pragmatics,

Nr. 35, 811–818.

Petra TrávníkováMasaryk University Language CentreResearch interests: pragmatics, computer-mediated communication, politeness, English for aca-demic purposes

REDRESSIVE ACTIONS FOLLOWING COMMISERATIONS IN ONLINE DISCUSSIONSSummaryThe paper aims at analysing commiserations as a positive politeness strategy fulfilling a rapport-building function in an online community. As an analytical framework, the author uses two major linguistic politeness theories, that of Penelope Brown and Stephen C. Levinson (1978, 1987) and Geoffrey Leech (1983, 2014). Both of these theories list commiserations, together with e.g. agree-ing, congratulating, well-wishing, etc., among strategies promoting togetherness and mutuality between people. A qualitative and quantitative analysis of a self-compiled corpus composed of several Internet discussion board threads has revealed that commiserations occurred repeatedly in all the communities under examination. After analysing the most frequent commiserative pat-ters (pointing out that the structure of commiserations is rather formulaic), the author went on to explore further redressive actions often used together with commiserations to minimise the face threat posed for the Internet users mainly due to the delicate character of most of the topics (dieting, pregnancy, infertility, parenting). The following redressive strategies were identified in the corpus: sharing a personal story, stressing common ground, giving suggestions/advice, giving encouragement, offering help/support or I wish I could, agreeing, congratulations, well wishes, follow-up question, and complimenting. Finally, the author also highlighted the special devices of online communication helping to overcome the fact it is deprived of prosodic and paralinguistic features (e.g. emoticons - grouphugs, inventive spelling) and simultaneously again boosting the spirit of solidarity within the virtual community. To conclude, the paper illustrates how commis-erative strategies serve as positive politeness devices minimising the face threat and enhancing faces of all the members of several online communities.

KEY WORDS: commiserations, face enhancement, rapport, redressive strategies.


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Daniela Francesca VirdisDepartment of Philology, Literature and Linguistics, University of CagliariVia San Giorgio 12, 09124 CagliariPhone: +39 (0)70 675 6229E-mail: [email protected] interests: language, gender & the media; language & sexuality; ecostylistics

REPRESENTING POSTFEMINIST FEMALE CHARACTERS IN THE CONTEMPORARY MEDIASCAPE: THE DISCURSIVE FUNCTION OF IRONY

Addressing the interdisciplinary area of language & gender as applied to television and media stu-dies, this article summarises the detailed analysis of some extremely popular contemporary TV series and media. With all their specificities, these significant cultural products share a reinvention of the codes of romance, by representing an up-to-date, somehow fashionable version of the traditional, and traditionally female, genre of romance geared to postfeminist consumer culture. The femininities and sexualities enacted in these cultural narratives may appear to be unsparingly and humorously critical of conventionally female linguistic and cultural stereotypes, and could therefore be regarded as radical feminist embodiments. Nevertheless, by means of an ironic and hyperbolic approach, they are in fact not only romantic and mainstream, but also ideologically biased, preserving a normative heterosexual white middle-class status quo, and restoring a patriarchal value system. A close critical scrutiny thus shows the stylistic and discursive strategies by which feminism has switched to postfemi-nist romance, and has thereby yielded to postfeminist backlash.KEY WORDS: backlash, contemporary television and media, female characters, irony, language & gender; postfeminism.

1. Data, Aim and Methodologies

In this article, I present and summarise the results of my research project in the interdis-ciplinary field of language & gender combined with television and media studies (Virdis 2012). I also introduce relevant research and findings in gender & the media studies, which can be helpful as a theoretical framework for further analysis.

In my research project I examined two very well-known, therefore socially influential, cultural products, namely the film When Harry Met Sally ... (Reiner 2008 [1989]) and the novel Bridget Jones’s Diary (Fielding 2010 [1996]), and four equally well-known and influential TV series: Sex and the City (1998–2004), Desperate Housewives (2004–2012), The Simpsons (1989-present), Nip/Tuck (2003–2010). Apart from The Simpsons, which is still produced, the other texts were first released a few years ago. Nevertheless, they are


SPRENDIMAI 41D. F. Virdis. REPRESENTING POSTFEMINIST FEMALE CHARACTERS IN THE CONTEMPORARY

MEDIASCAPE: THE DISCURSIVE FUNCTION OF IRONY

still relevant and worth analysing today for at least three reasons: 1. They have established new genres or updated old ones now typifying the postmodern mediascape (see below); 2. They were sold and distributed worldwide and have had a large number of TV reruns, DVD releases and reprints since they first appeared; 3. Their audiences are global and belong to a wide age and social class range.

The aim of my project was to study the linguistic and discursive representation of post-feminist female characters and sexualities in the contemporary media and in contemporary romances, more precisely in the popular film, novel and TV series mentioned above. In order to achieve my aim, I took into account the research in and the results attained by gender & the media studies described in Section 2 (gender, the media and romance, along with postfeminism and backlash) and in Section 3 (the discursive function of irony).

Although comparatively different, these film, novel and TV series all share a remark-able feature: the reinvention of the norms of romance. They have actually tailored the conventional, and conventionally female, genre of romance to postfeminist consumer culture; as a result, they can be considered a new, modern, even stylish form of romance. As such, they extensively cover predictable issues like love, friendship, family, sex and sexual intercourse. They are contemporary, though, in their rather uncommon treatment of them, viz. love, friendship and family prosaically and humorously, and sex and sexual intercourse plainly and unequivocally.

On these grounds, both the audiences and the critics of these six texts reckon them to be forward-looking cultural products in the postmodern and postfeminist mediascape. In fact, they have set up new genres or revised old ones, first and foremost the various forms and adaptations of romance. For instance, When Harry Met Sally ... and Bridget Jones’s Diary were among the initiators of the contemporary romantic comedy and the chick-lit novel respectively; Sex and the City and Desperate Housewives served as a model for dramedy; The Simpsons affected animated sitcoms targeted at adults; Nip/Tuck gave rise to several reality shows dealing with plastic surgery.

When these texts are first watched or read, the femininities constructed in their cul-tural narratives also seem to be ground-breaking: apparently, they are strong and complex women comically and mercilessly rejecting female linguistic and cultural clichés, as well as conservative values and value systems. In a word, they make seemingly innovative and progressive, even deeply feminist role models for their female audiences. However, my research hypothesis was that the depiction of these femininities, which is humorous and parodistic, is a political and cultural realisation of backlash. In fact, the female figures in these postfeminist media are sentimental and traditional: they are ideologically value-laden, maintain the normative status quo of the heterosexual white middle-class, and reinstate a patriarchal worldview. In short, feminism has turned into postfeminist romance, thus giving in to postfeminist backlash.

In my language & gender research project, I drew from the gender & the media findings summarised in Sections 2 and 3, particularly Gill’s (2007) results about the two TV series Ally McBeal (1997–2002) and Sex and the City (1998–2004) and about the discursive strat-

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egy of irony in the postfeminist mediascape. The focus for my language & gender analysis was provided by the six texts mentioned above (When Harry Met Sally ..., Bridget Jones’s Diary, Sex and the City, Desperate Housewives, The Simpsons, Nip/Tuck). With regard to Sex and the City, I elaborated Gill’s gender & the media findings and complemented them with linguistic evidence from the conversations between its four fictional women.

Consequently, the approach of my research project to gender, femininities and sexuali-ties in the six texts under investigation was mainly a feminist linguistic approach, which falls within the wider interdisciplinary scope of language & gender research. The theoreti-cal frameworks and analytical methodologies applied to the data were feminist stylistics, feminist pragmatics, feminist conversation analysis and feminist critical discourse analysis (for essential reference, see Virdis 2012). Since my scrutiny was not a sociolinguistic one, I did not adopt the sociological model of intersectionality (Collins & Bilge 2016), which could be the framework for future examination. Nevertheless, in my research I investigated the socioeconomic and cultural variables of class and age by means of two case studies of non-middle-class and non-adult femininities; this article does not cover them for space reasons. For the same reasons, here I do not apply the language & gender paradigms just mentioned to the six texts, but I present the final results of the detailed application carried out in my research project from the perspective of feminist television and media studies (Brunsdon et al. 1997; Gill 2007; Johnson 2007; Kearney 2011; see also Jones 2010 [2003]).

2. Gender, the Media and Romance: An Overview

In Gill’s (2007) volume about the social constructions and cultural representations of gender identities in the contemporary media, one of the author’s research purposes is to descri0be and scrutinise the hegemonic cultural narrative of postfeminist romance. In her own words, she analyses “Western culture obsession with heterosexual romance as a discourse. Romance is one of the key narratives by which we are interpellated or inscribed as subjects. It seems to have shown remarkable resilience in the face of significant cultural and demographic changes” (Gill 2007, p. 218).

The old codes of boy-meets-girl romance (a woman meeting a man, falling in love with him at first sight and marrying him after a series of events) have continued to win the wholehearted approval of female consumers and audiences for centuries. This has been the case in spite of the cultural, social and economic changes that have characterised Western society and culture at least since the 1960s, and that have profoundly altered women’s ev-eryday lives and traditional gender roles and relations. Moreover, in the quotation above, Gill points out that, in the dissimilar forms taken by the modern versions of romance, this dominant discourse not only still fascinates Western women; this fascination also of-fers noteworthy details about their mind-sets and worldviews, thereby positioning them ideologically.

Gill (2007, p. 241) also identifies the principal social and personality traits of the female characters of postfeminist romance; more precisely, she focuses on the dramatis personae in the two prominent TV series Ally McBeal and Sex and the City. Most of these traits, if not



all, are also common to those of the female protagonists examined in my research project. These fictional women are animated by social and legal equality of opportunity and by the achievements of second-wave feminism (Whelehan 1995; Nicholson 1997; Krolokke & Scott Sorensen 2006). They are constructed as energetic, independent, taking for granted their right to a career and their devotion and rightful claim to equal opportunities in personal and sexual relationships, in the workplace and in society at large. They are also indirectly depicted as being acquainted with several feminist discourses and ideas now generally approved in Western cultures. Their stance, or their authors’ stance, to those discourses, yet, is sometimes inconsistent, thus allowing backlash issues to come to the surface.

In Ally McBeal, feminism is portrayed as having forced women to try to accomplish impossible goals, i.e. to have too great expectations of their personal, sexual, professional and social lives. Although the TV series does not explicitly refuse feminism, it presents postfeminism as a get-out from the ‘binding’ duties and ‘unjust’ pressures of feminism. The postfeminist figure of Ally is hence sketched as self-reliant and career-oriented, but also, and more frequently, as miserably single and more than eager to get married and have children. In Sex and the City, as Gill observes (2007, p. 242), “the elements of backlash discourses are more complex. What is most striking is the way that the bold, sophisticated and knowing voices of the protagonists mask their very ordinary, traditionally feminine, desires”, to sum up, their hunt for Mr Right. In the two TV series, as well as in the film, novel and TV series studied in my research project, feminist concepts are first taken for granted, then intermingled with anti-feminist ideas, eventually corroded and rebuffed. For instance, the fictional women are furnished with feminist empowerment, free will and self-determination, but these feminist accomplishments are often deployed only to re-embrace old, normative, status-quo-preserving femininity, in accordance with Probyn’s (1997) ideas of “choiceoisie” and “new traditionalism”.

Therefore, Ally McBeal, Sex and the City and the texts in my research project can all be typified as postfeminist: this is because of the conversational and personal aspects of their female dramatis personae; the topoi, motifs and social constructions they deal with; and the value systems they more or less openly praise. Gill (2007, pp. 249–254) gave three primary definitions of postfeminism: an epistemological shift, a historical transforma-tion and a backlash against feminism. Of these definitions, the most pertinent to the texts under investigation is the last, since they convey normative and political backlash against feminist aims and accomplishments. As a result, postfeminism and postfeminist backlash are the exact opposite to feminism.

As argued in the study Backlash (1992) by Faludi, one of the principal scholars of this feeling, these reactionary attitudes and negative opinions first became evident in the 1920s and arose from female social and political activism in the first decades of the twentieth century. Triggered by the media in general and the press in particular, this violent reaction rose to a new high in the 1980s and 1990s, in the very years when When Harry Met Sally ... and Bridget Jones’s Diary appeared, and when the first seasons of Ally McBeal, Sex and the City and The Simpsons were released. Since those years, backlash discourses have been

44 I. KALBOTYRA

typified by the rising cultural urge to prevent women from obtaining empowerment and equality, even to reverse the process. These discourses feature heterogeneous and contrast-ing elements, because they incorporate opposing voices. Actually, they effectively maintain and disseminate incompatible considerations and clichés about feminism. A few examples are as follows: women have achieved equal rights, but these rights have disappointed them; all feminist battles have been won, consequently feminism is no longer necessary; women must have it all – accomplishments in family and personal relations, the workplace and society – but indeed they cannot. In a word, second-wave feminism, together with the public discussions it gave rise to, has been included in, trivialised and lastly depoliticised by postfeminist backlash.

3. Results: The Discursive Function of Irony

In her book about the depiction of gender in the postfeminist mediascape, Gill also scrutinises lad mags and advertising; in particular, she analyses the discursive function of irony in those text-types and in the discourses they simultaneously reflect and produce (Gill 2007, pp. 39–40; 110–111; 212-215; 266–268). As this researcher asserts (Gill 2007, p. 39), “For some [authors], irony offers some space, some ‘room to move’, ‘room to breathe’, a space of playfulness and openness” (see, for example, Gauntlett 2008 [2002]). However, drawing from work by Stevenson et al. (2000) and Whelehan (2004), Gill (2007: 40) claims that irony is in actual fact a heterogeneous and distancing practice, given that it “allows someone to express ‘an unpalatable truth in a disguised form, while claiming it is not what they actually meant’”. Accordingly, in postfeminist consumer culture and in a large number of refined media texts, irony is used to present sexist and insulting verbal and visual contents as inoffensive and deliberate postmodern jokes. Such contents are thus put in humorous inverted commas, hence possible disagreement with or complaint about them is prevented and made inefficient. Those finding fault with these ‘jokes’ are labelled at best as lacking sense of humour, at worst as rigidly orthodox feminists: readers might have realised that this is a misogynous and backlash ideological strategy.

Whilst Gill scrutinises the discursive function of irony from a gender & the media perspective specifically in postfeminist lad mags and advertising, in my research project I examined irony from a language & gender perspective in the fictional texts of When Harry Met Sally ... and Bridget Jones’s Diary and in the scripted discourses of the four TV series, whose romantic plots and sequences were implicitly impacted by the two former texts. Linguistic and discursive scrutiny of the fictional women in these postfeminist film, novel and TV series also revealed the linguistic and discursive practices utilised to portray feminism and to approach gender-related and feminist topics. As mentioned in Section 1, at first the female protagonists seem to be animated by the cultural, social and economic principles of second-wave feminism, and to be characterised by the appropriate personality traits. The discourses of hegemonic romance and political backlash, though, are hidden in the background and are not immediately discernible. The female figures’ innovative, sometimes feminist and empowering actions and pursuits are only apparently so, as was



disclosed by the critical investigation of their language and conversational styles, and by the discursive scrutiny of the strategies deployed to shape and position them in their texts.

This examination proved that the practice of irony, founded principally on humour, comedy and grotesque characters, is skilfully employed in these film, novel and TV series. The use of the strategy of irony is outstanding in the linguistic and cultural portrayals of the female protagonists and in how they are positioned in their fictional communities of practice. Following Gill’s model, humour, comedy and the grotesque are the linguistic tools and discursive devices bringing readers and viewers, feminists included, to adopt a more accommodating stance on gender matters and constructions. The audience is therefore led to drop their ideological and critical guard, in a mechanism realising another conspicuous example of backlash.

These postfeminist consumer products are, undeniably, extremely entertaining cultural items, even for many hard-to-please readers and viewers. They either wholly consist of such episodes and scenes (The Simpsons and Bridget Jones’s Diary) or feature a large number of comic episodes and enjoyable scenes (see Sex and the City, Desperate Housewives, When Harry Met Sally ... and several sequences from Nip/Tuck). For instance, all the episodes of Sex and the City contain many conversations sparkling with wit, humour and innuendo. Every episode comprises at least one such conversation which involves the four female protagonists discussing a topic from their varied and contrasting viewpoints: from whether women can have sex without feelings in the pilot show, to Carrie Bradshaw’s relationships with her former and new partners and Samantha Jones’s chemotherapy and early meno-pause in their final dialogue. The main personality trait of Desperate Housewives’ Susan Mayer is clumsiness in words and actions: to take a random example from the pilot show, she accidentally sets fire to her neighbour’s house, which burns to the ground. The two eponymous characters of When Harry Met Sally ... comically come head to head before, and sometimes after, becoming best friends. In order to contradict Harry Burns’ statements about his lovers, in the best-known scene of the film set at a delicatessen, Sally Albright loudly performs a theatrical imitation of an orgasm and its ecstatic convulsions, which elicits surprise, amusement and embarrassment from the other customers. In Nip/Tuck, laughter often arises from cynicism and scepticism, relying on taboo topics. At the end of the pilot show, plastic surgeons Sean McNamara and Christian Troy need to get rid of a patient’s dead body; they hence tie a few hams around the body, drag it to the water’s edge and wait for alligators to pull it into the water as their friendship grotesquely revives. However, like in lad mags and advertising, comedy and enjoyment usually originate from skewed, abnormal and larger-than-life representations of fictional figures, femininities and sexualities.

Lad mags and advertising offensively feature women as mere sexual objects, while feigning that the sexist texts and discourses depicting them as such are consciously funny. By adopting a similar practice based on irony and comedy, these film, novel and TV series constantly represent most of their female characters, together with the tenets and ideolo-gies they incarnate, as extreme and foolish: to mention just a few, see Bridget Jones (from

46 I. KALBOTYRA

the eponymous novel), Samantha Jones (Sex and the City), Bree Van de Kamp (Desperate Housewives), Marge Simpson (The Simpsons). This exaggerated description appears to be justified by the text-types under investigation: humorous characteristics and parodistic sequences are formally needed in comic novels, romantic comedies, dramedies and satiri-cal sitcoms. This depiction, yet, is unfavourable and partial.

How do this backlash practice work in postfeminist romance? In When Harry Met Sally …, Sally Albright unconventionally has a male best friend, but conventionally mar-ries him in the happy ending of the romantic comedy: their non-normative female-male friendship evolves into a normative marriage. Sally’s relationship with Harry Burns is depicted as a subversive and even dangerous attack on the conventions of romantic love in ironic comparison with six brief documentary footage scenes of as many elderly couples reporting how they met, fell in love and married; the six hyperbolically romantic reports portray the heterosexual relationship between a woman and a man as the only possible and socially desirable association between the two sexes.

Bridget Jones struggles to build a career as a journalist and Nip/Tuck’s Kimber Henry as a model; however, their professional aspirations are backgrounded in their texts, the former is humorously represented as clumsy, the latter as powerless, both as romantic women whose primary objective is not career but love. In two sequences from Bridget Jones’s Diary, the woman pictures two future pursuits and events in her life to an ideal state of perfection, where romance and emotions are emphasised, that is to say a mini-break with her current partner Daniel Cleaver (Fielding 2010 [1996], p. 121) and a dinner party for her prospective partner Mark Darcy (Fielding 2010 [1996], p. 223). She subse-quently provides the prosaic accounts of what has actually occurred in her life (Fielding 2010 [1996], pp. 136–137; 235–237): unsentimental and commonplace activities, which render the contrast with the former descriptions grotesque and parodistic and the woman a “disastrous failure” (p. 237).

In the pilot show of Nip/Tuck, at Christian Troy’s house after they have had sex, Kimber Henry requests her lover-surgeon list her blemishes, which he does while marking them with her lipstick. The model’s quick and willing turning from lover into patient identifies her as an opportunist who, regardless of principle, seizes every chance to improve her professional life as soon as one comes her way. Kimber, yet, ironically emerges from the verbal and non-verbal interaction with Christian as a postfeminist sentimental woman who believes in romance tenets and backlash principles, an excessively insecure person who is emotionally dependent on others and their judgement, whose temporary jobs cause her socioeconomic problems, who assumed she was overwhelmingly beautiful and who discovers that she is not.

Sex and the City’s Carrie Bradshaw is an unusually open-minded and eager-to-learn dramatis persona who, when in love, becomes a sentimental and passive woman, thereby personifying the mainstream female role model in patriarchal society. To be more exact, on the one hand, the text of the entire TV series, from the first season to the last, portrays the writer as a character who is usually rational and sometimes even critical, and who has



a witty sense of humour worded through noteworthy linguistic skills. On the other hand, as soon as she falls in love or has love problems, she forgets her logical characteristics and turns excessively sentimental and emotional, supine and powerless against her active and domineering partners who have power over their relationship; in other words, she is rep-resented as a stereotypically weak woman interacting with even more clichéd strong men.

In the pilot show of Desperate Housewives, Susan Mayer is encouraged by her teenage daughter Julie to ask Mike Delfino, a handsome plumber she feels attracted to, out to din-ner. The woman pays him a visit and is at a loss for the right words when Edie Britt, her rival in love, appears at the door behind him; on the spur of the moment, Susan invents the excuse that there is a clogged-up pipe in her kitchen sink. As a result, Susan and Julie are comically compelled to stuff up the sink with the sticks the girl had been using to make a model of the Trojan horse as a school project.

Most of these fictional women have jobs they have freely chosen and consider satisfy-ing, homemakers Bree Van de Kamp and Marge Simpson included; nevertheless, the two women are described as slightly and grotesquely discontented. One of Bree Van de Kamp’s conversational objectives in the pilot show of Desperate Housewives, if not the main one, is not trying to cement her relations with her family and neighbours and to base them on solidarity and closeness; she rather attempts to arouse her addressees’ admiration for her supposedly ideal qualities and domestic skill. Therefore, the interactional strategies she uses not only ironically produce an effect of distance from the other, i.e., the exact opposite of her aim; they also lay bare her traditional ideology and the exaggerated mainstream female role model she struggles to incarnate – a woman who always appears elegant, well-groomed and smiling, who has refined and exquisite taste and skills, who behaves properly and respectably in all circumstances, who believes in patriarchal family values, who cooks excellent meals and cakes for her family and neighbours.

In the pilot show of The Simpsons, Marge writes a Christmas letter to the family friends. The woman linguistically builds up a stereotypical construction of her identity as a mainstream model woman and homemaker, and discursively represents herself and her household as characterised by a romantic view of family life and relations, that is to say, idealised and sentimental. However, thanks to the striking contrast between Marge’s words and the visual images accompanying them, the audience understands that such words parodistically clash with the actual qualities of her husband, children and even pets, thereby constituting a source of comedy.

Many of these fictional women have a fair number of sexual partners, some a hyper-bolic number, even Sex and the City’s sentimental Charlotte York; this is, though, her tactic to find true love or, in the value system epitomised by her role model, a husband. More precisely, Charlotte humorously separates from her first husband due to his sexual impotence and marries the second also thanks to his sexual potency. Nevertheless, in the TV series final dialogue with her friends, she emerges as glad to forgive a man, unfeeling and unsympathetic though he may be, as long as he declares he is contrite and in love. This reinforces her excessively idealistic worldview as already evoked in the pilot show, as well

48 I. KALBOTYRA

as her traditionally meek and patient female role model subject to an equally traditionally authoritative male.

As a result, either at the micro-level of the single sequence or at the macro-level of the whole cultural narrative, humour and the grotesque subvert the nature of these superficially ground-breaking female characters, as well as the reliability of their forward-looking values and mind-sets. That is to say, what these film, novel and TV series seemingly maintain and the women’s rights they assert are ideologically denied by their fictional female protago-nists as they emerge from their constructed interaction with a patriarchal social system. This postfeminist opposition in fictional texts hampers their female audience’s freedom and empowerment in real life.

4. Conclusions

In my research project on the representation of postfeminist female characters in the con-temporary media, I examined the traditional genre of romance in six postfeminist texts and the fictional femininities and sexualities in the six texts. This investigation showed that both the texts and their femininities are constructed by means of the distancing and heterogeneous strategies of irony and humour. It also demonstrated that these strategies, in Gill’s (2007) words, unavoidably express “an unpalatable truth in a disguised form”, far from offering “a space of playfulness and openness”.

Critical study of the six texts, which are discursively complex and refined, uncovered that they implicitly extol and preserve a heterosexual white middle-class status quo and, most of all, celebrate romance and idealised gender relations. Their female figures are actively engaged in activities of various kinds in a society which, in actual fact, is still conserva-tive. Consequently, although they are shown working, meeting friends or having sex, their ultimate goal is romantic heterosexual love, namely a backward-looking and nostalgic aim. These fictional women accordingly signal dominant backlash against feminist objectives, achievements and empowerment, together with the social and political attempt to block and reverse second-wave feminism. In short, these novel, film and TV series turned out to be deeply normative texts mirroring, preserving and disseminating a patriarchal ideol-ogy based on hegemonic codes, where female and male roles in culture and society are conservative, and gender and power relations unbalanced.

References

BRUNSDON, C., J. D’ACCI & L. SPIGEL (eds), 1997. Feminist Television Criticism: A Reader. Oxford: Clarendon.

COLLINS, P. H. & S. BILGE, 2016. Intersectionality. Cambridge: Polity.Desperate Housewives: Season 1 [Television series], originally aired 2004–2005, DVD release

date 2005. ABC.FIELDING, H., 2010 [1996]. Bridget Jones’s Diary: A Novel. London: Penguin.GAUNTLETT, D., 2008 [2002]. Media, Gender and Identity: An Introduction, 2nd edition. Lon-

don: Routledge.



GILL, R., 2007. Gender and the Media. Cambridge: Polity.JOHNSON, M. L. (ed.), 2007. Third Wave Feminism and Television: Jane Puts it in a Box. Lon-

don: Tauris.JONES, A. (ed.), 2010 [2003]. The Feminism and Visual Culture Reader, 2nd edition. London:

Routledge.KEARNEY, M. C. (ed.), 2011. The Gender and Media Reader. London: Routledge.KROLOKKE, C. & A. SCOTT SORENSEN, 2006. Three Waves of Feminism: From Suffragettes to

Grrls. In: C. KROLOKKE & A. SCOTT SORENSEN. Gender Communication Theories and Analyses: From Silence to Performance. London: Sage.

NICHOLSON, L. J. (ed.), 1997. The Second Wave: A Reader in Feminist Theory. London: Rout-ledge.

Nip/Tuck: Season 1 [Television series], originally aired 2003, DVD release date 2004. FX.PROBYN, E., 1997. New Traditionalism and Postfeminism: TV Does the Home. In: C. BRUNS-

DON, J. D’ACCI & L. SPIGEL (eds). Feminist Television Criticism: A Reader. Oxford: Clarendon, 126–138.

REINER, R., 2008 [1989]. When Harry Met Sally … [Film]. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Studios.Sex and the City: Seasons 1–6 [Television series], originally aired 1998-2004, DVD release dates

2000–2004. Home Box Office.STEVENSON, N., P. JACKSON & K. BROOKS, 2000. The Politics of ‘New’ Men’s Lifestyle

Magazines. European Journal of Cultural Studies, Nr. 3:3, 366–385.The Simpsons: Season 1 [Television series], originally aired 1989–1990, DVD release date 2001.

20th Century Fox.VIRDIS, D. F., 2012. Serialised Gender: A Linguistic Analysis of Femininities in Contemporary

TV Series and Media. Genoa: ECIG.WHELEHAN, I., 1995. Modern Feminist Thought: From the Second Wave to “Post-Feminism”.

Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.WHELEHAN, I., 2004. Having It All (Again?). Paper presented at ESRC Seminar Series on New

Femininities, 19 November 2004, London School of Economics, available at http://www.lse.ac.uk/.

Daniela Francesca VirdisUniversity of CagliariResearch interests : language, gender & the media, language & sexuality, ecostylistics

REPRESENTING POSTFEMINIST FEMALE CHARACTERS IN THE CONTEMPORARY MEDIASCAPE: THE DISCURSIVE FUNCTION OF IRONY

Summary

This article presents the results of the author’s research in the interdisciplinary area of language & gender as applied to television and media studies. More precisely, the results summarised here are based on a language-&-gender analysis of several extremely popular, hence socially significant, contemporary TV series – Sex and the City, Desperate Housewives, The Simpsons, Nip/Tuck – and two equally popular and significant cultural products, namely, the film When Harry Met Sally ... and the novel Bridget Jones’s Diary. What these relatively different TV series, film and novel have in common is that they have reinvented the codes of romance, that is to say, they represent a con-temporary, up-to-date, even fashionable version of the traditional, and traditionally female, genre

50 I. KALBOTYRA

of romance geared to postfeminist consumer culture. The main research purpose of this article is to provide a critical description of the different postfeminist femininities and sexualities depicted in a number of the most popular contemporary TV series and media, as embodied by their most famous protagonists. At a first viewing and reading, almost all these femininities and sexualities, along with the cultural narratives of their TV series, film or novel, appear to be unsparingly and humorously critical of conventionally female linguistic and cultural stereotypes, and of traditional worldviews and values, if not to be ground-breaking and forward-looking, even radically feminist. Nevertheless, because of hegemonic and political backlash, it is hypothesised that, despite the ironic and hyperbolic approach or, rather, by means of such an approach, most femininities in these post-feminist texts are in actual fact not only romantic and mainstream, but also ideologically biased, preserving a normative heterosexual white middle-class status quo, and restoring a patriarchal value system. Closer critical scrutiny through several theoretical frameworks and methodologies contributed to demonstrating this research hypothesis and to revealing through what textual and discursive strategies feminism has switched to postfeminist romance and has thereby yielded to postfeminist backlash.

KEY WORDS: backlash, contemporary television and media, female characters, irony, language & gender, postfeminism.


SPRENDIMAI 51J. C. Wade. TOWARDS AUTONOMY IN LANGUAGE LEARNING: THEORETICAL

IMPLICATIONS AND PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS

John Christopher WadeUniversity of Cagliari (Italy)via Is Mirrionis,109100 Cagliari (Italy)Tel. ++39 328 3833181E-mail: [email protected] interests: L2 language acquisition, metaphor in educational discourse, translation, ESP, learner autonomy

TOWARDS AUTONOMY IN LANGUAGE LEARNING: THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS AND PRACTICAL

APPLICATIONS

‘Language not only transmits, it creates or constitutes knowledge or reality.’

(J. S. Bruner, 1986)

It is the purpose of this paper to examine some aspects of autonomy in language learning with a specific focus on the transition from high school to the first year at university. This transition can be problematic, in that study at a university level requires a degree of independence and initiative which is not generally required in the supportive learning environment of the school system.Our starting point is identifying those characteristics which make a good language learner (Naiman et al. 1978; Johnson 2001; Maftoon and Seyyedrezaei 2012) and to demonstrate that these characteristics are largely an innate capacity of some and not all learners. Among these characteristics there is the ability to establish a systematic and autonomous approach to the learning process on the basis of personal inclinations and individual life-skills (Dublin Descriptors 2005). In this sense the good learner is not a passive participant in the process, but, as Schön (1987) claims, acts as a ‘problem-solver’, able to make decisions and put those decisions into practice. That is to say, learning is ‘the creation of knowledge’ (Kolb 1984).Finally, an approach to developing learner autonomy is illustrated, based on the personal experience of the author within the context of a first year ESP course in Communication Studies at the University of Cagliari (Italy). The course makes extensive use of the new technologies through a Moodle platform. It will be demonstrated that a blend of traditional teaching and e-learning can provide a ‘bridge’ between school and university, allowing the learner to move within a flexible environment and acquire the skills necessary for successful learning.KEY WORDS: educational processes, language learners, language acquisition, learner autonomy, new technologies.


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IntroductionIt is the purpose of this paper to address some issues concerning autonomy in language learning. From an educational point of view, while policies in the twentieth century aim at innovation, there is a marked influence of more traditional methods which go back to the founding of the first universities in Europe. Here the approach very much teacher-centred and this can still be seen today in the formal lectures given in many universities. Promoting learner autonomy is an attempt to move away from this position. This move is necessary in the complex, ever changing society found in the western world. Autonomy guides the learner towards the ability to make decisions and work or study independently according his or her inclinations.

In the last twenty or thirty years much work has been done on the innateness of learning and the external experience of the world which goes towards “creating knowledge” (Kolb, 1984). The learner, however, must able to filter that knowledge in order to make sense of his or her learning and various studies on learner autonomy point to its importance in this context.

In the final part of the paper autonomy in language learning is discussed with the role of the teacher as facilitator and the learner as decision maker. This is illustrated with the personal experience of the present author in the use of the New Technologies for teaching English in Higher Education with a particular focus on more innovative ways of promoting autonomy both within and outside the classroom.

The above considerations give rise to four questions central to the study of student autonomy in general educational settings and, more specifically, in language education:

1. To what extent has the historical development of educational thinking influenced current educational policy and practice?

