Unity & Struggle No 08

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UNITY & STRUGGLE

no.8

Autumn-Winter 2000


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Workers of all countries, unite!

Unity & Struggle

Organ of the International Conference of

Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations


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Unity & Struggle

Journal of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations.Published in English, Spanish, Turkish and Portuguese

in the responsibility of the Coordinating Committee of the International Conference.

Any opinions expressed in this journal belong to the contributors.


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This version was created in August 2009 by the Movement for the Reorganisation of the KKE 1918-

55 with use of the texts found in the web page of TDKP (Revolutionary Communist Party of

Turkey).


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UNITY & STRUGGLE AUTUMN-WINTER 2000

5

CONTENTS

Introduction

International Conference

Present day imperialism

Report of the Regional Conference in Latin America

The Yugoslavia War: A product and manifestation of the increasing crisis of imperialism in

Europe

Report of the Regional Conference in Europe

Report of the Regional Conference in the Middle East and the Balkans

A brief evaluation of the conferences

Conference Resolutions:

For a combative May Day

Solidarity with Hamma Hammami and the people of Tunisia

Solidarity with the people of Volta and the PCRV

Solidarity with the people of Ecuador and the PCMLE

Solidarity with Francisco Caraballo

Message to the Congress of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark (APK)


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Introduction

The collapse of the Berlin Wall, the disintegration of the former USSR, the collapse of socialism in

Albania, the failure of many revolutionary processes, all this led to the development of an extensive

anti-communist campaign. With its political and ideological essence, this attack had a profound

effect on communists, the parties of the proletariat and the international Marxist-Leninist movement.We all have been affected and weakened by this wave of attack, but not annihilated.

Imperialism, reaction and opportunism chanted cries of victory and declared the end of history and

of all ideologies. They forgot about the scientific validity of Marxism-Leninism and the soundness

of the ideology of the proletariat. They missed out the nature and the revolutionary tradition of the

working class and the oppressed peoples. They forgot about the existence of the proletarian

communist parties and their devotion to the revolutionary principles. They left out of account the

determination of the proletarian revolutionaries, their resistance and decisiveness in keeping up the

struggle. They overlooked the existence of the objective and subjective reasons forcing for change

and giving way to revolutions. They forgot the fact that the history of humanity always developed in

a spiral form, and that the retreats were the zigzags of the uninterrupted march of the proletariansocial revolution.

The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations is a revolutionary

platform of the communists. We exist and struggle in our countries; we work for the unity and

strengthening of the international communist movement. We are the followers of the Paris

Commune, the October Revolution and the Communist International. In the revolutionary struggle

we are guided by the proletarian ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. We are based on the

proletarian internationalism and the internationalist tradition of the communists of all countries.

In the course of the International Conference, our aim is to study seriously the old and the new

problems of the revolution and socialism; to conduct a continual struggle against the bourgeoisideology, proposals and distraction; to keep up the fight against revisionism and opportunism; to

consolidate our line and unite the struggle of the workers and peoples in every country an on the

international scale. We have made some advances, but it is a long way, and we are determined to go

to the end.

For the International Marxist-Leninist Commun-ist Movement it is of vital importance to achieve the

ideological and political unity of the communists and their parties on an international scale through

revolutionary practical and theoretical debates. This will also contribute to the growth of the parties

of the movement and their organisational re-building.

The only way of making advances in the path of organising and realising the revolution is to link

Marxism-Leninism with the life and the struggle of the working people. In order to enrich the theory

and practice of the revolution we must continue to make profound analysis of the new problems of

the revolution, without forgetting that we have Marxism-Leninism as our guide. We insist on the

communist tradition of having open and sincere debates in order to identify and resolve the problems

and to struggle. We are determined to undertake our responsibilities and fulfil our tasks accordingly.

The debates held during the sessions of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and

Organisations prove the necessity of further deepening the discussions about the important problems

of the revolution. With the intention of making the militants of our parties and organisations, other

revolutionary organisations, our friends and sympathisers part of this discussion, we have decided topublish the documents presented to the Conference held in Germany in April 2000.


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In this issue of Unity and Struggle we publish the documents with ideas and proposals not agreed by

all the parties and organisations.

These documents were written by different parties and organisations designated by the Conference.

The opinions expressed in them belong to the contributors, thus they should not be considered as

collective documents of the Conference, unless stated otherwise. These documents are as follows:

Present day imperialism by the Red Flag Party of Venezuela and the M-L Communist Party of

Ecuador.

Evaluation of the Conferences

The Yugoslavia War: A product and manifestation of the increasing crisis of imperialism in

Europe by the Workers Communist Party of France and the Communist October Organisation of

Spain.

Report of the Regional Conference in the Middle East and the Balkans by the Party of Labour ofIran (Toufan), the Organisation for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy, the

Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey, the Organisation for the Communist Party of Greece.

In addition to these documents we are publishing some decisions of the Conference. These are:

For a combative May Day

Solidarity with Hamma Hammami and with the people of Tunisia

Solidarity with the people of Volta and the PCRV

Solidarity with the people of Ecuador and the PCMLE

Solidarity with comrade Francisco Caraballo

Message to the Congress of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark

Publishing these materials is important for they show the level of unity among our parties and

organisations, and that there may be differences in the approach of the Marxist-Leninists to different

problems.

In any case, the journal Unity and Struggle manifests that we are the communist parties andorganisations in action, fighting for the revolution and socialism.

The Coordinating CommitteeOctober 200


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International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and

Organisations

Germany, April 2000

The new plenary session of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and

Organisations took place in Germany.

It was attended by 16 parties and organisations from Africa, Latin America, Asia and Europe. The

Communist Labour Party of Dominican Republic could not participate due to visa problems but

expressed its adherence to all the resolutions of the Conference. Some other parties and

organisations did not attend because of the police repression, like the Tunisian party, and others due

to financial difficulties.

The Conference had important items on its agenda which were dealt with in an atmosphere of unity,

comradeship and openness which allowed to make important advances in the process of constructionof the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement.

The Conference reviewed the expressions of the present day imperialism, the crisis that corrodes it,

the important manifestations of the organisation and the struggle of the workers and the peoples, of

the revolutionary and communist movement. It drew attention to the events in Yugoslavia andcondemned the aggression of North American imperialism and of the members of NATO, which

manifested serious inter imperialist contradictions. It discussed about the problems of the Middle

East.

The Conference dedicated a good part of its work to the debate on its own reality, the experiences of

the process of its formation and development, as well as its limitations, shortcomings and mistakesthat it suffered. It affirmed the validity of the revolutionary proletarian organisation in each country

and on the international scale. It emphasised that in the international order we represent the interests

and the cause of the proletariat, of socialism and communism, that other expressions claiming to be

communist and Marxist-Leninist continue to be immersed in confusion and eclecticism. It

established once again the responsibility of more intense work facing it, and the forging of new

Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations, as well as the fortification of its members in each

country.

