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GROUP 12 Osuala Daniel .U. 139051006 (G.L) Aiyejusunle Enioluwa .O. 100501009 Chiekezie Donatus .S. 139051010 High-rise apartments as an urban renewal strategy for mass housing in Lagos: Lessons from other countries (ARC845) Urban Renewal Lecturers; Dr. Iweka, Prof. Okedele
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Page 1: URBAN RENEWAL GROUP 12.docx

GROUP 12

Osuala Daniel .U. 139051006 (G.L)

Aiyejusunle Enioluwa .O. 100501009

Chiekezie Donatus .S. 139051010

Adegoke Oluwatobi A. 090501006

Nduka-Dike Eberechi 139051019

High-rise apartments as an urban renewal strategy for mass housing in Lagos: Lessons from other countries

(ARC845) Urban Renewal

Lecturers; Dr. Iweka, Prof. Okedele

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Structure of the literature review

This review addresses a number of research questions: a review of the literature on definitional issues on urban renewal and urban renewal strategies; an assessment of Lagos and its urban renewal history and problems; high rise mass housing as a viable solution to mitigate the problem; and lessons and conclusions. This literature review comprises four parts. Part 1 provides background to urban renewal and urban renewal strategies; part 2 looks into the assessment of Lagos and its urban renewal history and problems; part 3 provides a review on high rise mass housing as a viable solution to mitigate the problem and lessons; and part 4 builds on conclusions to provide options for further investigation.

1. Definitional Issues

What is Urban renewal?

Somewhere in an area near you, scanty rundown areas have been given a new lease of life; this is

called Urban Renewal.

Urban renewal according to the Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, is a program of land

redevelopment in areas of moderate to high density urban land use. It started in the early 90’s

and has played an important role in the city scape of major developed countries around the

world.

Urban renewal involves the relocation of businesses, the demolition of structures, the relocation

of people, and the use of eminent domain (government purchase of property for public purpose)

as a legal instrument to take private property for city-initiated development projects. This process

is also carried out in rural areas, referred to as village renewal, though it may not be exactly the

same in practice.1

1 Chigbu, Uchendu Eugene (2012). "Village renewal as an instrument of rural development: evidence from Weyarn, Germany" (http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rcod20/current). Community Development 43 (2): 209–224.doi:10.1080/15575330.2011.575231 (https://dx.doi.org/10.1080%2F15575330.2011.575231)

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Urban renewal is a process where by a neighborhood in or near an urban area is transformed by

demolishing old structures, renovating or building some structures, building new and modern

structures and infrastructures that redefine the neighborhoods. Agbola (1987) on the other hand

defined urban renewal as a relatively comprehensive community redevelopment programme

through which a particular city seeks to re-fashion and rebuild the physical structures of a

particular segment of the city in order to enable it to cope more successfully with the problems

confronting it. Put differently, urban renewal could be seen as a process of

upgrading the status and structure of a particular section of a settlement,

with a view of making them ‘a new’ through modernization.2

Urban theories started significantly after the World War II, where many countries started

demolition of city slums and erection of high-rise buildings. Large scale developments created

many social problems and encouraged many city planners and scholars to question its effects and

functionalities. It has also been linked with other aspects such as transportation, provision of

social amenities, air quality control and so on.

What are Urban Strategies?

Urban renewal process is perceived to overhaul the congestion in the city centres (Andersen and

Engelstoft, 2004; Lichtenberger, 1994; Vidfor, 2007). Urban renewal comprises some numbers

of strategies such as Filtration, social planning, the boot-strap strategy, replacement, guiding

urban growth through investment and local government strategy (Balchin and Kieve, 1977).

However, according to Miller (1959), there are three principles/methods of Urban renewal. They

are;

2 Olawepo, R.A. (2010); “Perspectives on Urban Renewal and Transportation Development in Lagos: Implications for Urban Development in Nigeria”, (Pg 273-287) : African Research Review, Vol. 4 (1) January, 2010, ISSN 2070-0083 (Online)

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Redevelopment: This consists of the removal of existing buildings and the re-use of cleared land

for the implementation of new projects. Redevelopment leads to the destruction of badly needed

housing units and it does not prevent slums from reappearing in other parts of the city. It also

contributes to the impoverishment of the original residents by reduction of job opportunities, as

resettlement areas are usually located outside of the city proper (Mirbod, 1984). This approach is

applicable to areas in which buildings are in seriously deteriorated condition and have no

preservation value, or in which the arrangement of buildings are such that the area cannot

provide satisfactory living conditions. In such cases, demolition and reconstruction, of whole

blocks or of small sections, is often thought to be the only solution to ensure future comfort and

safety of the residents.