2. From what perspectives can student autonomy be viewed in the learning process?3. Can approaches to fostering student autonomy be applied in language learning and,

if so, what are the roles of the teacher and the learner?4. In what ways can approaches to student autonomy be applied in the passage from

Secondary to Higher Education?In investigating these questions a ‘multi-perspective’ approach was employed in order

to provide an analysis from different angles: the examination of educational discourse through the analysis of a c. one million word corpus, focusing on the impact of language use on educational policy in general; semi-structured interviews with a sample of Italian university students studying English at the Centro Linguistico d’Ateneo at the University of Cagliari (Italy); a self-assessment test aimed, firstly, at identifying the average level of language knowledge, from beginner to advanced, in a sample of Italian university students attending the online degree course in Communication Studies (Scienze della Comunicazione) at the University of Cagliari (Italy) and, secondly, to provide information about their previous experiences of learning English, both in the Italian educational system and in other contexts (private schools, abroad, professional experience, etc.); and, finally, an analysis of student participation in the above mentioned online degree course with specific reference to the ESP content managed by the present author.

Each data gathering technique is discussed in more detail in the final sections of this paper.



Episodes in education

Historically, educational philosophies have undergone significant changes over the centuries, from ancient Greece, for example with the thinking of Plato in his Republic (c. 380 B.C.), whereby the individual should be “enamoured of learning” (trans. Davies and Vaughan 1997, p. 190), through to the complexities and fragmentation of post-modern society (Hargreaves 1994). This long process has given rise to philosophies which, it must be stressed, are based on a self-referential and dominant culture of Western thinking (Hamilton 1990, p. 2).

These changes have given rise to different perspectives on the educational process and have led to a marked gap between educational thinking and the practical applications of educational policy today in Western society: one might consider the relative disinterest towards the Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky’s ideas on human development in the 1920s and 30s, until recently largely ignored (Wood 1998, p. 10).

In tracking the most important influences on modern thinking from a historical point of view it was decided here to focus first on the institution of the first universities in Europe during the thirteenth century, since they represent the first examples of what might be defined as formal education in Western society.

Instruction was based on the lectio magistralis or the formal lecture format. Essentially, the lecture is the presentation by an expert or ‘master’ of contents defined in a syllabus, in this specific case, drawn up and applied by the teacher him/herself, often influenced by religious or political beliefs. It is important here to make a distinction between ‘syllabus’ and ‘curriculum’, in order to understand the implications of this example of a fundamentally teacher-centred approach. While a syllabus is an ‘index of contents’, applied in specific disciplines and in this case imposed by the ‘master’, the curriculum covers general education policy defined by a national government body, for instance, in the United Kingdom Department for Education, or this may also include other institutions like the Council of Europe in the European Union, to be discussed later in reference to general educational policy in Europe.

The application of a rigid teacher-directed syllabus means that the lecture format automatically relegates the learner to being a passive participant in the lesson and places the teacher in a position of absolute authority.

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Enlightenment gives rise to a certain change in perspective. This can be exemplified by the reflections of John Locke in his treatise An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690):

Let us then suppose the mind to be, as we say, white paper void of all characters, without any ideas. How comes it to be furnished? Whence comes it by that vast store which the busy and boundless fancy of man has painted on it with an almost endless variety? Whence has it all the materials of reason and knowledge? To this I answer, in one word, from experience. (The italics are mine)

Locke sees the learner as an ‘empty vessel’ and asks the question as to how such an empty vessel can acquire knowledge. His answer is through ‘experience’, that is to say the

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learner’s reaction to an outside world and not simply a passive input. Indeed, from this period students were increasingly allowed to ask questions or ask for clarification from the ‘master’, thereby satisfying their individual curiosities and doubts.

This idea is taken further by Jean Jacques Rousseau in his treatise on education Emile (1762). He argues that learners have innate faculties and education concerns the “inner development” of these faculties, again, through experience in an informal environment giving space to the individual growth of the learner, discovering the rapport between body and mind through the exploration of the senses, feelings and sensations (Zedda 2003, p. 59).

With the gradual standardisation of schooling from the nineteenth century onwards new approaches to education are introduced as more interest is focused on pedagogical issues, in particular, the question of ‘how learners learn’.

It is certainly true that the general approach remained conventional or teacher-centred, as illustrated by the social interests and cutting humour of Charles Dickens in the novel Nicholas Nickleby (1838):

EDUCATION – At Mr Wackford Squeers’s Academy, Dotheboys Hall, at the delightful village of Dotheboys, near Greta Bridge in Yorkshire, Youth are boarded, clothed, booked, furnished with pocket money, provided with all necessaries, instructed in all languages living and dead, mathematics, orthography, geometry, astronomy, trigonometry, the use of the globes, algebra, single stick (if required), writing arithmetic, fortification, and every other branch of classical literature. Terms twenty guinea per annum. No extras, no vacations, and diet unparalleled.

The syllabus is rich, if a little unorthodox, but we immediately sense a vein of authority, to be revealed as the narrative unfolds, with the use of corporal punishment, little freedom for the pupils and, perhaps most important, little idea of practical teaching skills.

The principle that each individual should be manipulated and consequently ‘moulded’ according to a single model, dictated by the rules of society, politics and religion, still holds true today, if national curricula are carefully analysed. Take, for example, the numerous education reforms swinging from one position to another over the last decades in the United Kingdom (Trowler 2003).

Nevertheless, changes were taking place in the 1800s. For the purposes of this paper we focus our attention on two specific examples, which are significant with regard to the question of developing learner autonomy.

Firstly, there is the work of Friedrich Fröbel The Education of Man (1826) concerning the education of young children in the context of the kindergarten, or a learning environment in which activities may be defined as “recreational” (De Vivo 1994, p. 163). The approach has influenced education policy through to modern times, in particular with regard to pre-school and primary education. For example, studies carried out in the 1980s in the United States concluded that (Patton et al. 1994, p. 115):

[…] teachers proceeded with a general developmental programme that included considerable free time, time in small group activities, as well as circle time when all the children gathered together with the teachers to listen to stories, sing songs, and discuss events of interest.



Thus, education here is seen as developmental, where the focus is on the growth of the individual, creativity and cooperation with others.

This also brings us to the approach employed by Joseph Lancaster at the beginning of the 1800s. This approach was based on cooperation and giving responsibility to older pupils in passing on their acquired knowledge to younger pupils in very large classes. While his disciplinarian methods came in for criticism, we can find parallels in the idea of ‘peer-teaching’ today, in which students take responsibility for sharing their learning with significantly positive results, as illustrated in the experiments carried out by Assinder (1991, cited in Benson 2001, p. 154) with language students in Australia. The results showed:

[…] gains in motivation, participation, ‘real’ communication, in-depth understanding, responsibility for learning, commitment to the course, confidence, mutual respect […].

All of these aspects concern both the inner development of the individual and improved social skills. In particular the learner develops a heightened self-awareness and practical reflective life-skills.

This takes us now into the twentieth century, where thinking begins to centre on the whole individual from a perspective of social participation and of cognitive development. By the 1930s ideas were moving towards what might be defined as the “democratisation” of the educational process (to use the terms of the Brazilian educationalist Paolo Freire in the 1970s) and here the work of John Dewey is particularly important. A clear distinction is made between conventional and innovative approaches to educational practices (Dewey 1938, cited in Kolb 1984, p. 5):

To imposition from above is opposed expression and cultivation of individuality; to external discipline is opposed free activity; to learning from texts and teachers, learning through experience; to acquisition of isolated skills and techniques by drill is opposed acquisition of them by means of attaining ends which make direct vital appeal; to preparation for a more or less remote future is opposed making the most of the opportunities of present life; to static aims and materials is opposed acquaintance with a changing world […].

These reflections are far ahead of their times, since they lay the basis for modern thinking on the roles of the learner and the teacher. This is illustrated in Table 1 below:

Table 1: Convention vs Innovation

Convention InnovationEducation is viewed as a pre-established route which is inflexible and which has fixed long-term goals, e.g. final evaluation at the end of a course. Boundaries are drawn between formal education and the professional world or what happens after formal schooling has reached its conclusion.

The education process is viewed as more complex, in particular considering rapid changes in mo-dern society. This dictates a flexible approach following different paths and establishing short-term, attainable objectives (King 1991), e.g. con tinuous assessment, in an ongoing, lifelong process (Eraut 1994).

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One of the implications of this development is that the roles of teacher and learner gradually undergo a radical change throughout the century.

Up to this point we have focused our main attention on the learner. Now we briefly turn our attention to the teacher. For the analysis of teacher roles in education a corpus-based study of 100 academic papers from the online British Education Index (BEI) online and 500 articles from the online Education Guardian, was carried out (Wade 2017). The corpus was analysed through the KWIK (Key Word In Context) concordancer, allowing the examination of individual lexical item frequency and common collocations (cf. Hunston 2002; Meyer 2002). The results highlight a hierarchy of terms which are frequently used today in reference to teachers and the multiple roles they are required to cover in what we may define as ‘post-modern society’, outlined by Hargreaves (op. cit., p. 56):

In postmodern society, the growth of economic diversity together with the revitalisation of local and regional identities is having profound implications for knowledge and belief systems and the expertise that rests upon them. In society as a whole, we are experiencing a shift from a small number of stable singularities of knowledge and belief to a fluctuating, ever changing plurality of belief systems.

This multiplicity represents diverse levels of educator expertise which extend from mere ‘provider of knowledge’ to an understanding of psychological and sociological issues in the educational process. The salient teacher roles identified the present author’s corpus study were as follows (from high to low frequency): ‘support’, ‘mentor’, ‘tutor’, ‘coordinator’, ‘guide’, ‘counsellor’, ‘facilitator’, ‘mediator’, ‘moderator’, ‘friend’, ‘peer’, ‘buddy’.

Further, in one particular study (Cortazzi et al. 1999, p. 168) of how Chinese students define a ‘good teacher’ in their own language, a survey was carried out with 113 students of which there were 95 respondents. The predominant definition was that of ‘friend’ (42/95). This is an interesting cross-cultural form of compatibility, taking us outside Western thinking and, perhaps leading us to reflect on data sources from diverse cultural backgrounds.

Rather than an absolute source of knowledge, the teacher is now considered to have the role of supporting learners in exploring the world around them and, thus, acquiring knowledge through a ‘journey of discovery’. It is interesting to hear the voices of learners when reflecting on how the teacher interacts with them. Here are the considerations of a Secondary School pupil in a case study carried out by Younger et al. (1999, p. 239):

He tries to give the class a good go, and we get on really well with him. He knows his stuff. He knows your weaknesses and your strengths, and he’ll sit down and talk to you the whole lesson to explain something. He’ll go round and you learn more then. He’s a very good teacher.

Note how this teacher is particularly sensitive to the needs of his pupils. This is reflected in the perspective of Freire (1970, cited in Shor 1993, p. 29) who observes that if a teacher gives space to his or her students, it is considered, from a conventional point of view, to be ineffective as a strategy, since the teacher is not imposing the necessary



professional authority expected in educating the learner. Instead the teacher is open to dialogue and negotiation which, according to traditionalists, undermines that very authority. Indeed, Freire (1974, p. 36) argues that guidance towards reflection on the world which surrounds us allows an active role for the learner, leading to the development of their critical consciousness or ‘inner growth’ (cf. Jean Jacques Rousseau, 1762, above).

In practical terms today, while lip service is paid to innovation, there is still a tendency towards traditional approaches to teaching. Here we might define this as the convention-innovation dichotomy which moves along a continuum where the approach may be more or less ‘convention’ or ‘innovation’ depending on the specific context of the approach employed. We may take as a possible example two extremes on the continuum. Firstly, the traditional university level lecture. In the author’s personal experience this format still predominant in Italy in Higher Education and not only. Balboni (2002, p. 243) observes that in the Italian school system learners need to be ‘taught’, while teachers ‘know’ how and why. Therefore, learners are, once again, passive participants in the educational process. Secondly, the kindergarten learning-through-action approach, where learners are actively involved. It is Balboni (ibid., p. 243) who traces the school system in Italy along this continuum, illustrated in Figure 1 below:

PRIMARY SCHOOL SECONDARY SCHOOL HIGHER EDUCATION

CARING RIGOROUS AUTHORITARIAN

Figure 1: The educational continuum in the Italian school system

A result of this dichotomy concerns, in particular, the setting of innovative objectives in the curriculum and the frequent application, on the contrary, of traditional practices in the classroom. Practices which fail to satisfy the needs of learners and, consequently, the attainment of concrete goals in terms of real-life skills and knowledge. Specifically, this problem arises when the curriculum defines a destination, but fails to establish how to get there and does not give space to the individual inclinations and talents of the learner. This last point could be exemplified by the theories of Gardner (1983) concerning ‘multiple intelligences’, identified in seven domains which represent the different psychological characteristics of individual learners and, consequently different mind-sets which will influence the learner’s management and processing of new input. Wood (op. cit, p. 288) points out, however, that in Western culture the focus is on the logico-mathematical domain, to the exclusion of, for example, the kinaesthetic or ‘physical awareness’ domain (ibid., p. 281) which is to be found in other cultures, illustrating, perhaps, one of the limitations of educational policies in Western society.

This lack of guidance along the path to ‘enlightenment’ tends to be something similar to a journey into unknown territory without a map to guide us on the way. Wade (2013), for instance, examines the metaphorical concept of ‘education as a journey’ and how this

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may influence our thinking in pedagogical practices. Journeys are not simply a starting point and a destination. For instance, Harding et al. (1980, p. 8) make an analogy between climbing a mountain and the objectives established in formal educational settings where: “A major problem is that one cannot admire the view until one has reached the top”. The data collected by Wade (ibid.) show that the educational process is a complex and, at times, unpredictable pathway in which decisions need to be made on the part of the learner and, not necessarily, by the educational provider. For instance, the learner can find him/herself at ‘a professional crossroads’ or ‘on a rough highway’, can choose ‘alternative routes’, can ‘take a wrong turn on the road’, can ‘stay on track’, can follow ‘multiple pathways’, a learning experience can ‘offer other paths’ and so on. This has its consequences in analysing general guidelines in educational policy, for example in the European Union where the focus directed towards the concept firstly, of lifelong learning viewed, theoretically at least, as a flow of experience or, more precisely experiences, throughout one’s life and, secondly, the acquisition of knowledge which can be exploited in the real world, i.e. the creation of a knowledge-based society. Some of these principles are outlined in the European Universities’ Charter on Lifelong Learning (2008), briefly summarised below In Table 3:

Table 3: European educational policy

LIFELONG LEARNING KNOWLEDGE-BASED SOCIETY• Includes initial education, continuing pro-

fessional development, and post-retirement opportunities for cultural enrichment.

• Supporting all learners with the poten-tial to benefit both themselves and society through participating in higher education.

• Europe’s universities need to develop their specific role as lifelong learning institutions “forming a central pillar of the Europe of Knowledge”

• Raise the level of knowledge, skills and competences in society.

• Aim to maximise the potential of individu-als in terms of their personal development and their contribution to a sustainable and democratic knowledge-based society.

• Create more flexible learning pathways into and within higher education.

• Allow Europe to compete in a rapidly changing world.

What we note about these objectives is that they cover a vast area ranging from formal schooling, to the growth of the individual as an active member of society, to more flexibility, necessary in the complex and ever-changing world of today. In many ways the education of European citizens has become “fragmented” and “unstable” (Cambi 2000, p. 161), rather than representing a ‘smooth flow of experience’. To use the words of John Stewart Mill in his 1859 treatise On Liberty (cited in Carr 1995, p. 109): “Human nature is not a machine to be built after a model, and set to do exactly the work prescribed for it, but a tree which requires to grow and develop on all sides”.

It is for this reason that perspectives on education need to change radically, moving towards more learner autonomy and decision-making abilities, often suffocated in ‘conventional’ educational settings. In short, more attention needs to be focused on



the empowerment of the individual by enhancing and developing his or her personal inclinations and skills.

In the last twenty or thirty years there have been significant theoretical developments in this direction. For example, in the work of Kolb (op. cit., p. 52) it is argued that contact with the outer world, in other words ‘experience’ (cf. John Locke 1690, above), is essential to forming to our individual identity:

Learning, the creation of knowledge, occurs through the active extension and grounding of ideas and experiences in the external world and through internal reflection about the attributes of these experiences and ideas.

In his model for experiential learning, Kolb (1993) brings together many of the aspects described above. There is a constant interplay between what is innate or unique to the individual and to external influences. Learning is not merely an outcome, but an ongoing process fed by experience of reality. This experience provides a source of knowledge, or multiple knowledges, springing from different belief systems, which may not be compatible with our own world view. The learning process entails the ability to internalise and conciliate these new knowledges with those we already possess. Therefore, we are not simply assimilating knowledge, but recreating it by making it our own (Hutton 1989, p. 51). Once again, to use the words of Kolb (op. cit., p. 1), human beings act not only as passive observers but “proactive” participants in “creating and shaping” their reality. This process consequently leads the learner towards independence of action (Holec 1981, cited in Pemberton et al. 1996, p. 3), freed from complete dependency on mentors or ‘holders of knowledge’. Such a learning process may be viewed as providing a pathway to autonomy.

The question of whether it is possible to teach autonomy or not has given rise to much debate in the last decades. Perhaps, instead of ‘teach’, it would be more appropriate to use the term “encourage” (Kenny 1993, p. 440) a learning process by giving space to learners rather than implementing a pathway imposed by rigid and inflexible curricula. Boud (1989, p. 44) identifies one of the dangers of an approach which gives more freedom to learners, in that it may have the opposite effect in which lack of guidance leads to an increased insecurity and, consequently, dependency on teachers (Esch 1997, p. 165), because the learner does not have the self-confidence to make decisions about what action to take in order to acquire the knowledge necessary for his or her ‘inner growth’. This is one of the contradictions in theory regarding learner autonomy. Perhaps the idea of Horwitz (1989, p. 86) comes close to a rational explanation in which learners possess “predisposition or experience”, which, of course, will vary from one learner to another. Therefore, some learners will be able to deal with decision-making more than others.

According to Cotteral (1995a, p. 224), the process of attaining autonomy is through “frank discussion of objectives, methodology, roles and expectations”. This means that one of the prerequisites for success lies in a clear teacher-learner interface, where learners are not only concerned with reaching objectives, but also negotiating the conditions necessary to get there.

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The fact remains that the learner needs to make decisions about his or her learning. Schön (1987, p. 28) refers to how our actions may undergo modification on the basis of reflections which create a kind of “perspective or frame, a way of looking at things” (Schön 1979, cited in Block 1999, p. 135. The italics are mine) in seeking strategies for implementing a plan of action. This idea is extended by Zimmerman (1998, p. 1), who suggests a process which serves to “enable students to become controllers rather than victims of their own learning”. In Zimmerman’s model (ibid., p. 5) there are three phases in a learning cycle which entails:

1. “forethought” or the ability to plan, 2. “volitional control” or the ability to make decisions and take action on those

decisions and finally 3. “self-reflection” or the analysis of the outcome of that action which feeds into the

reactivation of the cycle. It is now that we turn specifically to the idea of autonomy in language learning. Is

such an approach compatible with acquiring a second or foreign language? Language proficiency is one of the central themes in European Union educational policy, and aims at assuring that all European citizens have a working knowledge of at least two EU languages (Balboni, op. cit., p. 158). We shall attempt to address this question in the next section of the present paper.

Autonomy in language learningIs learning a language different from other disciplines? There is much debate about this question. If we take Bruner’s (1986) view that in itself language creates reality, there may be reason to accept the idea that this difference exists, since, from this perspective language enriches the individual’s way of thinking or looking at the world. On the other hand, some would argue that learning a language is different, but that if the teaching approach focuses on grammar and rules or commonplaces which are culturally biased, it may be difficult for the learner to break out of these constraints. This is a question of awareness or critical assessment, which is one of the foundations of acquiring autonomy (cf. Esch, op. cit., p. 166).

From the 1970s, much work was done on identifying an underlying universal sequence in language learning (cf. Selinker 1972; Dulay et al. 1974; Krashen et al. 1983; Ellis 1986). While it appears that certain patterns do appear, little attention is paid to other factors which may influence the learning process. For language teachers it is often frustrating when the students in a class all seem to learn differently. In part this may be due to the fact that they are required to follow a rigid syllabus with clearly established time-scales, for example in secondary school, where a syllabus is applied from year to year, without taking into consideration the different needs or ‘learning styles’ of individual students (Littlejohn 1985, p. 255) and assuming that all learners will, or are able to reach the same objectives. Effectively, in formal schooling the teaching approach and the syllabus are tailored towards the universal learner, assuming that it will satisfy the needs of the majority.



This fails to take into account four different factors which work together in the learning process beyond top-down universal input: affective, cognitive, metacognitive and sociocultural aspects of learning (Griffiths et al. 2001, pp. 250–251). If these factors are not taken into consideration, as Tadeu de Silva et al. (1993, p. 43) claim, formal language content in the syllabus is reduced “to a mausoleum of dead facts”. This can lead towards a negative attitude with regard to the language being studied. In an unpublished survey carried out by the present author in 2002, in which English language students at the Centro Linguistico d’Ateneo of the University of Cagliari in Italy were interviewed using a semi-structured interview format (McDonough et al. 1997, pp. 186–188). In contrast to the traditional questionnaire, this qualitative approach to data collection allows a more detailed exploration of the interviewee’s reflections on, in this case, learning English. The restricted sample for this survey concerned eight volunteers with an intermediate B1 (Common European Framework of Reference for Languages) knowledge of the language. Each interview was carried out in Italian, recorded and transcripts were made in order to avoid the distraction of note-taking during the conversation (Cohen et al. 2000, p. 188). They were then freely translated into English, subsequently codified with the initials of the interviewee, their language proficiency level, the sequential number of the interview and page number of the transcript. For the purposes of this paper the reflections of one of the respondents concerning his eight years of learning English in the Italian school system were particularly enlightening:

… the level of satisfaction was very limited, in the sense that I didn’t like English and I couldn’t understand it. I don’t know if this was my fault or the fault of the teachers. That I don’t know. (MM. Pre-INT I. TALK 2/9)

This patently concerns two specific affective factors in the respondent’s learning experience. Firstly, his dislike of the language and, secondly a sense of insecurity. Both of these factors can be attributed to his previous learning experience and, more importantly, affected subsequent motivation and choices in learning the language. Psychologically there is an emotive side to learning a language (Hutchinson et al. 1987, pp. 46247), where the elements of self-confidence or self-esteem come into play and these elements may have a direct influence on learning outcomes. Breen et al. (1997, p. 134) sustain that a “robust sense of self ” gives the learner a sense of independence, even to the extent of questioning the efficacy of processes taking place in the specific educational setting and allowing an increased capacity for decision-making in delineating his or her learning pathway.

The cognitive factor regards how the learner processes language input or direct exposure to the target language. Ellis (op. cit., p. 114) sees cognitive processes as “the manner in which people perceive, conceptualise, organise and recall information”, which Benson (op. cit., p. 87) claims is one of “the fundamental psychological processes involved in autonomous learning”. This aspect of the process comprises an internal and not necessarily externalisable knowledge of how we process language input and not only. The language input is closely intertwined with our experience through life, contributing

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to our overall intellectual growth. It is important to stress here that in postmodern society there is an overload of input which must be rationalised by the language learner who risks being overwhelmed by such an influx of information. In the case of foreign or second languages: lexis, syntax, discourse, content, purpose of communication, register, social factors and so on, remembering that the processing of all of these factors takes place simultaneously.

This phase of internal processing is closely linked to language awareness metacognitive factors applied in practical terms in making decisions and using acquired knowledge in order to formulate strategies in dealing with specific language learning problems. As a consequence, learners acquire more control over their learning and, as Wenden (1995, p. 192) claims, such an awareness will affect attitudes towards taking on the responsibility for his or her learning autonomously. In the specific context of learning, individuals are capable of making decisions in initiating actions or tasks. What is more, they need to be aware of why they need to carry out a learning task, what type of task it is, and define the procedure for carrying out that task. This process can be broken down into four phases (cf. Kenny, op. cit.): the learner needs to be able to initiate the process and he or she should have the capacity to make a plan of action and justify decisions taken; the learner should develop a critical sense of his or her own actions and those of others; be able to communicate effectively; should be able to interact with others, both in requesting help if necessary and co-operating with others. The ability to view a problem critically from a personal point of view implies the ability to employ “self-monitoring behaviour” (Cotteral 1995b, p. 99). Although objections have been raised as to the subjectivity of self-assessment procedures, evidence put forward by Bachman and Palmer (1989) in their comparison of learner self-rating and traditional, externally motivated assessment of learner proficiency would seem to point to a minimal disparity between the two. This view is further supported by Oscarson (1989), who identifies a number of direct benefits of the capacity to self-assess: it is a motivational factor, in that the learner builds a sense of self-confidence, since judgements on his or her performance are not only based on external evaluation; the learners becomes more aware of learning as process rather than a product; he or she is constrained to think about how and why a process is carried out, rather than only taking into consideration the end result, as we find in traditional testing; this allows the learner to set realistic objectives (Wade 2002, p. 275), not only in formal learning, especially at university level, and provide a basis for further independent language study at the end of an educational cycle.

Language learning also implies interaction with others: individuals, groups, educational setting, specific geographical location and so on. In this case sociocultural factors come into play, maintaining social relations and being aware of cultural diversity. The latter is important in language learning, since a language is not only an abstract phenomenon, but an expression of one’s identity. This identity may, however, come into conflict with the new identity acquired in learning a second or foreign language, which, as a consequence, can lead to a kind of short-circuit impeding learning at a deeper level. Social interaction and social integration (Norton 2000) represent an important part of



immersing one’s self in the target language. Cortazzi et al. (1996, p. 114) define the ability to break down these barriers as “cultural synergy” or a bridge between differing cultural perspectives. This is desirable, where there is:

[…] the need for mutual understanding of different cultures, communication styles and academic cultures. This does not mean that diversity and variety will be merged into one, but that natural divisions exist and academic cultural practitioners should have an open mind to be aware of the operation of other styles and appreciate their emphasis. Cultural synergy here implies that there is an additional benefit from collaboration which is greater than the single benefit for each side in the intercultural context.

This is important, for example, in the case of ERASMUS students, who need to become integrated in the target culture, not only linguistically but also sociologically (identity, behaviour, understanding social diversity and different ways of thinking), if they are to expect concrete results from their experience and not find themselves psychologically isolated as outside observers. As Little (2000, p. 16) claims: “individual cognition is embedded in processes of social interaction”.

While we might reflect on these general characteristics of autonomy in language learning it is also necessary, as mentioned previously, to consider the fact that different learners learn differently and that, consequently, some learners are more successful than others. Numerous studies have been carried out in order to define those characteristics which make a ‘good language learner’. In the 1970s Naiman et al. (1978/1996, pp. 58–59) carried out a significant study aimed at answering this question, both with adults from different backgrounds and with students in formal schooling. In general terms five strategies are identified in the good language learner:

1. active involvement in learning the target language and the ability to consciously choose activities suiting their personal interests;

2. awareness of the fact that language is a system; the active use of language is an essential factor in developing interactive social skills;

3. the importance of overcoming such affective aspects of language learning as self-esteem;

4. the ability to monitor progress and hypothesise solutions to specific language problems.

Instead, learners who were less successful had had little exposure to the target language; had studied the language in settings inadequate for the circumstances; were not highly motivated; were negatively influenced by affective factors (ibid. p. 57).

In addition, we need to consider the importance of learning strategies or making decisions about what to do in order to learn a language. Oxford (1990, p. 8, cited in Johnson 2001, p. 153) defines learning strategies as “specific actions taken by the learner to make learning easier, faster, more enjoyable, more self-directed, more effective, and more transferable to new situations”. Note how these characteristics reflect many aspects of autonomous language learning discussed previously, as do some of the conclusions in Maftoon et al.’s (2012, p. 1601) study, where not only language proficiency, but also cognitive and metacognitive knowledge contribute to making a good learner.

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We now turn to some ways in which the theoretical considerations discussed above might be applied in practice.

Practical applicationsFirstly, we shall start with some brief considerations concerning to kinds of tasks which can be employed in fostering student autonomy in language learning. In general terms, Henry (1989, p. 30) suggests “problem solving and project-based methods”. Learners are given responsibility for setting up a project and the target language is used as “the vehicle through which the learners handle the content and discuss their experiences” (Kenny, op. cit.). Crabbe (1993, pp. 444–445) places great importance on the passage from what he terms the “public domain of learning”, or the processes initiated by the teacher, typically in a formal learning environment, to the “private domain of learning” which is characterised by processes initiated by the learner, either inside or outside the classroom context.

Another factor to be considered is the organisational skills of the learner. Wenden (op. cit., p. 185), suggests a three-stage procedure: reflection or linking the task to pre-vious experience; motivation or identifying a practical reason for carrying out the task; procedure or decisions about how the task is to be carried out. This approach does, however, present some problems. In particular, in their research into successful learners and learning tasks, Rubin et al. (2008, p. 303) observe that:

Learners had difficulty in distinguishing between a goal (that is, what you want to learn) and a purpose (that is, why you want to learn it).

This is similar to the problem we find in formal instruction discussed previously. Excessive attention is paid to the result and not how to reach it.

In order to illustrate some possible approaches to fostering learner autonomy, we now focus on the present author’s experience of teaching English as a Foreign Language at the University of Cagliari. The English course is in the first year of the degree in Communication Studies (Scienze della Comunicazione). This means that the majority of students come directly from High School and should have an upper-intermediate knowledge of the language, corresponding to indications for level B2 outlined in the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages drawn up by the Council of Europe. These are the objectives set by the Italian Education Ministry (MIUR), along with indications provided by the Dublin Descriptors (2005) and which lay the foundations of the English course. The Dublin Descriptors are particularly important, since they provide a basis for the development of life-skills beyond formal education: knowledge and understanding; applying knowledge and understanding; making judgements; communication skills; learning skills. We note here how these indications tie in very closely with the basic principles of autonomous learning outlined in this paper.

Before beginning the course, students are asked to assess their own learning experience (See Bachman et al. above), i.e. level of knowledge and number of years study. The results are generally somewhat disappointing, as illustrated in the following data for



2015–2016: of 42 respondents, 7 regarded themselves as beginners, 20 as elementary and 15 as intermediate. This is in spite of the fact that 74% of the respondents had 8 years of formal language training at school. These results are by-and-large confirmed by the teacher’s own assessment once the course was underway.

Again, as we have seen previously, this illustrates the disparity between institutionally established goals and objective results. This disparity does not only concern formal instruction in Italy, as we can surmise from Naiman et al.’s (op. cit., p. 17) findings in Canada:

Several interviewees who had won high marks in school language courses attached little significance to them in retrospect, since they spoke the language badly or not at all.

A further problem is the gap between the school environment and Higher Education. The school environment tends to be more supportive providing close and regular contact with teachers. In Higher Education, students are required to organise their own studies according to the syllabi established and set texts adopted by the teachers, who meet their students, above all, in formal lectures. This is particularly important for first year students who need to pick up organisational skills and acquire the ability to make decisions about their learning autonomously in a very short time.

The course itself is blended, that is to say in part taught traditionally with lectures (20 hours) and in part online (40 hours). These two elements are integrated by making use of a MOODLE (Modular Object-Oriented Dynamic Learning Environment) open source learning platform, allowing a multimedia approach to teaching. Above all the multimedia tools used in the English course are forums and video.

The first part of the course in the first semester focuses on remedial and consolidation work, and concerns largely work with grammar. The material is created in-house by the teacher and we are thus able to tailor it to our students’ specific needs. This is possible, because the forum allows an exchange of information between teacher and student and between student and student. Communications arrive automatically via email to all participants in the course and are posted in the forum. The system is flexible, since, while the teacher initiates activities (worksheets, exercises, videos), it is the students who do the work and post it in the forum for general consultation. In this case the teacher acts as a catalyst with aim of motivating students to participate actively in the course.

The advantage of this approach is that the teacher can monitor students’ work constantly in a form of continuous assessment, giving space for suggestions and fine-tuning of the course and teaching materials used.

In the second semester the 20 hours of lectures are held and students are required to carry out a research project.

The lectures deal with various aspects of communication, including the peculiarities of the English language, media language, TV, advertising, cinema, analysis of poetic/musical texts and the language of cartoons and comics, all topics studied on the other courses in the first year. In this way students can see the relevance of course content, which is an important factor in motivating interest in the course. The lessons are videoed

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in streaming and then posted on the English page along with PDF copies of the lesson slides. At the conclusion of each lesson a chat is opened for those who have followed it in distance mode, so that it is possible to ask questions and open a debate about the theme of the lesson. This approach allows for greater flexibility, as participants can organize their studies in their own time, which is particularly important for working students. The lessons are also backed up by specific material posted in the forum (exercises and reading comprehension texts) both before and after each lesson, in order to consolidate each topic covered.

The research project is aimed at encouraging groupwork and acquiring organizational and research skills useful for study at university and beyond. The teacher provides a general outline for carrying out and publishing research: introduction, methodology, data analysis, analysis of language content, conclusion. Each group is composed of five members who assign different responsibilities to themselves with a group leader who coordinates the research project. Students are free to choose topics based on the lessons described above. Once the work has been completed it is ‘published’ in a specific forum and is open to comment by peers. This work is then presented in the oral test at the end of the course.

There are no set texts, but texts are suggested and reviewed on the platform for those students who prefer to take a more traditional approach to learning. These include grammar manuals and reading texts concerning different aspects of communication theory.

Finally, links are provided for two English courses online: BBC Learning English and British Council Learn English. Again, this is a free choice for students.