The Conference knew the unfolding of the revolutionary struggle in Burkina Faso and Ecuador.

In Burkina Faso, as of the last quarter of 1999, great popular mobilisations developed and put thereactionary regime to a halt. The workers, peasants, teachers, youth and the democratic movement

were involved in these mobilisations. In these actions, the Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta

played a leading role which has allowed it to grow and acquire great experience and political

influence.

In Ecuador a great popular uprising took place in January, which led to the overthrow of the pro-

imperialist government of Mahuad and the establishment of a few hour long Council of National

Salvation. The workers and the people of Ecuador, particularly the Indian people, played an

outstanding role, and advanced to understand their newspaper as a result of their responsibilities and

political conscience. The Conference emphasised the newspaper of the PCMLE.


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In analysing the development of these processes, the Conference assumed a new stage in terms of its

existence and responsibilities, and opened the way for the concrete analysis of the situation to

advance the theoretical discussion about the old and new problems of the revolution.

The Conference saluted the accomplishment of the Founding Congress of the Workers Communist

Party of Denmark, which was being held simultaneously with the Conference.

It approved a resolution on Burkina Faso and undertook the task to spread still more its struggles and

saluted the activity of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta.

It has given its support to the revolutionary process in Ecuador and the PCMLE.

The Conference condemned the reactionary political repression of the Tunisian government, and

showed its solidarity with the Workers Communist Party of Tunisia and its leaders.

It resolved that the solidarity campaign demanding the freedom of Francisco Caraballo, First

Secretary of the Communist party of Colombia (M-L), should continue.

The Conference decided to impel an international campaign for material support to the PCMLE.

It was proposed that the publication of the international journal Unity and Struggle should become

regular.

It called for the doubling of the efforts for the accomplishment of the Anti-fascist and Anti-

imperialist International Youth Camp to be held in August in Venezuela.

It supported the achievement of the International Seminar on the Problems of the Revolution in

Latin America to be held in July in Quito.

It resolved the publication, on the part of the parties, of Lenins work Imperialism, the Highest

Stage of Capitalism.

The Conference closed its work with the balance sheet of the fulfilment of the tasks and resolutions

set forth in the previous meeting in 1998 in Caracas and chose the new Co-ordinating Committee.

This plenary session of the International Conference constitutes an important step forward in the

process of construction of the International Communist Movement. It means in itself and its

resolutions an operating reality, and in the perspective, a potential force that will fulfil its

responsibilities. It still has questions to resolve, difficulties to surpass, but there exist the groundsand the conditions to fulfil these in a mediate term.

The proletarian internationalism, the international revolution and the revolutionary processes in each

country are fortified. New tasks are raised, and the conditions and the positions exist for fulfilling

them.

Participants of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations:

Communist Party of Benin (PCB)

Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action)

Communist Party of Colombia (M-L)

Workers Communist Party of Denmark (APK)

M-L Communist Party of Ecuador (PCMLE)


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Workers Communist Party of France (PCOF)

Communist Party of Germany (KPD)

Organisation for the Communist Party of Greece

Labour Party of Iran (Toufan)

Organisation for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy

Communist Party of Mexico (M-L)

Marxist-Leninist Organisation Revolusjon of NorwayCommunist Organisation October of Spain

Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP)

Red Flag Party of Venezuela (Bandera Roja)

Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta (PCRV)


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Europe

The Yugoslavia War:

A product and manifestation of the increasing crisis of imperialism in

Europe

This analysis is based on the war waged by the US and European imperialism in the

Balkans.

I. Inter-imperialist contradictions

1. Some points on imperialism

Before analysing the situation in the Balkans, in other words Natos attacks on Yugoslavia, we

believe it is necessary to mention some criteria which constitute the basis for a common stance for

our M-L parties and organisations and a guide for our analysis.

These criteria can be found in Lenins work Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. One of

the characteristics of imperialism is uneven development which changes the economic balance of

power between various imperialist forces and which brings about a re-division on the basis of this

new balance of power. On this issue Lenin says:

Finance capital and the trusts do not diminish but increase the differences in the rate of growth of

the various parts of the world economy. Once the relation of forces is changed, what other solutionof the contradictions can be found under capitalism than that of force? (Lenin; Imperialism, the

Highest Stage of Capitalism; French edition, p.115)

And later he continues: ... for any other basis under capitalism for the division of spheres of

influence, of interests, of colonies, etc., than a calculation of the strength of the participants in the

division, their general economic, financial, military strength, etc., is inconceivable. And the strength

of these participants in the division does not change to an equal degree, for the even development of

different undertakings, trusts, branches of industry, or countries is impossible under capitalism.

(ibid., p.143-144)

In addition he says: ... an essential feature of imperialism is the rivalry between several greatpowers in the striving for hegemony, i.e., for the conquest of territory, not so much directly for

themselves as to weaken the adversary and undermine his hegemony. (ibid., p. 108)

In the Political Economy Textbook which synthesises Lenins analysis on imperialism, it is stated

that: The relation of economic forces among the imperialist powers changes with unprecedented

rapidity. (...) The changing relation of economic and armed forces comes into conflict with the old

distribution of colonies and spheres of influence. This inevitably gives rise to a struggle to re-divide

the already divided world. (...) The unevenness of the development of the capitalist countries causes

a sharpening of the contradictions in the imperialist camp and makes armed clashes inevitable,

which results in the imperialists weakening one another. (Political Economy Textbook, French

edition, p. 288-289)

For that reason we have analysed the crises of imperialism in Europe and particularly the militaryconflict in the Balkans in the light of Lenins principles.


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On the other hand, this analysis, in accordance with the doctrine of dialectical materialism, aims to

bring into light what is new and open to development, although they may seem to be insignificant or

secondary at the time. What is dominant today is the hegemony of US imperialism. What is new and

open to development is this hegemony being challenged firstly by Germany these days and maybe

later by imperialist powers such as China.

2. The changes that took place in Europe after the collapse of the USSR regime

We need to re-examine what is called the collapse of the Eastern Bloc in order to understand the

imperialist attack on Yugoslavia. After the collapse of the USSR regime, which was described as

social imperialism by Marxist-Leninists, enormous changes took place in the whole world and

especially in Europe. The Eastern Bloc regimes, which were part of the Warsaw Pact, Comecon and

the Sovietic bloc, collapsed one after another in the period before and after these events. The

weakening and the partial collapse of a power such as the USSR has changed the relations of power

between countries of the Soviet Bloc and those of the Western Block. This has created for

imperialist forces an open arena in the Eastern Bloc and the Balkans.