Rehabilitation: Rehabilitation, often termed conservation or preservation, is based on

preserving, repairing, and restoring the natural and man-made environments of existing

neighborhoods. It is applicable to areas where buildings are generally in structurally sound

condition but have deteriorated because of neglected maintenance. It takes advantage of the

existing housing stock as a valuable resource and adapts old houses to present day life and

acceptable standards by providing modern facilities (Zhu, 1989).

Rehabilitation recognizes that the limited availability of funds for new construction and the

serious housing shortage make the option of destroying already-existing housing appear both

unaffordable and imprudent. It recognizes the value of old neighborhoods and, by preserving

what is unique, ancient, and specifically local, it can also contribute to the development of the

tourism, industry and stimulate the economy.3

3 Njoku C. and Okoro G.C. (2014), “Urban renewal in Nigeria: case study of Lagos state”, Journal of Environmental Science and Water Resources ISSN 2277 0704, Vol. 3(7), pp. 145 - 148, August 2014

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However, many people do not consider rehabilitation to be a realistic approach because of the

technical difficulties and the amount of work and research involved. Rehabilitation is often

perceived as a complex and time-consuming process which is more difficult to implement than

redevelopment. It requires a high degree of social organization and social responsibility, as well

as a total reorganization of the housing process.

Integration: The method of urban renewal referred to as integration, views rehabilitation and

redevelopment as complementary forces and combines the best aspects of both approaches. It

consists of rehabilitation of what can realistically be saved, combined with reconstruction of new

buildings in place of those beyond the reach of feasible rehabilitation (Yu, 1988).

Integration is considered today to be the most acceptable way to regenerate old neighborhoods. It

allows for flexible project implementation which can preserve the traditional urban environment

and its human scale while achieving respectable densities.

Source: Journal of Environmental Science and Water Resources, Urban renewal in Nigeria: case study of Lagos

state, August 2014

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2. Nature and Extent of the Problem

What is the problem?

Nigeria's commercial capital and economic nerve center, Lagos has an estimated population of

20.19 million that is growing at a rate of 3.2% per annum, while its urbanization growth rate is

16%.4 Currently, the geographical area has expanded to about 356,861 hectares of which about

21% equivalents to 75,755 hectares are wetlands, yet it has the highest estimated population of

18 million representing 12% out of a national estimate of 150 million with annual growth rate of

between 6% and 8% compared to 4 -5% country growth rate and global 2% growth rate. It is the

second most populous city in Africa after Cairo in Egypt and estimated to be the fastest growing

city in Africa and the seventh fastest growing in the world with a population increase of about

600,000 persons per annum. Lagos population is growing ten times faster than New York and

Los Angeles with grave implication for urban sustainability and housing delivery. At its present

growth rate, the United Nations had estimated that, Lagos state will be the third largest mega city

in the world by the Year 2015 after Tokyo in Japan and Bombay in India.5

In Metropolitan Lagos there are 20,000 people per square kilometer with an estimated 3,000

people from other states of Nigeria entering the state every day without leaving. The occupancy

ratio is 8 – 10 persons per room with 72.5% of households occupying one-room apartment

[Lagos State Ministry of Housing, 2010].

While the growth of the population in the metropolitan Lagos has assumed a geometrical

proportion, the provision of urban infrastructure and housing to meet this demand is, not at

commensurate level. This has resulted in acute shortage of housing to the teeming population

with Lagos alone accounting for about 5 million deficit representing 31% of the estimated

4 EIU policy brief issue 1december 20125 Lookman Oshodi, (2010)“Housing, population and Development in Lagos, Nigeria”

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national housing deficit of 18 million [Oshodi, 2010]. The extent of the housing shortage in

Lagos is enormous. The inadequacies are far reaching and the deficit is both quantitative and

qualitative. According to the Lagos Household Survey (2011), about 72% of Lagos residents are

tenants paying rent as high 50% of their monthly incomes; while most of the existing

accommodations are provided by private landlords. Only 18% owned the dwellings while 10%

are free occupants, with no rental payment.