Conclusion

A reflection on this approach is necessary, in that it is at its primary stages and more work has to be done. It is the author’s opinion that MOODLE is used only in a small part of its potential, and requires more experimentation. Firstly, on the part of the teacher in exploring new methodological approaches within this context, and, secondly, a closer co-operation with the technical staff in our department.

To sum up the results of this experience, there are some aspects of the management of the course which may be useful in improving in putting theories of learner autonomy into practice, with specific reference to language learning. While exam results were satisfying for 2016–2017, a number of problems with this approach have been encountered:

1. Students are at times disoriented by free choices in what materials to use and how to use them.

2. Rather than working constantly throughout the year participants tended to leave their study of the materials available on the learning platform until the final phase of the course.

3. Some students felt embarrassed about publishing their work in the forums and this lack of confidence is certainly something that should be overcome, in particular,



when they make the move into the professional world. This is something we shall to work on in the future.

4. Some students considered e-learning to be impersonal and preferred lectures and using traditional texts. This is a personal preference which should be respected if we consider personal learning styles.

5. Informal interviews at the end of the course revealed that there was general agreement concerning the fact that not enough space was given to ‘conversation practice’, something which most students find particularly important.

Overall, we conclude that it is fundamentally important to put theory into concrete practice and constantly seek new approaches and solutions to problems, which are often the result of applying conventional techniques while setting goals which in formal curricula are, theoretically, reached by more innovative methods. In short, it is problematic to apply innovation in a conventional educational setting.

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John Christopher WadeUniversity of CagliariResearch interests: L2 language acquisition, metaphor in educational discourse, translation, ESP, learner autonomy

TOWARDS AUTONOMY IN LANGUAGE LEARNING: THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS AND PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS

Summary

Through history educational processes have swung from ‘conventional’ approaches to those which we define as ‘innovative’. By conventional approaches we intend formal education as heavily teacher-centred, while innovation places the learner at the centre of the learning experience. Here a distinction must be made between regarding the learner as a “blank page“ (John Locke 1690) where the learner is a passive observer and the learner as ‘processor of input’ leading to a process of “inner growth” (Jean Jacques Rousseau 1762), and therefore an active participant in learning.

While in the 1800s new ideas began to develop, it is in the twentieth century that innovative approaches begin to influence educational thinking on a wider scale. Education increasingly becomes a democratic process in which an attempt is made to substitute ‘authority’ with ‘individuality’. Postmodern society (Hargreaves 1994) is particularly complex and individual inclinations have become necessary in creating multiple pathways within a context of lifelong learning, rather than the imposition of pre-packaged, inflexible curricula.

Learner autonomy fits into this picture, in the sense that it gives the learner an opportunity to make decisions about what to learn and how to learn it. While much research has been carried out into autonomous learning processes, it is only relatively recently that these theories have been experimented in language learning, which differs somewhat from a more general approach to autonomy in other contexts. According to Naiman et al. (1978), for example, a good language learner will have good social skills, analytical skills, organizational abilities and strong sense of motivation.



In practical terms, the author has experimented the use of the New Technologies through a MOODLE platform with the aim of fostering autonomy in the teaching of English at a university level. Through the use of forums, video lessons in streaming and multimedia tools, an attempt is made to bridge the gap between High School and university. The problems encountered in this project regard the students’ difficulties in dealing with autonomy or freedom of choice, as they often feel disoriented since they are used to a more authoritative approach to learning guidance.

KEY WORDS: educational processes, language learners, language acquisition, learner auto-nomy, new technologies.


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Yauheniya YakubovichUniversité Pédagogique de CracovieUl. Podchorążych 2, 30-084 Kraków, PolskaTél. +48 514 771 385E-mail: [email protected]érêts de recherche : Stylistique et poétique

« JE REGRETTE L’EUROPE AUX ANCIENS PARAPETS » : ANALYSE LINGUISTIQUE ET TRADUCTOLOGIQUE

DU POÈME BATEAU IVRE ET SA RECRÉATION BÉLARUSSE1, 2

Le Bateau ivre d’Arthur Rimbaud est considéré comme l’un des textes les plus significatifs de la litté-rature française, un texte montrant « la grandeur et la beauté » de sa langue. C’est aussi, et dans une plus grande mesure, un texte « rebelle » qui défie les règles du bon usage et les normes du bon goût de l’époque à cause de la rupture avec la métaphore romantique, de l’utilisation du lexique des registres opposés, de l’entrechoquement des champs sémantiques semblant incompatibles, etc.

Vu de cette perspective, la traduction en bélarusse d’un texte modèle mais en même temps insolent, écrit, en plus, dans une langue de prestige international comme le français ne peut pas être réduite à un exercice linguistique et littéraire, mais contribue aussi à l’affirmation de la langue d’arrivée.

En nous inspirant des analyses structuralistes et centrées sur le langage, nous proposons une étude linguistique, concernant en particulier, le lexique, la syntaxe et les irrégularités de la combinatoire du texte rimbaldien mais aussi un de ses équivalents bélarusses, en ajoutant ainsi une dimension traduc-tologique et comparativiste à notre démarche.MOTS-CLÉS : traduction poétique, anomalie combinatoire, Rimbaud, langue bélarusse.

Introduction

Un véritable mythe de la littérature française, le brillant adolescent Jean-Nicolas-Arthur Rimbaud (1854–1891) personnifie, avec son pressentiment de la modernité, la révolte contre « le monde obsolète ». Selon Sabatier (1977, p. 242), « l’enfant Rimbaud, voyant et voyou, brutal et délicat, entre réel et surréel, est aussi un père de notre poésie moderne ». La magnificence du français, affirmée et renforcée par le célèbre Bateau ivre de Rimbaud, se transformera-t-elle, par un acte de traduction littéraire, en la magnificence du bélarusse sans perdre le lien avec son essence purement française et rimbaldienne ?

1 Cette recherche a été financée par le Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad espagnol dans le cadre du projet R&D FFI2013-44185-P Jerarquía de etiquetas semánticas (español-francés) para los géneros próximos de la definición lexicográfica.

2 Dans cet article, nous nous appuyons partiellement sur le matériel de notre mémoire inédit de master en cata-lan, soutenu en juillet de 2011 à l’Université Autonome de Barcelone, avec le titre Aproximació a la traducció de la poesia francesa al belarús : Premisses històriques, sociolingüístiques, literàries i estudi de cas.


Y. Yakubovich. « JE REGRETTE L’EUROPE AUX ANCIENS PARAPETS » : ANALYSE LINGUISTIQUE ET TRADUCTOLOGIQUE DU POÈME BATEAU IVRE ET SA RECRÉATION BÉLARUSSE 73

En adoptant une approche linguocentrique et influencée par la méthode structuraliste (cf. Jakobson 1963 et 1977 ; Todorov 1966), nous visons, dans cet article, une analyse comparée de deux textes : le poème de Rimbaud Le Bateau ivre et sa dernière traduction bélarusse. Les observations d’ordre traductologique prennent appui sur la stylistique comparée (cf. Vinay et Darbelnet 1977) et les recherches appliquées autour des traductions poétiques (cf. Etkind 1982).

Comme la traduction est toujours une interprétation, l’étude linguostylistique de la recréation bélarusse nous aidera à tracer le chemin vers une analyse plus profonde de l’univers textuel du poème de Rimbaud.

1. Rimbaud, « voyant et voyou » : À propos du texte original

Plus que par la justice sociale (incarnée dans la Commune), plus que par l’esthétisme parnassien (dont, malgré tout, il partageait les valeurs), Rimbaud était fasciné par les voyages intérieurs entre le rêve et la réalité avec la participation active de tous les sens.

Le poète avait 16 ans quand il a écrit Le Bateau ivre en 1871. Si la forme est plus ou moins traditionnelle, le contenu semble tout à fait insolent dans son originalité. Le je lyrique s’identifie avec un bateau perdu dans la mer, sans personne à bord et sans aucune connexion avec la réalité, énivré par cette liberté vertigineuse. Les toponymes existant sur les cartes géographiques (par exemple, l›Europe, la Floride) marquent l›itinéraire d›un voyage maritime effarant. Ébloui par les hallucinations mêlées aux images réelles, le personnage lyrique se sent épuisé au point de regretter cette Europe aux anciens parapets qu’il fuit, en regrettant aussi l’impossibilité de répéter ses visions.

Comme le poème comporte 25 strophes qui pourraient suffire pour une vaste étude linguostylistique et traductologique, nous avons décidé d’en extraire et analyser (aussi bien dans le texte que dans la traduction) un fragment de 6 quatrains (du 16 au 21)3.

1.1. Signifié et combinatoire

Un des sémantismes significatifs du poème, puisque paradoxalement vide du sens lexical habituel, est celui du pronom je. Les je et moi, chez Rimbaud, se grammaticalisent et servent à attribuer les facultés humaines ou, au moins, celles des êtres animés à un objet physique. Cette perte de la référence à la personne, et surtout à ma personne, viole les règles de la poésie subjective, égocentrique, confessionnelle et de son langage (voir Felman 1973 ; Murphy 2006). Notons à ce propos que Rimbaud, à l’âge où il a rédigé le poème, n’a fait aucun voyage maritime ni même vu la mer.

« C’est faux de dire : Je pense : on devrait dire on me pense », – écrit Rimbaud à son professeur Izambard (Rimbaud par L. Ray 2001, p. 186). Selon Felman (1973, p. 11), « l’écriture est ainsi conçue comme un procès violent, – de viol, ou de vol – de sens : un procès de dépossession et d’expropriation du sujet ». L’image poétique d’un bateau

3 Vu le manque d’espace, nous ne citerons pas ici le fragment en question, il sera cité, strophe par strophe, dans le chapitre 2, à côté des strophes traduites.

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ivre, abandonné à la volonté des vagues et des vents, présente un symbole très exact d’un sujet parlant qui se laisse au pouvoir de la langue qui le guide. C’est cela, pour Rimbaud, une vraie poésie, une poésie moderne où le poète n’est plus le sujet mais l’instrument, le médium entre le texte et son lecteur.

L’envie de Rimbaud de réformer la poétique et de remettre les mots en liberté, un demi-siècle avant les modernistes, s’est reflétée, entre autres, dans son traitement provocateur de la combinatoire sémantique. Les cas de l’écart de la restriction sémantique (que Todorov (1966) appelait des anomalies sémantiques, ou combinatoires), congruente plutôt à la poésie du XXe siècle, se rencontrent dans son Bateau.

Ainsi, si l’on prend notre fragment, le verbe ballotter dans son acception non figurée (balancer, agiter) n’accepte pas normalement les combinaisons avec des substantifs désignant des choses abstraites comme le nom querelle ; cet emploi est sans doute métonymique (pour remplacer la formule ballotter les oiseaux qui se querellent) et n’est donc pas si fortement marqué par rapport à la poétique traditionnelle. Le marquage est plus accentué dans le syntagme yeux blonds où l’épithète occasionnelle blond est employée hors de l’occurrence collocationnelle standard (yeux bleus, yeux clairs, etc) ou dans la suite oiseaux clabaudeurs dont le collocatif ne s’utilise habituellement qu’avec le mot chien en tant que base. La combinaison carcasse ivre d’eau est doublement atypique : le nom carcasse ne se combine pas avec des adjectifs de l’étiquette sémantique4 [état physiologique] comme ivre, et la logique du signifié de ce dernier n’admet pas l’eau comme cause d’ivresse.

Le voisinage lexical qui contredit aussi bien le bon usage que le bon goût unit lichens avec soleil et morves avec azur. On y constate un mélange de registres : le lexème soleil appartient au registre général, azur est un équivalent, tout à la manière parnassienne, de bleu, tandis que morves et lichens décrivent des réalités assez inesthétiques et inacceptables dans un discours poétique. L’énoncé entier Qui porte, confiture exquise aux bons poètes,/ Des lichens de soleil et des morves d›azur, renferme une ironie mordante à l’égard des Parnassiens, et cette antithèse ironique se base principalement sur la dissemblance des champs lexicaux qualifiant d’un côté des manifestations de maladies, et de l’autre − tout le paradigme du raffinement poétique (confiture, exquise, poètes, azur).

Une intention antithétique, provocatrice, fantaisiste se reflète dans ce croisement des registres, récurrent dans le poème. Les physiologismes du genre rut, fiente, morve, lichens se mêlent aux lexèmes plutôt spéciaux du domaine biologique (ventouse, ombre, hippocampes) ou maritime (Monitor ou Maelstrom) mais s’inscrivent dans le canevas lexical classique d’un poème élégant.

Le jeu à deux champs, la disproportion, « la non-ressemblance entre un système signifiant et un système signifié » (Felman 1973, p. 16) devient plus saillante quand l’on observe de près l’organisation formelle.

4 Toute sorte de ruptures de la restriction sémantique se laissent analyser moyennant l‘appareil des étiquettes sémantiques (Mel’čuk & Polguère 2007 ; Blanco 2010).


1.2. Organisation formelle

Du point de vue formel, le texte correspond aux règles traditionnelles de la poésie française : il s’agit de 25 quatrains d’alexandrin français (dont un vers contient deux hémistiches séparés par une césure) avec des rimes croisées (féminine/ masculine). C’est le mètre, employé, avec quelques légères divergences, par les auteurs aussi bien classiques que romantiques et parnassiens. Rimbaud le reprend, et, suivant la logique de l’agitation tumultueuse qu’implique le contenu de son poème, pratique des enjambements à l’intérieur du vers (cf. Murphy 2006, p. 80–81), i.e. la césure rompt la syntaxe de la phrase comme dans Montait vers moi ses fleurs // d’ombre aux ventouses jaunes... Pourtant, d’après Murphy (2006, p. 81), ce genre d’expérimentation, sans changer l’essence de la tradition métrique, était bien d’usage chez Baudelaire, Verlaine et des poètes parnassiens.

Comme signale Jakobson (1963, p. 244), le rôle de la grammaire dans l’affaire de l’expressivité poétique ne peut pas être sous-estimé. C’est d’autant plus vrai pour le texte de Rimbaud, où le chaos de sensations et de visions est discipliné non seulement par le cosmos de la métrique précise, mais aussi par l’organisation syntaxique du poème. La syntaxe est marquée par l’utilisation régulière (dans le fragment choisi – dans chaque quatrain) de constructions nominales (sauf celle de la quatrième strophe qui est adjectivale) apposées qui, dans tous les cas, se rapportent au personnage lyrique :

1) Parfois, martyr lassé des pôles et des zones...2) Presque île ballottant sur mes bords les querelles...3) Or moi, bateau perdu sous les cheveux des anses...4) Libre, fumant, monté de brumes violettes...5) Planche folle, escorté des hippocampes noirs...6) Fileur éternel des immobilités bleues...Il s’agit des propositions attributives réduites (avec l’omission du verbe copule ; cf.

Riegel, Pellat et Rioul 1994, p. 353–357) qui jouent le rôle de modifieurs du pronom moi ou je dans le texte. La fonction stylistique de ces structures réitératives, aussi bien de l’adjectivale que des nominales, est descriptive : le personnage se définit lors du passage par différentes étapes de son voyage visionnaire. Cette syntaxe nominalisante, i.e. ces groupes nominaux détachés contenant des verbes sous forme de participes (lassé, perdu, ballottant, fumant, monté) et avec des copules omises contribuent au laconisme, l’atemporalité et l’esprit visuel de la poésie voyante, avec l’accent sur une position, un état, une vision et pas sur un processus (voire aussi les Illuminations de Rimbaud).

Ce même accent sur le positionnel, le visuel dans le rythme fiévreux, suggéré par le contenu, est transmis, dans les structures verbales, par le temps : l’imparfait descriptif. Dans la dernière ligne de notre fragment, Je regrette l’Europe aux anciens parapets, la forme du présent exprime une brusque envie de retour de la vision exténuante vers la réalité équilibrante.

Sur le plan phonique, également, il existe un certain principe organisateur dans l’alternance des allitérations et des assonances internes. La première strophe, par exemple, est riche en consonnes [l] et [r] (lassé, pôles, sanglot, roulis, fleurs; parfois, martyr, mer,

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vers, ombre, restais), mais aussi en voyelles [o], [ɔ] i [u] (pôles, zones, dont, sanglot, montait, comme, jaunes, doux, ventouses, roulis, genoux), appelées à évoquer l’effet du roulis doux du bateau et la rumeur de la mer. Ces assonances se reproduisent partiellement aussi dans la strophe suivante. La répétition des [R] dans la cinquième strophe du fragment (électriques, escorté, noirs...) est outrée dans les deux derniers vers Quand les Juillets faisaient crouler à coups de triques/ Les cieux ultramarins aux ardents entonnoirs et intensifie les sèmes des lexèmes participants qualifiant la force foudroyante.

En lien avec la question de la relation entre la forme et le contenu, citons un grand philologue russe Averintsev (2001), pour qui « la correspondance entre la forme et le contenu est une correspondance basée sur le contraste », la forme représentant l’universel et le divin en contrepoids avec le contenu, toujours humain et passager. Et tout dans la logique de nos réflexions sur Rimbaud, le pouvoir régularisateur de la forme contrebalance les passions visionnaires du contenu, comme l’Océan domine le bateau, comme le on dépasse le je.

Pour faire passer dans un autre système temporel et culturel ce puissant « courant de conscience » (cf. Murphy 2006, p. 33), maîtrisé à l’aide du mètre et la cohérence formelle, un traducteur s’affronte à un vrai défi linguistique et littéraire.

2. Traduction bélarusse comme ambition poétiqueLes traducteurs en langue bélarusse, qui avait jusqu’à très récemment le statut de langue régionale, avec l’étiquette (non justifiée linguistiquement mais dominante) de « pauvre » et surtout de « rustique », ont relevé le défi au moins quatre fois : le poème a été traduit par R. Baradouline (1935–2014), M. Fedziukovitch (1943–1997), A. Minkin (n. 1952) et A. Khadanovitch (n. 1973). C’est la recréation de ce dernier, la plus récente (de 2010 dans la revue PrajdziSvet), qui sera l’objet de notre étude.

Il est important de mentionner qu’Andrei Khadanovitch, le poète et traducteur de Baudelaire, Mallarmé, Rimbaud et Nerval, entre autres, est l’un des auteurs qui surmonte le stéréotype de la littérature bélarusse en tant que littérature « paysanne » et y inocule des valeurs urbaines, intellectuelles et libérées de toute idéologie imposée. Sa propre poésie se distingue par un vocabulaire amalgamant le langage familier avec le lexique élevé, l’érudition avec l’ironie et une certaine insolence créative. Son goût pour la modernité, quoique comprise différemment que celle de Rimbaud, entre à l’unisson avec l’esprit de révolte rimbaldien.

2.1. Le bateau ivre de KhadanovitchAvant de passer à l’analyse de la traduction du fragment, signalons que l’usage du terme recréation par rapport au texte d’arrivée n’est pas occasionnel. Il s’appuie sur la classification d’Etkind (1982, p. 18–27) qui avance six types de traduction poétique.

La traduction-information, en prose, ne donne qu’une idée générale de l’original et reste en dehors de la prétention esthétique. La traduction-interprétation, traduction en prose avec commentaires, est utilisée dans les études historiques et esthétiques. Il s’agit d’une


traduction-allusion quand le traducteur ne fait rimer que le premier ou les deux premiers vers de l’original, mais traduit le reste de la manière la plus simple, en vers blanc. La traduction-approximation est concentrée sur l’original, défini a priori comme intraduisible, et le traducteur ne prétend pas transmettre tous ses mérites. Dans une traduction-imitation le traducteur suit le motif général de l’original, mais s’en éloigne assez dans le but de s’exprimer plutôt qu’à traduire. Enfin, la traduction-recréation transmet l’ensemble des valeurs de l’original en préservant son rythme et sa structure rimée.

L’ambition de conserver tout « l’organisme » complexe du poème sans trahir sa propre langue marque la tradition traductologique bélarusse (héritée de la traductologie russe et slave en général) et, en particulier, le texte de Khadanovich dont nous proposons ici une brève analyse sélective.

D’abord, en ce qui concerne le mètre, Khadanovich a pris la décision de passer de l’alexandrin français à l’ïambe de six pieds, en quelque sorte son équivalent dans la tradition bélarusse syllabotonique, avec la conservation de la césure après le troisième pied :

- / - / - / // - / - / - / - - / - / - / // - / - / - /La rime riche et régulière de l’original est aussi soigneusement reproduite dans la

traduction.

Quatrain 165

Original5 TraductionParfois, martyr lassé des pôles et des zones,/ La mer dont le sanglot faisait mon roulis doux/ Montait vers moi ses fleurs d‘ombre aux ven-touses jaunes/ Et je restais ainsi qu‘une femme à genoux,

Пакутны акіян то трызніў ад гайданкі,/То ціха жаліўся, мяняючы настрой, –/І ліплі да бартоў саргасы, як каханкі,/

Я ж кленчыў і драмаў кабетаю старой...

Dans la première strophe de notre fragment, le traducteur emprunte la fusion des registres propre à l’original : là où Rimbaud parle d’ombres aux ventouses jaunes, le traducteur utilise l’énoncé І ліплі да бартоў саргасы (et les Sragasses сollaient au bord) où le mot саргасы (une plante marine) appartient au vocabulaire spécialisé et le verbe ліплі oscille entre le style neutre et familier. Cette familiarité est accentuée par la comparaison comique qui suit : collaient comme le font les amantes.

Dans la dernière ligne, la composante une femme à genoux, que d’autres traducteurs bélarusses interprétaient en clé romantique, est transmise par l’image d’une vielle agenouillée et somnolente, privée de toute connotation romantisante, bien au contraire, rabaissée.

5 Source du texte français : LAGARDE, A., MICHARD, L., 1966. XIXe siècle : Les grands auteurs français du programme, V. 5., Paris : Bordas, 522–525. Source du texte bélarusse : РЭМБО, А. “Мацней за алкаголь, грамчэй ад вашых лір!..”. Вершы ў перакладзе Андрэя Хадановіча. ПрайдзіСвет, Nr. 4. Repéré à : http://prajdzisvet.org/text/505-piany-karabiel.html (consulté le 01.10.2017).

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Quant à la structure formelle, l’assonance et l’allitération ne sont pas conservées, et la construction nominale, régulière chez Rimbaud, est omise dans la traduction.

Quatrain 17

Original TraductionPresque île ballottant sur mes bords les querelles/

Et les fientes d’oiseaux clabaudeurs aux yeux blonds ;/Et je voguais, lorsqu’à travers mes liens frêles/Des noyés descendaient dormir à reculons...

Амаль што востраў, я цягнуў базар птушыны,/Іх бойкі і памёт, іх сумятню і тлум;/

І ракам да мяне праз лееры і ліны/Тапелец запаўзаў – і клаўся спаць у трум.

Khadanovitch reprend assez fidèlement la première ligne, Presqu’île, je traînais les bagarres d’oiseaux, en employant aussi une structure nominale. Le traducteur réussit à suggérer l’effet d’agitation et de malaise provoqué par les oiseaux clabaudeurs à l’aide du lexique accumulé dans les deux premiers vers (bagarres, combats, tumulte, bousculade). Nous croyons que l’image chez Khadanovitch est même légèrement exagérée par rapport au texte original.

Dans la troisième ligne, le traducteur introduit un mot inimaginable dans un texte poétique classique : ракам signifie en bélarusse à reculons, mais avec une nuance vulgaire. Dans la même ligne, l’auteur de la traduction remplace mes liens frêles par des mots plus spécifiques, comme ліны (cordes épaisses) et лееры (étais), un terme maritime.

Finalement, aussi bien dans le texte original que dans la traduction, on atteste un enjambement à la césure qui rompt l’intonation habituelle de la phrase. Comparez : Et je voguais, lorsqu’à// travers mes liens frêles, en français, et Амаль што востраў, я// цягнуў базар птушыны, en bélarusse.

Quatrain 18

Original TraductionOr moi, bateau perdu sous les cheveux des anses,/Jeté par l’ouragan dans l’éther sans oiseau,/ Moi dont les Monitors et les voiliers des Hanses/N’auraient pas repêché la carcasse ivre d’eau,

Праз лабірынты бухт знаходзіў я фарватэр,/

Вышэй за птушак быў закінуты ў эфір.../Ганзейскі карабель і браняносны катэр/

Мой корпус, п’яны ўшчэнт, не возьмуць на буксір!

Dans ce quatrain, Khadanovitch néglige la construction nominale avec le pronom personnel Or moi, bateau perdu..., qui est cruciale ici, à notre avis, en la substituant par une périphrase verbale.

Dans la première ligne, nous tombons de nouveau sur le terme maritime, фарватэр (holl. vaarwater ; chenal maritime), pourtant largement connu. Dans le troisième vers, où Rimbaud introduit le terme Monitor désignant un type de canonnière, Khadanovitch le


remplace par son doublet à sens plus général, браняносны катэр (navire blindé), mais garde la suite voiliers des Hanses de l’original.

Les lexèmes et collocations dans la traduction tels que фарватэр (chenal), узяць на буксір (prendre en remorque), браняносны катэр (navire blindé), корпус (corps du bateau) créent l’effet d’entrechoquement entre le monde matériel révélé dans la terminologie spéciale et le monde des visions, du lyrisme élevé d’un poème (Вышэй за птушак быў закінуты ў эфір : j’étais lancé dans l›éther plus haut que les oiseaux). L’amplification du décalage des registres et champs sémantiques dans la traduction en dit long sur l’intention du traducteur d’être extrêmement fidèle à cette même tendance, quoique plus modérée, chez Rimbaud.

Quatrain 19

Original TraductionLibre, fumant, monté de brumes violettes,/Moi qui trouais le ciel rougeoyant comme un mur/Qui porte, confiture exquise aux bons poètes,/ Des lichens de soleil et des morves d’azur,

Дыміўся ў туманоў ліловай апранасе,/Дзіравіў, як сцяну, ружовы небакрай/І пачастункі нёс паэтам на Парнасе –/Блакіту смаркачы і сонечны лішай.

Dans la première ligne, la construction adjectivale est transposée dans une proposition verbale. En revanche, Khadanovitch, toujours lexicalement ingénieux, traduit mot à mot les anomalies combinatoires et stylistiques lichens de soleil et morves d’azur, ce qui nous semble la meilleure stratégie traductologique dans ce cas concret. Si l’on y ajoute le verbe дзіравіць, dans la deuxième ligne, l’équivalent de trouer mais très peu « littéraire » en bélarusse, on peut constater que l’ironie cédant au sarcasme et le contraste entre le sublime et le dégoûtant est bien transmis et même renforcé.

Quatrain 20

Original TraductionQui courais taché de lunules électriques,/

Planche folle, escorté des hippocampes noirs,/Quand les Juillets faisaient crouler à coups de triques/ Les cieux ultramarins aux ardents entonnoirs,

Ганяў марскіх канькоў і электрычных скатаў,/Шалёнай дошкаю даваў нырца з гары,/А ліпень малаціў дубінай, як сто катаў,/Ультрамарын нябёс збіваючы ў віры!

Dans le premier vers, les lunules électriques de l’original se transforment en raies dans le texte bélarusse, et il ne s’agit pas tellement d’un équivalent de traduction mais plutôt d’une interprétation que le traducteur donne à la métaphore, utilisée par Rimbaud6. Il est probable que Khadanovitch soit influencé par des traductions russes (par exemple, celles d’Antokolski ou Vitkovski) où l’on retrouve le même remplacement.

L’usage massif, dans ce quatrain, du lexique appartenant au registre familier, comme ганяць (fam. chasser), даваць нырца (fam. plonger), дубіна (trique), малаціць (fam.

6 cf. sur la traduction des métaphores chez Vinay et Darbelnet (1977, p. 199–200).

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battre) est une « réaction » traductologique à l’emploi, chez Rimbaud, dans le troisième vers, de la formule à coups de triques du registre parlé. La comparaison intensificatrice dans l’énoncé А ліпень малаціў дубінай, як сто катаў (Et le juillet battait à coups de triques, comme cent bourreaux) semble venir du vocabulaire des pirates et évoque une image presque « païenne » de la tempête. N’était-ce pas aussi l’idée de Rimbaud quand il écrivait Quand les Juillets faisaient crouler à coups de triques... ? Le retour au langage poétique dans la dernière ligne est bien imité dans la traduction.

Quatrain 21

Original TraductionMoi qui tremblais, sentant geindre à cinquante lieues/Le rut des Béhémots et les Maelstroms épais,/Fileur éternel des immobilités bleues,/Je regrette l’Europe aux anciens parapets.

Я, што сінечу ткаў, мінаючы патопы,/

Мальстрэма стрэмны юр і Бегемота гон,-/Я раптам затужыў па берагах Еўропы,/Па гаванях старых, дзе не прыму я скон!

Ici, nous rencontrons la mise en relief de moi et de la structure attributive (moi qui...), très courante dans le texte original. C’est bien la construction nominale Fileur éternel des immobilités bleues qui subit la transposition syntaxique et passe à la première ligne dans la traduction : Я, што сінечу ткаў, мінаючы патопы... (Moi qui tissait le bleu, en contournant les déluges...).

Le traducteur conserve dans sa version les noms « savants » des Béhémots et des Maelstroms, et avec ce dernier il crée une rime interne : la répétition de cinq sons suivis [strem] fait rimer le mot Мальстрэм (Maelstrom) et le jargonisme стрэмны (jarg. dangereux) à l’intérieur du vers. Dans la même ligne, Khadanavitch continue le jeu de sons, cette fois-ci, en activant des assonances en [o] et des allitérations en [ґ] Бегемота гон (rut du Béhémot).

Dans les derniers deux vers, on observe la reprise du langage « sérieux », en particulier, dans la dernière ligne où Khadanovich a recours à l’élaboration (terme de Vinay et Darbelnet 1977, p. 193) stylistique du verbe mourir par une périphrase très recherchée прыняць скон (dont l’équivalent français pourrait être fermer les yeux). Ainsi, le traducteur élève le ton pour ne pas fausser cette note nostalgique que l’original suggère : Я раптам затужыў па берагах Еўропы,/ Па гаванях старых, дзе не прыму я скон! (J’ai commencé à languir des côtes d’Europe,/ Des ports anciens où je ne fermerais pas les yeux !).

Pour résumer nos observations concernant la traduction, signalons que le traducteur ne conserve pas, dans la plupart des cas, la structure grammaticale (les constructions nominales deviennent des structures verbales), et la nominalité de l’original est altérée, mais c’est un sacrifice admissible et même, probablement, nécessaire, pour préserver le mètre et la rime (qui sont d’une extrême importance), l’unité textuelle et le système des images de l’original. Dans les termes de Vinay et Darbelnet (1977), dans la traduction, le message est préféré parfois à l’agencement (organisation grammaticale).


En revanche, Khadanovitch met en valeur le décalage des registres et des champs sémantiques. Sa stratégie du traitement du vocabulaire consiste en une certaine outrance par rapport à l’original. De cette manière, le traducteur réussit à évoquer l’effet d’insolence, il se débarrasse des clichés et frustre l’attente du lecteur, ce qui ne se produit, dans une traduction faite plus d’un siècle plus tard, qu’avec un peu d’exagération.

ConclusionsLe présent travail porte sur l’analyse linguistique et stylistique d’un fragment du poème Bateau ivre et de sa traduction bélarusse par A. Khadanovitch.

L’étude du fragment du texte de Rimbaud nous a révélé ses caractéristiques syntaxiques (constructions nominales apposées), lexicostylistiques (combinaisons hors du registre ou du paradigme sélectionnel) et l’importance de l’organisation stricte du mètre et de la rime.

En ce qui concerne le texte traduit, il est clair que la fidélité du traducteur au texte français est fonctionnelle, i.e. Khadanovitch suit scrupuleusement le ton de l’original, conserve la métrique et la rime et essaie de traduire non seulement le message du poème mais, en général, la poétique de Rimbaud et l’impression que cette dernière pouvait produire sur le lecteur contemporain. Notons que les valeurs rimbaldiennes ont leur répondant dans la propre œuvre du poète bélarusse. Ainsi, une recréation poétique comme celle de Khadanovitch contribue, entre autres, à la modernisation du canon littéraire bélarusse et de son langage.

RemerciementsNos très vifs remerciements vont à Xavier Blanco et Dolors Català pour la relecture de cet article, pour leurs corrections et comentaires pertinents.

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ETKIND, E., 1982. Un art en crise. Essai de poétique de la traduction poétique. Lausanne : L’Age d’Homme.

FELMAN, S., 1973. « Tu as bien fait de partir, Arthur Rimbaud ». Poésie et modernité. Littérature, Nr. 3, 3–21.

JAKOBSON, R., 1963. Linguistique et poétique. In : R. JAKOBSON. Essais de linguistique générale. Paris : Minuit, 209–248.

JAKOBSON, R., 1977. Huit questions de poétiques. Éditions du Seuil.LAGARDE, A., MICHARD, L., 1966. XIXe siècle : Les grands auteurs français du programme,

V. 5. Paris : Bordas, 522–525. MURPHY, S., 20016. Logiques du Bateau ivre. Littératures, Nr. 54, 25–86.RAY, L., 2001. Arthur Rimbaud. Présentation et anthologie. Paris : Seghers.RIEGEL, M, PELLAT, J.-C., RIOUL, R., 2016. Grammaire méthodique du français. Paris : PUF.SABATIER, R., 1977. Histoire de la poésie française. La poésie du XIX siècle, V. 5, Tom 2. Paris :

Albin Michel.