With the disappearance of a bi-polar system, US imperialism has become the dominant power in the

world. However, this reality does not diminish the significance of the presence of and the fight

between other imperialist forces. The contradictions among them are always increasing and

sharpening. One cannot predict from today how or in whose favour these contradictions will

develop, or what kind of alliances will be formed. It is important to highlight what Lenin said about

this issue:

... alliances, no matter what form they may assume, whether of one imperialist coalition against

another, or of a general alliance embracing all the imperialist powers, are inevitably nothing more

than a truce in periods between wars. Peaceful alliances prepare the ground for wars, and in their

turn grow out of wars; the one conditions the other, giving rise to alternating forms of peaceful andnon-peaceful struggle out of one and the same basis of imperialist connections and relations within

world economics and world politics. (Lenin; Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism; French

edition, p. 185-186)

The German imperialism, with what is called the unification process, has gained strength by

swallowing East Germany, and thus held a position which has given it the power to prioritise its own

interests within the European Union. It has benefited from the weakening of the Russian hegemony

in the region. It has extended and strengthened its economic hegemony in Hungary, the Checz

Republic, Slovakia, Croatia and Slovenia, also sharing the economic hegemony in countries such as

Poland with the US. In other words, it has strengthened its hegemony in the industrialised countries

of Eastern Europe, being less influential in Bulgaria and Romania where industry is weaker.

There is a history of the war against Yugoslavia in the Balkans. The German imperialism has played

an active role in the secession of Slovenia and Croatia. The military occupation of various

imperialist powers in Bosnia explains the different interests of the present forces in the region.

3. The war in Yugoslavia

The war in Yugoslavia, which took place last spring, was a manifestation of the conflict between

different imperialist forces and a measure of the balance of power between them.

a) Why an intervention in Yugoslavia?


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This intervention for which the US imperialism gave the go-ahead, was a reminder of the economic

and military leadership of the US on the world scale as well as a preventative measure against the

spread of German imperialism in Central Europe and the Balkans.

Previously the US imperialism confronted with German imperialism in Bosnia against Germanys

plans to divide Bosnia into two regions: one under the control of Croatia and the other under the

control of Serbia. The US opposed the idea which would have resulted clearly in favour of Germanimperialism. For this reason, although not quite stable, a plan was put into practice, taking into

account a balance of interests of the forces in the region.

In order to understand this region and the US intervention at this time, it is necessary to look at how

it was related with other developments. It is important to remind that this intervention coincided with

the US celebrations for Natos 50th anniversary and with the period of integration of Poland and the

Checz Republic into this military organisation. The intervention started just a couple of weeks before

the European elections and at the time of the debates about the European Defence Force and the

introduction to the Single European Currency which was described as a declaration of war against

the dollar by the directors of big German banks.

The US military intervention was a threat to the interests of German imperialism in the region. It was

also aimed at encircling Russia which was undergoing a deep rooted crisis with prospects for social

explosions.

b) Tactics indicate differing interests of different powers in the region

In Kosovo, the contradictory interests of the US, Germany and Russia have become apparent.

Despite their sharp conflicts, the US and Germany did not keep away from jointly destroying

Kosovo and Serbia with other interventionist forces.

Russias interest was to preserve the status quo, that is supporting Milosevic and keeping Kosovo

within the Serbian territory, which was the least harming solution for Russia. The changes that took

place in Albania (the advent of the social democrats who have intimate relations with German SPD,

replacing the US favourite Salih Berisha), the Kosovans desire for secession and the possibility of

playing the UCK card up to a point, all paved the way for the German imperialism to mobilise and

increase its influence in the region.

With its support for Rugova, the US was for a solution through negotiations, which would have

weakened Serbia, hence Russia, and which would have prevented Germany from taking advantage

of this situation. The reason for US imperialism using the card of war was to prove once again its

might and to prevent any possible secession which would favour German imperialism.

The German imperialism, right from the beginning of the intervention, wanted to use its diplomatic

relations with Russia and China. (The US bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade three days

before Schroeders visit to China!)

The peace agreement that was signed after the bombing of Yugoslavia, although it included a

significant conciliation with the US in terms of Kosovos secession, is in fact a document which

proves Germanys increasing influence. Kosovo was not going to remain, at least in formality, as

part of the Yugoslav Federation. Germany partly accepted the support of Russia in order to achieve

this result. (It was Germany who ensured the stationing of the Russian forces in the region in spite of

US opposition).


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At present, DM is the official currency in Kosovo and the most valued currency in Albania.

Whereas, just a few years ago, after the collapse of socialist Albania, the valued currency was the

dollar!

None of the three main powers that were battling in Kosovo could realise their plans fully: the

German imperialism could not openly and clearly bring about the disintegration of Kosovo. Russians

could not preserve the pre-war status quo. Nor could the US keep Kosovo under its control alone.And the result here is again an unstable balance which has to take into account the contradictory

interests of these three powers.

4. The inter-imperialist rivalry within the EU

Although the US imperialism is the dominant imperialist power in the world, its hegemony in

Europe is being challenged by German imperialism which has an increasing influence within the

EU. Germany is consolidating its strength in its fight with other imperialist forces in Europe,

especially the French and British imperialism. The US imperialism is using these contradictions to

its advantage to divide its rivals. Britain, whose interests are tied with the US imperialism, is playingan important role here. France is trying to defend its interests against its rivals by using its former

colonial imperial influence and its military might, making alliances with different imperialist powers

at different times as it can no longer fight alone with the German or the British imperialism.

The formation of the EU under the leadership of Germany has not been developing on a straight line.

It affects and is affected by the developments in the world. The intervention of Germany in the war

in Yugoslavia, militarily for the first time, has shown not only its desire for but also the presence of a

military might which enables it to defend its economic interests. The recent merger of Aerospatiale

and Dasa, aimed at creating an armament monopoly on a world scale, should be considered from this

angle.

There is a growing trend of sharpening contradictions between the EU led by Germany on one hand

and the US on the other. Since the collapse of the Berlin Wall, the developments that have taken

place are in favour of German imperialism which has an increasing influence within the EU.

The European imperialist powers who are involved in the process of unification and the single

currency are not yet in a position to oppose the US imperialism, alone or collectively. However, the

process they have undergone is pushing them towards this opposition, whose signs can already be

seen on various issues (e.g. the fight over marketing the genetically modified food). On the basis of

common interests, the German imperialism is trying to win over other countries (such as Japan and

China) as allies in other parts of the world as well as its partners and rivals in Europe. Under the

present conditions, this rivalry results in unstable conciliation in every way (economic, political,military, and diplomatic), as is seen in the war in Yugoslavia.

Before concluding this part we can state the following:

- The US imperialism, being the most powerful and dominant power in the world, has to strengthen

its economic, political and military power all the time in order to maintain its position. This is the

reason why it is so aggressive.

- The German imperialism which is getting stronger economically is striving to weaken the

hegemony of the US in Eastern Europe, the Balkans and even in Western Europe where the

formation of the EU is going in line with its interests.


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- The sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions and the crisis of imperialism in Europe is

particularly affecting the African countries where the European imperialist powers and the US have

contradicting interests. This situation manifests itself in bloody military conflicts in many African

countries.