In recent times, the Ministry of Housing and the Lagos Building and Investment Company

(LBIC) commenced direct construction of houses in Lagos State. From Year 2000 till date, the

various agencies in the housing sector had constructed 7,850 housing units. This is however a

short fall from the projection of 224,000 housing units annually by the Ministry of

Housing.6Aside the direct construction approach, Ministry of housing and other government

agencies adopted other options of delivering houses to the citizens, among which are public/

private partnership in housing delivery, urban renewal and establishment of new towns,

provision of site and service schemes. The combined stock of all these strategies is less than

5,000 units per annum in a state requiring 500,000 units per annum to bridge the deficit of

estimated2.55 million over the next 5 years. Even, the recently launched Lagos Cooperative

Home Ownership Incentive Scheme (Lagos- CHOIS), in collaboration with the private sector, is

expected to deliver 10,000 units over the next four years at the rate of N11.6 million for a two

bedroom apartment.7

6 Alausa Alert: Vol. 6, No 5. Oct 2011 7 EIU policy brief issue 1december 2012

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When did Urban Renewal start in Lagos?

The first attempt on urban renewal during colonial period was in 1906 under the Hausa lands

Ordinance enacted in that year. The purpose of that programme was total clearance of a large

portion of the Crown land located within the core city center. After this various urban renewal

programmes have taken place. For example, in 1951, the defunct Lagos Executive

Development Board (LEDB) was mandated to execute some extensive development programmes

to give facelift to some areas in Lagos Island, covering areas bounded by Victoria street (now

Nnamdi Azikwe street), Broad street and Palm Church street. This was a sort of slum

redevelopment and modernization to enhance conducive living. The affected inhabitants were

resettled at “New Lagos’ now called Surulere (Onibokun, et al, 1987). Furthermore, The Lagos

Central Planning Scheme was put into effect in 1955. It was to involve the re-housing of about

200,000 persons over a period of five to seven years. The scope of the scheme comprised of

clearance and redevelopment of 70 acres of built up land within central Lagos. Using the method

of resettlement and redevelopment, streets were widened to meet the increased traffic demand at

the same time rear access service roads were redesigned. New layouts, infrastructure facilities

and housing units were provided in Ikoyi area through a loan repayable within forty years. Built

uplands, plots of lands and houses were leased out to people from central Lagos while a large

proportion of hoses were allocated to high income civil servants.8

During the Military regimes, there were no less than five urban renewal projects especially

between 1972 and 1975. These were the era of construction of ‘fly-overs’ and overhead bridges

to make ways for new roads and transportation development. The process of slum clearance

continued till 1979. Also the Olaleye-Iponri scheme was unique with the involvement of

collaborative efforts between the Lagos State Government and the United Nations Centre for

8 IAARR, 2010 www.afrrevjo.com

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Human Settlements (Habitat). The scheme also introduced new methods of consultation and

community participation. Its approach was basically that of rehabilitation. It was also prepared as

part of the Lagos Master Plan in 1980 with an implementation phase commencing between

1982-84. As at 1990, the clearance of Maroko was affected and the inhabitants were resettled at

Ilasan and Epe locations who came from outside Lagos.

Source: IAARR, 2010 www.afrrevjo.com

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3. Assessment

High-rise apartments as a means towards urban renewal – Lessons from

other countries

If Lagos is to attain the status of model mega city, it is obvious that it has to tackle a number of

challenges. Notably is the issue of overcrowding. According to EIU policy brief issue 1

December 2012, the new Eko Atlantic tends to solve but only a fraction of the problem, expected

to provide accommodation for 250,000 people (approximately 100,000 housing units) and

employment opportunities for a further 150,000. However, it focuses primarily on the high

earning class of the society.