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TODOROV, T., 1966. Les anomalies sémantiques. Langages, Nr. 1, 100–123.VINAY, J.P., DARBELNET, J., 1977. Stylistique comparée du français et de l’anglais. Paris : Didier. АВЕРИНЦЕВ, С., 2001. Ритм как теодицея. Новый мир, Nr. 2. Repéré à http://magazines.

russ.ru/novyi_mi/2001/2/aver.html (Consulté le 16.08.2017)РЭМБО, А. “Мацней за алкаголь, грамчэй ад вашых лір!..”. Вершы ў перакладзе Андрэя

Хадановіча. ПрайдзіСвет, Nr. 4. Repéré à : http://prajdzisvet.org/text/505-piany-karabiel.html (consulté le 01.10.2017).

Yauheniya YakubovichPedagogical University of CracowResearch Interests: Stylistics and Poetics

« JE REGRETTE L’EUROPE AUX ANCIENS PARAPETS » : LINGUISTIC AND TRANSLATOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE POEM BATEAU IVRE AND ITS TRANSLATION INTO BELARUSIAN

SummaryArthur Rimbaud’s Bateau ivre is considered as one of the most significant texts in French literature, a text showing the “greatness and beauty” of the language. It is also, and to a greater extent, a “rebel” text that defies the rules of good usage and the standards of good taste of the time because of the break with the romantic metaphor, the use of lexicon of opposed styles, collisions of the seemingly incompatible semantic fields, etc.

From this perspective, the translation into Belarusian of an exemplary but at the same time an insolent text, written in addition in a language of international prestige such as French, cannot be reduced to a linguistic and literary exercise but also contributes to the auto-assertion of the target language.

Adopting a linguocentric approach influenced by the structuralist method (see Jakobson, 1963 and 1977, Todorov, 1966), we aim, in this article, a comparative analysis of two texts: Rimbaud’s poem Le bateau ivre and his last translation into Belarusian by A. Khadanovich. Our translatological observations are based on comparative stylistics (see Vinay and Darbelnet, 1977) and on applied researches on poetic translations (see Etkind, 1982). We propose, therefore, a linguistic study, concerning, in particular, the lexicon, the syntax and the irregularities of the combinatorics of the original text but also of one of its Belarussian equivalents, adding thus a translatological and comparative dimension to our analysis.

So, the first part of the article is dedicated to the study of a fragment of the original text (from 16 to 21 strophe), its syntactic (nominal constructions), lexical and stylistic (expressions of an improper style or out of the selective paradigm) characteristics and its formal organization ( cadency and syntax). In the second part of the paper, we analyse, strophe by strophe, the translated fragment, observing in detail how the Belarusian translator treats Rimbaud’s lexicon, formal properties and the message of the poem.

Since a translation is always an interpretation, the linguostylistical study of the Belarussian “recreation” will help us to trace the path to a deeper analysis of the textual universe of Rimbaud’s poem.

KEY WORDS: poetic translation, combinatorical anomaly, Rimbaud, the Belarusian language.


SPRENDIMAI 83Е. Борисова. РОЛЬ РАДИО В ФОРМИРОВАНИИ ITALIANO STANDARD

В ПЕРИОД ФАШИСТСКОГО ДВАДЦАТИЛЕТИЯ

Елена БорисоваМосковский городской педагогический университетИнститут иностранных языковМалый Казенный переулок, дом 5, корпус Б 105064, Москва, Российская Федерация +7 495 607 37 22 E-mail: [email protected]Нау чные интересы: теоретическая грамматика, сравнительная типология, история языка, лексикология

РОЛЬ РАДИО В ФОРМИРОВАНИИ ITALIANO STANDARD В ПЕРИОД ФАШИСТСКОГО ДВАДЦАТИЛЕТИЯ

Из-за позднего политического объединения Италии пись мен но-ли те ра тур ным итальянским языком, сложившимся на основе литературной фор мы фло рен тий ско го на ре чия тос кан-ско го диа лек та, вплоть до 50-х гг. XX в. владели только образованные тосканцы и узкая прослойка образованных людей в других регионах. Неграмотные люди знали только свой ди-алект. Распространение радиовещания в Италии в начале 20-х гг. XXв. совпало с периодом фашистской пропаганды, нацеленной на формирование единого итальянского языка, из ко-торого следовало исключить диалектную вариативность и иностранные заимствования. В статье освещаются основные этапы языковой политики фашистского двадцатилетия – Il Ventennio (1925-1945 гг.) – от толерантного отношения к языковым различиям на тер-ритории Италии к полному их неприятию, а также к регламентированному исключению иностранных слов из итальянского языка. Политические цели – стабилизация внутренних отношений между ведущими политическими группами и народной массой, создание единого сплочённого государства, настроенного против общего врага – способствовали созданию итальянских организаций радиовещания, диктовавших нормы устной речи, которые были закреплены в Справочнике по произношению и орфографии, изданном в 1939 г.. Интересны-ми оказываются причины толерантного отношения к диалектам, проблемы закрепления заимствований в языке и связанные с этим образовательные радиопрограммы периода фа-шизма.КЛЮЧЕВЫЕ СЛОВА: радио, языковая политика, фашистское двадцатилетие, Italiano standard, диалекты, иностранные заимствования, просветительская деятельность.

Возникновение нового сильного политического движения несомненно влияет на язык. Фашизм, получив подпитку радио и телевидения в начале XX в., получил до-полнительный канал пропаганды на территории и за пределами молодой Италии, где сплотить народ в единую нацию было не так-то просто: объединение произошло в 1861 г., Рим к Объединенной Италии присоединился только в 1870 г., регионы Венето и Фриули – в 1866 г., Триест, Гориция и Трентино-Альто Адидже в 1918 г.


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Цель данной работы – выявить факторы воздействия радио на итальянский язык во время фашистского двадцатилетия, определить стратегии языковой поли-тики указанного периода, сосредоточенные на актуальных до настоящего момента проблемах – иностранных заимствованиях и диалектном разнообразии Италии.

До настоящего времени в российской итальянистике не было исследований, посвященных заявленной теме, в то время как языковые изменения в переломные исторические моменты представляют собой несомненный интерес, а роль радио в формировании национального итальянского языка нельзя недооценивать. Основ-ным стимулом к данной работе послужила статья итальянского лингвиста Серджо Раффаэлли (1934–2010) «Языковая норма на радио в фашистский период» (Raffaelli 1997).

На момент провозглашения Объединенного королевства 75% итальянцев были безграмотны, а 90% говорили только на диалекте. В 1868 г. Министр народного просвещения Эмилио Брольо назначил комиссию для разработки реформ обра-зования во главе с Алессандро Мандзони, фигуре не менее значимой для разви-тия итальянского языка, чем А.С. Пушкин для русского. Мандзони предложил пользоваться моделью флорентийского разговорного языка для преподавания в школе. Постепенно безграмотность сокращается, в 1911 г. она составляет уже 40%. Однако закон об обязательном начальном образовании появится в Италии только в 1977 г. (Serianni, Antonelli 2011, p. 53).

В период фашистского двадцатилетия приобрело особую роль приобретает слово. «Огромное место в жизни общества стали занимать разнообразные речи, поскольку присутствие на собраниях, митингах, членство в различных организация, участие в мероприятиях военно-спортивного типа (так называемая sabato fascista ‘фашистская суббота’) стало для итальянцев обязательным» (Челышева 2010, c. 63). Поэтому радио, передававшее эти речи, было орудием просветительской миссии фашизма – население сгонялось на площадь для его массового прослушивания. Однако на заре своего развития радио отнюдь не обладало всеми качествами, присущими современным СМИ. «Публичная адресация» и «информационно-новостная целевая доминанта» (Викулова, Серебренникова 2014, c. 56) несомненно присутствовали, но открытость и доступность были обусловлены жестким политическим режимом, одной из установок которого было сделать итальянский язык из литературного достояния образованной элиты, достоянием масс, способных понимать друг друга.

Естественно, нельзя забывать и другие факторы, способствующие языковому объединению Италии в период фашизма: создание единого административного и бюрократического аппарата, урбанизацию, индустриализацию (прежде всего севе-ро-западной Италии), школьное образование, внутреннюю и внешнюю эмиграцию жителей Юга Италии в ее северные регионы и в США (Serianni, Antonelli 2011, p. 50–51). Кроме этого, введение обязательной воинской службы вынуждает молодых новобранцев минимизировать свои диалектальные различия, мешающие не только взаимопониманию, но и продвижению по службе.



Радио проникло в Италию в 1924 г. во время правления Муссолини. Поначалу радиопрограммы были монологичны, без связи со слушателями, «язык радио был стандартизован, близок к итальянскому литературному языку и далек от спонтанной устной речи» (Ibidem: p. 58). Все тексты, предназначенные для трансляции, были заранее написаны и выверены для их зачитывания дикторами. Роль радио была сразу же оценена: уже в 1925 г. Академия Мастино делла Скала города Вероны организо-вала международный конкурс «Языковые проблемы радио» (за лучшие воспоми-нания присуждалась награда – 500 лир и диплом). Однако на начальном этапе как итальянских, так и европейских радиолюбителей интересовал искусственный язык эсперанто, увлечение которым привело к тому, что он начал пропагандироваться на радио сначала в Париже с 1924 г., потом в Милане, где Миланская Радиотехническая Группа организовала курс эсперанто, основанный на учебнике Бруно Мильорини (Manuale di Esperanto), а с мая по октябрь этот курс уже выходил в газете Radiofonia1.

Естественно, что новое изобретение всегда оставляет свой отпечаток в языке, в первую очередь терминологический. Само слово радио имело двойную грамма-тическую интерпретацию. С одной стороны, оно было частью таких сложных слов как radiofonia, radiotelegrafia, radiotecnica и т.д.. По правилам итальянской грамма-тики дериваты, полученные путем сокращения основ от сложного слова, должны иметь род исходного слова, поэтому новая реалия radio оказалась женского рода. С другой – в разговорной речи из-за типичного окончания мужского рода -о, оно часто встречалось с детерминативами мужского рода. Кроме этого, новые словосо-четания-реалии в мужском роде apparecchio radio, apparecchio radiorurale, apparecchio Autoradio, а также псевдоним известного радиоведущего и учителя начальной шко-лы Чезаре Ферри Nonno Radio (Дедушка Радио), вносили еще большую неясность в этот грамматический вопрос. Поэтому, несмотря на рекомендации о правильном использовании этого существительного, которые давались в передаче Радио для всех (La Radio per tutti), в разговорном узусе род варьировался (Raffaelli 1997, p. 32).

Новые термины приходили, прежде всего, из английского языка и чаще всего ассимилировались, калькируясь или встраиваясь в фономорфологическую систему итальянского языка, что, в принципе, соответствовало националистской установке фашистской Италии. Закрепление новой «радио-лексики» в языке сопровождалось созданием словарей (подробнее см. Raffaelli 1997, p. 33). Но заимствования из языка политических противников (английского и французского) не могли не столкнуться с пуристскими настроениями и ксенофобией. Тем не менее весьма резкая, но нем-ногочисленная, критика языкового пуризма, существовала. Серджо Раффаэлли приводит анонимную заметку, опубликованную в журнале Радиофония от 20 мая 1924 г., в которой говорилось о том, что пуристы – это бесполезные люди, тормозя-щие неизбежный путь языкового развития: «Академия Круска не может запретить

1 Примечательно то, что эсперанто, придуманный в 1887 поляком-евреем Л.Л. Заменхольфом, каким-то странным образом пропагандировался в Фашистской Италии, несмотря на острый расовый вопрос, разре-шившийся жестоким «расовыми законами» 1938 г.

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произносить английские слова, если это необходимо для взаимопонимания. Язык космополитичен и свободен» (Ibidem: p. 33).

Фашистская установка на лингвистическую автаркию, при которой шла на-сильственная замена иностранных слов итальянскими, способствовала созданию Комиссии по итальянизации языка, на которую в 1941 г., было представлено 37 слов. Первым в списке стояло прилагательное antifading – ‘подавляющий или сокращаю-щий радиосигналы’, которое следовало заменить на anti-evanescenza, последним – существительное volume control – ‘регулятор громкости’, его заменили на regolatore di volume, что буквально переводится ‘регулятор объема’.

В области грамматики нельзя обойти вниманием замену этикетной формы об-ращения 3-го лица ед.ч. Lei на voi, поскольку она, якобы, имела испанские корни. Сначала ее запретили в фашистской молодежной организации Gioventù Italiana del Littorio и всем членам Национальной фашистской партии по распоряжению от 14–15 февраля 1938 г., а потом уже в кинематографе, театре, на радио и повсеместно по инициативе Министерства Народной культуры (Ministero della cultura popolare), «приобретшего печальную известность под сокращением MinСulPop» (Челышева 2010, p.63). Это распоряжение соблюдалось до такой степени, что даже в класси-ческой литературе форма на Lei была запрещена. Интересно, что циркуляр по ее запрету вышел в 1938 г., а по запрету формы Sua – только в 1940 г., до которого просуществовал титул Его Превосходительство Бенито Муссолини, Глава Прави-тельства, Дуче Фашизма и Основатель Империи (Sua Eccellenza Benito Mussolini, Capo del Governo, Duce del Fascismo e Fondatore dell’Impero).

Дабы искоренить иностранные слова, их вкладывали в уста комичных персо-нажей. Например, в радио-комедии Кольцо Теодозия, вышедшей в эфир 6 октября 1929 г. на Радио Милан и Радио Турин, три американских детектива-простофили ищут драгоценное кольцо, пропавшее где-то между Нью-Йорком и Генуей, а их реплики насыщены англицизмами detective, barman, cocktail, bar, policeman, lift, toast... В радиожурнале Marc’Aurelio 1942 г. в антибританской постановке восьмой серии Камергер Милорда (Il cameriere di Milord) встречалось значительно меньше заимст-вований, но они были банальны и эмоционально окрашены: Milord, Milady, by Jove, by God, all right. Естественно, текст вышел в эфир только после одобрения цензуры.

Как мы видим, радио было хорошей находкой для реализации просветительских программ Фашизма. В конце 1938 г. радио-объединение Eiar (Ente Italiano Audizioni Radiofoniche) на собственные средства открывает Итальянский Университет теле-фона и радио, задачами которого было распространять итальянскую культуру и цивилизацию, в том числе, с помощью курсов итальянского языка и литературы в 14 странах (в Аравии, Аргентине, Бразилии, Болгарии, Франции, Германии, Греции, Англии, Югославии, Португалии, Румынии, Испании, США, Турции) на 14 языках. Трехуровневые курсы были разработаны комиссией МинКульПопа.

Курсы начального уровня включали простую, но достаточно исчерпывающую программу по итальянской грамматике. В 30 уроков входило объяснение граммати-



ческих правил, а большое количество примеров способствовало также выработке правильного произношения у слушателей. Курсы среднего уровня включали в себя чтение итальянских текстов с комментариями. Курсы продвинутого уровня были посвящены культуре. Их целью было распространение современной итальянской цивилизации за границей и освящение проблемы межкультурной коммуникации. Для каждой страны был разработан курс из минимум 15 лекций. Над програм-мами этого дистанционного обучения работали блестящие умы того времени. В 1941–1942 гг. была создана программа одного курса продвинутого уровня, запла-нирован выпуск итальянской грамматики для слушателей-иностранцев, которую в дальнейшем хотели перевести на все языки.

Таким образом, радио из средства распространения «культуры, нравов и удо-вольствия» становится инструментом гражданского и культурного образования c девизом «информировать, развлекать и обучать». 27 августа 1924 г. возникло Итальянское теле-радио объединение (Unione Radiofonica Italiana – Uri) – предше-ственник современной Итальянской общественной телерадиокомпании RAI – а 17 ноября 1927 г. оно переформировалось в Eiar.

Наиболее активными и достаточно независимыми друг от друга радиостанци-ями были римская, миланская, неаполитанская и туринская, которые имели свои языковые особенности. Опросы, проведенные Eiar в 1927 г., свидетельствуют о том, что в редакцию Radiorario обращались слушатели разных регионов с просьбами о трансляциях на их родных диалектах. Следовательно, до определенного времени диалектальные особенности итальянских регионов должны были учитываться.

После 1930 г. в контексте антирегионального проекта идеолого-политического и гражданского объединения итальянцев фашистский режим начал запрещать публичное использование слов на диалекте, который постепенно исчезал с радио и телевидения, но оставался в песнях и театральных постановках комедийного жанра.

Начало второй мировой войны знаменовалось послаблениями в отношении к ди-алектам, поскольку необходимо было поддерживать военнослужащих и их близких на их родном наречии. Поэтому по радио транслируются песни на диалектах, прежде всего, неаполитанском, и выпускаются радио-песенники, например, Il Canzoniere della radio 1940–1945 (Raffaelli 1997, p. 41). Диалект проникает даже в репортажи, что раньше было недопустимо. В передачах Радио бойца и Час солдата появляются стихи фронтовиков, сценки, которые они разыгрывали, и проповеди на диалекте. Причем реакция общественности была как положительная, поскольку транслиро-вался родное, связанное с домом наречие, так и отрицательная – в форме доносов, в которых порицался не только иностранный акцент или акцент какого-либо реги-она, но даже произношение, далекое от эталона, которым был Бенито Муссолини.

Очевидно, что государственная языковая политика фашистского режима к это-му времени внесла свой вклад в формирование общенационального итальянского языка. Сборники, регламентирующие речевые нормы на радио, появились уже в 30-х годах. Однако текст Как говорить на радио (Del modo di parlare alla radio), ставший прототипом более поздних подобных изданий, был утерян (Raffaelli 1997,

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p. 46). Eiar преследовал цель сделать синтаксис итальянского языка на радио более линейным, лексику более простой, а голоса приятными.

В 1933 г. в Риме под контролем Министерства национального образования и Национального исследовательского центра, появляется Экспериментальный теле-радио центр им.Маркони, в который в 1936 г. влился Центр теле-радио подготовки для технического персонала и актеров. В программу экспериментального центра, просуществовавшего до 1943 г., входили общеобразовательные и специализиро-ванные курсы, включающие итальянскую дикцию, фонетику итальянского и ино-странных языков (английского, французского и немецкого).

В 1938 г. Eiar выпустил курс Язык Италии с девизом «ввести радио в школу». Его целью было улучшение методики преподавания итальянского языка. Прежде всего, следовало решить проблему произношения, поскольку «несчастные учителя, годами служащие в горной местности далекой от какой-либо культуры» им не вла-дели (Raffaelli 1997, p. 47). Проблему можно было решить, регулярно прослушивая радио-уроки. В этой программе должны были выступать видные итальянисты того времени: литературный критик, профессор романской филологии в Римском университете Джулио Бертони, писатель, литературный критик и лексикограф Аль-фредо Панцини и другие. Eiar намеревался организовать диалог со слушателями, которые могли бы обратиться при помощи почты к языковым экспертам и решить свои сомнения по поводу произношения какого-либо слова. Кроме этого, в передачи предлагалось включить сценки с правильным и диалектальным произношением, моралью которых было бы признать стандартизованное произношение. Выпуски 1938 г. были следующие: Старый и новый «языковой вопросы»2, Национальный язык и языковая экспансия, Проблема итальянского произношения, Ответы на вопросы радиослушателей. Последняя программа выходила еженедельно и регламентировала вопросы ударения, произношения, правильного написания (rùbrica-rubrìca, sèparo-sepàro, studii-studi, provincie-province), реже возникали морфосинтаксические вопросы (ebbimo-avemmo, affittasi-affittansi appartamenti) и постоянно возникали вопросы по поводу написания множественного числа сложных слов (caposaldi-capisaldi). Особо-го внимания удостаивались актуальные в то время понятия autarchia – ‘автаркия’, razza – ‘расса’; заимствования, которых следовало избегать (например, chauffeur, garage), или же можно было использовать (например, bar, sport); акцентировалось внимание на использовании этикетной формы Lei. «Власти видели свою задачу в том, чтобы контролировать любую форму выражения, вплоть до междометий, придавая всему идеологическое звучание. Самое известное – это попытка заменить возглас «гип-гип ура!», связывающийся с английским языком, кличем Eja, Eja, Eja, Alalà!, предложенный Габриэле Д’Aннунцио еще в 1918 году» (Челышева 2010, c. 64).

2 Итальянский языковой вопрос (Questione della lingua) о едином литературном языке для всей Италии возник в начале XVI в. (Алисова, Челышева 2009, c. 342 ) и только в XX в. языковой вопрос, но о унифика-ции уже разговорного итальянского языка, получил свое дальнейшее развитие.



Ответы Джулио Бертони и его ученика Франческо А. Уголини публиковались в Radiocorriere. Далее возникла идея поручить Бертони составление учебника, который мог быть полезен как для работников радио, так для учителей и широкой публики.

Спорные вопросы решались в пользу эталонного произношения Создателя Фашизма и Империи, который, кстати сказать, был вовсе не римлянином по про-исхождению, а эмильянцем. Он родился в небольшой деревушке Довия в регионе, граничащим с Тосканой, а отнюдь не с Лацио, следовательно, и произношение Мус-солини было, скорее, северным, чем южным. Поэтому не совсем ясным оказывается заявление Бертони о том, что слово regime следует произносить как это делал Дуче, «с ударением на ì, а не на è, как в Северной Италии» (Raffaelli 1997, p. 52). Тем не менее, образцовым следовало считать произношение образованного населения столицы.

Передача Язык Италии вызвала интерес у публики, но поначалу выбор в пользу Рима критиковался: Микеле Кампана, друг Муссолини, в статье журнала Augustea от 30 марта 1938 г., заявлял, что знаменитый языковед и вице-президент Итальянской Академии, то есть Бертони, в своих передачах несправедливо обесценивает диа-лекты Италии и необоснованно вдается в тонкости произношения, не интересные широкой публике (Raffaelli 1997, p. 56).

Против бертонианских норм выступили языковед Клементе Мерло и полиграф Васко Рестори. Мерло заявил, что Бертони и Уголини ошибаются в том, что «поли-тическая столица обязательно является также и языковых центром» (Merlo 1939, p. 234–235). Рестори считал, что единый национальный язык должен формироваться не столько за счет унификации произношения, сколько за счет «полного интел-лектуального и морального объединения всех граждан, составляющих нацию», что и приведет за собой «унификацию произношения» (Restori 1939, p. 12). Вопрос произношения затронул не только языковедов. Косвенной критикой проблемы пра-вильного произношения является диалог из комической радио-сценки Вы упадете мне в объятья… (Mi cadrete tra le braccia...) Альфредо Ванни, написанной в конце 1939 г., из которой ясно, что lettera (письмо), вне зависимости от произношения е открытого и е закрытого, – это ни что иное как «пылкое страстное послание» (Raffaelli 1997, p. 60).

Своеобразным итогом просветительской передачи Язык Италии стал Справоч-ник по произношению и орфографии, вышедший в 1939 г. Он пользовался популяр-ностью и активно переиздавался.

Так что к 1941 г. произношение на итальянском радио было «довольно-таки римским», и возможно, «не за горами было перемещение языкового центра из Флоренции в Рим» (Pasquali 1985, p. 36). Напомним, что истоки italiano standard сле-дует искать во Флоренции XIV века, когда творили Данте, Петрарка и Бокаччо, «их языку подражали авторы других областей, где говорили на диалектах, не похожих на флорентийский» (Алисова, Челышева 2009, c. 3).

Однако, по наблюдениям Бруно Мильорини, уже в 1943 г. было заметно, что строгое следование нормам, предписанным Бертони и Уголини, нарушается на ра-

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дио устойчивым флорентийским произношением актеров, разным произношением приглашенных в студию гостям, и в итоге произношение дикторов варьируется от флорентийского, до римского произношения (Migliorini 1948, p. 107), несмотря на все попытки его регламентировать.

25 июля 1943 г. была объявлена отставка Бенито Муссолини, но на итальянском радио – никаких перемен: 45 дней – тот же персонал, те же программы, те же язы-ковые нормы. Только 15–16 августа 1943 г. в тосканской газете La Nazione языковые нормы фашизма были названы абсурдными (Джованни Беллотти Cambiare voce e pronunzia), примат Рима в качестве образца для языкового подражания раскрити-кован. Появился новый призыв – изменить голос радио, возвратившись к подлинно итальянской речи.

Объявление перемирия 8 сентября 1943 г. раскололо итальянское радио на два направления, хотя языковые отличия в передачах Королевства Италии на юге и Итальянской Социальной Республики на севере были незначительны. Причина – в персонале старой закалки и в том, что некая лингвистическая объединенная норма была уже сформирована. Кроме этого, в задачи Социальной Республики входила трансляция радиопередач для военных и мирных жителей, которые ждали новостей от своих близких, и в этих передачах региональные оттенки не фильтровались.

После окончания войны в мае 1945 г., радио Италии, которое было объединенным в течение 15 лет, а потом на 20 месяцев расколото на две половины, вновь обрело юридическое и административное единство. Бруно Мильорини, решая вопрос примата тосканского или римского произношения, отвечал следующим образом: «Сейчас, если Господь того пожелает, у нас будут действительно независимые каналы радиовещания. У каждого региона будет своя собственная программа и, следова-тельно, свои особенности произношения» (Migliorini 1945, p. 10).

Однако такую языковую свободу после падения режима радио не обрело: про-должалась центристская языковая политика и закрепление italiano standard. Един-ственное послабление было в том, что уже не порицался выбор флорентийского или римского произношения. Своеобразной точкой в истории влияния радио на итальянский язык было переиздание в 1949 г. знаменитого Справочника по произ-ношению и орфографии Бертони 1939 г.

Подводя итоги следует сказать, что в силу исторических обстоятельств, а именно распространения радио в 20-х гг. XX в., фашизм получил мощное орудие воздей-ствия на народные массы, которые следовало идейно объединить при помощи стандартизованного, понятного всем языка. Методы воздействия были разные: насильственные сборы людей, владеющих только местным наречием, на площади для прослушивания выступлений Муссолини, чистка языка от иностранных заим-ствований, запрещение диалектов – все это яркие примеры диктаторской политики режима. Однако не менее важными в истории формирования italiano standard были просветительские программы итальянского радио фашистского двадцатилетия: открытие учебных заведений для работников теле- и радиовещания, языковые



радио-курсы, предназначенные в том числе и для школьных учителей, попытка вести диалог с радиослушателями, разрешая их языковые сомнения в программах с приглашенными знаменитыми лингвистами, поддержка военнослужащих раз-влекательными трансляциями на их родном диалекте, опять же по их просьбам и, наконец, издание журналов с записями радиопередач и закрепление грамматических и орфоэпических норм в справочниках. Как нам кажется, в наше время, когда СМИ критикуются из-за негативного воздействия на язык, важно обратиться к ярким моментам истории, проанализировать их и выявить достижения, внесшие положи-тельный вклад в мировую культуру, в частности, в формирование национального итальянского языка.

Литература

MERLO, C., 1939. Volgare romanesco e colgare toscano. L’Italia dialettale, Vol. 15, 230–235.MIGLIORINI, B., 1945. Pronunzia fiorentina o pronunzia romana? Firenze: Sansoni.MIGLIORINI, B., 1948. Lingua e cultura. Roma: Tumminelli.PASQUALI, G., 1985. Lingua nuova e antica. Saggi e note. Firenze: Le Monienier.RAFFAELLI, S., 1997. La norma linguistica alla radio nel periodo fascista. Gli italiani trasmessi.

La radio. Firenze: l’Accademia, 31–67.RESTORI, V., 1939. Un asse linguistico Roma-Firenze!!? Appunti al «Prontuario di pronunzia e

di ortografia» edito dall’E.I.A.R. Mantova: Tip. Operaia Mantovana.SERIANNI, L., ANTONELLI, G., 2011. Manuale di linguistica italiana. Storia, attualità,

grammatica. Milano-Torino: Bruno Mondadori.АЛИСОВА, Т. Б., ЧЕЛЫШЕВА, И. И., 2009. История итальянского языка от первых

памятников до XVI века. Москва: Изд-во МГУ.ВИКУЛОВА, Л. Г., СЕРЕБРЕННИКОВА, Е. Ф., 2014. Структуры моделирования цен-

ностных ориентиров дискурса социальной реальности в масс-медийном коммуникативном пространстве. Вестник МГПУ. Серия «Филология. Теория языка. Языковое образование», № 1(25), 62–71.

ЧЕЛЫШЕВА, И. И., 2010. Текст и общество в Италии в эпоху фашистского «Двадцати-летия». Текст и язык в переходные эпохи. Москва: Тезаурус, 61–68.

Elena BorisovaMoscow City UniversityResearch interests: theoretical grammar, contrastive linguistics, history of language, lexicology

THE ROLE OF RADIO AT FORMATION OF THE STANDARD ITALIAN LANGUAGE DURING THE TWO FASCIST DECADES

Summary

The aim of this work is to identify the factors how radio affected the Italian language during the fascist twenty-year period and to determine the strategies of the language policy of this period, which were focused primarily on the eradication of foreign borrowings and dialects.

After the late political reunion of Italy up to the middle of the 20th century only well-educated Tuscans and a few well-educated people from other regions had a good command of the written

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literary Italian, formed on the basis of the literary form of Tuscony’s dialect. The illiterate knew only their native dialect. In the early twenties the spread of radio in Italy coincided with the period of fascist propaganda, aimed at formation of the standard Italian language, cleared of all dialect variations and foreign borrowings.

The article looks at the main stages of the language policy during the two fascist decades – Il Ventennio (1925-1945), ranging from a tolerant attitude to linguistic varieties over Italy’s territory to their absolute unacceptance as well as state-regulated elimination of all foreign borrowings from Italian language. Political objectives – stabilization of relations between the leading political groups and the masses, the formation of the single united state, fighting against a common enemy – contributed to the formation of Italian broadcasting organizations, that set norms for the spoken language, later described in the reference book on pronunciation and orphography, published in 1939. What is interesting is the reasons for tolerance towards dialects, assimilation of foreign borrowings and educational radio programmes of the fascist period, that were dealing with the problem.

In addition to printed publications, often summarizing the work done on the air, there were many educational programs aimed at creating a single standardized national language. Educational institutions for TV and radio broadcasters were opened, language radio courses were created, intended also for school teachers. It is interesting, that the radio, which primarily broadcasted a literary speech, verified by censorship, attempted to conduct a dialogue with listeners, resolving their language doubts, in programs where the famous linguists were invited. It was the radio that penetrated the front and supported the soldiers with live broadcasts in their native dialect, again at their request. Undoubted merit of the radio should be considered the publication of magazines with records of radio programs, including on language issues.

KEY WORDS: the radio, language policy, the two fascist decades, standard Italian, dialects, foreign borrowings, enlightening activity.


SPRENDIMAI 93А. Тымбай. ТЕЛЕДЕБАТЫ КАК СРЕДСТВО ВОЗДЕЙСТВИЯ НА АУДИТОРИЮ

Алексей ТымбайМГИМО МИД России119454, Москва, проспект Вернадского, 76E-mail: [email protected]Нау чные интересы: коммуникативная лингвистика, политический дискурс, прагматика

ТЕЛЕДЕБАТЫ КАК СРЕДСТВО ВОЗДЕЙСТВИЯ НА АУДИТОРИЮ

Современная политическая наука рассматривает теледебаты как мощнейший инстру-мент воздействия на избирателя. Практика показывает, что с каждым годом жанр те-ледебатов эволюционирует и наполняется новыми манипулятивными технологиями. Автор статьи полагает, что как специалисту, так и обычному избирателю необходимо научиться декодировать стратегии и тактики, используемые политиками в данном виде речевого взаимодействия с избирателями и уметь противостоять не всегда честным изби-рательным технологиям. Для исследования были выбраны последние президентские дебаты в США, прошедшие в 2016 г. между Д. Трампом и Х. Клинтон. На основе проведенного лин-гвистического анализа аудио и видеоматериала автор выделяет ряд языковых средств до-стижения зрелищности, соревновательности и персонификации политического процесса, являющихся основными характеристиками данного вида политического дискурса. В ста-тье рассматриваются отличия между обычными репликами, комментариями участников, репликами «в зал», простыми наложениями реплик и умышленными прерываниями собесед-ника. Автор подчеркивает как характеристики собственного коммуникативного стиля Клинтон и Трампа, так и универсальные тактики захвата инициативы, удержания роли, «игнорирования» собеседника, выделяет другие способы воздействия как на оппонента, так и на зрителя. Подчеркивается, что записи теледебатов могут послужить прекрасным ра-бочим материалом для студентов международников и политологов, изучающих англий-ский язык для специальных целей.КЛЮЧЕВЫЕ СЛОВА: теледебаты, политический дискурс, речевые стратегии и тактики, технологии манипулирования, обучение английскому для специальных целей.