II. The war in Yugoslavia and the stances of different political forces

1. On the teachings of Marxism- Leninism and historical experiences about social democracy

and revisionists

Social democracy has maintained its reactionary orientation since Lenin's period. In countries such

as ours, it has gone completely along with imperialism. Capitalist oligarchies in different European

countries are not keeping away from bringing social democrats to governmental positions in order to

carry out their tasks. Social democrats, either alone or in coalition with classic right wing parties or

other forces, are in power in France, Germany and Britain today. In Spain, after providing years of

good and honest service, they were replaced by the right wing party a short while ago. Having

insisted on reforming capitalism for years, they have now become the best defenders of the system.As is witnessed in the Balkans, they did not refrain from being involved in the war in order to defend

the interests of imperialist monopolies.

The revisionist agents of the bourgeoisie within the working class movement have also gone through

a process of evolution. However, the labour aristocracy, or in Lenins words the class stratum

whose life style has become completely like the petty bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie, has continued to

be the social basis of this current. They have been bought off as a result of immense profits made out

of exploitation of the colonies and semi-colonies. For this reason, in our imperialist countries, they

have become the main basis of imperialism within the working class.

The deep crisis that has shaken the imperialist system has divided and weakened the revisionistforces and sharpened the contradictions among their ranks. It is our responsibility to use these

contradictions for the interests of the working class. We want to emphasise once again that these

forces are not homogenous, they have frictions and conflicting attitudes and interests in their ranks.

We can work with some sections of this group on the basis of conjectural and concrete problems,

without loosing our awareness or leaving the arena to the opportunists. The Spanish comrades are

carrying out such an activity within the Izquierda Unida (Left Unity), which is dominated by

reformist and revisionist sections.

2. Different political forces stances on the war

In Germany:

Different right-wing parties (CDU, CSU) were generally in support of the intervention, but with a

close look one could see the differences among them. Voices were heard that this war was an

American one and that one should not involve in it.

The Social Democrats in the government and their coalition partner, the Greens, were for the war by

95 per cent, with the argument that this war which defends the human rights is a compulsory one.

The majority of the people were against the military intervention of Germany in this war because of

its history and the role it played in the Second World War. This psychology was even echoed in the

military. However, in order to prove that it was not expansionist, the German imperialism needed a

reason, and this war was going to give them the opportunity to conceal its real interests, by hiding

behind the defence of human rights cause. The Social Democrats and the Greens played this role.


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With the constant propaganda machine, the war against Milosevic who was identified with Hitler

was presented as an anti-fascist war.

The left wing of the social democracy and the revisionist parties (SPD, DKP) formed a bloc and

became dominant on the strong anti-war tradition of Germany. These forces supported Milosevic

and Russia. According to them, the problem started with Natos intervention in Kosovo! They were

arguing for negotiations with Russia, and denying the right to self-determination of the peoples suchas the Palestinian, Kurdish and Kosovan. According to them, these kinds of movements would lead

to division and the establishment of small countries which would not be in the interest of the people!

This led to strong polemics. This anti-war opposition bloc worked in close collaboration with the

Serbian nationalist movement in Germany.

On the other hand the Maoist party MLPD, Trotskyites and the KPD formed another bloc to oppose

Natos attacks on Yugoslavia, in order to expose Milosevics politics and to defend the Kosovan

people's right to self-determination. Activities were carried out mainly within the trade union

movement and discussions were held around petitions. The main tendency among the trade union

movement, although not with a clear basis, was the opposition to the war.

In Spain:

The right-wing parties and the social democrats in the government (Javier Solana, a leading figure

among the social democrats, was the spokesmen for Nato) supported the intervention. All social

democrats, especially Felipe Gonzales, compared the Nato intervention with that of the International

Brigade in Spain. In order to justify Natos intervention they also compared Milosevic with Hitler.

Revisionists and other left forces together with other critical sections, despite some differences,

opposed the war. While the CPS and the circles it has direct influence opposed the war on the basis

of supporting Milosevic and the remains of socialism; the majority of formalists, the majoritywithin the Workers Committee (CCOO) and the far right of the Trotskyites together with Izquierda

Unida (Left Unity) opposed Natos attacks as well as Milosevic. However, considering the period

when they started to take this stance (during the most intense time of the bombardment) and their

insistence in trying to show Milosevic as the sole responsible person for the war shows that they

became the instruments of the humanitarian sections of social democrat politics. Gradually they

concentrated on secondary problems and left to one side the actual subject: opposing the imperialist

attacks on a sovereign state.

The revisionist leadership of the Left Unity made a "popular" start by declaring Solona as a war

criminal. When social democrats attempted to establish historical parallels with the anti-fascist war,

the revisionists called upon all popular forces to take side with Milosevic in order to defendsocialism against the present day Hitler, American imperialism!

Marxist-Leninists took the same approach as that of the sister parties in other countries: to oppose

the war in Yugoslavia on the basis of it being an imperialist attack, but at the same time to reveal the

character of the Milosevic regime and the oppression on the Kosovan people.

A general ignorance among the masses was observed and the anti-war movement did not turn into a

mass scale one.

In France:


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The Chirac-Jospin administration and the majority of the left in parliament supported the military

intervention, in which the French military was also part. Although support was given to the policy of

French imperialism, this does not mean that there was total harmony among the left and the right.

For example a number of prominent figures of the right stated their hesitation in this intervention

which was obviously led by US imperialism. These were the representatives of a current in the right

(also in the left), who still wish for France to take decisions independently.

The Greens complained about the intervention not being fast and extensive enough, and argued that

a ground attack was necessary to protect the people from Milosevics barbarity.

In the CPF (the French Communist Party) there was as many diversity as in the candidate list for the

European Parliamentary election! There were those like Herzog who supported the intervention, and

those like Hue who opposed the war but refused to discuss their partnership in the government. In

fact, as expressed by Hue, one can talk about differences in the approach to the intervention rather

than opposition to the war. The official line of the CPF was for peace keeping, in defence of the

UN and diplomacy, and for Russia having a say in this matter. This stance was not in contradictionwith that of the government. It was in fact in line with the interests of French imperialism which

wanted to play the diplomatic card by relying on Russia and by taking advantage of the inter-

imperialists contradictions. Opposition to Natos military intervention soon faded out with the

campaign for solidarity with the Kosovans. Under these conditions where the public opinion is

shaped by the media, what was left for the CPF and other left forces was to run this campaign.

Under these circumstances, our party carried out an informative campaign around these issues: who

are the targets in the war, the aims of different imperialist forces, the interests of the people (Sebian,

Kosovan) involved in the war, and the interests of the people of the aggressive imperialist countries.

This activity was based on the workers, the trade union and the womens movement. Despite the

strong pro-war propaganda, it helped the manifestation of a conscious and pro-people opposition.

III. The interests of the working class and people in this war

We need to see where the interests of the working class and the people lie in this conflict and whatshould the stance of the communists be.