A study was carried out to find out which housing type was preferred by most Lagosians and

below is a table showing the results;

Preferred homes across Lagos LGAsLGA 1-2 beds 2-3 beds 4+ bedsAgege 70,420 73,416 4,495Ajeromi-Ifelodun

112,410 85,348 10,408

Alimosho 142,506 139,537 14,844AmuwoOdofin

29,694 43,399 4,568

Apapa 43,185 28,032 4,546Badagry 31,449 20,966 2,759Epe 28,163 15,959 2,816Eti-Osa 81,306 58,484 2,853IbejuLekki 8,229 4,620 2,021Ifako-Ijaye

64,771 38,863 3,239

Ikeja 48,925 40,457 4,704Ikorodu 51,966 42,972 4,997Kosofe 75,908 55,576 4,067Lagos Island

57,365 61,107 7,482

Lagos Mainland

38,344 44,734 6,391

Mushin 93,916 88,166 11,500Ojo 53,256 71,007 12,290

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Oshodi-Isolo

88,856 65,819 11,518

Shomolu 83,259 59,471 5,947Surulere 105,351 73,930 7,193

Source: Lagos Housing Needs Assessment Survey 2012

From the table above, it is clear that a good number of the population prefer 1-2 bedroom

apartments. This is a clear indication that the provision of 1-2 bedroom high-rise apartments will

not only be economically viable and a very good urban renewal strategy, but also a means of

providing for the people what they truly want.

The housing needs survey suggest that 95% of the projected housing needs in Lagos over the

next 5 years can be met in apartment type housing developments. This house types could be built

efficiently cost effectively using modern methods of construction. Indeed the government can

benefit from good practice in places like Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; Bangkok, China; and

emerging developments like Addis Ababa and Nairobi, where high density, high-rise housing

complexes are successfully meeting the housing needs without significant pressures on land

supply.

A good comparative example is the Gorbals in Glasgow. Early history of the Gorbals in Glasgow

showed that industrial revolution changed the character of the area; a grid layout of four storey

tenements grew up through the 1900s to house local factory and cotton mill workers. By the

1930s, it had a large population and lots of small shops and pubs. Overcrowding and poor

maintenance led to the area becoming run-down.

Conditions in the Gorbals include; overcrowding, poverty stricken, crime ridden, filthy and

damn, many shared an outside toilet, high unemployment, very poor standard of healthcare and

education.

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After demolition, new high rise flats were built in place of old tenements. Residents were moved

out to purpose built estates on the outskirts of the city for example castle milk. Existing buildings

were renovated, tenements were modernized- sandblasted, new windows, central heating and

bathrooms.

Advantages these had was that the new apartments/flats had heating, indoor bathrooms and were

warm and dry, however the disadvantage was that community life was destroyed, people felt

isolated often leading to depression.

After recognising the mistakes of the 1960s, more traditional streets have been created along

with more open spaces.

Severe unemployment is being tackled through the Gorbals Initiative; a local enterprise company

which provides access for local people to nearby job opportunities and stimulates the local

economy. All in all, great efforts have been made to make the Gorbals a vibrant, thriving

community.

The case of high-rise residential buildings (other than luxury apartment complexes) in which

apartments are privately owned is relatively rare in Western Europe. Raze-and-rebuild projects in

other countries are regarded primarily as a means to upgrade and improve the quality of public

housing and are considered from that perspective. In Israel, the percentage of public housing

apartments in urban renewal projects is very low. Most of the apartments are privately owned,

and therefore the improvement of public housing is not considered at all.

The rehousing program in places like Khayelitsha, South Africa is complicated by other factors.

For the vast majority of residents, the only acceptable housing is a detached hut on a privately

owned lot. Multifamily rental housing is seen as a despised relic of apartheid, and mid- or high-

rise apartments are anathema to these recently rural denizens. Government rental housing is

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being phased out as it is converted to private ownership. Most residents are waiting their turn to

secure an individual lot where they can use their 17,900 rand (US$2,400) housing subsidy

toward building the standard-issue, 36-square meter, cinder block hut. With enough hands, a hut

can be erected in a weekend.9

Also, in other countries, debates and policies about housing affordability and the need to provide

more affordable housing are widespread throughout the international housing literature. In recent

years, too, governments in many countries have explored ways of using statutory land-use

planning systems to influence the provision of additional affordable housing, especially in

localities with relatively high house prices and rental costs (Paris 2007, p1).10

In Europe and America, transformations have contributed to an increasing urban identity crisis

which transformed cities into heterogenous. The mutation in interpersonal relationships and

intergenerational gaps, technological development, mass migrations and globalization have

transformed to spaces in the urban landscape; new types of place have and the utilization of

existing spaces has been modified (Sepe, 2006; Gospodini, 2002, 2004). Take Sydney for

instance there is substantial evidence of a growing housing affordability problem in Sydney as

well as across Australia. The incidence of the problem has spread from very low-income through

low-income into moderate-income households. There is now a consistent call for housing

schemes to retain ‘key workers’ and ‘the working poor’ in established areas to ensure access to

employment, education, public transport and other facilities and amenities.