История вопроса

C того момента, когда телевиденье получило довольно широкое распространение, т.е. начиная с 60-х годов XX века, избирательные штабы американских президентов начали рассматривать теледебаты как главный инструмент успешного проведения избирательной кампании. Теледебаты как разновидность политического дискурса идеально вписались в развлекательную концепцию американского телевидения. По сути, на период проведения президентской гонки они заменили собой трансляцию соревнований по боксу, баскетболу, лошадиных бегов или автомобильных сорев-


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нований. По словам исследователя М. Сороченко, телезрители с удовольствием переключались на теледебаты, поскольку как жанр дискурса они сохранили главную черту, присущую спортивным состязаниям – соревновательность (Сороченко 2002).

С развитием демократических институтов в России, начиная с середины 90-х годов прошлого века, американские теледебаты стали привлекать пристальное вни-мание специалистов самых разных специальностей – от политологов до лингвистов. Причина заключается в том, что они являются смежным объектом исследования для целого ряда гуманитарных дисциплин. По словам исследователей Павловой и Григорьевой, в настоящее время как никогда остро встает вопрос изучения отдель-ных видов массмедийного дискурса, получающих, благодаря развитию технологий, широкое распространение и привлекающих многомиллионную аудиторию. Дело в том, что с развитием новых информационных ресурсов, в частности интернета, и ростом медиатизации общества особую актуальность приобретает проблема пси-хологического воздействия на избирателя (Павлова и др. 2012, с. 122).

Важную роль в популяризации жанра теледебатов сыграла и банальная доступ-ность медиаконтента. Если в конце ХХ века трудно было себе даже представить тран-сляцию американских президентских дебатов на телевидении в России, а в начале 2000-х она была доступна только политологам, то сейчас все этапы президентской гонки в США, начиная с праймериз и до инаугурационной речи нового президента, находятся в свободном доступе и служат самым разным исследовательским целям.

Учитывая периодичность проведения президентской кампании в США с пере-рывом в 4 года, пожалуй, первыми теледебатами, привлекшими внимание россий-ских лингвистов, были теледебаты Буш Керри 2004 года. В частности, на их при-мере исследователь Ноблок доказала, что авторские стратегии участников дебатов обладают определенным манипулятивным потенциалом и прямо воздействуют на аудиторию. По ее словам, авторская стратегия в предвыборном дискурсе является деятельностью ярко выраженного манипулятивно-воздействующего характера и представляет собой алгоритм речемыслительных операций по конструированию у избирателей картины мира, выгодной данному политику (Ноблок 2008, с. 10).

Нежелание В. Путина самостоятельно принимать участие в теледебатах россий-ской президентской гонки в 2012 году, тем не менее, не умалило интерес исследо-вателей к вопросу взаимодействия зритель - политик. Исследователь Никифорова провела анализ средств аргументации этапа теледебатов с участием Е. Ройзмана и пришла к выводам о том, что из всех типов политического диалога дебаты тра-диционно наиболее формализованы, подчинены жесткому регламенту. По словам исследователя, их определяют такие характеристики как официальность, сценар-ность, постоянный ролевой состав (Никифорова 2015, с. 120).

Однако происходившее на экране в сентябре-октябре 2016 года во время трансля-ции теледебатов Трамп – Клинтон лишь частично соответствовало традиционному формату. Представленный публике диалог политиков был менее формальным, чем


обычно, установленные ведущим правила часто нарушались. То ли ввиду непри-миримости позиций, то ли ввиду желания произвести впечатление на аудиторию Клинтон и Трамп часто перебивали друг друга, вступали в словесную перепалку. В результате дебаты местами были похожи на кухонные споры кандидатов годом ранее во время праймериз, хотя обычно, когда дело доходит до всеобщих выборов, процедура становится более формализованной.

Можно сказать, что дебаты 2016 года ознаменовали собой некую новую стадию распространения этого жанра по всему миру. Созданная телевидением реальность такова, что во время американских выборов только ленивый не следил за проис-ходящим. Специалисты, пенсионеры и даже студенты, в целом не проявляющие значительного интереса к политике, как в США, так и по всему миру, вдруг начи-нали задаваться вопросом: а кто же победит на выборах? (Тымбай 2017, с. 155–156).

Выступления кандидатов кампании 2016, Дональда Трампа и Хилари Клинтон, активно цитировались и анализировались. Но если политики и экономисты иска-ли в теледебатах детали предложенной программы экономических реформ, то для большинства населения теледебаты – это, прежде всего, словесная перепалка, исход которой зависит от коммуникативных умений и риторических навыков участников. Именно от степени убедительности на экране, от выбранных политическим штабом речевых стратегий часто зависит политическое будущее кандидатов.

Имя следующего президента США уже известно, но пока в памяти свежи детали политической борьбы, самое время взглянуть на речевое поведение кандидатов со стороны, попробовать непредвзято оценить использованные ими коммуникатив-ные стратегии, чтобы подтвердить или опровергнуть сделанные специалистами гипотезы и предположения относительно закономерностей речевого поведения и применяемой аргументации.

Анализ материала

Для проведения лингвистического эксперимента были выбраны три финальных ра-унда теледебатов, прошедшие в ноябре 2016 года, размещенные в открытом доступе в сети Интернет, общим временем звучания около 3,5 часов Методом сплошной выборки были отобраны 20 наиболее репрезентативных фрагментов, длительностью звучания не более 1 мин. каждый. В основе выбора материала для анализа стал по-иск так называемых, «моментов напряженности», когда на первый план выходила коммуникативная борьба участников, их речевые стратегии ведения диалога.

Выбранный материал был предложен для анализа студентам IV курса, факуль-тета Международных отношений МГИМО МИД России, изучающих английский язык как основной для специальных целей (ESP). В задачи студентов входило выделить эффективные тактики ведения речевого взаимодействия и определить, чьи коммуникативные стратегии (Трампа или Клинтон) показались им наиболее выигрышными. После анализа материала была проведена дискуссия, где студенты (8 человек) поделились своими выводами.

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Необходимо признать, что проведенный эксперимент можно лишь с натяжкой назвать лингвистическим исследованием и его результаты не претендуют на статус научных выводов, но занятия такого рода могут стать основой для написания сту-дентами будущих магистерских работ. Дебаты – это несколько часов аудио и видео-записей яркого политического дискурса, дающих студентам отличную возможность применить на практике теоретические положения коммуникативной лингвистики.

Мы попробовали проследить основные стратегии ведения политических дебатов каждым из их участников на наиболее ярких примерах из сделанной нами выбор-ки. По нашему мнению, сделанные наблюдения выстроились в закономерности, определяющие персональные коммуникативные стили Дональда Трампа и Хилари Клинтон.

С точки зрения восприятия аудиторией своим временем в эфире сполна вос-пользовалась лишь Хилари Клинтон. Справедливости ради стоит заметить, что дело здесь, возможно, не столько в «домашней работе», проделанной перед дебатами штабом кандидата от демократов, сколько в умелом использовании классических риторических приемов, благодаря которым речь Клинтон звучала стройнее и убе-дительнее.

Разница в образе политиков, созданная на экране, является ярким примером персонификации политических вопросов, еще одной характерной чертой теледе-батов. О роли личности в политике написано множество работ и, действительно, влияние персоналии на ход избирательной кампании трудно переоценить. Ведь в конечном счете избиратель отдает свой голос не за бумажную программу партии или кандидата, а за представляющего ее человека.

Кандидат от Демократической партии вела себя максимально сдержанно, лишь иногда позволяя себе выражать эмоции. Между тем речь ее пестрит яркими эпите-тами и хорошо известными спичрайтерам «списками из трех пунктов», которые, как известно, всегда эффектно звучат и, главное, хорошо запоминаются аудиторией.

У Дональда Трампа, напротив, с «президентским» поведением наблюдались явные проблемы. Следовать оговоренному формату дебатов у него получалось в сумме лишь несколько минут из всего отведенного ему времени. Как только Хилари Клин-тон упоминала вопрос, по которому точки зрения кандидатов расходятся, Трамп немедленно начинал ее перебивать, затем регулярно перехватывал инициативу у ведущего и вообще нарушал регламент.

С риторической точки зрения, как, впрочем, и с точки зрения политологов, Трамп – реакционер. Разговорные приемы, хамоватые перебивания, обращение к оппоненту “she” вместо “Hillary” должны были сделать его в глазах американцев «своим парнем». «Своим» – значит хорошим, в противовес «чужой», а значит, плохой Клинтон. Стиль Трампа будто предлагает аудитории сделать выбор: вы вместе со мной за новую Америку или c Клинтон, с которой за тридцать лет, что она находи-лась во властных структурах, в США ничего не изменилось?

Возникает вопрос: а зачем это ему? А ответ можно найти в смежной с лингвисти-кой психологии: создание контрастного фона позволяет политику лучше донести


свои идеи до аудитории, да еще и очернить соперника, так сказать «заодно». да еще и «заодно» очернить соперника.

Сразу после дебатов множество общественно-политических изданий предложи-ли разложенные «по полочкам» позиции сторон. Но представляется, что не всегда все то, что так легко читается экспертами в письменной расшифровке диалога, звучит с той же степенью ясности из уст самих участников. Ведь понятно, что в полити-ческом контексте, как, впрочем, и любом другом, не всегда столь важен сам текст, сколько посыл, а главное – реакция собеседника. Сложность оценки данной речевой ситуации, на наш взгляд, состоит в наложении целого ряда критериев, влияющих на эффективность коммуникации. Оценивая прагматическую составляющую теледеба-тов необходимо учитывать как содержание реплик, так и различные характеристики их реализации, в частности – просодическую составляющую мены ролей. Именно на нее больше всего реагирует телеаудитория, особенно если оператор «ненароком» покажет то удивленные лица, сидящих в зале людей, то восторженные аплодисменты присутствующих на теледебатах членов группы поддержки.

Как же участники выражали свое мнение? В диалоге этой цели служит так на-зываемый «оценочный комментарий». Это своего рода сигнал обратной связи, но в отличие от классического употребления сигналов обратной связи для выражения внимания и понимания партнера, политики на теледебатах ожидают, что реакцией на их реплики станет внимание и понимание зрителей, пусть даже на данном этапе физически никак не ощутимое.

Пример 1В этом примере мы можем наблюдать интересную ситуацию, когда в отрывке

звучащего текста аудитория фиксирует три реплики, однако смены роли не проис-ходит. Трамп просто комментирует заявления собеседника. Клинтон, продолжая свою мысль, приводит аргументы и не обращает внимания на высказывание Трампа. Что же касается Трампа, непонятно: обращается он к собеседнику или к аудитории. Скорее всего, он просто не претендует на взятие коммуникативной роли:

CLINTON: In fact, Donald was one of the people who rooted for the housing crisis. He said, back in 2006, «Gee, I hope it does collapse, because then I can go in and buy some and make some money.»

TRUMP: That’s called business, by the way. Clinton: …Well, it did collapse…В следующем примере Клинтон тоже использует эту тактику в построении

своего диалога с собеседником:

Пример 2TRUMP: Your husband signed NAFTA, which was one of the worst things that ever

happened to the manufacturing industry.CLINTON: Well, that’s your opinion. That is your opinion.

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TRUMP: You go to New England, you go to Ohio, Pennsylvania, you go anywhere you want…

Пример 3Подобные реплики-комментарии, выражающие несогласие, как правило, в

речи теледебатов превращаются в стратегию перехвата инициативы. Так, в дан-ном примере четыре комментария-высказывания выливаются в целую цепочку и превращаются уже в то, что можно было бы назвать «периодом одновременного говорения», где реплики накладываются друг на друга.

Любопытен тот факт, что хотя непосредственная стенограмма может быть разделена на пять реплик, фактической смены роли опять ни разу не происходит. Клинтон вновь не реагирует на комментарии собеседника, ее реплика фактически даже не прерывается.

CLINTON:…Some country is going to be the clean – energy superpower of the 21st century. Donald thinks that climate change is a hoax perpetrated by the Chinese. I think it’s real.

TRUMP: I did not. I did not. I do not say that.CLINTON: I think science is real.TRUMP: I do not say that.CLINTON: And I think it’s important that we grip this and deal with it, both at home

and abroad. Трамп нарочно избирает тактику оценочного комментария. Здесь и в других

примерах видно, что он использует ее в качестве основной стратегии ведения те-ледебатов.

Особое место в дебатах занимают прерывания собеседника. Прерывания отлича-ются от простых наложений тем, что говорящий замолкает до произнесения комму-никативного центра высказывания. Последняя, прерванная синтагма, как правило, характеризуется смысловой незавершенностью и не имеет терминального тона.

Пример 4CLINTON: Well, that is just not accurate. I was against it once it was finally negotiated

and the terms were laid out. I wrote about that in...TRUMP: You called it the gold standard…You called it the gold standard of trade deals.

You said it’s the finest deal you’ve ever seen.Как видно на примере, сразу после прерывания собеседника Трамп пытается

утвердиться в роли и для этого повторяет фразу, с помощью которой он ее захватил.В следующем примере прерывания уже вылились в целую цепочку:

Пример 5CLINTON: Well, Donald, I know you live in your own reality, but that is not the facts.

The facts are – I did say I hoped it would be a good deal, but when it was negotiated...TRUMP: Not.


CLINTON: ... which I was not responsible for, I concluded it wasn’t. I wrote about that in my book...

TRUMP: So is it President Obama’s fault?CLINTON: ... before you even announced.TRUMP: Is it President Obama’s fault?CLINTON: Look, there are differences...TRUMP: Secretary, is it President Obama’s fault?CLINTON: There are...TRUMP: Because he’s pushing it.CLINTON: There are different views about what’s good for our country, our economy,

and our leadership in the world.Поскольку прерванные синтагмы, как правило, не отличаются смысловой закон-

ченностью, смысл реплик улавливается слушающими с трудом. Большое количество прерываний может вывести диалог за рамки кооперативного общения. Но речь дебатов жестко регламентирована, поэтому участники диалога не «скатываются»в конфликтный стиль. В спонтанном же диалоге прерывание более 20 % реплик яв-ляется признаком разворачивающейся ссоры.

Способом сохранить коммуникативную инициативу в этом случае может стать увеличение громкости. Трамп прекрасно владеет этим приемом, что наблюдается при аудиторском анализе следующего стыка реплик:

Пример 6

TRUMP: And I’ll tell you why I’m satisfied with it.HOLT: That was...TRUMP: Because I want to get on to defeating ISIS, because I want to get on to creating

jobs, because I want to get on to having a strong border, because I want to get on to things that are very important to me and that are very important to the country.

Хотя, в отличие Трампа, ведущий Лестер Холт начинает свою реплику вполне в очевидном месте, даже после небольшой паузы, Трамп, в силу своих соображений, еще не готов уступить роль и использует громкость как фонетический маркер, чтобы пока оставить слово за собой.

Важнейшей характеристикой прерываний собеседника является их вклинивание в неположенном с точки зрения фонетического оформления высказывания месте:

Пример 7

CLINTON: And maybe because you haven’t paid any federal income tax for a lot of years. And the other thing I think is important...

TRUMP: It would be squandered, too, believe me.Трамп вклинивается в реплику Клинтон, не дождавшись «положенного места

смены роли», часто маркированного терминальным тоном и уменьшением гром-

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кости. Он прерывает собеседника на ровном тоне, и Клинтон решает замолчать и уступить роль.

Стоит отметить, что такое поведение нетипично для Клинтон. Подобная реакция является скорее исключением, чем правилом. В целом же стратегией Клинтон на прошедших дебатах стала стратегия «не реагирования» на собеседника.

Пример 8

CLINTON: Well, I hope the fact-checkers are turning up the volume and really working hard. Donald supported the invasion of Iraq.

TRUMP: Wrong.CLINTON: That is absolutely proved over and over again.TRUMP: Wrong. Wrong.CLINTON: He actually advocated for the actions we took in Libya and urged that Gadhafi

be taken out, after actually doing some business with him one time.В этом примере Трамп провоцирует Клинтон. Он хочет задеть ее, вызвать на

спор, не дать ей договорить, но она верна своей задаче. Цель дебатов для Клинтон – донести свое мнение до избирателя. Ей попросту некогда выяснять отношения.

Абсолютно такая же ситуация наблюдается и в примере ниже:

Пример 9

CLINTON: And one of the worst things he said was about a woman in a beauty contest. He loves beauty contests, supporting them and hanging around them. And he called this woman “Miss Piggy.” Then he called her “Miss Housekeeping,” because she was Latina. Donald, she has a name.

TRUMP: Where did you find this? Where did you find this?CLINTON: Her name is Alicia Machado.TRUMP: Where did you find this?CLINTON: And she has become a U.S. citizen, and you can bet...TRUMP: Oh, really? CLINTON: ... she’s going to vote this November.TRUMP: OK, good. Let me just tell you...Клинтон так увлекается изобличением Трампа в связи с его высказываниями о

женщинах, что искомый риторический эффект в ее речевом поведении совершенно очевидно выходит на первый план. Трамп все-таки перехватывает роль, но Клинтон уступает ее только тогда, когда она уже впечатлила аудиторию своими откровени-ями, обличила Трампа и ей уже в принципе не важно, что он скажет в ответ: ведь шоу уже состоялось.

В итоге складывается впечатление, что Трамп как мастер оценочного коммента-рия и Клинтон с ее стратегией игнорирования собеседника образовали идеальный дуэт:


Пример 10

CLINTON: Well, that’s because he’d rather have a puppet as president of the United States.TRUMP: No puppet. No puppet.CLINTON: And it’s pretty clear...TRUMP: You’re the puppet!CLINTON: It’s pretty clear you won’t admit...TRUMP: No, you’re the puppet.CLINTON: ... that the Russians have engaged in cyber attacks against the United States

of America.Как видно из примера, Трамп спорит, отрицает, обвиняет, но при этом не выра-

жает готовности взять коммуникативную роль. Клинтон, в свою очередь, не готова ее уступить. Ей нужно высказать свою позицию до конца и при этом сделать это убедительно и аргументировано.

ВыводыПодводя итог проведенному анализу, можно сделать следующие выводы:

1. Речевое поведение участников теледебатов укладывается в рамки ряда ком-муникативных стратегий и тактик. Это поведение отражает личностные характеристики говорящих. Каждый политик имеет свои особенности пу-бличной речевой деятельности. На основе этих особенностей можно создать индивидуальный речевой портрет политика.

2. Коммуникативные стратегии Трампа и Клинтон настолько противоположны, что в конечном счете начинают дополнять друг друга. Комментарии Трампа без желания брать роль как нельзя лучше вписываются в концепцию Клин-тон эту роль не уступать. Возможно, это и является главным объяснением того, почему эксперты, зрители, да и сами участники расходятся в оценках результатов теледебатов.

3. Теледебаты как вид политического дискурса категорически диалогичны. Они представляют собой два уровня диалога: диалог политиков между собой и диалог политиков и зрителей. Именно этот скрытый второй уровень общения выходит в теледебатах на первый план.

4. Участники теледебатов рассматривают данную форму общения как способ представления, а главное – персонификации своей политической программы. Важнейшая функция теледебатов заключается в профилировании передава-емой аудитории информации.

5. Комментарии оскорбительного характера, упоминание компрометирующих деталей и намеренное очернение собеседника являются результатом желания создать контрастный фон, стать «своим» в оппозиции «свой» – «чужой». Иными словами, это речевое поведение не только определяет кандитата в качестве «своего», но и реализует обращение к «своему» электорату через оценочный контекст.

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6. Теледебаты в современном виде утратили былую сценарность и офици-альность. Задача современных теледебатов – придание зрелищности из-бирательному процессу. Используемые участниками теледебатов речевые стратегии (перехвата инициативы, оценочного комментария, одновремен-ного говорения) как раз и обеспечивают требуемую зрелищность. Суще-ствующий конфликт целей, эмоциональная борьба, в том числе на уровне риторических приемов, лингвистических и паралингвистических средств, является свидетельством присущей данному виду политического дискурса соревновательности.

В заключение хотелось бы отметить, что записи прошедших в США теледеба-тов было бы полезно использовать на занятиях со студентами как языковых, так и неязыковых вузов. Анализ текста теледебатов, выборочный просмотр отдельных эпизодов, написание резюме по материалам прослушанного не только развивает у студентов общекультурную компетенцию, но и помогает им сформировать соб-ственный инвентарь языковых и речевых средств, способствующих эффективной реализации диалогического общения на иностранном языке.


НИКИФОРОВА, М. В., 2015. Средства аргументации в жанре предвыборных теледебатов. Политическая лингвистика, № 1(51), 120–125.

НОБЛОК, Н. Л., 2007. Авторские стратегии в англоязычном политическом дискурсе (на материале теледебатов Дж. Буша и Дж. Керри). Тамбов.

ПАВЛОВА, Н. Д., ГРИГОРЬЕВА, А. А., 2012. Средства воздействия в масс-медийном дискурсе: сравнительный анализ теледебатов, телебесед и ток-шоу. Мир науки, культуры, образования, № 2(33), 122–125.

СОРОЧЕНКО, В. В., 2002. Теледебаты как избирательная технология.Режим доступа: URL http://www.psvfactor.ors/debatv.htm (проверено 27 сентября 2017).ТЫМБАЙ, А. А., 2017. Кто победил? (Лингвистический анализ президентских дебатов

2016 года в США). Известия Волгоградского государственного педагогического университета, № 2(115), 155–160.

Alexey TymbayMGIMO UniversityResearch interests: communicative linguistics, political discourse, pragmatics

TV DEBATES AS A MEANS OF INFLUENSING THE AUDIENCE

Summary

Modern Political Science views TV debates as a powerful tool of influencing the electorate. Since the very beginning of the television era (the 1960-ies) this genre of political discourse has been constantly evolving and is commonly viewed as an indispensible part of US presidential race. With the spread of media technologies, and the Internet in particular, American TV debates start to attract large audiences worldwide including political specialists, psychologists and linguists in Russia. A special


concern of the studies conducted in this area is about the manipulative technologies TV debates contain. From the author’s perspective it is important for a specialist as well as a regular voter to be able to learn to see through the strategies and tactics meant to influence the electorate and resist this influence. The 2016 US presidential debates between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton were chosen as a sample for studying. A small linguistic experiment was conducted with the help of MGIMO University students majoring in international relations and diplomacy. They were asked to analyze a number of episodes of the debates where the political/ rhetorical competition between the participants of the run off reached its peak. The linguistic analysis of the material revealed a number of language means aimed at achieving vividness, competitiveness, and personification of the political process, that perfectly define TV debates as a kind of political discourse. The author points out the difference between regular turns, backchannels, overlaps and interruptions employed by the speakers, the latter being viewed as a manifestation of their communicative strategies. The personal styles of Trump and Clinton as well as universal strategies of grabbing the turn, holding the turn, ignoring the opponent and influencing the audience are revealed. In the end it is highlighted that records of TV debates can be used as a perfect material when teaching ESP students majoring in international relations and politics.

KEY WORDS: TV debates, political discourse, communicative strategies, manipulative technologies, teaching ESP.


104 II. KALBŲ DIDAKTIKA

Lina BikelienėVilnius UniversityUniversiteto g. 5, LT-2734 Vilnius, LietuvaPhone. +370 651 77771E-mail: [email protected] ic interests : Corpus Linguistics, English Phonetics, Semantics

THE USE OF THEN IN LITHUANIAN LEARNERS’ ENGLISH

In linguistic literature, learner language has been extensively analysed from various perspectives. A number of studies have reported on the differences between non-native and native learner English. The former has been repeatedly characterised as showing the overuse of the features associated with spoken English (Gilquin and Paquot 2007, 2008; Russell 2014; Yoon 2015). Though in linguistic ana-lysis, due to its polyfunctional nature, ‘then’ has been addressed under a number of various labels, from the quantitative perspective it is reported to be characteristic of spoken English (Biber et al. 1999). The present study, limited to the analysis of non-native language data, aims at determining the roles of language mode and text genre on the use of ‘then’ in the Lithuanian learners’ English. Using quantitative and qualitative approaches three corpora representing the spoken (LINDSEI-LIT) and written (LICLE-VU-LIT and CALE-LIT) English produced by the Lithuanian students were analy-sed. While the results indicate a direct correlation between language mode and the use of ‘then’, the role of genre proved to be less unequivocal.KEY WORDS: learner language, language mode variable, language genre variable.

Introduction

Then has been extensively analysed in linguistic literature under numerous different labels: a discourse marker (Bellés-Fortuño 2016, Biezma 2014, Fraser 1999, Haselow 2011, Schiffrin 1987, Urgelles-Coll 1987), a linking adverbial (Makauskaitė 2016), a time adverb (Yilmaz and Dikilitaş 2017), a time adverbial (Crawford 2008), a temporal adverbial (Makauskaitė 2016, Povolná 1998), a circumastance adverbial (Lenker 2010), a modal particle (Haselow 2011), etc. Since the Old English period, it has been known as polyfunctional. In Old Eng-lish, then (‘þa’) could have had such diverse functions as a circumstance adverb of time or space, an adverbial connector expressing transition, a discourse marker ‘what’s more’, or a subordinating conjunction indicating a temporal relation (Lenker 2010). Nowadays, for example, Deborah Schiffrin (1987), in her study of discourse markers, distinguishes the functions of then in relation to the three temporal concepts, namely, reference, event, and discourse time. According to William J. Crawford (2008), then functions as a time adverb and two types of linking adverbials: having the meaning of ‘next’ and marking results or conclusions. The latter classification serves as the basis for the present study, where the following three functions are distinguished:

II. KALBŲ DIDAKTIKA


SPRENDIMAI 105L. Bikelienė. THE USE OF THEN IN LITHUANIAN LEARNERS’ ENGLISH

Function 1: at that time; Function 2: in a series, after that, next; and Function 3: as a result, in that case.The fact that a great number of studies have treated then as belonging to the class of

discourse makers, i.e. “sequentially dependent elements which bracket units of talk” (Schif-frin 1987, p. 31), can explain the spoken language mode having been often chosen for the analysis. Spoken English material of the International Corpus of English was analysed by Alexander Haselow (2011), who focused on utterance-final use of then. The comparison of the use of then in spoken academic discourse of English and Spanish lectures was studied by Begoña Bellés-Fortuño (2016). The material for the analysis was drawn from the spoken part of the British National Corpus as well as the Corpus of Contemporary Lithuanian by Indrė Makauskaitė (2016).

Douglas Biber et al. (1999) indicated sensitivity of then to the language mode, high frequencies of it being found in conversations, and to a lesser degree to genre, with fiction containing a relatively higher number of the word under examination than other written genres. A number studies have reported on the differences between non-native and na-tive learner English (Hasselgård 2015, Pérez-Paredes 2010, Rozumko 2015). The previous studies of then in learner language have yielded controversial results. While Ercan Yilmaz and Kenan Dikilitaş (2017) reported on several times higher frequencies of then in written non-native learner English than in written academic prose by native speakers, Crawford (2008) found the quantitative results of then in non-native learners’ writing to be closer to academic prose than to conversations. The latter contradicts the tendencies to imploy spoken language features in written interlanguage (Gilquin and Paquot 2007, 2008; Russell 2014; Yoon 2015). As it is shown in Crawford’s (2008) study, in learners’ English writing, the functional distribution, however, proved to be different from both spoken English as well as academic writing. The present study aims to address the gap of the Lithuanian learners’ interlanguage studies with respect to the use of then.

Data and methodology

For the analysis of the role of language mode and genre variables in the use of then in the Lithuanian learners’ English, the data were selected from the following corpora represent-ing written and spoken English produced by the Lithuanian students:

• the Lithuanian subcorpus of the International Corpus of Learner English compiled at Vilnius University (LICLE-VU). It comprises 294 argumentative and literary essays totalling 171,236 word tokens written by the third and fourth year students of English Philology;

• two parts, summaries (CALE-SUM-LIT) and proposals (CALE-PRO-LIT), of the Lithuanian component of the Corpus of Academic Learner English (CALE-LIT). For the analysis 118 proposals and 103 summaries were selected with the total of 69,073 and 36,560 word tokens respectively;


• the Lithuanian component of the Louvain International Database of Spoken Eng-lish Interlanguage (LINDSEI-LIT). 80 transcripts of the Lithuanian students’ of English interviews collected at Vilnius University totalling 84,676 word tokens were analysed in the study.

The research used a mixed research method. Using AntConc3.4.4w (Anthony 2014) software, quantitative analysis was carried out since “observations of frequency have an important place in a description of usage because they display the linguistic choices made by speakers and writers” (Hasselgård 2010, p. 7). The qualitative analysis of the concordance lines allowed the classification of then according to its functions. Statistical significance of the results at the 95th percentile, with p<0.05, was established with the help of Log-likelihood and effect size calculator.

Results

The analysis of then in the Lithuanian learners’ language highlights its high dependence on language mode. The learners showed a tendency to imploy then significantly more often in spoken interactions than in writing whereas there were no considerable differences in the overall frequency among written text types (Fig. 1).

Figure 1. Normalised frequency of then in the Lithuanian learners’ English corpora per 10,000 words.

The distribution of then throughout the corpora mirrors the frequency data with LINDSEI-LIT and CALE-SUM-LIT at the opposite ends of the scale with eight and 81 percent of the files containing the word under examination respectively (Fig. 2). In written texts, which required the students to express their own ideas, i.e. essays and proposals, then was used in approximately one out of four files (23 and 25 percent respectively).

Functional distribution, however, yielded the opposite tendencies (Fig. 3). In spoken language as well as proposals, the students most often used then to signal the meaning of ‘next’. In essays and summaries, major functional preferences were reverse. More than


a half of all the cases were used with Function 3 (64 and 53 percent respectively). The tendencies match those observed in the essays of Spanish, Bulgarian and native students, as well as in academic writing by native speakers (Crawford 2008).

Indication of a sequence (Function 2) was found in 33 per cent in both LICLE-VU and CALE-SUM-LIT corpora. Function 1, showing a specific time point was the most seldom used function in all the corpora under consideration. It was, however, relatively more popular in summaries – a genre that due to its requirements is strongly influenced by the original source text to be summarized.

Differences in functional distribution in the subcorpora of CALE-LIT signal the danger of overgeneralization while analising seemingly homogeneous texts, in this case, those belonging to academic register. The results presented in Fig.3 indicate the importance of highlighting the specific genre characteristics and requirement in the teaching process.

Figure 2. Distribution of then through the Lithuanian learners’ English corpora by percentage.

Figure 3. Functional distribution of then in the Lithuanian learners’ English corpora by percentage.


Table 1 provides the summary statistics for the functional distribution of then between the variables under consideration. ‘+’ indicates a statistically significant while ‘-’ shows a statistically insignificant difference. In brackets, the table presents log-likelihood values. The results illustrate that for Function 1, the use of then depends only on language mode. Language mode, however, proved to play an important role for the other two functions as well. Only insignificant differences were observed for all the functions between essays and summaries, while in essays and proposals, the difference in students’ quantitative use of then with Functions 2 and 3 proved to be significant, which led to a significant difference between overall results of written academic and non-academic texts. The comparison of two academic genres, summaries and proposals, shows differencies in the use of Funcion 2.

Table 1. Statistical significance between variables according to the functions of then (LL value) in the Lithuanian learners’ English corpora.

Function 1 Function 2 Function 3spoken vs. written(LINDSEI vs. LICLE-VU)

+(8.82)

+(216.78)

+(3.88)

written non-academic vs. written academic(LICLE-VU vs. CALE-LIT)

-(0.04)

-(3.82)

+(12.75)

essays vs. summaries (LICLE-VU vs. CALE-SUM-LIT)

-(0.42)

-(0.78)

-(2.22)

essays vs. proposals(LICLE-VU vs. CALE-PRO-LIT)

-(0.03)

+(7.11)

+(12.65)

written academic: summaries vs. proposals(CALE-SUM-LIT vs. CALE-PRO-LIT)

-(0.48)

+(5.35)

-(0.80)

Figure 4 indicates the distribution of two constructions with then in the corpora. The canonical conditional construction if … then was used in all the corpora chosen for the study. Though there is no obligatory use of then in such conditionals, its presents “requires that the sequence of moves establish a causal explanatory claim” (Biezma 2014, p. 18).

Figure 4. and then and if … then in the Lithuanian learners’ English corpora by percentage.


Intristingly, summaries and proposals, both being academic genres, employ the construc-tion to a different extent.

In the case of the second construction, and then, spoken language and summaries constituted two extremes of the scale. There was not a single instance of the construction in the CALE-SUM-LIT corpus whereas in the Lithuanian students’ spoken production, more than every second use of then (64 per cent) was to indicate succession between ideas, topics, or actions (cf. Schiffrin 1987) with its help. The genre of proposals requires students to present the sequence of their research. In the CALE-PRO-LIT corpus, this resulted in every fourth then to be used in the overtly sequence-marking construction and then. Since essays are a relatively less regimented genre, the percentage of and then was almost twice lower than in proposals.

ConclusionsThe aim of the current study was to determine the role of language mode and text genre variables for the use of then in the Lithuanian learners’ spoken and written production. The results showed direct correlation between language mode and the use of then. The role of text genre, however, was proven to be less unequivocal. While no significant dif-ferences were observed in the overall use of then, some differences appeared in the case of functional distribution. The Lithuanian learners in both language modes and all the genres under consideration proved to favour two functions distinguished for the use of the word in question. Together these results provide preliminary insights into the topic and can serve as the base for further studies.