1. In opposition to the imperialist aggression on Yugoslavia

If we agree to call this war an imperialist one, created by the imperialist powers for their interests,

then, it is obvious that the peoples of Yugoslavia, of Europe and of the world as well as the working

class in general had no interest whatsoever in this war but to oppose it. Since this was a war of re-division of the spheres of influence among the imperialists, the parties and organisations of these

countries which joined this attack had the responsibility of revealing the participation and the aims

of their countrys imperialism. In our opinion, up to a certain point, independently of tactics and

taking common actions with other forces fighting against the war, our parties should explain the

aims of the war in their propaganda, they should refuse to rely on one imperialism while fighting

against the other, and should not leave any doubt about the reactionary character of the Milosevic

regime.

2. The Kosovo question

Where did interests of the Kosovo people and its working class really lie in? The Kosovan national

ethnicity, which represents the majority in the Kosovo region of the Yugoslavia Federation, has been

subject to the oppression of the Belgrade regime for years. This oppression, among other things, led


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to the emergence of a resistance and the Kosova national movement represented by the UCK (which

is not the only one).

The UCK was established by the forces who claimed to be the advocates of Enver Hocha. Its

attitude was of a character of progressive national forces. It was pointing at the Serbian chauvinism

as the enemy. Despite being a small group at the beginning, it obtained an important position among

the Kosovan people in a short time. It was the only power who called for armed struggle againstSerbian atrocities. (During this period Rugova instead went around the capital cities of Europe to beg

for money). This rapid development of the UCK led to the initial small group loosing control and

other forces leaking into the movement. From this point onwards, the quality of the organisation has

changed and the imperialists started to show a closer interest. This was because, although this

organisation was not against imperialism, it could have functioned as a barrier before the

implementation of the regional plans of imperialist powers. For this reason, it needed to be kept

under control. American imperialism did this by opening military training camps for the UCK. At

the same time, this organisation owed its development to the tolerance of the German imperialism. It

was supported financially and logically by the Kosovan immigrants in Germany (and Sweden).

Without the approval of the German imperialism, or at least by its turning a blind eye, trucks full ofguns could not have passed through Germany.

In our opinion, the Marxist-Leninist stance in this situation should have been:

Before the war

-opposing Milosevics tyranny against the people of Kosova;

-defending the legitimate national demands of the Kosovan people, and their right to self-

determination, including and up to the right to secession from the Yugoslavia Federation and the

status of republic;

-supportive work among the progressive forces of the Serbians and other peoples living in

Yugoslavia for UCKs national demands.

During the war

All the progressive forces of the Yugoslavian Federation, including the people of Kosovo, the

peoples of Europe and the world and the working class should have taken a stance against the

imperialist intervention. The right to self-determination for the Kosovans at the time could not have

been brought forward on the agenda as a practical issue. This was because, under the bombardment

of the US, France, Britain, Germany, etc. and under the imperialist protectorate what kind of a rightto self-determination could have been talked of.

On this point not all the parties and organisations of the Conference took the same stance. While

some saw the stopping of the bombardment and the Kosovo people's right to self-determination on

equal footing, others supported the UCK. The stances of different parties were shaped in accordance

with the development of incidents and the amount of information they had.

3. Spontaneous movement against the war and its characteristics; some analysis

and results

Peoples spontaneous movement against the war, at least in our countries, was rather weak compared

to the one during the war against Iraq, namely the Gulf war. Why was it so?


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It is obvious that the masses have been subject to a wide and powerful ideological propaganda once

again. The aim of this ideological campaign was to justify this war by drawing historical parallels

with the Second World War and by slandering the Milosevic regime associating it with that of

Hitler. On the other hand, the horrendous situation of the Kosovans and continuos images and

reports of their migration, stories about the injustice and insults carried out by Serbian paramilitaries,

etc. led to a general acceptance of the principle of humanitarian intervention which was presented

by imperialism and its branches within the popular movement.

Although the ideological and media propaganda during the Gulf War was used as effectively, this

could not stop the masses from taking actions in a stronger form.

This was because, during the attacks on Iraq the real aims of the war (control over petrol sources andtransport routes) were more clear, whereas now, the imperialist aims were not seen as clear cut.

Furthermore, violation of human rights was a real problem experienced in Kosovo (it was not an

artificial problem created by imperialism).

Particularly the comrades in Germany felt that they had to express their opposition to the Milosevicregime and their support for the Kosovo peoples right to self-determination before they made any

statement about their stance in relation to the war.

Considering the characteristics of this complicated situation, the spontaneous movement could not

comprehend on its own the real reasons of the war. Consequently, the responsibility to explain this

was left to the Marxist-Leninists despite their limited resources in their countries.

IV. Our parties evaluation of criticism and self-criticism. Lessons to be learned for future actions

Our parties in three countries took the stance in line with the interests of the working class and the

people, and aimed to reveal the reactionary character of this war. In response to the intervention ofNato they joined the anti-war movement through their analysis. They tried to raise the consciousness

of the working class, take the movement along the right stance and get them connected with the

progressive trade union currents in Yugoslavia. However, it is obvious that our parties have limited

possibilities that cannot be compared with that of the media in the service of imperialism.

The actual question in this war was to explain and reveal the aims and interests which provoked the

war in the beginning.

In fact, the most open minded and conscious sections of the working class should have been the

initial target group for our informative activity in order for them to understand this complicatedsituation.

Imperialism used the defence of human rights and the humanism weapon rather well in order to winover, or at least make neutral, the petty bourgeois sections who are very responsive to such

problems. Only a determined class stance which has the support of the sections who can represent

the working class, could have saved the petty bourgeoisie from this imperialist propaganda. For our

parties this points to the importance of working within the working class and a political activity

based on revealing imperialism and the war.

Why did not the parties of the Conference take a clear and common stance about this war?

When we look back, if our organisations (the three parties), which are closely connected with this

war and which took similar stances against it, had taken a common stance, this would have had a

positive influence on our work and given us a greater authority (and maybe formed the basis for a


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statement to be undersigned by other parties and organisations). This stance could have assisted

other parties of the Conference with their analysis. It is rightful of the other parties to have such an

expectation, considering the location of the intervention and the imperialist powers involved.

Not taking a common decision in such a situation can also be a sign of different opinions among the

Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations of the Conference. If it is so, these problems need to be

discussed and a common answer to the basic problems of the popular movement still needs to be

developed. It is not a secret that when responding to different problems, different opinions can existin terms of experience, development and as a result of different levels of organisation. However,

since we act on the basis of a presumed common ideological basis, our differences have to be

discussed openly and in an environment of internationalist fraternity.

Another issue is the Co-ordinating Committee becoming non-functional and not fulfilling its

responsibility of co-ordinating. The aim here is not to blame the Committee or to avoid personal

responsibility, but to put down everything as they are. It is necessary to identify and draw the lines of

the responsibilities of the Committee. The Conference cannot be silent in a serious situation like the

war attacks on Yugoslavia.

This situation has shown that the Conference can only get stronger with the contribution of all

parties, and that it does not replace bilateral or multilateral work between the parties, on the contrary,

it must encourage this.