Yet, while it is widely accepted that there are affordability problems in Sydney, and across

Australia, it is difficult to arrive at a universally accepted definition of affordability, or of a

threshold beyond which housing is not affordable. The 30/40 rule is currently the most widely

9 Lincoln Institute of Land policy (2003), “Urban Renewal in a South African Township”, Vol. 15, No 410 Urban Research Centre University of Western Sydney (2008), “Housing Affordability Literature Review and Affordable Housing Program Audit”

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used criteria for affordability. This refers to the point at which 30 per cent of the gross income of

a household in the lowest 40 per cent of the income distribution is allocated to housing costs;

beyond this, housing is deemed unaffordable. Like all general measures, however, the 30/40 rule

can be blind to variations across household forms and sizes regarding their capacity to meet other

living costs after housing costs are met. Despite various attempts to incorporate variable

household living costs into calculations of housing affordability, the 30/40 rule remains the most

readily useable and comparable affordability benchmark.

Also, in other countries, debates and policies about housing affordability and the need to provide

more affordable housing are widespread throughout the international housing literature. In recent

years, too, governments in many countries have explored ways of using statutory land-use

planning systems to influence the provision of additional affordable housing, especially in

localities with relatively high house prices and rental costs (Paris 2007, p1).11

In Europe and America, transformations have contributed to an increasing urban identity crisis

which transformed cities into heterogenous. The mutation in interpersonal relationships and

intergenerational gaps, technological development, mass migrations and globalization have

transformed to spaces in the urban landscape; new types of place have and the utilization of

existing spaces has been modified (Sepe, 2006; Gospodini, 2002, 2004). Take Sydney for

instance there is substantial evidence of a growing housing affordability problem in Sydney as

well as across Australia. The incidence of the problem has spread from very low-income through

low-income into moderate-income households. There is now a consistent call for housing

schemes to retain ‘key workers’ and ‘the working poor’ in established areas to ensure access to

employment, education, public transport and other facilities and amenities.

11 Urban Research Centre University of Western Sydney (2008), “Housing Affordability Literature Review and Affordable Housing Program Audit”

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Yet, while it is widely accepted that there are affordability problems in Sydney, and across

Australia, it is difficult to arrive at a universally accepted definition of affordability, or of a

threshold beyond which housing is not affordable. The 30/40 rule is currently the most widely

used criteria for affordability. This refers to the point at which 30 per cent of the gross income of

a household in the lowest 40 per cent of the income distribution is allocated to housing costs;

beyond this, housing is deemed unaffordable. Like all general measures, however, the 30/40 rule

can be blind to variations across household forms and sizes regarding their capacity to meet other

living costs after housing costs are met. Despite various attempts to incorporate variable

household living costs into calculations of housing affordability, the 30/40 rule remains the most

readily useable and comparable affordability benchmark.

ADDITIONAL INFORMATION

Abstract From Renewing stigmatised estates in the Netherlands: A

framework for image renewal strategies

Frank Wassenberg

Like in so many other European countries, the large housing estates of the post-World War II generation in the Netherlands did not fulfil the great and often Utopian expectations. Nowadays they are confronted with the effects of a negative image, a stigma. Images differ according to the persons asked for an opinion. Internal images, elicited from insiders, may overlap with external images but may also contradict them. The external image of many large estates accelerates their decay and lowers their reputation. All across Europe stigmatised large housing estates are subject to major renewal processes. The Amsterdam high-rise area of the Bijlmermeer is a good example. Once cheered by planners and politicians, later on criticised by inhabitants, avoided by outsiders and stigmatised by the media, the area is now an example of an impressive renewal programme. The question arises whether urban renewal will change a negative reputation. A stigma tends to stick, even after actual renewal activities are finished. Images of neighbourhoods can actively be promoted, just like a commercial product. Image promotion can be a supplementary strategy, which is seldom used in renewal processes. Which strategy would be the best depends on local circumstances, but strategies should be aimed at improving existing internal and external images. Image promotion may be directed to internal participants, to convince them the situation really is improving, or to outsiders, to promote the area and to counterbalance prejudices. Image promotion should not take the place of real improvements, but it is useful to work on a stigma and to give active image promotion explicit attention in any renewal process.