REFERENCES

BELLÉS-FORTUÑO, B., 2016. Academic discourse markers: A contrastive analysis of the dis-course marker then in English and Spanish lectures. Verbeia, 1, 57–78.

BIBER, D., JOHANSSON, S., LEECH, G., CONRAD, S., FINEGAN, E., 1999. Longman grammar of spoken and written English. Harlow: Pearson Education.

BIEZMA, M., 2014. The grammar of discourse: The case of then. Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory, 24, 337–394. Available at: http://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/SALT/article/view/24.373/2147. Accessed: 14 November 2017.

BIKELIENĖ, L., 2016a. Evaluative adjectives in Lithuanian and native students’ English writing. Kalba ir kontekstai, VII(1), 1 dalis, 197–206.

BIKELIENĖ, L., 2016b. Person markers in non-native students‘ writing. Verbum, 7, 34–43.CRAWFORD, W. J., 2008. Place and time adverbials in native and non-native English student

writing. In Ädel, A. and Reppen, R. Corpora and discourse. The challenges of different settings. Am-sterdam/ Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 267–287.

FRASER, B., 1999. What are discourse markers? Journal of pragmatics, 31, 931–952.GILQUIN, G., PAQUOT, M., 2007. Spoken features in learner academic writing: identification,

explanation and solution. In: M. Davies, P. Rayson, S. Hunston, P. Danielsson. Proceedings of the Fourth Corpus Linguistics Conference CL2007, 1–12.

GILQUIN, G., PAQUOT, M., 2008. Too chatty. Learner academic writing and register variation. English Text Construction, 1(1), 41–61.


HASELOW, A., 2011. Discourse marker and modal particle: The function of utterance-final then in spoken English. Journal of Pragmatics, 43(14), 3603–3623.

HASSELGÅRD, H., 2010. Adjunct adverbials in English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.HASSELGÅRD, H., 2015. Lexicogrammatical features of adverbs in advanced learner English.

ITL – International Journal of Applied Linguistics, 166(1), 163–189.LENKER, U., 2010. Argument and rethoric. Adverbial connectors in the history of English. Berlin/

New York: De Gruyter Mouton.MAKAUSKAITĖ, I., 2016. Multifunctionality of the Lithuanian tada and English then in spoken

discourse: a cross-linguistic analysis. Kalbotyra, 68, 96–124.PÉREZ-PAREDES, P., 2010. The death of the adverb revisited: Attested uses of adverbs in native

and non-native comparable corpora of spoken English. In: M. Moreno Jaén, F. Serrano Valverde, and M. Calzada Pérez. Exploring New Paths in Language Pedagogy. Lexis and Corpus-based Language Teaching. London: Equinox, 157–172.

ROZUMKO, A., 2015. Native and non-native uses of English modal particles. The case of “surely” and “for sure”. Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics, 51(4), 551–573.

RUSSELL, M. K., 2014. A Comparison of Linguistic Features in the Academic Writing of Advanced English Language Learner and English First Language University Students. Dissertations and Theses. Paper 2023. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3023&context=open_ac-cess_etds (Accessed 17 November 2017).

SCHIFFRIN, D., 1987. Discourse markers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.URGELLES-COLL, M., 2010. The syntax and semantics of discourse markers. London and New

York: Continuum.YILMAZ, E., DIKILITAŞ, K., 2017. EFL learners’ uses of adverbs in argumentative essays.

Novitas-ROYAL (Research on Youth and Language), 11(1), 69–87.YOON, CH., 2015. Writing like speaking: spoken register features in Korean EFL learners’

argumentative writing. Korean Journal of Applied Linguistics, 31 (4), 153–179.

TOOLS

ANTHONY, L., 2014. AntConc (Version 3.4.4w) [Computer Software]. Tokyo, Japan: Waseda University. Available from : http://www.laurenceanthony.net/.

Log-likelihood and effect size calculator. Available from: http://ucrel.lancs.ac.uk/llwizard.html.

Lina Bikelienė Vilnius UniversityScientif ic interest : English Phonetics, Semantics, Corpus Linguistics

THE USE OF THEN IN LITHUANIAN LEARNERS’ ENGLISH

Summary

In linguistic literature, learner language has been extensively analysed from various perspectives: based on learners’ L1, linguistic features, etc. A large volume of studies has reported on the differences between non-native and native learner English (Hasselgård 2015, Pérez-Paredes 2010, Rozumko 2015). The former has been repeatedly characterised as showing the overuse of the features associ-ated with spoken English (Gilquin and Paquot 2007, Gilquin and Paquot 2008, Russell 2014, Yoon 2015). Though in linguistic analysis, due to its polyfunctional nature, ‘then’ has been addressed under a number of various labels (a discourse marker (Bellés-Fortuño 2016, Biezma 2014, Fraser 1999, Haselow 2011, Schiffrin 1987, Urgelles-Coll 1987), a linking adverbial (Makauskaitė 2016),


a time adverb (Yilmaz and Dikilitaş 2017), a time adverbial (Crawford 2008), a temporal adverbial (Makauskaitė 2016, Povolná 1998), a circumastance adverbial (Lenker 2010), a modal particle (Haselow 2011), etc), from the quantitative perspective it is reported to be characteristically found in conversations, i.e. spoken English (Biber et al. 1999). The present study is limited to the analysis of non-native language produced by the Lithuanian students. Previous research on the Lithuanian learners’ language (Bikelienė 2016a, Bikelienė 2016b) proved the institutional variable to play a role in the use of some linguistic constructions, therefore, to control it, only the material produced by the students of Vilnius Univeristy was chosen for the analysis. The paper aims at determining the roles of language mode and text genre on the use of ‘then’ in the Lithuanian learners’ English. Using quantitative and qualitative approaches sections of three corpora representing the spoken (LINDSEI-LIT) and written (LICLE-VU-LIT and CALE-LIT) English produced by the Lithuanian students were analysed. While the results indicate direct correlation between language mode and the use of ‘then’, the role of genre proved to be less unequivocal.

KEY WORDS: learner language, language mode variable, language genre variable.

Lina Bikelienė Vilniaus universitetas

THEN VARTOSENA LIETUVIŲ STUDENTŲ ANGLŲ KALBOJE

Santrauka

Lingvistinėje literatūroje besimokančiųjų anglų kalba yra analizuojama įvairiais aspektais: pagal besimokančiųjų gimtąją kalbą, tiriamos atskiros konstrukcijos, etc. Ankstesniuose tyrimuose buvo nustatyti skirtumai tarp gimtakalbių ir besimokančiųjų anglų kalbos vartosenose (Hasselgård 2015, Pérez-Paredes 2010 , Rozumko 2015). Pastaroji dažnai charakterizuojama kaip turinti itin daug sakytinės kalbos bruožų (Gilquin ir Paquot 2007, 2008; Russell 2014; Yoon 2015 ir tt). Nors lingvistinėje literatūroje dėl savo multifunkcinio pobūdžio then (liet. tada) sutinkamas skirtingais pavadinimais (diskurso žymiklis (angl. discourse marker) (Bellés-Fortuño 2016, Biezma 2014, Fraser 1999, Haselow 2011, Schiffrin 1987, Urgelles-Coll 1987), jungiamasis adverbialas (angl. linking adverbial) (Makauskaitė 2016), laiko prieveiksmis (angl. time adverb) (Yilmaz and Dikilitaş 2017), laiko adverbialas (angl. time adverbial) (Crawford 2008), (angl. temporal adverbial) (Makauskaitė 2016, Povolná 1998), aplinkybinis adverbialas (angl. circumstance adverbial) (Lenker 2010), moda-linė dalelytė (angl. modal particle) (Haselow 2011) ir kt.), kiekybiniu požiūriu, jis yra priskirtingas sakytinės kalbos bruožams (Biber et al. 1999). Šis tyrimas apsiriboja negimtakalbių studentų (lie-tuvių) anglų kalbos analize. Siekiant kontroliuoti institucinį kintamąjį, kurio vaidmuo, kaip parodė ankstesni lietuvių, besimokančiųjų anglų kalbos, anglų kalbos tyrimai (Bikelienė 2016a, Bikelienė 2016b), negali būti ignoruojamas, šiame straipsnyje analizuojami tik Vilniaus universiteto studentų darbai. Straipsnyje siekiama nustatyti sakytinės ir rašytinės raiškos ir teksto žanro vaidmens kinta-mųjų svarbą then (liet. tada) vartosenai lietuvių, besimokančių anglų kalbos, darbuose. Kiekybiniam ir kokybiniam tyrimui medžiaga buvo surinkta iš lietuvių, besimokančiųjų anglų kalbos, sakytinės (LINDSEI-LIT) ir rašytinės anglų kalbos (angl. LICLE-VU-LIT ir CALE-LIT) potekstynių. Rezul-tatai atskleidė tiesioginę sąsają tarp kalbos raiškos ir then vartosenos, o žanro kintamojo vaidmuo negali būti vertinamas vienareikšmiškai.

REIKŠMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: besimokančiųjų kalba, sakytinės ir rašytinės raiškos kintamasis, žanro kintamasis.



Domas RudisVilnius UniversityInstitute of Foreign LanguagesUniversiteto 5, LT-01513 Vilnius, LietuvaTel.: +370 5 268 7264E-mail: [email protected] Interests: second-language acquisition, American culture

Svetozar PoštićVilnius UniversityInstitute of Foreign LanguagesUniversiteto 5, LT-01513 Vilnius, LietuvaTel.: +370 5 268 7264E-mail: [email protected] Interests: cultural linguistics, intercultural communication, comparative literature

INFLUENCE OF VIDEO GAMES ON THE ACQUISITION OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

In the past decade or two, there has been an obvious increase in the number of school children profici-ent in English. One of the reasons is the number of English classes per week, but even more important-ly, it is the influence of the media. Students are greatly exposed to video games. In this paper, a survey was conducted in order to find the connection between video-game playing and English proficiency. Ninety six students filled out the survey answering a range of question on the quantity and quality of their video game playing. The conclusion drawn was that video games have a profound impact on language learning. The areas of most benefit were vocabulary and pronunciation. As a form of highly desirable entertainment, video games provide a positive and motivating atmosphere, which is perfect for adopting a foreign language.KEY WORDS: video games, influence, English, second-language acquisition.

INTRODUCTION

Ever since English became a lingua franca in all areas from business, science, diplomacy, information technology and other parts of our everyday lives, people from around the world have been learning it as a way to open as many doors in life as possible. From job opportunities to holiday prospects to increasing the amount of potential entertainment, English has become an integral part in the lives of many people across the globe. After World War 2, with the rise of the United States as a world superpower and the advent of new communication channels, the influence of English is felt everywhere.

The most important facet of the American culture that let English infiltrate the world was the entertainment industry. From Hollywood to the various music outlets, the Ameri-


SPRENDIMAI 113D. Rudis, S. Poštić. INFLUENCE OF VIDEO GAMES ON THE ACQUISITION

OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

can dream spread out, bringing with it the English language. One entertainment area that became a steady supplier of non-native English speaker to the world was the development of video games.Video gaming was not always a way to acquire language, since the very first video games were made out of old radar equipment designedto simulate a game of table tennis. Until the mid-1980s, video games were nothing more than a bunch of shapes shooting or moving towards other shapes on a black and white screen, with barely any depth to the gameplay other than being a reflex test. They could not contain any narrative because of their lack of attractive graphics and a plot. Gradually, however, games have become more and more complex both in terms of gameplay and story, and as such have become phenomenal sources first for passive, but laterincreasingly for active language interaction. Thus, they have become a multimillion dollar business.

In the past few decades, more and more people, especially children, started playing video games and many video games characters became cultural icons. The technology of video gaming has advanced far enough to be compared to movies, cartoons and books in their capacity to tell an engaging story, to be well presented and directed. Video games have two important advantages over these mediums: interactivity and the facilitation of communication.Facilitation of communication is especially important in increasing the proficiency of a non-native English speaker. Most games tend to have either vast internal lore or a variety of systems interacting within the larger gameplay systems. Both of these factors create a need for players to flock unto various communication platforms to discuss the games or to find out how to get past a difficult level, thus facilitating language use. The language of international communication is, of course, English.

Another facet of communication is the reliance of certain games to be played by multiple people. This has the benefit of having players engaged in “on the spot” communication, especially in regard to teamwork-focused games like tactical first person shooters. These games require not only great reflexes and tactical thinking, but also communication skills and verbal coordination with other players. In large part due to these advantages, video gaming has become the latest domain of English as the world communication tool,and it seems appropriate, therefore, to try and analyse the influence video games have on learn-ing English.

So, the aim of this work is to examine the influence of video games on the acquisition of English. First, relevant research will be reviewed, and then the relationship between video games and other media will be established. In order to investigate the impact of video games on the English-language acquisition, a survey was given to non-English-speaking video games players about the influence of those video games on their English proficiency. The result of the survey will then be analysed. Finally, the question how specific features of video games contribute to language learning will be examined as well.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Before delving into the literature focused on the influence of video games on language acquisition, it is pertinent to explore some of the concepts on language acquisition in


general. The book Introducing Second Language Acquisition by Saville-Troike (2006) is a great resource for understanding language acquisition and, for our purposes specifically, second-language acquisition. On page 17 the book provides a very simple yet incredibly useful table on first and second language development:

This table very simply breaks down the basic stages and processes that take place in language learning. The author argues that the initial stages of language learning both for the native language acquired in childhood and potentially for any subsequent languages learnt a degree of innate ability is required. In the initial stage, second-language learners will also possess the knowledge from their original language as well as various other skills, which provide a baseline for learning.First the basic process of linguistic competence in the original language takes place. Cross-linguistic competence is a part of the transfer, since some aspects of languages translate without a hitch across languages.Once the basic transfer is over, the necessary part of learning begins. Input is the most important part of language learning. It provides learners with the key aspects of language: words, sentence structure, phonology etc.

Four components need to be satisfied for the final state of full multilingual competence to be achieved:1. Feedback with error correction; 2. Aptitude with facilitation of memory capacity and analytic ability; 3. Motivation; 4. Instruction, or in the case of school chil-dren, teaching. The third point, motivation, is by far the most relevant regarding video games and their influence on language acquisition. According to A. Doring, children develop high confidence in adopting the language in a “low-affective” atmosphere for learning (2002, 56). Video games and cartoons engage the attention of learners,create a non-threateningatmosphere in presenting information and have potential to encourage



thinking process and discussion skills (Clark 2000). So, learning a foreign language while playing video games is very effective because it is highly motivating due to its entertain-ment value, and there is no pressure or evaluation methods that could deter players from openly engaging in using the language.

In the past few years, a few studies trying to analyse the influence of playing video games on the language-learning process have appeared. Concerning positive effects gam-ing could have, at firstarguments were presented that video games had benefits on things like anxiety and motivation, but the question of the influence of video games on language learning has yet to be fully explored.

Researchers Reinders and Wattana (2011) in their article „Learn English or die: The effects of digital games on interaction and willingness to communicate in a foreign lan-guage,” highlight a few studies that have been done on how digital gaming could help with language acquisition. The first study they mention was conducted in 2010 by deHaan, Reed, Kuwada. It was designed to compare the increase in vocabulary of participants who actively played a game as opposed to participants who only watched the game being played. The study found that people who only watched gameplay reported higher result than the people who were actively playing. The researchers then concluded that “…interactivity is therefore not necessarily conducive to language acquisition.” (cited in Reinders 2011).The authors point out,however, a few problems with the study. The first is that language was not the key aspect within the goal of the game played, and thus the comprehension of the vocabulary was not necessary. Second, the genre of the game did not have a story component to it, which would require the player to be able to comprehend what was being stated and how to respond to the games challenges correctly.

Another interesting study that Reinders and Wattana (2011) discuss was done by Chen and Johnson in 2004. They used a commercial role-playing game called NeverwinterNigths (developed by Bioware in 2002) and modified it to have a language learning aspect to “…promote a state of ‘flow’ and motivate students to practice language skills.” (cited in Reinders 2016). The authors found that depending on the amount of experience an indi-vidual has with playing games, the better chance they have to acquire the secondary skills the game might affect.

A very important element of video-game playing is interaction, described as something that relates to all interpersonal activity that happens either in real life or via electronic means, like the internet or over the phone. Reinders and Wattana state that in order for language acquisition to be most effective, a learner must be able to produce “comprehensible output” in addition to getting “comprehensible input” of the target language (Reinders 2011). This requirement describes certain video games perfectly, since most of them will provide a hefty English vocabulary and grant the player many opportunities to use that vocabulary to communicate with other players.

The final important point that the authors make is about the willingness to commu-nicate. The key problem is that despite the reception of a sufficient amount of “input”,the players will not automatically be willing to use it. The explanation given by various previous


linguists are predisposition toward verbal behavior, shyness or unwillingness to commu-nicate (Reinders 2011). The willingness to communicateis the key in being able to acquire a second language, and one of the best ways to do it is to increase the likelihood of people using the language not only in a scholastic environment, but in more natural ways. One of those ways, as the researchers point out, is by playing video games, specifically, massively multiplayer online role playing games (MMORPGs). Since people perceive video games asan entertaining, low-anxiety environment, and in the case of MMORPGs and other games have a multiplayer component, they provide and easy and natural way to produce language. They thus provide the other half of language acquisition through interpersonal player interactions through the web (Reinders 2011).

In his article “Video Games as Opportunity for Informal English Language Learning: Theoretical Considerations”, R. G. da Silva discusses ways in which language learners could use video games as a way to increase their proficiency using video games. The article describes two particular types of skills that video games help cultivate: receptive skills (reading and listening) and expressive skills (writing and speaking) (da Silva 2014). The way video games cultivate receptive language skills is by giving players new vocabulary and then immediately providing them with the proper context. This is done by stimulating the player’s other senses and by showing players corresponding images or having a character perform a corresponding action.

Da Silva also points out a few studies showing that simple interaction with non-player characters (NPCs) can be very helpful. Heargues that games are a great way of teaching people about various types of language quirks such as accents. Understanding what NPCs in games are saying is very important for completing the objectives of the game.Expressive skills are cultivated within gameplay as well. The author explains two important concepts, “transmedia”and”participatory culture.”A researcher by the name of Thompson in his study in 2013 pointed out that over time video games have become more and more difficult, acquiring hidden secrets or difficult puzzles, so a collective intelligence is necessary to fully experience the game. For these reasons, and with the widespread use of the internet, massive amounts of gaming communities have appeared in order to solve these predica-ments. He states that video games have become “transmedia” because they shattered the boundaries of their own medium. Since the discussion of certain games has moved into other media forms, in order to fully understand all the underlying mechanisms of games, people started to look for information outside of them. This causes discourse to happen and language input/output to appear (cited in da Silva 2014).

The other study that da Silva refers to is an example given for personal and interactional functions of language. The study done by Rankin in 2008 looked into MMORPGS and found that allowing non-native players to communicate within an international commu-nity of players, which includes native-speakers, directly leads to a better form of language acquisition, thus developing the personal and interactional functions of language (cited in da Silva 2014).It was concluded that in-game group building either through guilds or parties inside MMORPGs like World of Warcraft facilitate the regulatory function of



language, since most of these groups have their own internal rules that are either made by the game developers or are agreed upon or enforced by other players.

In his article “L2 Acquisition From Video Games With Minimal Exposure”, L. H. The-odorsen reiterates the importance of comprehensible input and output as an important factor in second language acquisition. He notes that there is something called language intake that is similar to input, but that it is “input that has been processed in the working memory and made available for further processing”. There are ways that learners process input in manners that are sub optimal, and this could be the case with video games, since, depending on the game, gameplay sessions could be stressful and attention could be, there-fore, diverted from processing language, Theodorsen argues. The player are nevertheless more attentive to key words that convey meaning instead of the complementary words like inflections, pronouns and prepositions (Theodorsen 2015).

Theodorsen introduces the concept of Task-Based Language Teaching (TBLT) method of creating tasks for language learning and applying the same logic to the design of a video game. “Task-Based Language Teaching (TBLT) proposes the notion of ‘task’ as a central unit of planning and teaching. Although definitions of task vary in TBLT, there is an agreement that a task is an activity or goal carried out using language, such as finding solutions to a puzzle, reading a map and giving directions, making a telephone call, writ-ing a letter, or reading a set of instructions and assembling a toy,” he explains (Theodorsen 2015). TBLT helps understand how video games have a great potential in being language learning tools, since the player is active within the world which provides a huge amount of linguistic input with corresponding visuals, auditory stimuli and context.

A few of the design elements described are particularly useful for language learning and can be found in almost any modern game. The most important principle is that of informa-tion “on demand”:information and tools to solve the problems presented to the player are available immediately, which is a key component to the games progress in most genres. In addition to the gameplay tools that the players are presented,the same happens with the way language is presented to them. It is always presented with context, most importantly context that arises directly from player actions (both in terms of gameplay systems as well as the narrative choices if applicable by genre), which allows players to be emotionally invested in the story and thus acquire the language even better (Theodorsen 2015).

This article also describes the concept of interconnection of visual and word. Video games connect language with visual, auditory cues as well as interactive 3D representation of an object inside the game world. This allows a player to associate a linguistic phenomenon through multiple senses, which enhances the learning of the word. Hedescribes Computer assisted language learning or CALL. A study done by Ranalli in 2008 looked at a game called The Sims to see if a commercial title could be adapted to suit a vocabulary learn-ing exercise. In the study, researcher paid extra attention to the supporting material and how it affects applied language learning. He also tried to find which aspects of gameplay were most effective for the adaptation of games into a learning tool (cited in Theodorsen 2015). So, this study tells us that with proper adaptation commercial games can easily be


turned into edutainment while simply building on top of an innate usefulness of games to teach language.

Another relevant article is Olli Uuskoskis’ “Playing video games: A waste of time... or not?”The author describes a study done by Piirainen-Marsh and Tainio in 2009 that in-vestigated one potential aspect of video games as a language learning tool. The researchers watched and transcribed recordings of two teenagers playing Final Fantasy X, and they focused on how the players then repeated the dialogue spoken by the in-game characters. Thevarious linguistic details found in video games are particularly flexible resources, and a socially shared experience provides extra proficiency with the players’ second language, the authors concluded. They argue that being able to mimic the speech characters produce in the game allows the player to transfer the words spoken into his/her own vocabulary and is later on able to use those same linguistic resources outside of a gaming situation (cited in Uuskoski 2011). Video gaming is not necessarily a social experience, and language is not always a key part of a game, the author states, but the study still highlights an im-mense potential that games have in terms of being a useful tool in language acquisition (Uuskoski 2011).

In conclusion, the theoretical body of work about the influence of video games on language acquisition seems to point toward the fact that video games can be massively useful in teaching a language.Most of the researchers agree that video games provide a very comprehensive set of extra stimuli that help involve players in the language they are exposed to through gameplay. Visual cues, voice acting, discourse, narratives and context are all parts of games and, when paired with linguistic resources, enhance the learning process.Video games also activate incidental learning,where the previously mentioned context al-lows the player to make educated guesses as to what an unknown word might mean, and as a result gaps in player knowledge of the language can be easily filled in without using a dictionary. Children are not inclined to use dictionaries, even on the computer, anyway.

Many researchers also looked into the potential of video games to be a form of “edutain-ment” (education + entertainment) for the language learning purposes. While there were efforts to design games specifically for language learning, research suggests that even commercial games have the potential to be valuable tools for learning without using any supplementary material for teaching purposes.Another great side effect of gaming that encourages development of language skills in learners is related to the concept of trans-media. Video games are complicated systems with many sub-systems that have lots of gameplay nuances, a vast narrative with complex back stories to track, or secrets that are difficult to find. As a result, communities spring up to try and solve these mysteries. The communities built around video games provide a motivation to use the language, greatly increasing the players’ proficiency.

As with any form of language learning help, video games have their drawbacks as well. Several studies suggested that certain games, especially older games, cannot be used for these purposes since they do not include language, or language is barely relevant while playing. Another problem that games have as a learning tool has to do with cognitive



overload. If a game is too complicated or too involved, then the brain simply does not have the capacity to properly play the game and passively (or actively) learn a language.

METHODOLOGY

In order to assess influence of video games on language learners, the main tool used was a questionnaire.A questionnaire previously used to investigate influence of cartoons on foreign-language acquisition (Postic 2015) washeavily modified to examine the influence of video games on learning the English language. It contained nine questions related to the use of video games and their impact on English-language acquisition. Apart from asking the students to quantify the time they spend playing video games, it asks them to assess the influence the game playing had on their knowledge of the foreign language. The children were also asked to give the average evaluation they obtained in their English language class.

The questionnaire was given to 96 children ages 11-15.Beside establishing the connec-tion between the video games and English-language learning, the questions were designed to test a few of the points discussed in the theoretical section of the paper.Once the data was collected,all the answers were reviewed and analysed, and conclusions formulated.

THE EMPIRICAL SURVEY

The very first thing that needs to be established while conducting the research on the influence of video games on learning the English language is how video games are simi-lar to other, more traditional, forms of media. Video games are in a unique position, as they can be easily compared to other mediums, but they also possess a few traits that are completely unique to gaming.Books are the first medium that certain video games can be compared to, since video games allow for a wide array building up the plot. Just like books, video games generally do not have the problem of pacing, since neither medium is constrained by the average run times of movies. A movie being too short or too long can be a big problem, but books and video games can, for the most part, be as long as they want as long as its content is engaging. Also, certain video games have extensive use of written materials, either for world building, by creating a written book within the world to read, or for budgetary reasons and creating character dialogue via text.

Movies and cartoons are another medium that video games can be compared to. Ever since modern 3D video game engineshave been implemented, and after a few landmark video games like Metal Gear Solid, video games started to implement more and more tech-niques associated with film. Nowadays, a lot of games have “cut scenes” that are scripted, shot, and acted out just like movie scenes, but instead of filming live actors (sometimes actors with motion capture technology), game developers use the in-game graphics engine to create and direct scenes inside games. In terms of language learning, this helps the player learn proper pronunciation by being constantly exposed to the language spoken properly. Games that allow players to choose a response by their playable character are particularly useful in that respect.


In regard to learning languages through the medium, video games have a few advantages that make for a better learning tool. There are a few reasons why playing a game provides a better language learning environment. The first reason is the idea of “quiet time”; there are portions of games when not a whole lot is happening on screen. This time can be used to actively search for words and word meanings in a dictionary while playing. In this way, the playeris not pulled out of the game while trying to figure something out, while with a book it would be a lot less seamless. The second reason is that games often include a lot of visual cues in reference to in-game objects. When a word or a phrase comes up,one can also see the object on screen, which is a great way of associating words with visual objects. T/his circumstanceenables a much quicker learning environment.The third reason is that games, even in the most rudimentary cases, revolve around player agency. Instead of being a passive observer, a player in the game is an active participant. So instead of just observing what is happening, the players’ actions have a direct impact, so the playershave to actively think what they are doing, how they are doing it and how thisis going to affect the game world or the story. Due to the active nature of these games, the player has to spend more time comprehending the words that appear on screen in order to make the most efficient decision with the given variables.

Lastly, unlike every other form of entertainment media, video games can be actively enjoyed with multiple people at the same time. In terms of influencing the language learning of an individual, multiplayer games provide players a chance and the motivation required to fully embrace and practice the language. Multiplayer games often require a lot of player cooperation, some games provide certain features to help players move in a particular direction, which naturally makes the players cooperate. This environment in a game pro-vides an incentive for players to practice the usage of the language, since their enjoyment of the game, which comes from the accomplishment of in-game tasks, is directly tied to it.

Here is some statistical data from the survey given to middle and high school students: Out of the 96 people who were asked about the influence of video games on their language

Did video games help you learn English?



learning. 71 of the people responded positively in varying degrees. Out of those 96, 15 respondents did not play video games. So, out of the 96 people who took the survey, 81 people played video games and only 10 of them said that video games did not influence their language learning.

The next thing to consider is the English grades the students who played video games provided.

From this data, it is difficult to extrapolate anything, since the data does not include enough variables. For our purposes, these grades could imply that video games do not have much of an effect on language learning considering that the only grade not represented in this line chart is 5, one grade above failing, with the rest being evenly represented. The high grades could suggest that video gaming helps significantly, but the low grades could mean that it is a detriment orthat the pupil is spending too much time playing and not studying.

Comparing the grades of people who played video games and those who did not can-not be done fairly, since the amount of people who played video games far outweighed the number of people who did not, so comparing the two groups would bear no usable results.

Next, the answers to the questions on the questionnaire should be considered:Question 1: What in your opinion has helped you learn English the most?Out of the 71 people who answered that video games helped learning the English lan-

guage, 20 responded that video games were the main or one of the main influences that helped them learn the language. This represents quite a large percentage of the students, which suggests that video games are a substantial influence on language learning. The other answers included were: movies, cartoons, the internet in general,school and parents. These answers were expected.

Grades of the people who played video games

Grades of people who did not play video games


Question 2: Have you ever used the internet or played video games before the age of 12?All the people who responded to this question responded positively, which suggests

that both the internet and video games have become an omnipresent part of everyday lives of children and thus will, at the very least, influence their language usage.

Question 3: If you responded to the last question positively, do you think video games helped you learn English? If so, please elaborate on how they helped you learn English.

Many of the people who responded to this question did not specify how video games helped them learn; they only mentioned that they did. However, the people who did elaborate gave a few different answers. The most commonly expressed opinion was that video games help expand the vocabulary of the player, since most games provide a lot of textual and audible information, and thus continuously reinforce the new vocabulary. The reinforcement of the vocabulary comes in the form of many repetitive actions during gameplay, which will burn certain words into the mind of the player. For example, the game series called Dark Souls prides itself on having a high difficulty, so a player will constantly be dying, which brings up this screen:

So, by the end of the game the player will know exactly what this means. It is a way of making a player aware of a phrase that is unique to games, because in any other form of media outside of song choruses, an egregious repetition like that would be a sign of poor writing on the author’s part.

The next common answer was the fact that games often have object highlighting in the games, as for example here:

This provides the player with a contextual prompt, which works as a collocation set, a great way of providing context to words. The example above reads, “a door can be unlocked”.



A fewstudents who responded to the questionnaire specifically mentioned this kind of aspect as a contributing factor to language learning during gameplay. The next frequent answer was that video games provide a good way of learning proper pronunciation via cutscenes. Lastly, an answer was given about video games helping practice speaking due to the multiplayer and cooperative nature of many games.

Question 4: How much time do you spend playing video games?

Looking at the answers for this question, a question arises. Does the number of hours spent playing video games every day correlate to the average grade that the student has in English? From the data collected, there does not seem to be a correlation between the amount of time spent playing and how good the players evaluation is, but this could also be a problem with the research method, orwhich games the student had been playing.

Question 5: What types of games and genres of games do you play?The answers to this question varied quite significantly. In terms of specific games, a

few can be singled out like: Counter Strike: Global Offensive, which is potentially a very good tool to learn language since it is a multiplayer game with a massive focus on team cooperation. League of Legends is another commonly mentioned game, and could be very useful for language learning for the same reasons, but could be potentially more helpful since this game encourages the players to seek information outside of the game, on vari-ous internet forums, which facilitates communication and language learning even further.

Online multiplayer gamestend to facilitate a way of speaking that is fairly obstructive to proper language learning, however. Since most online games have a focus on action, quick decision making and specifically quick relay of information, in online games speed of communication is more importantthan form and sometimes correctness, which provides a substantial problem for learning. This can be bypassed by using a microphone. On the other hand, since speed is favored, the language user is thrust into a position to choose words and phrases in order to relay the relevant information as fast as possible, which is a great way to practice producing language under stress.

Another interesting point to be made is that quite a few of the respondents mentioned action-adventure games that are very focused on telling a story with Hollywood-like levels of production and a very similar style to how Hollywood movies are presented, which really shows a parallel way that video games and movies/cartoons can influence video game play-

Hours Played per Day


ers and film viewers in their language acquisition. Games like GTA V and Tomb Raiderare games that provide many ways to acquire language. Unlike other games, since most of the word input that the player gets in these type of games is heard and not read, this provides not just the contextual clues to understand new words, but also a great auditory aid for speaking. This is especially pronounced in Tomb Raider, where every character speaks in proper diction without any aberrant accents.

Apart from the action-adventure games, quite a few respondents mentioned racing games, which could be a great source of technical vocabulary, and some of the respondents mentioned games specifically made for girls, which could be a source of related vocabulary.

Another interesting point to note is that a few people mentioned playing educational games. This type of gamesisoften considered to be a waste of money for the regular con-sumer, but there are notable exceptions. Typing of the Dead is a very good example of an educational game not targeted for alanguage learner, but a great way of teaching people how to type fast. In this game, the player fights off zombies by typing, which is both en-tertaining and provides a very clear educational benefit.

Question 6: Have you ever used a word or a phrase that you have heard in a video game?Only 5 people answered “no” to this question, which highlights that video games can

be a huge source of, at the very least, spoken language. As mentioned before, video games provide a huge source of vocabulary, and the answers to this question show that games have a very real way of hammering words and phrases into the players’ mind. This of course can backfire somewhat, as one of the respondents answered with the phrases: “so



long sucka!” and “I’m Batman,” which are not particularly great examples of learning, but still shows that media can help acquire language in a very substantial way.

Question 7: Have you ever noticed that, while speaking English, you speak similarly to a character in a video game?