For this reason, the International Trade Union Meetings and other initiatives in this field are of great

importance. These meetings give our parties and organisations the opportunity to create the current

of class based trade unionism, educate the workers on the basis of proletarian internationalism, and

develop a common line of struggle to stop capitals exploitation policies; therefore these meetings

need to continue and be developed. These meetings help us understand the conditions of the working

class of the participating countries, build mutual confidence between the participating forces, and

help our parties' activities. In fact, these can help develop a communist organisation in those

countries where there is no Marxist-Leninist organisation in real terms.

In conclusion, if we are to start with the analysis of the aims of this war in terms of the imperialists,

the German imperialism as a rising power is trying to gain strength against the working class and thepeoples of Europe and the colonial and semi-colonial countries. On the other hand, it is obvious that

the US imperialism will follow more aggressive policies against the workers and peoples of the

countries dependent on it, but mainly the American working class -including the Latin American- in

order to continue with its hegemonic position in the world. This war is the indication of future wars

as it has signs of the intensifying inter-imperialist contradictions. The three main contradictions of

the imperialist epoch are also intensifying: the contradiction between labour and capital, between

peoples and imperialism, and between the imperialists themselves. In response to the intensifying

class struggles, the revisionist and reformist parties and currents will be forced to go more openly

onto the side of imperialism, which is their feeder.

And this will bring along internal disputes and contradictions in their ranks. In every opportunity theMarxist-Leninists make use of these contradictions in order to organise activities with progressive

forces and sections. We do not avoid to see the organisational weakness of the Marxist-Leninists,

especially in Europe, and we see this as an additional reason to make use of and benefit from the

contradictions of the mass organisations under the influence of the revisionists and reformists.

With the aim of standing up against capital's open attacks as well as raising the anti-capitalist, anti-

imperialist, revolutionary and internationalist consciousness, our parties must strengthen their

activities in order to organise the resistance of the working class and the working people. It is only in

this struggle that they can benefit from the crisis of the revisionists and reformists, and develop both

quantitatively and qualitatively.

January 2000

Workers Communist Party of France (PCOF)

Communist Organisation October of Spain


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Regional Conferences:

The Middle East and the Balkans

Report of the Regional Conference

Our parties came together in September 99 and discussed the preparatory work carried out in the

region for the next General Conference. In this framework, alongside with other topics, our regional

conference had debates about imperialism, the working class, peoples struggles and the tasks of the

communists and came to the following conclusions:

I.

Since our last regional meeting, imperialisms many-sided attacks through its organisations such as

the IMF, WB and EU and in the name of structural adjustment programmes have continued and

expanded. These attacks are still continuing though at different pace because of the fight back of the

working class and people in the countries of the region.

International capital has not yet achieved all its objectives, nor have the working masses succeededin repulsing this wave of attacks. If we leave to one side the criteria for the statistics of the bourgeois

governments of the region under the name of economic growth, in terms of the lives of the

working class and working peoples we see the following developments which took place in the last

three years:

- increasing unemployment, falling real wages, growing tax burden on working people, and an

increasing absolute and relative poverty incorporating broader sections of masses both in the urban

and rural areas of the regional countries;

- a hastening process of liquidation of democratic rights and gains, increasing nationalism and

chauvinism, and a more tense international relations, with new elements of conflict.

To sum up, since our last regional meeting, we have witnessed wider class differences with sharper

contradictions and growing struggles. In the meantime, international agreements such as the MAI

(Multilateral Agreement on Investments) and MIGA have shown the imperialists attempts to push

our countries into a process of colonisation. These developments have also helped our working

peoples who have been subject to immense attacks to realise the fact that the present governments

especially in underdeveloped countries are in the service of international capital and its

collaborators. The character of these attacks and the position of different classes in the struggles

fuelled by these attacks have shown once again the leading role of the working class in the fight for

our countries independence and their liberation from imperialist plunder.

II.

The conflicts and wars that have taken place in our region in the last three years have proven correct

our analysis that we have entered a period of new conflicts and wars in our region which has been

the scene for the most intense and the most evident inter imperialist rivalry and dogfight for the re-

division of the world. At present, in the Balkans, the Caucasus and the Middle East, we are

witnessing wars or war conditions incited by or with the participation of imperialist states. Also,elements of conflict in the region are increasing as in the case of the recent tension between Iran and

Turkey.

The US imperialism has been successful to a certain extent in its attempts to enforce its positions and

bases in the Middle East through the Turkey-Israel Co-operation Agreement and through the support

given to Egypt. However, on the other hand, it has continued to gain the hatred of regional peoples

because of its continuing bombardment, together with Britain, of Iraq, and its direct or indirect

threats on Iran. The humiliating impositions and sanctions on the people of Palestine in the


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framework of the Israel-Palestine Peace Process presented by the US as a blueprint for the Middle

East peace process have shown to the peoples of the region the meaning of Pax-Americana.

While the Anglo-American alliance has become apparent in the imperialist dogfight in the region,

especially the Middle East and the Balkans, other imperialist powers such as Germany and France

have not been sitting idle. They are continuing to fight for the control of the oil reserves in the

Middle East and the Caucasus, and making greater efforts to take Iran on to their side and not toleave Iraq to Anglo-Americans.

The turbidity created by the propaganda about the New World Order is clearing up, and the

peoples of the region are becoming more and more aware that the conflicts or wars in Iraq, Kosovo

and Daghistan, no matter who seems to be the parties and no matter what excuses they put forward,

are being incited and waged by the US and other imperialist powers in order to expand their spheres

of influence in these regions which are of great economic and military-strategic importance.

Another important change that has taken place in the last three years is that the religious reactionary

forces in the region have begun to lose credibility. Their influence on broad masses is weakening

both in Iran and Turkey. The fact that the religious reactionary parties and currents in our region

have been losing their power of controlling the struggle against imperialism and capital creates newopportunities for our parties and other progressive and revolutionary forces.

We must also highlight the fact that a diplomacy based on threats and the threat to use military

violence, punishment and war have become more widely used instruments by imperialist powers

both in their inner fights for spheres of influence and in their relations with underdeveloped

countries. This has brought about two important developments:

1. Especially the war in Yugoslavia has revealed that, despite being in the same military

organisation, the US and Britain on one side, and the European imperialists, mainly Germany and

France, on the other, are fighting for hegemony, and that this fight has intensified with new

dimensions. This war has frightened the peoples of Europe who had been under the illusions of

dialogue, peace and co-operation created especially by the propaganda about the New WorldOrder. And these illusions have been replaced by scepticism and concern.

2. The bloody and destructive burden of these imperialist conflicts and wars is put on the peoples of

the region. These wars are being justifed by use of peoples sensitivities, aspirations and demands,

as was the case with the Kosovo-Albanians. The peoples and ethnic minorities of the Balkans have

been made enemies. However, the biggest obstacle for them to practise their right to self

determination is the very imperialism itself which has militarily occupied the region again. They are

not yet aware of how imperialists make use of their demands and aspirations, but this does not

change the fact that imperialism has drawn itself into an impasse.