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International Experiences in Affordable Housing Development: A review of international historical precedents in affordable housing development suggests that countries tackle the problem of affordable housing through a combination of slum rehabilitation and market-based mass housing provision solutions. Depending upon the market and housing affordability conditions of urban population, they fine-tune these strategies to meet the sociopolitical objectives. Broadly, the housing strategies could be divided into the following typologies; direct provision of subsidized public rental housing(Singapore, Hong Kong); market-based affordable housing based on credit and other subsidies to the private sector (China); serviced land, cash and credit assistance to poor households for new housing and home improvements (Thailand, Cambodia, Philippines, India); market-based private housing with special assistance such as development of serviced land and investment subsidy for affordable housing (USA, Japan, Australia); insitu slum rehabilitation through non government organizations or private sector through instruments such as additional FAR and TDR (Brazil, India and other countries in Latin America and Asia). Except in the case of countries such as Singapore, Hong Kong and China, most policies focused on private ownership housing rather than public rental housing. Direct provision of subsidized public rental housing coupled with subsidized housing mortgage assistance to low-income households during the early phase of housing interventions, which later moved on to ownership public housing supplemented by private sector housing for higher-income households has been very successful to address the housing needs of low-income households (Singapore and Hong Kong). The transition from direct provision of subsidized public rental housing to credit-and-subsidy-supported, market-based provision of affordable public housing followed in China is a variant of this model. In China, before 1979, the rule of thumb was that a family should not spend more than 3% of its income for housing. The rents charged by the government for housing were, therefore, so low that they were not even enough to pay for housing maintenance. After economic and housing reforms were launched in 1979, market-based housing was introduced and various credits and other subsidies were extended to households to access housing. At present, about 80% of public housing in China has been sold to residents through the market and about 94% of urban residents own some form of private housing. For households who could not afford market housing, housing subsidies are provided by the government to avail of rental housing. Availability of land for affordable housing in locations accessible to work places of lowincome households is a challenge in many countries. Even though the policy incentivizes private developers to use private land for (affordable) housing projects, the role of government in guiding the development of land for residential developments through land consolidation/pooling and provision of trunk infrastructure and services toward orderly urban expansion needs to be stressed. Land (re)adjustments and planned development of trunk infrastructure, including public transit, and financial incentives for affordable housing are some of the common threads in the housing policies implemented in developed countries. While high-density vertical development of housing is common, in particular for central business districts (CBDs), some countries followed low-rise, high-density development models (Japan, Vietnam). A major advantage of the latter model is that it allows incremental housing improvements based on the economic constraints and housing needs of families.

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 Planning and housing design in modern China

Repercussions

Inadequate urban housing supply coupled with increasing demand for housing in many

developing countries propels the formation of slum (Durand- Lasserve, 1996). This situation has

relegated many city dwellers to slums due to inadequate low cost and decent housing provision.

A study by Durand-Lasserve (1996) in Zambia revealed that the slums of Lusaka owe their

origins to the city authorities’ neglect of providing low-cost public housing and concentration on

short-sighted and unsustainable urban and housing policies, both during colonial and post-

independence times. Moreover, the absence of sufficient public housing caused a series of

housing crises and an increased growth of unauthorized settlements in the urban areas.

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4. Conclusion

The main component of housing delivery is availability of land resources. Urbanization in

Nigeria has resulted in limited accessibility to land and thus compound the problems of housing

provision that urban and regional planning is aiming to solve. The continuity and dynamism of

land value make its classification as a process inappropriate. Land value thus arises when

comparatively increasing number of people jostles for land in urban centres as against the rural

areas.

Cities are the main focus of land problems and the threshold population for their classification

varies from one country to another and over time, even within the same country. More critical

than population is the function metropolitan area performs. One of the distinguishing

characteristics of a metropolitan area is that its work is largely divorced from soil, that is, its

people are dominantly not primary food producers.

High-rise is without doubt a good and viable strategy for urban renewal. However, the main

question it poses is in terms of affordability. Having in mind that more than half of the

population of Lagos live below the poverty line standards, the real question is will the target

population for these high rise apartments be able to afford these commodities?. This question can

be addressed only through the implementations of programmmes and policies that are target

focused towards the low and medium income earners of the population by the government and

statutory bodies.

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