The answers to this question were split right down the middle. This suggests that video games have quite a substantial influence on how the player will speak, which can be helpful in teaching people how to speak properly, but not everyone acquires speech skills in this way. Another thing that could be extrapolated from these answers is that the writing team behind these games is particularly proficient increating engaging characters, which could lead to the motivation factor of language learning, since motivation is one of those key components to language learning. This could suggest that the more interesting a game’s characters and plot is, the more of an influence the game will have on acquiring the language.In order to increase the uniqueness of a character, however, some players have accents or speak in broken English, which could influence the players’ speech negatively.

Question Nr.8: Do you use English on the internet? If so please elaborate.Everyone answered this question positively, but barely anyone elaborated on it. The

answers provided make the idea of transmedia, as proposed by Jenkins, difficult to sub-stantiate as a way to provide another avenue of language acquisition. The assumption with was that people who played video games would use internet resources to figure out a problematic situation they found in a game, whether it is a difficult boss or a puzzle they cannot solve. Strangely, however, quite a few of the answers made note of the person using internet translators, which could mean that the person found a word or phrase inside the game and wanted to look it up in order to figure something out.

Question 9: How do you personally evaluate your knowledge of the English language?The answers to this question were particularly varied with most people thinking that

their level of English was either average or really good. Most of the answers also coincided with the evaluation that the school gave to the student.

Overall, from all the answers given by the students, it appears that video games have a considerable influence on language learning. It is difficult,however, to quantify precisely how much of an impact games do have. The time spent playing or the types of games played could all be a determining factor as to how much of an improvement to language usage games provide. From the data collected, it is hard to draw a conclusive answer if games provide a lot of help. Most telling is the graph that shows just how varied the grades are of the people who play video games. One thing that is very clear from the answers of this questionnaire is that video games are an undeniably great resource for vocabulary expansion, since almost everyone that took the questionnaire confirmed that video games provide a great amount of new words to learn. Another way that video games improve language skills is how they help people with spoken language, since certain games both encourage communication and have movie-like qualities that create an auditory environ-ment for passive language learning.


CONCLUSIONS

After the empirical survey, the connection between playing video games and acquiring the second language was established.

1. Recently, quite a few scholarly papers about the relationship between the two have appeared. Most of the research done was related tothe Plass and Jones integrated model of second-language acquisition, with ideas about multimedia being most applicable for video games.

2. The connection between video games and other forms of media is fairly evident. The forms of media closest to video games are books and movies/cartoons. Still, video games have the advantage of being interactive and are thus able to actively engage the consumer.

3. The theoretical literature suggests quite a few ways in which video games influence language acquisition in a positive way.

4. The questionnaire has been particularly helpful in determining ways in which play-ing video games can help learn a language both in active ways and in the passive exposure to the language during play.

5. Video games have quite a few advantages in learning a language. The most obvious example is how video games provide visual cues alongside words in order to tell the player the name of an object, which is not something one can find in a movie or a book. Interactivity is another important feature of video games that help with language acquisition, since proper understanding of what is going on and how to achieve objectives is crucial. This circumstance encourages the player to figure out what the game is saying. As a result of this encouragement, the player will start actively learning the unfamiliar words and phrases.

6. So, the results of the survey establish a definite relationship between video games and the positive impact they have on learning the English language.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DA SILVA, R. L., 2014. Video Games as Opportunity for Informal English Language Learning: Theoretical Considerations. The ESPecialist, 35(2), 155–169, 1–15. Available from: http://revistas.pucsp.br/index.php/esp/article/viewFile/21465/15692 (Accessed on November 10, 2016).

CLARK, C., 2000. Innovative Strategy: Concept cartoons. Instructional and Learning Strategies. Available from: http://www.southalabama.edu/coe/bset/dempsey/isd613/stuproj/summer00is/caryclark.pdf (accessed on August 10, 2015).

DORING, A., 2002. The use of cartoons as a teaching and learning strategy with adult learners. Journal of Adult Learning, 30 (1), 56–62.

POŠTIĆ, S., 2015. Influence of Cartoon Network on the Acquisition of American English Dur-ing Childhood. Verbum, 6, 188–195.

REINDERS, H. and WATTANA, S., 2011. Learn English or die: The effects of digital games on interaction and willingness to communicate in a foreign language. Available from http://www.digital-



cultureandeducation.com/cms/wpcontent/uploads/2011/04/dce1049_reinders_2011.pdf (accessed on November 17, 2016).

SAVILLE-TROIKE, M., 2006. Introducing Second Language Acquisition. Available from: https://elt502ciu.wikispaces.com/file/view/Introducing+Second+Language+Acquisition.pdf (accessed on April 10, 2017).

THEODORSEN, J. H., 2015. L2 acquisition from video games with minimal exposure. Avail-able from: https://www.ntnu.edu/documents/1535402/35615794/Master_JHT_webpublish.PDF/45822bc7-1f36-41dd-ad0b-a803b58454d0(accessed on November 17, 2016).

UUSKOSKI, O., 2011. Playing video games: A waste of time... or not? Exploring the connection between playing video games and English grades. Available from: https:helda.helsinki.fi/bitstream/handle/10138/35037/playingv.pdf (accessed on November 17, 2016).

Domas RudisVilniaus universitetasMoksliniai interesai: antros kalbo įsisavinimas, amerikiečių kultūraSvetozar PoštićVilniaus universitetasMoksliniai interesai: kultūrinė lingvistika, tarpkultūrinė komunikacija, lyginamoji literatūra

KOMPIUTERINIŲ ŽAIDIMŲ ĮTAKA ANGLŲ KALBOS ĮSISAVINIMUI

Santrauka

Šiais laikais anglų kalba darosi vis svarbesnė visuose komunikacijos lygmenyse. Šalyse, kuriose anglų kalba nėra gimtoji, kaip Lietuvoje, efektyvus užsienio kalbos mokymas tapo prioritetu.Per pastaruosius dešimt metų pastebima, kad daugelis mokinių ne tik puikiai moka anglų kalbą, bet ir ja kalba beveik tobulu amerikietišku akcentu. Pastarieji šiame projekte dalyvavusių žmonių gebėjimai po išsamių mokslinių tyrimų buvo susieti su tuo, kad tiriamieji vaikystėje žaidė kom-piuterinius žaidimus. Palaipsniui augantis skaičius žmonių, kurie pukiai kalba angliškai, sutapo su kompiuterinių žaidimų paplitimu. Šio straipsnio tikslas buvo išnagrinėti kompiuterinių žaidimų įtaką anglų kalbos įsisavinimui. Daugumoje mokslinių darbų, tiriančių santykį tarp kompiuterinių žaidimų žaidimo ir anglų kalbos išmokimo, aprašoma, kaip kompiuterinių žaidimų žaidimas gali lemti kalbų mokymąsi. Per pastaruosius dešimt metų lingvistai ir kognityviniai psicholo-gai vis labiau domisi kompiuterinių žaidimų įtaka užsienio kalbų išmokimui, tačiau specialus, visapusis tyrimas dar nebuvo atliktas. Šis darbas atskleidžia užsienio kalbų mokymosi ir medijų įtakos vaikams ryšį.

REIKŠMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: kompiuteriniai žaidimai, įtaka, anglų kalba, antros kalbos įsisavinimas.


Domas RudisVilnius UniversityResearch interests: second-language acquisition, American cultureSvetozar PoštičVilnius UniversityResearch interests: cultural linguistics, intercultural communication, comparative literature

INFLUENCE OF VIDEO GAMES ON THE ACQUISITION OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

Summary

Nowadays, the English language is becoming increasingly important on all levels of communication. In non-English speaking countries, like Lithuania, effective English language learning has become a priority. In the past ten years it has become evident that a lot of students not only speak perfect English, but they speak with a native or near-native American accent. After a comprehensive re-search, English language proficiency was linked to video-games playing. The aim of this work was to analyse the influence of video games on the acquisition of the English language. Many scholarly papers examining the connection between playing video games and English-language learning describe in which way video-game playing can influence language learning. In the past decade, linguists and cognitive psychologists are more and more interested in the influence of video games in the acquisitin of a foreign language, but a narrowly targeted, comprehensive research has not been conducted yet. This work reveals the influence of the media, especially video-game playing, on the foreign-language learning on the scale never found before.

KEY WORDS: video games, influence, English, second-language acquisition.


SPRENDIMAI 129M. Tomskaya, I. Zaytseva. MULTIMEDIA REPRESENTATION

OF KNOWLEDGE IN ACADEMIC DISCOURSE

Maria TomskayaMoscow State Linguistic UniversityРоссия, Москва, 119034, Остоженка, 38Tel.: +7 (499) 245 32 39E-mail: [email protected] interests: gender linguistics, discourse studies, institutionalized communication, verbal and non-verbal aspects of intercultural communication

Irina Zaytseva Moscow State Linguistic UniversityРоссия, Москва, 119034, Остоженка, 38Tel.: +7 (916) 716 98 78E-mail: [email protected] interests: multimodality, semiotics, academic discourse

MULTIMEDIA REPRESENTATION OF KNOWLEDGE IN ACADEMIC DISCOURSE

The article focuses on academic presentations created with the help of multimedia programmes. The presentation is regarded as a special form of new academic knowledge representation. An academic presentation is explored as a multimodal phenomenon due to the fact that different channels or modes are activated during its perception.Data perception constitutes a part of the context which in itself is a semiotic event involving various components (an addresser, an addressee, the message itself, the channel of communication and the code).The choice of the code and the channel depends on different factors (type of the audience, the nature of the message, etc). In this way, the information for non-professionals will be most likely presented through visualization with the help of infographics (schemes, figures, charts, etc). Talking about the professional audience the speaker may resort to visualization to a lesser degree or he may not use it at all. His message will be transmitted only with the help of verbal means, which will not prevent the audience from perceiving and understanding new knowledge correctly.The presentation regime of rapid successive slide show may be regarded the heritage of ‘clip thinking’ which is characterized by a non-linear, simultaneous way of information perception.At the present stage of technology development visualization is becoming the most common means of transmitting information in academic discourse, due to peculiarities of data perception by the man of today.KEY WORDS: academic presentation, multimodal text, visualization, infographics, ‘clip thinking’.

Introduction

In the modern world information technologies have penetrated all spheres of social life and have become its integral part. In the information society of the 21st century the use



of media-technologies has already become a necessity, including such spheres as science and education.

The object of our investigation is an academic presentation created with the help of ‘Power Point’ programme (or other similar programmes). Academic presentation is treated as a special genre within academic discourse. It is “a complex monological text with features of dialogism, in which the lecturer aims to represent new knowledge widening cultural, scientific and socio-political outlook of recipients” (Ivanova 2001, p. 72). To fulfill this task different communicative components are simultaneously used in a presentation: oral and written speech, gestures and facial expressions of the lecturer, various means of informa-tion visualization. Thus, an academic presentation appears to be a heterogeneous text.

Academic presentation as a multimodal text

While perceiving information during the process of communication a human uses differ-ent channels (modes). In this case we deal with multimodal texts.

In linguistics there exist a number of alternative terms to describe the notion of a het-erogeneous text. Their names illustrate the dominant aspect to which a researcher wants to pay attention in his study.

Sorokin and Tarasov introduced the notion of “creolized text” which they defined as “the text containing two non-homogeneous parts: verbal and non-verbal (which belongs to the sign systems other than the natural language)” (Sorokin et al. 1990, p. 180). Gener-ally, the non-verbal component of a creolized text is represented with the help of iconic means. Thus, the term “iconic text” suggested by Voloskovich (Voloskovich 2012) seems to be more appropriate for such a case.

Eiger and Jukht (Eiger et al. 1974) spoke about an opposition between mono- and polycode texts. The term “polycode text” focuses on the idea of various codes interaction. Non-verbal code is expressed through a photo, a picture, a diagram, facial expressions and gestures (for oral communication). Some researchers state that the mere presence of non-verbal means in a text (usually, the problem is discussed in relation to written com-munication) does not indicate a polycode text. To acquire the status of “a polycode text” non-verbal components should be independent information carriers, therefore they should provide an additional shade of meaning (Chernyavskaya 2009).

We assume that while perceiving information during the process of cognition and com-munication a human uses different channels (modes), particularly modes of perception: audial, visual, kinesthetic, etc. Their combination constitutes the notion of multimodality (Iriskhanova 2014).

The term “multimodality” can be interpreted differently: it possesses narrow and broad meanings. From a narrow perspective, multimodality is the perception of a text with the help of different modes that are used simultaneously (in this case the notions “multimodal text” and “polycode text” are opposed). In a broad sense multimodality comprises both different modes of perception and different codes (thus, “polycode text” is included in “multimodal text”). In our research we are inclined to accept the second point of view.



The psychological category of perception is the base for the process of cognition.There exist many classifications of types of perception. One of them is based on the

modality which dominates in the perception process: visual, audial, tactile, kinesthetic, olfactory, and gustatory. According to this classification, all people can be categorized as visuals with domineering image-schemas in knowledge acquisition, audials who receive their knowledge via auditory receptor, kinesthetics who perceive the reality with the help of sense impressions, etc (Maklakov 2016).

Many psychological experiments have revealed that different types of perception are rarely found in their pure form. As a rule, they are combined together to create com-plex types of perception. The most commonly used pairs of modes are visual – audial, visual – kinesthetic, audial – tactile. It should be noted that the closest link is observed in visual – audial modes (Barybina 2005).

The idea is proved by experimental data. It is believed that while perceiving new infor-mation a human remembers 15% of information via audial channel, 25% – via visual and 65% – while using both audial and visual channels (Garyaev et al. 2008).

The studies of perception show that the dominance of visual perception results from technological advance and communication principles in society.

Data perception does not take place in a vacuum. It is always context-dependent, which can be named a sign situation consisting of different components such as an addresser, an addressee, the message itself, the channel of communication and the code (the system of signs).

In relation to an academic presentation, the components are as follows:• an addresser – the speaker, the lecture, the researcher;• an addressee – the audience consisting either of colleagues-professionals or of young

researchers (non-professionals);• the message – new academic knowledge;• the channel – audial or audial-visual;• the code – verbal or non-verbal (images, diagrams, etc).

Knowledge visualization in the academic presentation

We hypothesize that the choice of the code and the channel depends on the type of the audience. In this way, the information for non-professionals will be most likely presented through visualization with the help of infographics (schemes, figures, charts, etc). Moreover, on the slides one may find the key notions with their definitions mentioned by the speaker to facilitate the process of information perception and understanding.

Talking about the professional audience the speaker may resort to visualization to a lesser degree. Furthermore, performing in front of the colleagues he may not use visual-ization at all. Thus, his message will be transmitted only with the help of verbal means, which will not prevent the audience from perceiving and understanding new knowledge correctly. It should be noted that in modern world purely audial presentations (without


any visualization) is a rare case and they may be found among the most authoritative and famous representatives of the scientific community.

At the present stage of technology development visualization in the form of academic discourse presentations is becoming the most common means of new academic knowledge representation.

The notion of visualization is closely related to the notion of infographics. Kosheva and Derbak define infographics as “a graphic means for representing data or knowledge, the main aim of which is to provide the audience with complex information in an accurate and fast way” (Kosheva et al. 2016, p. 50). Infographics contain a great amount of information which is represented to the listeners in a bright and comprehensible way, created at the interface of a picture, a word and a numeral. “Simplified” new knowledge in a graphic form can be understood not only by a limited group of specialists, but also by non-professionals who are interested in the subject.

In fact, infographics represent a ‘clip’ type of knowledge representation which cor-responds to the development of modern technologies, caused by the increase in the in-formation flow and rapid progress in the sphere of electronic devices.

We conducted a pilot experiment among students where we analyzed academic reports with ‘Power Point’ presentations made at the conference on Language and Philology taking place in Moscow, 2014. 18 students of Moscow State Linguistic University participated in our research, aged 21–24 years. Females (13 people) represented the vast majority. 8 students studied Psychology; the rest of the focus group were the students of the Faculty of Translation and Interpreting.

Our pilot experiment was aimed at revealing the most suitable way of information transmission with the help of presentations, which could contribute best to new knowledge perception.

We were interested in the following modes: language (oral speech skills), visual (slides of the presentation) and performative (non-verbal behaviour of the reporter).

All the participants listened to three and more reports, but we focused on the analyses of three of them: 1) the report with a textual Power Point presentation; 2) the report where language and visual modes are intertwined (“close interaction”); 3) the report with a Power Point presentation with absent or scarce oral speech skills and non-verbal behavior demonstration, which is regarded as the means of drawing attention (“limited interaction”).

After watching the presentations our test subjects were to fill in the questionnaire, which included the questions concerning individual perception of each student and character features of each presentation.

Talking about the presentations, the students evaluated the structural part (the design of the slides, the sequence of the slides, the readability of the slides, and the structure of the presentation as a whole) and the meaningful part (the report informativeness, the attractiveness of the topic, and the possibility to enrich the students’ knowledge) (Tomskaya 2015).



Conclusion

The findings of the pilot experiment were as follows: the majority of our participants expressed appreciation for the report, where language, visual and kinesthetic modes were intertwined. Thus, in perception of short academic presentations (up to 10–15 minutes) by non-professional audience, the information density of slides does not cause information overload. Managing the attention of the audience during the presentation with the help of verbal and performative (gestures, facial expressions) means enhances the effectiveness of knowledge representation. The structure of the presentation and the slide design may significantly influence the individual perception of data as a whole. These findings should be verified in the next experiment.

The young generation who possesses ‘clip thinking’ (the term introduced by Toffler, 1980) is characterized by a non-linear, simultaneous way of information perception. To satisfy their needs the special forms of knowledge representation have to be introduced. In this regard, the verbal-visual form of academic presentations seems to be the most ap-propriate. Fast-changing slides respond to the constraints of clip-thinking. A succinct form of thought transfer complies with fast speed of information absorbing, and the presence of iconic means helps to process information with the help of imagery.

Acknowledgments

This research was supported by Russian Science Foundation, grant # 14-48-00067-П.

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Maria TomskayaMoscow State Linguistic UniversityResearch interests: gender linguistics, discourse studies, institutionalized communication, verbal and non-verbal aspects of intercultural communicationIrina Zaytseva Moscow State Linguistic UniversityResearch interests: multimodality, semiotics, academic discourse

MULTIMEDIA REPRESENTATION OF KNOWLEDGE IN ACADEMIC DISCOURSESummary

The ‘Power Point’ programme is known worldwide for creating multimedia presentations. One of the main characteristic features of an academic presentation is its multimodality, i.e. the simultane-ous use of different communicative components, such as oral and written speech, various means of projected data visualization, including video- and audio-materials, gestures and facial expressions of the lecturer or the reporter. Language mode is created by the elements of oral report, while the visual mode is made up with the help of the presentation slides which may contain text, pictures, in-fographics, videotapes, etc. Performative mode is formed by the non-verbal behaviour of the lecturer, that is his body language (gestures, facial expressions, etc) and the design of the presentation slides.

The way the information (which is supposed to be transformed into new knowledge) in an aca-demic presentation can be provided depends on many extra-linguistic factors, including the type of the audience. In this case its professional status plays an important role. Our pilot experiment showed that visualization of verbal information for non-professionals may become the most suitable means of new knowledge representation. We believe that it can be accounted for the peculiarities of information perception by the modern generation due to computer technology progress, the increase in information flow and availability of electronic devices. Academic presentation slides make it possible to perceive complex information in a more simple visual-verbal way, which cor-responds to the so-called ‘clip-thinking’. However, further experimental research is necessary to be carried out to justify this point of view.

KEY WORDS: academic presentation, multimodal text, visualization, infographics, ‘clip thinking’.


SPRENDIMAI 135Д. Валеева, О. Шарафутдинова. ОБУЧЕНИЕ АРАБОВ РУССКОЙ ФОНЕТИКЕ: ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ

ИСПОЛЬЗОВАНИЯ ЭЛЕКТРОННОЙ ОБРАЗОВАТЕЛЬНОЙ СИСТЕМЫ

Дина ВалееваФГАОУ ВО «Южно-Уральский государственный университет (НИУ)»проспект Ленина, 76, г.Челябинск, Россия+7(351) 272-31-01E-mail: [email protected]Область нау чных интересов: русский язык как иностранный, межкультурная коммуникация, лингвистика

Олеся ШарафутдиноваФГАОУ ВО «Южно-Уральский государственный университет (НИУ)»проспект Ленина, 76, г.Челябинск, Россия+7(351) 272-31-31E-mail: [email protected]Область нау чных интересов: русский язык как иностранный, лингвистика

ОБУЧЕНИЕ АРАБОВ РУССКОЙ ФОНЕТИКЕ: ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ ИСПОЛЬЗОВАНИЯ ЭЛЕКТРОННОЙ

ОБРАЗОВАТЕЛЬНОЙ СИСТЕМЫ

Обучение фонетике – обязательный компонент изучения иностранного языка. Фоне-тические трудности при обучении фонетике связаны с двумя аспектами – рецептивным (восприятие звучащей речи) и функциональным (порождение устного высказывания, соот-ветствующего фонетическим нормам языка). При создании фонетического курса необходи-мо учитывать фонетические особенности родного языка и проявление их в речи учащегося. Явления, влияющие на русскую речь арабских студентов: диглоссия, противопоставление в арабском языке согласных по твердости/ мягкости, эмфатичности/ неэмфатичности, противопоставление гласных по долготе/ краткости, наличие в арабском языке гутту-ральных согласных, наличие в арабском языке фонологического противопоставления согла-сных по долготе/краткости и т.д. При овладении русской фонетикой арабами наблюдает-ся интерференция в следующих случаях: произношение арабского [b] на месте русских [б] и [п]; последовательное произношение удвоенных согласных в русских словах, где они чаще всего не произносятся; недостаточная количественная редукция гласных или слишком сильная редукция гласных вплоть до их выпадения и т.д. Кроме того, важными факторами являются соотношения «звук-буква» и «фонема-буква»; интерферирующее влияние другого изучаемого языка с латинской графикой. Указанные особенности родного языка и специфи-ка их фонетической реализации в русской речи арабов учитываются при создании фоне-тического тренажера, который направлен на формирование фонетических и графических навыков при изучении русского языка на начальном этапе. КЛЮЧЕВЫЕ СЛОВА: русский язык как иностранный, фонетика, арабоязычная аудитория, фонетический тренажёр.



Актуальность исследования

При изучении иностранного языка на начальном этапе большое внимание уделяется формированию фонетических навыков, необходимых для порождения устной речи и воспроизведения написанного текста в устной форме. С одной стороны, овладение фонетической системой языка обеспечивают такие виды речевой деятельности, как аудирование и говорение; с другой – фонетические ошибки оказывают влияние на письменную речь и чтение, поскольку препятствуют правильному воспроиз-ведению языковых единиц в письменной продуктивной деятельности и устной репродуктивной деятельности соответственно. Реализация требований увеличить эффективность обучения, предъявляемых к современной системе образования, сталкивается с целым рядом трудностей как собственно лингвистического, так и экстралингвистического характера. К таким трудностям можно отнести интернаци-ональный состав групп, недостаточное количество часов, выделяемых на изучение фонетики, затраты времени на формирование произносительных навыков и кор-ректировку их, невозможность полностью перевести обучение фонетике в форму самостоятельной внеаудиторной работы студентов.

Цель и методы исследования

Сочетание собственно лингвистических и экстралингвистических факторов ста-вит вопрос о создании и применении электронных средств обучения фонетике (Рогозная 2017, с. 89). В современном образовательном пространстве существуют разные типы электронных обучающих систем: во-первых, массовые онлайн-курсы (например, порталы «Универсариум» (Универсариум), «Coursera», предлагающие авторские лекции и задания на отработку полученной информации); во-вторых, т.н. программы-тренажеры, позволяющие пройти диагностические тесты, определить уровень владения языком, прослушать произнесение звука и попытаться воспро-извести эталонное звучание (например, обучающий раздел портала «Образование на русском» (Массовые открытые онлайн-курсы «Фонетика современного русского языка»).

Цель данного исследования – описать базовые принципы и особенности рабо-ты электронной обучающей системы по фонетике русского языка, создаваемой с учетом фонетических особенностей родного для учащегося языка, в данном случае арабского. Цель исследования определяет использование методов – общенаучных методов анализа и синтеза, сравнительного метода (для сопоставления языковых систем), метода моделирования (для разработки методического аспекта).

Изложение основного материала исследования

При создании электронной дистанционной системы поддержки обучения фонетике (или самостоятельного курса фонетики) мы учитываем следующие лингвометодиче-ские факты. Во-первых, фонетические трудности при обучении фонетике связаны с



двумя аспектами – перцептивным (восприятие звучащей речи) и функциональным (порождение устного высказывания, соответствующего фонетическим нормам языка) (Бондарко 1998, с. 87). Во-вторых, электронная система поддержки обучения должна отражать этнометодический подход, т.е. при создании фонетического курса необходимо учитывать фонетические особенности родного языка, их влияние на русскую речь учащихся (Bohn 1995, с. 295).

Типичные ошибки в речи арабоязычных студентов являются следствием ин-терференции фонетических систем. Выделение и анализ таких ошибок является необходимым условием построения адекватной стратегии обучения произношению. В ходе обучения арабов русской фонетике важно учитывать случаи отрицатель-ного переноса особенностей родного языка или второго иностранного языка на изучаемый.

Явления родного языка, влияющие на русскую речь арабских студентов: ди-глоссия, отсутствие в арабском языке противопоставления согласных по твердо-сти/ мягкости, эмфатичности/ неэмфатичности, противопоставление гласных по долготе/ краткости, наличие в арабском языке гуттуральных согласных, наличие в арабском языке фонологического противопоставления согласных по долготе/краткости и т.д. При овладении русской фонетикой арабами наблюдается интер-ференция в следующих случаях: произношение арабского [b] на месте русских [б] и [п]; последовательное произношение удвоенных согласных в русских словах, где они чаще всего не произносятся; недостаточная количественная редукция гласных или слишком сильная редукция гласных вплоть до их выпадения и т.д. Кроме того, важными факторами являются соотношения «звук-буква» и «фонема-буква»; ин-терферирующее влияние другого изучаемого языка с латинской графикой (Алек-сандрова 2009, с. 143) (см. табл. 1).

При создании национально ориентированной электронной системы обучения русской фонетике необходимо учитывать четыре аспекта исследования фонетики: акустический, артикуляционный, функциональный и перцептивный. Акустический аспект связан с физическими характеристиками звука (высота, темп, тональность и пр.). При создании электронного курса акустический аспект отражается в таких компонентах, как речевой образец, представленный в аудиоформе (аудиозапись звука, звукосочетания) и функции распознавания звука, продуцируемого обуча-ющимся и записываемого в личном виртуальном кабинете (Кацай 2017, с. 441) Артикуляционный аспект (физиологический процесс создания звука) – самый сложный в техническом плане. В электронной системе обучения представлен в двух компонентах: 1) анимированное изображение процесса продуцирования звука, отражающего работу органов речи; 2) видеозапись, показывающая живого человека в процессе произнесения звука. Функциональный и перцептивный аспек-ты связаны непосредственно с языковой системой и речевой реализацией данной системы. Функция фонемы в речи, трансформация фонемы в конкретных звуках, особенности произнесения звуков в разных позициях и восприятия их (то есть


установление соответствия звука и графического его обозначения) демонстрируется на уровне звукосочетаний и слов. Структура электронной обучающей системы вы-строена в соответствии с иерархическим принципом. Первый уровень представлен изолированным звуком, на данном этапе формируется произносительный навык для отдельного звука, дается визуальный и аудиальный материал для осмысления особенностей артикулирования звука, а также обозначается связь произношения и написания (через специальное графическое задание). Второй уровень представлен слогами, работа с которыми также строится на сочетании видео- и аудиоконтента. Третий уровень – слова и фразы, позволяющие познакомить обучающихся с измене-ниями в речевом потоке, обратить внимание на редукцию, оглушение/ озвончение согласных и т.п.

Рассмотрим, каким образом электронная обучающая система учитывает осо-бенности того, как осваивают русскую фонетику арабоязычные учащиеся. Для освоения звуков [Д’] – [Т’] арабоязычной аудиторией на первом уровне (уровень звука) предлагается прослушать, как произносятся звуки, сделать артикуляционную гимнастику для губ и языка, посмотреть анимированное изображение произнесения

Таблица 1. Влияние фонетических особенностей арабского языка на русскую речь арабов

№ Особенность фонетики родного языка

Пример ошибки в русской речи араба

1. Отсутствие в арабском языке звуков [п], [в]

Произнесение арабского [b] на месте русских [б] и [п], а также произнесение арабского [f] на месте русского [в]: [b]ривет (привет), уни[f]ерситет (университет)

2. Отсутствие в арабском языке гласного [о]

Произнесение арабского [u] на месте русского [о]: [u]пера (опера)

3. Запрет на консонантные соче-тания в начале слога

Последовательное произношение удвоенных со-гласных в русских словах, где они не произносятся, например: [вэ]водный (вводный)

4. Произнесение удвоенных со-гласных в арабском языке с большим напряжением

Ошибка в произношении удвоенных звуков там, где они есть: име[н]о (именно)

5. Наличие противопоставления согласных по эмфатичности/неэмфатичности

Замена русских твердых арабскими неэмфатическими, а русских мягких – арабскими эмфатическими, напри-мер: [mi]шка (мышка), [hы]трый (хитрый)

6. Наличие противопоставления гласных по долготе/краткости (долгие гласные по длительно-сти превышают почти в 2 раза краткие)

Слишком сильная редукция гласных вплоть до их выпадения: краткие гласные арабского языка в одном слове с долгими всегда безударны и в беглой речи могут подвергаться выпадению: пожал[i]ст (пожалуйста)

7. Наличие в арабском языке слов с одним и даже двумя второ-степенными ударениями

Двойное ударение в слов ах: ка֜че ственны֜й (ка֜чественный)



звука и видеозапись, прочитать примеры слов в арабском языке, в которых есть по-хожие звуки, например, diratun (место жительства), tilka (та), fanadik (гостиницы), tartib (порядок, организация) и произнести звук изолированно. На втором уровне для работы предлагается прослушать и прочитать слоги и слова с данными звука-ми: ди – де – дю – дя – дё, ти – те – тю – тя – тё; день, дядя, тётя, один, где, театр, аптека. Также даются упражнения на выделение звука на слух в слове, например: 1) Слушайте. Читайте. Повторяйте.: ди – де – дю – дя – дё, ти – те – тю – тя – тё; день, дядя, тётя, один, где, театр, аптека. 2) Слушайте слова. Нажмите на кнопку, если услышите звук [Д’] в ряду слов: дело, дорога, где, дом, дорого, далеко. 3) Слу-шайте слова. Нажмите на кнопку, если услышите звук [Т’] в ряду слов: тело, том, тапочки, тень, ток, тетрадь. 4) Слушайте слоги. Нажмите на кнопку, если услышите одинаковые слоги. 5) Напишите слова на слух (звучит запись с простыми словами со звуками [Д’] [Т’]): день, один, тётя, где, дядя (Ковалёв 2004, с. 135).

Выводы

Национально-ориентированный подход в обучении позволяет акцентировать вни-мание на сложных вопросах изучения языка, обусловленных спецификой родного для учащегося языка. Электронная образовательная система, с одной стороны, выступает в качестве поддерживающего ресурса при обучении русской фонетике, с другой – является средством для первоначального знакомства с русской звучащей речью и тренировки произносительных навыков. Применение подобной системы сокращает количество аудиторных часов, разнообразит типы заданий на аудиторных занятиях и в рамках самостоятельной работы. Учет особенностей родного языка позволяет уделять особое внимание ошибкам, имеющим национально ориенти-рованную природу. Принцип индивидуализации обучения реализуется при реги-страции обучающегося, в результате чего формируется личный кабинет, в котором отражается уровень усвоения курса каждым обучающимся. Однако специфика фонетической системы русского языка и особенности ее усвоения иностранными учащимися оставляют целый ряд вопросов, в числе которых проблемы распоз-навания звукосочетаний и таких фонетических единиц, как фонетическое слово, речевой такт, речевая фраза; техническое отражение суперсегментных единиц; про-блема учета дефектов речи, не влияющих на реализацию коммуникативной задачи, проблема влияния на русскую речь диалектов родного для обучающегося языка.

Благодарности

Исследование выполнено в рамках проекта «Разработка роботизированной диало-говой системы для изучения русского языка различными целевыми аудиториями с последующим использованием в действующей системе электронной поддержки изучения русского языка и дистанционного образования на русском» по Соглаше-нию № 09.Y70.25.0165 от 07 декабря 2016 г.