Mass anti-war actions in Italy and Greece prove that our peoples are becoming more concerned

about imperialist aggressions and incitements. It is important that this concern has become a growingtendency again. This is because our countries are continuing to be the subject of inter-imperialist

struggle for the re-division of the world and they have been practically drawn into being the

controlled spokespersons of imperialist aggression. Under these conditions, withdrawal from the

existing imperialist alliances like NATO and the EU has become a current demand in our countries

which are part of these alliances.

We must also emphasise that in a period when imperialism has incited nationalism, especially in the

Balkans, and when nationalism and chauvinism have gained significant positions in Turkey a short

while ago, the solidarity of the peoples of the world, especially of the region, with the earthquake

victims in Turkey has expanded the grounds for the consolidation of fraternity amongst our peoples.

The earthquake has shaken the prejudice and distrust created between the peoples of advanced andunderdeveloped countries based on the hierarchy of the New World Order. It also created an

atmosphere of hope and fraternity which the peoples have always aspired for.


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III.

In the last three years, despite not being able to repeal the attacks of the imperialists and the

collaborating monopolist bourgeoisie, the workers movement in the regional countries has scored

achievements which cannot be overlooked.

Most importantly, the working class and working people in general have manifested a clear stance

against international capitals attacks implemented through bourgeois governments. Certainly, thesestances and struggles have sometimes resulted in defeat and sometimes in victory. In Turkey, the

exemplary struggle of the power and paper workers against privatisation, or more recently, the 500

thousand strong general strike of 24 July 1999 against international arbitration and new regulations

in social security; the student demonstrations and workers local strikes supported by the working

people of Iran; the ongoing strike, general strikes and boycotts against privatisation and the EU

directives by the workers, the rural and urban working people and the youth in Greece, etc.; all this

indicates that the opposition of the workers and working people of our countries is getting stronger,

and that they are not putting up with the decisions and attacks of capital and their governments.

In the last couple of years, the left government in Italy has played a restraining role in terms of the

workers movement. For this reason, in the last European parliamentary elections, the left lost 3.8million votes. The DAlema government is now preparing for further attacks on the working people

and pensioners, in line with the IMF directives. The contradictions within the trade unions are

getting bigger, while general opposition and acts of protest are increasing all over the country. With

the movement of the unemployed, students and peasants, and anti-war demonstrations, the mass

basis of the struggle is broadening. This rise of the movement is taking place out of the control of the

revisionists and the trade union bureaucrats.

In Greece, public workers, especially in the electric, mail and banking-finance sectors, are

continuing with their struggle against privatisation. University students are opposing the

governments plan for privatisation. Secondary school students carried out a several months long

struggle against a planned education reform. They organised boycotts, occupations, and mass

demonstrations all over the country. Pensioners held demonstrations against the governments

pensions policies and received the support of the workers. Workers from different sectors protested

against the fragmentation of the social security and the increase of the retirement age. The Greek

peasants organised demonstrations, including setting up barriers on motorways, against the

agricultural policies of the government and the EU. The workers struggles during the war waged by

the Nato imperialists against the peoples of Yugoslavia turned into anti-war demonstrations with an

anti-imperialist character.

In Iran, the working class revolted with a political general strike in 1979 against the Shah regime, the

servant of imperialism, and played a determining role in its collapse. The Iranian working class

joined the revolution in order to achieve their economic, social and political demands. However, the

Islamic government did not only omit these demands but also took away all the basic gained rightsin its 20 years in power. According to official figures, the inflation rate is around 26 per cent, and 22

per cent of the economically active workforce is unemployed. In the last 20 years, the GNP has

decreased by one third, and the crude oil production has dropped from 6 million barrel to 3.5 million.

In the same period, foreign debts has reached 30 million dollars. The reduction of the crude oil

prices and the spread of corruption in the society since the beginning of the 90s have led to the

deterioration of the living conditions of the working people. The economic and fascist political

attacks have led to a growing discontent among the people. The workers held strike actions in the

main industrial centres, including the oil refineries. They demanded an increase of wages, backdated

payments, and the establishment of independent trade union confederations. They also expressed

their opposition against unemployment and privatisation. The struggle of the working class gave

courage to other sections of society. The six day long student actions which started in Tehran spread

all over the country. These actions were the expressions of the anger of the past 20 years.

* * *


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Despite its weaknesses, the workers movement is experiencing a growing tendency to organise

itself and to reclaim the existing mass organisations. The mass movement, in spite of its spontaneity

and retrogression, is accumulating experience and strength, developing and bringing out its dynamic

forces and leaders.

This period creates greater opportunities for our parties, but also puts more responsibilities and tasks

on us. For example, there are greater opportunities to fight against the de-unionisation attacks ofinternational capitalism and to gain new positions. Collaborationist policies of trade union

bureaucracy have increased contradictions with and oppositions from the rank and file. In order to

rebuild the workers movement, whether unionised or not, and to gain new positions, different

tactics have been developed in different countries. This is of particular importance in imperialist

countries. The international trade union conference organised in our region has been a concrete proof

of this.

Unless our parties rely on this tendency of the workers movement and overcome the weaknesses

which restrict their ability to utilise and expand the opportunities presented by this tendency, their

assertion to win over the working class leaders and to rebuild themselves as real parties of the

proletariat will be a hollow one. This is the way forward for the workers movement to organise as a

party and for our parties to become the main body of this movement.

Independently of the present situation of our parties and organisations, the conditions and

opportunities exist for this.

Declaration

The threat of war and tension in the Balkans, the Middle East and the Caucasus is continuing. This

region is known for its strategic importance in the struggle for world hegemony and for its natural

resources. It is a region of sharp contradictions which are open to manipulations and which lead to

capitalist fights.

With the aim of strengthening the imperialist control and hegemony, big imperialist countries,

particularly the USA, Britain and Germany have disintegrated Yugoslavia, pushing the peoples of

the Balkans to turmoil and creating enmity between them. This continues to be one of the most

significant developments of the present day and causes new fights.

The imperialist rivalry facing the Middle East and the Caucasus is in a sharper state today. Contrary

to the claims of the top bandits of the world reactionary forces, the elements of fight and rivalry have

not been diminished but grown. The US imperialist bourgeoisie proves that it does not work for

stability in the region or co-operation for development, but leads the imperialist attacks and the

fight for greater spheres of influence, strengthening its position in the Middle East through the

Turkey-Israel Co-operation Agreement, and striving to maintain the order through the creation of a

Turkey-Israel-Egypt-Jordan and Saudi reactionary front, and through forcing Syria, Iran, Iraq and

Libya to kneel down to threats and siege. Russia, in proportion with its economic, political andmilitary power, and the British and French imperialists, the former colonialists in the region, exploit

every opportunity and accumulate power to strengthen their influence on the countries of the region.

The turmoil and national slaughter in the Caucasus, with the interference of imperialists, is

continuing to escalate.