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Dina ValeyevaSouth Ural State University Research interests: Russian as a foreign language, phonetics, intercultural communicationOlesya SharafutdinovaSouth Ural State University Research interests: Russian as a foreign language, phonetics, linguistics

TEACHING RUSSIAN PHONETICS TO ARABIC SPEAKERS: PROSPECTS OF USING PHONETIC COURSEWARE

Summary

Teaching phonetics is an indispensable part of learning a foreign language. Phonetic difficulties in teaching phonetics are associated with two aspects – the receptive one (perception of speech) and the functional one (production of an oral utterance that corresponds to the phonetic norms of a language). When designing a phonetic course, it is necessary to take into account phonetic peculiarities of the native language and their manifestation in students’ speech. The phenomena that affect Russian speech of Arab students are diglossia, the presence of hard-soft and emphatic-non-emphatic consonant pairs and long-short vowel pairs in Arabic, the presence of guttural consonants and phonological long-short consonant pairs in Arabic, etc. The acquisition of Russian phonetics by Arabs is interfered in the following cases: pronunciation of Arabic [b] in place of Russian [б] and [п]; separate pronunciation of double consonants in Russian words while they most often are not pronounced this way; insufficient quantitative reduction of vowels or too heavy reduction of vowels which may lead to their falling out, etc. Moreover, the important factors are the “sound-letter” and “phoneme-letter” correlations; interfering influence of another foreign language with the Latin script. The mentioned peculiarities of the native language and the specificity of their phonetic realization in Arab students’ Russian speech are taken into account when designing the phonetic courseware that aims at forming phonetic and graphic skills at the initial level of Russian-language learning. A fragment of the courseware structure is demonstrated in the article:

1. animated image how to pronounce sounds correctly2. video of real person pronouncing sounds3. two different types of exercises: listening and pronunciation. These exercises start from listening

and pronunciation isolated sound to listening and pronunciation dialogs.KEY WORDS: Russian as a foreign language, phonetics, Arabic speakers, phonetic courseware.



Галина Фадеева Московский государственный лингвистический университетул. Остоженка, 38, г. Москва, Россия Тел.: +79035622450E-mail: [email protected]Нау чные интересы: медиалингвистика, стилистика текста и дискурса, межкультурная коммуникация, лингвокультурология

ПЕРСУАЗИВНЫЕ СТРАТЕГИИ В РОЖДЕСТВЕНСКОМ ОБРАЩЕНИИ ГЛАВЫ ГОСУДАРСТВА

(АНАЛИЗ АУДИОВИЗУАЛЬНОГО МЕДИАТЕКСТА)

Рождественские обращения глав государств рассматриваются как особые аудиовизуаль-ные медиатексты, представляющие собой разновидность политической речи, обращенной к гражданам страны и направленной на достижение консенсуса в обществе. Важнейшей чертой анализируемых медиатекстов является то, что они реферируют к идее одного из главных христианских праздников и одновременно к текущим политическим событиям, определяющим жизнь страны в целом и каждого индивидуума в отдельности. В таких ре-чах нет места полемике, а общая и частные стратегии персуазивности направлены на убеждение граждан в необходимости согласиться с основными идеями послания, которые связывают текст выступления в единое целое благодаря сквозной идее Рождества. Апел-ляция к христианским ценностям, использование широко известных цитат из автори-тетных источников, утверждающих значимость и незыблемость этих ценностей, наряду с другими вербальными средствами всех уровней языка относятся к основным способам убеждения в данных медиатекстах. Подчеркивается, что важную роль в реализации стра-тегии убеждения играет весь комплекс механизмов воздействия на реципиента, каждый из которых решает свою частную коммуникативную задачу в рамках общей цели рождест-венского обращения.КЛЮЧЕВЫЕ СЛОВА: Рождественское обращение, христианские ценности, аудиовизуаль-ный медиатекст, персуазивные стратегии.

1. Рождественские видеообращения в системе медиатекстов

Рождественские видеообращения глав государств относятся к недостаточно из-ученным в лингвистике медиатекстам. Цель статьи – уточнение лингвокультурной специфики и места данного вида видеообращений в системе современных медиатек-стов, а также лингвокультурологический анализ средств реализации персуазивных стратегий оратора, проведенный в русле когнитивно-дискурсивной парадигмы. Материалом исследования послужили рождественские обращения президентов


SPRENDIMAI 143Г. Фадеева. ПЕРСУАЗИВНЫЕ СТРАТЕГИИ В РОЖДЕСТВЕНСКОМ ОБРАЩЕНИИ ГЛАВЫ

ГОСУДАРСТВА (АНАЛИЗ АУДИОВИЗУАЛЬНОГО МЕДИАТЕКСТА)

ФРГ за 2011–2016 годы, опубликованные на официальном сайте федерального президента (http://www.bundespraesident.de).

Ежегодное рождественское аудиовизуальное обращение главы государства к гражданам страны с точки зрения его интенциональности (или по Х. Бургеру: функции) следует отнести к классу персуазивных, аргументативных медиатекстов (meinungsbetonte-persuasive Texte) и рассматривать как особый случай аппеля-тивных текстов (Burger 2005, p. 208). Анализируя структуру типовой интенции, Л. Р. Дускаева определяет интенцию медиатекста как единство потребности, мотива и цели. Цель – это результат, к которому стремится субъект, осуществляющий свою деятельность. Характер деятельности определяется мотивом и потребностью. Из этого следует, что структура типовой интенции медиатекстов включает мотиваци-онный и содержательно-смысловой аспекты как составляющие. Мотивационный аспект указывает на направление предвосхищаемого процесса воздействия, а по-требность – на характер предвосхищаемых изменений в смысловом поле адресата (Дускаева 2012, с. 12).

Искусство воздействия, убеждения (персуазивности) в публичной речи восходит к античной риторике, как и анализ средств и способов убеждения. В век бурного развития средств массовой коммуникации с ее практически безграничными возмож-ностями воздействия вопрос персуазивности медиатекстов приобретает все большее значение. В медиалингвистике различаются три ее вида: 1) персуазивность с целью формирования новых установок, точек зрения, совокупности представлений; 2) пер-суазивность, направленная на усиление уже имеющихся у индивидуума установок, взглядов, способа поведения (такая персуазивность тесно связана с селективным восприятием информации индивидуумом); 3) персуазивность, способная изменить взгляды, установки, поведение (Noelle-Neumann et al. 2004, p. 408–409).

Современное ежегодное рождественское видеообращение главы государства к гражданам страны рассматривается нами как аудиовизуальный медиатекст, связан-ный с ценностными ориентациями, доминирующими в данном лингвокультурном сообществе и относящимися к ядерной части коллективной идентичности. Это означает, что данное медиасобытие разворачивается не только в пространствен-но-временном континууме, но и в ценностном контексте. На аксиологический потенциал медиатекстов указывает Л.И. Гришаева, которая понимает его в широком смысле как способность медиатекстов прямо или опосредованно активизировать у реципиентов сведения о ценностях, значимых для конкретного социума, а в узком смысле, то, что этот потенциал может быть изучен через анализ средств выражения различных оценок, которые субъект оценки дает в тех или иных условиях разноо-бразным объектам, опираясь при этом на разные основания для оценок (Гришаева 2014, c. 39).

При лингвокультурологическом анализе видеообращения главы государства необходимо принимать во внимание гетерогенность механизмов его репрезентации. То есть, анализируя видеообращение главы государства, следует рассматривать


не только вербализацию данного медиасобытия, но и весь комплекс механизмов (каналов) воздействия на реципиента, каждый из которых решает свою частную коммуникативную задачу в рамках общей цели рождественского обращения. Мы разделяем точку зрения Р. Л. Дускаевой, которая считает, что не следует упрощать картину коммуникации и искусственно разделять разные типы воздействия в масс-медиа. Напротив, важно подчеркнуть, что в реальной текстопорождающей практике, призванной воздействовать и убеждать, все виды информирования тесно переплетаются — такова закономерность воздействия в медийной сфере. Можно говорить лишь о степени проявления их в каждом типе текстов (Дускаева 2012, с. 12).

Специфика рождественского обращения как медиатекста проявляется как на уровне конкретного текста обращения, так и на уровне комплекса текстов, связанных с данной темой. Такой корпус мы рассматриваем как частный дискурс «рождест-венское обращение (послание) главы государства», т.е. как конституент вышесто-ящей единицы — общественно-политического медийного дискурса (öffentlicher Gesamtdiskurs) (Фадеева 2016, c. 274). Дискурс мы понимаем в русле теории М. Юнга (Jung) как совокупность (корпус) высказываний на определенную тему, сделанных в рамках разнообразных текстов. Таким образом, в предлагаемой статье под дискурсом понимается виртуальный, постоянно развивающийся во времени и пространстве корпус высказываний на определенную тему, реализуемых в различных текстах и в различных сферах коммуникации (Jung 1995, p. 461; Фадеева 2009, c. 98). В данном случае речь идет о корпусе высказываний на тему «Рождество», реализуемых в са-мых разнообразных областях коммуникации, в различных типах текстов и частных дискурсах, развертывающихся вокруг центральной (ядерной) темы.

Развитие во времени и пространстве — важный признак дискурса, поэтому целе-сообразно в процессе анализа данного частного медиасобытия и формирующегося вокруг центральной темы «Рождество» дискурса, учитывать его различные фазы: этап подготовки; подъем интереса по мере приближения события; кульминацию (момент выступления главы государства); реакцию на событие (отклики прессы, граждан, политических обозревателей); спад интереса до следующего года (Фадеева 2016, c. 274).

История рождественских и новогодних обращений лидеров к народам своих стран в современном медийном пространстве насчитывает более 80 лет. Первым монархом, который обратился с рождественским радиопосланием к нации, был британский король Георг V в 1932 году. С 1939 года рождественские радиообра-щения стали традиционными. Первое рождественское телеобращение королевы Елизаветы II было записано в 1957 году. В Германии первая телетрансляция ро-ждественских и новогодних обращений состоялась в 1952 году. В период с 1949 по 1969 год с рождественским посланием к гражданам обращался глава правительства ФРГ (канцлер), но начиная с 1970 года с рождественской речью 25 декабря выступает глава государства (федеральный президент).



Рождественские видеообращения сегодня представляют собой довольно ко-роткие политические речи продолжительностью в несколько минут, которые содержат как ретроспективный взгляд главы государства на прошедший год, так и перспективный взгляд на новый год. С точки зрения иерархических отношений лингвостилистических систем и основных текстологических единиц традиционное ежегодное выступление главы государства по случаю Рождества рассматривается нами как одна из разновидностей политической речи, как тип текста, входящий в определенный класс типов текстов политической речи. В классической риторике такая речь называлась genus deliberativum. Адресатом являются граждане страны, т.е. широкая общественность (Girnth 2002, c. 84; Фадеева 2016, c. 275).

2. Механизмы формирования ценностных ориентиров

Ценностный контекст медиатекста «рождественское обращение» связан, во-первых, с референцией к традициям одного из важнейших для всего христианского мира праздников; во-вторых, с референцией к актуальной политике, определяющей жизнь страны в целом и жизнь отдельных индивидуумов на определенном историческом этапе.

Общим для всех рождественских посланий глав государств, независимо от нацио-нально-культурных особенностей страны, отражающихся в разных аспектах данного медиасобытия, является именно референция к основной идее Рождества. К этим ценностям в первую очередь апеллируют главы государств, связывая Рождества с такими актуальными проблемами современного общества, как сохранение мира на земле и необходимость миротворческих усилий; милосердие к бедным, несчастным, обездоленным, беженцам; помощь всем, кто в ней нуждается; толерантность; любовь к ближним и забота о них. Как и в других медиатекстах, использование различных стратегий обработки информации при подготовке рождественского обращения позволяет конструировать определенную картину мира, акцентировать внимание реципиента на отдельных аспектах описываемой проблемы или на трактовке собы-тия, формировать в обществе определенные ценностные ориентиры и мобилизовать аудиторию на поддержку тех или иных идей (Гришаева 2014, c. 26–27).

Видеообращение соединяет в единое целое средства аудио-воздействия с динами-ческими визуальными возможностями, т.е. соединяет вербальную и невербальную коммуникацию, что получило название «аудиовизуальность». В настоящее время роль невербальных средств воздействия в СМИ общепризнанна, значимость не-вербальной коммуникации доказана. Как показало исследование немецких ученых Х. Гирнта и С. Михеля, паралингвистические феномены, которые сопровождают вер-бальную коммуникацию, отнюдь не всегда являются вторичными и вспомогатель-ными. К таким феноменам относятся: а) коммуникативно значимые акустические свойства и характеристики звучащей речи: продолжительность, ритм и темп речи, тембр, голосовой уклад, высота тона, интонация, громкость, фразовое и словесное ударение и др.; б) кинетические средства: мимика, поза, жест, зрительный контакт


и др., которые доказывают эффективность визуального ряда, взаимосвязь текста и картинки (Girnth, Michel 2007, p. 91–94). Немецкие ученые выделяют еще одну группу коммуникативно значимых средств, т. н. «экологические каналы» (ökologische Kanäle), роль которых в аудиовизуальной коммуникации очень велика. К экологи-ческим каналам, по их мнению, относятся наряду с сигналами социального статуса и внутренних качеств героя телепрограммы, оформление телестудии (или любого пространства, в котором ведется видеозапись), одежда, прическа, грим – все, что создает определенный образ участника и становится предметом обсуждения в СМИ. Как справедливо отмечают немецкие исследователи, именно «экологические каналы» часто привлекают особое внимание общества и обсуждаются в различных дискурсах (Girnth, Michel 2007, p. 96–98). Роль этих каналов в формате «рождест-венское видеообращение главы государства», на наш взгляд, чрезвычайно велика.

Так, в записи видеобращений глав государства по случаю Рождества, как правило, присутствуют все внешние атрибуты этого праздника: рождественская ель, свечи, Вифлеемская звезда, общая теплая атмосфера, которая создается всей совокупно-стью средств, в том числе семейными фотографиями на столе главы государства и т.д. В Германии президент выступает не только на фоне рождественских символов, но и на фоне государственных символов: флага и герба. Уже на этапе подготовки к этому медиасобытию, а затем и на этапе его обсуждения СМИ уделяют внимание всему комплексу каналов воздействия.

Первое рождественское видеобращение президента ФРГ К. Вульфа в 2010 году было записано в его берлинской резиденции Дворце Bellevue в присутствии более 200 рядовых граждан. Все компоненты данного реального события и медиасобы-тия подчеркивали демократичный характер общения избранного президента с гражданами страны. В Большой Дворцовый зал были приглашены общественные активисты, солдаты бундесвера, полицейские, студенты, школьники, которые при-шли в повседневной одежде и непринужденно расположились в зале, дети просто сидели на ковре. Присутствовала также супруга президента и двое их детей. По мнению немецких СМИ все это должно было снизить официальность церемонии и продемонстрировать близость президента к народу. В 2011 году К. Вульф повторил этот новый формат рождественского обращения, рассчитанный на положительную реакцию в обществe.

Следует особо подчеркнуть, что главы государств широко используют самые современные медийные возможности для эффективного воздействия на зрителей и слушателей рождественских обращений. Например, в 2012 году послание королевы Великобритании было записано в формате 3D. Это обстоятельство играет важную роль, так как формат 3 D позволяет реципиенту, для которого и создается данная видеозапись, ощутить эффект личного участия в этом событии. Король Бельгии Филипп в 2013 году посвятил свое первое рождественское послание насущным вопросам образования и трудоустройства молодежи, при этом камера снимала монарха с разных ракурсов, меняла фокус, была направлена не только на короля, но



и скользила по интерьеру его кабинета. Комментаторы отмечали, что это позволило зрителям (рядовым гражданам страны) как бы побывать в личном пространстве королевского дворца, быть рядом со своим монархом.

Не только все медиасобытие «рождественское обращение главы государства», но и его ядерная часть – видеозапись выступления – представляют собой сложное образование, включающее подготовку реципиента к кульминационному моменту.

Лейтмотив выступления главы государства по случаю Рождества создается семантической изотопией, т.е. повторяемостью определенных мотивов, тем, слов, в результате чего образуются изотопические цепочки, обеспечивающие семантиче-скую когеренцию текста и дискурса (Фадеева 2009, c. 96–97). Так, в рождественском обращении президента ФРГ К. Вульфа (2010) семантическую связность текста со-здают многочисленные изотопические цепочки с местоимением мы (wir), а также многочисленные абстрактные существительные, несущие в себе положительный заряд и воспринимаемые большинством людей как абсолютные величины: единение, сплоченность (Zusammenhalt); взаимопонимание (Verständigung); способность мирно уживаться с другими (Miteinanderauskommen) и др. Все эти средства направлены на создание у граждан страны чувства солидарности, единства (так называемого Wir-Gefühl), когезии как понятия социальной психологии, описывающего феномен сплочения, единения, солидарности. Многократный повтор этих средств в парал-лельных анафорических структурах речи, их аккумуляция в тексте усиливают воздействие на реципиентов.

Непременным компонентом каждого рождественского обращения главы госу-дарства наряду с референцией к актуальным проблемам современной жизни явля-ется референция к религиозным мотивам и прецедентным текстам, связывающим современность и христианские ценности. В 2012 году К. Вульфа на посту президента ФРГ сменил протестантский пастор Й. Гаук (Gauck). Новый президент вернулся к традиционному формату, отказавшись от приглашения во Дворец Bellevue рядовых граждан. В телезаписи мы видим только президента, государственные и рождест-венские символы, но в тексте обращения он, как и его предшественники, уделяет большое внимание морально-этическим и социальным аспектам жизни общества. Немецкие СМИ отметили необычайную политизированность основной части речи Й. Гаука (2012) с ключевой идеей солидарности (Solidarität) как лейтмотивом его обращения. Тем не менее, начало и заключение его речи традиционно рефериру-ют к истории Рождества Христова, изобилуя библейскими образами, символами, цитатами, которые выступают как рамочная структура текста: Weihnachtsgeschichte (Рождественская история); das Kind in der Krippe (Младенец в яслях); Botschaft (весть); „Fürchtet Euch nicht!“ (Не бойтесь!); „Friede auf Erden!“ (Мир на земле!); Der Stern aus der Weihnachtsgeschichte (звезда из Рождественской истории); Menschenkind (Сын Человеческий); gesegnete Weihnachten! (Благословенное Рождество!).

Отметим, что рождественское обращение президента Германии К. Вульфа в 2011 году было опубликовано на официальном сайте президента на турецком языке, а


обращение президента ФРГ Й. Гаука в 2015 году сопровождалось субтитрами на арабском языке, что подтверждает динамику развития данного реального события и медиасобытия, его модификацию в соответствии с требованиями жизни страны на данном историческом этапе. В этом выражается стремление главы государства обратиться не только к христианским согражданам, но активно воздействовать на ценностные ориентации самых широких слоев населения Германии, исповедующих иную религию.

Лейтмотивом в заключительном абзаце рождественской речи президента Й. Гаука (2015), которая, как мы уже говорили, сопровождалась субтитрами на араб-ском языке, стало человеколюбие / человечность (Menschenfreundlichkeit). Президент напомнил, что история Рождества Христова доказывает человеколюбие божие и призвал каждого проявлять такое же человеколюбие в жизни и нести его в мир.

Апелляция к христианским ценностям, использование широко известных цитат из авторитетных источников, утверждающих значимость и незыблемость этих ценностей, относятся к основным способам аргументации в рождественских обращениях глав государств. В таких речах нет места полемике, а персуазивные стратегии направлены на убеждение граждан в необходимости согласиться с основ-ными идеями послания главы государства, которые связывают текст выступления в единое целое благодаря сквозной идее Рождества (Фадеева 2016).

3. Выводы

Попытки глав государств с помощью современных медиатехнологий донести идеи рождественского послания до максимально большого числа самых разных жителей страны на их родном языке, включая иммигрантов последних лет, подтверждают, что одной из их важнейших характеристик рождественских посланий является их ориентированность на достижение консенсуса в обществе, которая заключена в самой идее Рождества и находит вербальное выражение в языковых средствах различных уровней. Во всех текстах рождественских обращений речь идет об ос-новных социальных и моральных ценностях, которые связываются с актуальными политическими задачами и проблемами общественной и личной жизни.

Анализ вербальной части рождественского видеообращения на микро- и макроуровнях позволяет уточнить значимость разнообразных средств данного медиатекста и медиасобытия. Призыв к гражданам страны проявлять солидарность, взаимопомощь, толерантность, любовь к ближнему выражается комплексом средств, в том числе многократным использованием ключевых положительно заряженных слов, которые аккумулируются в перечислениях и повторах, создавая лейтмотив обращения (послания). На синтаксическом уровне запланированное воздействие достигается широким использованием известных с времен античной риторики фигур ораторской речи с соответствующим лексическим наполнением.

Следует подчеркнуть, что при определенных обстоятельствах и в определенной комбинации каждая единица лексикона и каждая синтаксическая структура, в том



числе стистемно нейтральная, могут стать важным дискурсообразующим элементом и реализовать свой стилистический потенциал, оказывая эффективное воздействие на получателя информации и влияя на смысл текста. Каждая единица лексикона и синтаксическая структура могут приобретать аксиологические смыслы. Средства выражения аксиологического заряда медиатекстов можно разделить на прямые и косвенные. Косвенные средства в количественном отношении доминируют, хотя и не всегда распознаются как таковые реципиентами медиатекстов. К прямым средствам относятся единицы оценочной семантики: лексические, грамматические, стилистические, словообразовательные средства, оценочный потенциал которых воспринимается даже изолированно от контекста. Помимо этого, в арсенале языка имеются классы стилистических фигур, потенциально связанные с созданием допол-нительного стилистического смысла, важного для реализации его прагматической установки.

В заключение можно резюмировать, что рождественское видеобращение главы государства представляет собой сложный семиотически гетерогенный феномен, в котором важную роль играет сочетание и взаимодействие различных каналов коммуникации. К основным характеристикам рождественского обращения как ме-диатекста относится его ориентированность на достижение консенсуса в обществе, что обусловлено самой идеей Рождества.


BURGER, H., 2005. Mediensprache. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.GIRNTH, H., 2002. Sprache und Sprachverwendung in der Politik. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer.GIRNTH, H., MICHEL, S., 2007. Von diskursiven Sprechhandlungen bis Studiodekorationen.

Der Sprachdienst, Nr. 3, 85–99.JUNG, M., 1996. Linguistische Diskursgeschichte. In: K. BÖKE, M. JUNG, M. WENGELER

(Hrsg.). Öffentlicher Sprachgebrauch. Praktische und historische Perspektiven. Georg Stötzel zum 60. Geburtstag gewidmet. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 453–472.

NOELLE-NEUMANN, E., SCHULZ, W., WILKE J., 2004. Das Fischer Lexikon. Publizistik. Massenkommunikation. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer.

ГРИШАЕВА, Л. И., 2014. Парадоксы медиалингвистики. Воронеж: НАУКА-ЮНИПРЕСС. ДУСКАЕВА, Л. Р., 2012. Интенциональность медиатекста как детерминант речевого

поведения в медиасфере. В: Л. Р. ДУСКАЕВА, Н. С. ЦВЕТОВА (eds.). Медиатекст как поли-интенциональная система. СПб.: СПб. Гос. ун-т, 10–16.

ФАДЕЕВА, Г. М., 2009. «Лексикон – текст – дискурс» с позиций исследовательской пра-ктики. Вестник Московского государственного лингвистического университета, № 559, 90–99.

ФАДЕЕВА, Г. М., 2016. Рождественское телеобращение главы государства как медиасо-бытие. Вестник Московского государственного лингвистического университета, № 7 (746), 273–285.


Galina FadeevaMoscow State Linguistic UniversityReseach interests : media linguistics, text and discourse stylistics, intercultural communication, lingua-culturology

PERSUASIVE STRATEGY IN CHRISTMAS MESSAGES FROM A STATE LEADER (AN ANALYSIS OF AUDIOVISUAL MEDIA TEXTS)

Summary

Christmas messages from a state leader are viewed as a special kind of audiovisual media texts and a type of political speeches that target all citizens and are aimed at achieving consensus in society. The essential feature of the analyzed type of media texts is that they refer simultaneously to one of the most significant Christian holidays and to the current political context which determines the life of the whole country and of each person. An analysis of Christmas messages from German presidents has brought to the surface that the main device applied to create a feeling of unity and belonging (the so-called cohesion – the notion widely used in social psychology to describe the very idea of unity and belonging). The intentional character of these media texts does not suggest any form of debate. The specific feature of Christmas messages is that both common and contextual persuasive strategies serve to get the citizens to accept the main points that make up a single whole due to the pivotal idea of Christmas. The core of persuasive techniques is made up of appeals to Christian values, well-known quotes from authoritative sources that declare the significance and the solidity of these values, and includes a wide range of linguistic means.Christmas messages combine audio influence / manipulation and dynamic visual support. Heads of State resort to the most advanced media technologies to achieve maximum impact on the viewers, like 3D video recording, which creates the feeling of immediate presence and participation of average citizens in a media event. The desired effect of persuasion is achieved through different channels, each of which is responsible for solving a concrete communicative task, thus contributing to the accomplishment of the general goal of a Christmas message.

KEY WORDS: Christmas message, Christian values, audiovisual media text, persuasive strategies.


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III. ATMENA AUTORIAMS

„Verbum“ yra mokslo leidinys, skirtas germanų, romanų ir slavų lingvistikos (04H) bei eduko-logijos (07S) tyrinėjimams. Leidinyje spausdinami originalūs, kitur neskelbti moksliniai straipsniai, naujų knygų bei mokslinių tyrimų recenzijos ir apžvalgos, informacija apie mokslines konferencijas, seminarus ir kitus mokslo renginius, mokslinių publikacijų vertimai. Straipsnio apimtis – nuo 15 000 iki 40 000 spaudos ženklų su tarpais, apžvalgos ir recenzijos – iki 15 000 spaudos ženklų su tarpais.

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Pateikiami straipsniai turi būti parengti laikantis tokios struktūros ir reikalavimų. Mokslo straip-snyje turi būti suformuluotas mokslinių tyrimų tikslas, aptartas nagrinėjamos problemos ištirtumas, pateikti ir pagrįsti tyrimų rezultatai, padarytos išvados, nurodyta naudota literatūra. Prie lietuvių kalba skelbiamo straipsnio turi būti pridėta ne mažiau kaip 1 000 spaudos ženklų anotacija lietuvių kalba, nurodyti reikšminiai žodžiai ir ne mažiau kaip 2 000 spaudos ženklų santrauka anglų kalba bei ne mažiau kaip 2 000 spaudos ženklų santrauka lietuvių kalba. Prie užsienio kalba skelbiamo straipsnio turi būti pridėta ne mažiau kaip 1 000 spaudos ženklų anotacija ir reikšminiai žodžiai straipsnio kalba bei ne mažiau kaip 2 000 spaudos ženklų santrauka anglų kalba ir ne mažiau kaip 2 000 spaudos ženklų santrauka lietuvių kalba. Straipsniai spausdinami A4 formato lapis, vienoje lapo pusėje, paliekant 3 cm paraštes iš visų keturių kraštų. Pagrindinis tekstas lygiuojamas iš abiejų pusių. Po straipsniu nurodoma jo įteikimo data.

Publikacijos pradžioje, kairėje lapo pusėje nurodoma:• autoriaus vardas ir pavardė (pajuodintu pasviruoju 12 pt šriftu).Toliau pasviruoju 10 pt šriftu (tarpai tarp eilučių – 1 intervalas), nurodoma:• įstaiga, kuriai ji(s) atstovauja (straipsnio kalba),• autoriaus įstaigos adresas (autoriaus atstovaujamos šalies kalba),• telefonas,• elektroninio pašto adresas,• moksliniai interesai (straipsnio kalba).STRAIPSNIO ANTRAŠTĖ didžiosiomis raidėmis pateikiama puslapio centre 14 pt šriftu.

Tarpas prieš ir po antraštės – 2 intervalai. Paantraštes išskirti juodu šriftu.Anotacija (straipsnio kalba) renkama pasviruoju 10 pt šriftu. Po santraukos naujoje eilutėje

nurodomi reikšminiai žodžiai. Tarpas po reikšminių žodžių – 2 intervalai, po kurio eina pagrin-dinis tekstas.

Straipsnio pavadinimas, autoriaus vardas ir pavardė, atstovaujama įstaiga, moksliniai interesai kartojami prieš santrauką (Summary) anglų kalba straipsnio pabaigoje.

Visos nuorodos straipsnyje pateikiamos pagal Harvardo nuorodų sistemą (http://www.bour-nemouth.ac.uk/library/using/harvard_system.html)

Nuorodos pagrindiniame tekste pateikiamos taip:• Skliausteliuose nurodoma šaltinio autoriaus pavardė, leidimo metai, puslapis (Pruvost 2006,

p. 21). Jei šaltinis turi daugiau negu du autorius, nurodoma tik pirmojo autoriaus pavardė: (Jonaitis ir kt. 2000, p. 6).

152 III. ATMENA AUTORIAMS

Paaiškinimai ir pastabos pateikiami pagrindinio teksto puslapio apačioje 10 pt. Jų numeracija – ištisinė.

Literatūros sąrašas pateikiamas po pagrindinio teksto. Šaltiniai sąraše išdėstomi abėcėlės tvarka pagal autorių pavardes. Šaltiniai kirilica arba kitais nelotyniškais šriftais pateikiami sąrašo pabaigoje. Šaltiniai nurodomi pagal šiuos pavyzdžius:

• Nurodant knygą:AUTORIAUS PAVARDĖ, Vardo inicialai, leidimo metai. Knygos pavadinimas. Leidimo vieta:

Leidėjas. (PAKERYS, P., 1997. Lietuvių bendrinės kalbos fonetika. Vilnius: Enciklopedija.)• Nurodant grožinį kūrinį, straipsnį iš knygos:AUTORIAUS PAVARDĖ, Vardo inicialai, leidimo metai. Grožinio kūrinio, straipsnio pavadini-

mas. In: Knygos autoriaus ar sudarytojo Vardo inicialai. PAVARDĖ. Knygos pavadinimas. Leidimo vieta: Leidėjas, puslapiai. (SÉRIOT, P., 2003. Une identité déchirée. In: P. SÉRIOT. Contributions suisses au XIIIe congrès mondial des slavistes. Bern: Peter lang, 269–292.)

• Nurodant straipsnį iš periodinio leidinio:AUTORIAUS PAVARDĖ, Vardo inicialai, leidimo metai. Straipsnio pavadinimas. Periodinio

leidinio pavadinimas, numeris, puslapiai. (KAZLAUSKAS, J., 1966. Lietuvių literatūrinės kalbos fonemų diferencinių elementų sistema. Kalbotyra, Nr. 14, 73–81.)

• Nurodant straipsnį iš elektroninio leidinio:AUTORIAUS PAVARDĖ, Vardo inicialai, leidimo metai. Straipsnio pavadinimas. Prieiga: Interne-

to puslapio adresą [Žiūr. data]. (VAISSE, J., 2000. L’Europe au miroir de Barack Obama. Available from: http://www.robert-schuman.eu/question_europe.php?num=qe-116 (accesed on January 2, 2009).

Lietuviškame tekste lietuviški asmenvardžiai rašomi pagal dabartines rašybos normas, o nelie-tuviški asmenvardžiai – originalo kalba pagal leidinio „Lietuvių kalbos rašyba ir skyryba“ (parengė SLIŽIENĖ, N., VALECKIENE, A., 1992. Vilnius: Mokslas, 81–89).

Pirmą kartą tekste pateikiamas visas vardas (vardai) ir pavardė, o toliau galima rašyti tik to paties asmens pavardę.

Nelietuviškame tekste asmenvardžiai rašomi pagal tos kalbos rašybos tradicijas.Grafinė informacija – lentelės, schemos, grafikai ir pan. – turi būti originalai, kuriuos būtų

galima reprodukuoti. Juos reikia sunumeruoti ir pateikti taip, kad būtų galima perkelti į kitą teksto vietą. Pavadinimas pateikiamas pasviruoju šriftu po grafine informacija.

Straipsnio pabaigoje nurodomi autoriaus vardas ir pavardė, mokslinis, pedagoginis vardas (-ai), pareigos atstovaujamos institucijos padalinyje.

Straipsniai turi būti suredaguoti, išspausdintas tekstas patikrintas. Straipsnių, parengtų nesilaikant šių reikalavimų, redakcija nesvarsto ir autoriams negrąžina.

Straipsniai į „Verbum“ Nr. 9 priimami iki 2018 metų liepos 15 d.

153

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Verbum is a scientific publication for research in German, Roman, and Slavic linguistics (04H) and educology (07S). Verbum publishes authentic scholarly articles, reviews and overviews of new books and research, information about scientific conferences, seminars and other scientific events, translations of scientific publications. The size of articles is from 15,000 to 40,000 characters with spaces; the size of reviews and overviews is up to 10,000 characters with spaces.

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154 III. GENERAL REQUIREMENTS FOR PUBLICATIONS

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URL [Access date]. E. g. VAISSE, J., 2000. L’Europe au miroir de Barack Obama. Available from: http://www.robert-schuman.eu/question_europe.php?num=qe-116 (accesed on January 2, 2009).

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Articles for publication in Verbum No. 9 are accepted until 15 July 2018.


VERBUM 2017, 8 tomasMokslo darbai

Anglų kalbos redaktorė Violeta StankūnienėPrancūzų kalbos redaktorė Danguolė MelnikienėKorektorė Viktorija MakarovaViršelio dailininkė Audronė UzielaitėMaketavo Ilona Švedovaitė

Už straipsnių turinį atsako autoriai

13,70 aut. l. Išleido Vilniaus universitetas, Vilniaus universiteto leidykla Universiteto g. 3, LT-01513 Vilnius

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