The imperialists show their presence in the region as something inevitable and imperative for peace

in the region, plundering the resources and keeping the peoples of underdeveloped and dependent

countries under their yoke. Those who provoke the Serbian-Bosnian, Serbian-Albanian and

Armenian-Azarbaijani conflicts, who played an active role in the Chechnian rebellion, and who

armed the Afghan tribes in order to incite enmity, want to spread the illusion that all this was done

for peace and in defence of common values of humanity. The imperialist bourgeoisie and theirarmy of propagandists call this the New World Order which is supposedly free from


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contradictions. In fact, it means capitalist slavery of the world proletariat and peoples as well as

subordination of underdeveloped countries.

This order has proved to be out of order, with sharpening contradictions causing two grave wars,

on Iraq and Yugoslavia, which pulled in all big powers. Sharpening contradictions and the state of

being out of order prepare the grounds for new wars and attacks.

All these developments require our peoples to have greater alertness against imperialist bourgeoisie,imperialist aggression and the countries of our region being wrecked in blood for the interest of

international monopolies. The working class and peoples cannot kill each other for the interest of

imperialist and the collaborationist bourgeoisie. They must live in fraternity, freedom and peace. The

only way to achieve this is to raise the struggle against imperialist reactionary forces.

It is inspiring to see a new rise in the struggle of the working class and peoples against the economic

and political attacks of international capital in spite of the bourgeoisies attempts to demoralise and

divide them through chauvinist provocation. This struggle has to develop and expand in order to put

an end to these regional fights, national slaughters and imperialist attacks which give peoples

nothing but blood, grief, poverty and destruction. The growing anger against imperialist reactionary

forces in the ranks of the proletariat and working people and the acts of protest attended by hundredsof thousands in some countries prove the possibility of developing and broadening this struggle.

Considering the particularities of our region and the trend of the events, our parties believe that for

the future of our peoples and for them to live in friendship and fraternity, it is vital to fight for the

following demands:

- an end to the occupation of Kosovo, and withdrawal of all foreign and imperialist military forces

from the Balkans and the Middle East;

- an end to the embargo on and the bombardment of Iraq;

- withdrawal from imperialist military alliances such as Nato and the WEU, and dismantling of the

military bases of such aggressive organisations from our countries;

- withdrawal from the EU which is based on the exploitation of our peoples and which is aninstrument of the hegemony of monopolies;

- refusal of the colonialist agreements such as the MAI and MIGA imposed by the WTO under the

directives of big imperialist states;

- refusal to pay the economic bills of imperialist wars, mainly the war in Iraq and Kosovo;

- unconditional defence of the oppressed peoples right to self-determination, including the right to

independence.

Being aware of our increasing responsibilities in advancing the organised struggle of the working

class and the peoples, we call upon all the workers and peoples of the region to take up the struggle

for these demands.

Labour Party of Iran (Toufan)The Organisation for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy

Organisation for the Communist Party of Greece

Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP)


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A BRIEF EVALUATION OF THE CONFERENCES

At a time when the proletarian movement had the most advanced positions in its history and

challenged imperialism on every front, the struggle against modern revisionism gained a new

dimension with the stance taken by the parties and organisations adhered to Marxism-Leninism inline with the PLA led by Enver Hoxha. This happened immediately after Stalin's death when the

Khrushchevite clique took over the CPSU through every possible insidious method and betrayed the

party line and Marxism-Leninism. With the task of furthering the principles of Marxism-Leninism,

the historical gains of the proletarian movement and the working class's march forward, the stance of

these parties from the 1960s onwards encouraged the formation and advancement of new M-L

groups and parties with ever increasing numbers and influence, which went through specific

processes in different countries. These M-L parties, with the line they followed in their countries,

have given particular importance to eliminating the influence of revisionism and reformism over the

workers and working masses. As a current they have also been the defenders of the general line of

the International Communist Movement. Each party and group, within its own capacity andunderstanding, has tried to advance the unity based on ideological and theoretical principles, and

develop the grounds for material and organisational unity.

Modern revisionism, led by Gorbachev, joined together with the counter-revolutionary so-called

"liberalisation" and "globalisation" campaign carried out internationally since the early 1980s by the

imperialist and reactionary gang led by the US. It dropped its socialist mask and openly became an

accomplice of capitalism. This was followed by the collapse of the revisionist powers. All this

inflamed the attacks on the historical gains of the proletariat and Marxism-Leninism on an

international scale with unprecedented dimensions.

With the help of provocations, this wave of attacks was followed by the cowardly stance of the

leadership of the PLA who, instead of resistance and struggle, chose to submit and accepted the

defeat without a fight. This was in no way in line with the practice of Enver Hoxha or the history and

combative tradition of the people of Albania. This stance led to the disintegration of socialist

Albania. In the face of these developments, the liberal and opportunist tendencies which emerged in

the mid-80s in many parties of the international Marxist-Leninist movement and led to the

liquidation of some fraternal parties, took an orientation which threatened the existence and the

future of the movement. The relations between fraternal parties weakened, and uncertainties and a

chaotic situation emerged in the ranks of the international M-L movement.

Subsequently, the M-L parties were faced with a new test in encountering the attacks and

undertaking their historical tasks. The question posed was whether they would enter a path of new

doubts and distrust with regard to the universal principles and theses of Marxism-Leninism,

abandoning their objectives and reasons for existence with no belief in their legitimacy; or whether

they would accept and declare the fact that the betrayal which began with Khrushchevite revisionism

has created its natural consequences which this in itself has given a new meaning and importance to

their reasons for existence, legitimacy and responsibilities. That they were ready to shoulder every

responsibility in preparing the working class for new struggles in accordance with their historical

tasks and objectives for the advancement and the future of humanity as a whole.

The former would inevitably pave the way to submission to the bourgeoisie, to hopelessness and to a

tendency towards liquidationism; while the latter would indicate an orientation towards more


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advanced struggles with a higher level of consciousness and organisation, renewing and

strengthening the hope and confidence of the working class in their future.

The 1992 Congress of the Brazilian Party created the grounds for openly expressing the liberal-

opportunist tendency within the international M-L movement. The open stance taken against the

opportunist tendency at this Congress, and the call for an international meeting in DominicanRepublic fuelled the revolutionary tendency in our movement to reorganise itself.

The March 1993 meeting in Dominican Republic was called by six fraternal parties and attended by

nine. It was an evidence of the tendency within the M-L movement towards uniting their forces and

taking their responsibilities to fulfil their historical tasks for the working class and the oppressed

working masses. This meeting marked the first step in declaring the fight against the reformist

tendency within the movement, and it was followed by other meetings.

Another meeting was held later that year in Europe. It was attended by 13 parties which discussed

international developments and the state of the Communist Movement and declared their adherenceto their ideological, theoretical and historical foundations. It decided to organise the next meeting on

the subject of the organisational platform of international M-L movement, and set up a preparatory

committee to enable participation in line with its objectives.

The 1994 Quito Meeting, attended by 15 parties and organisations, expressed in its final declaration

the common determination not to abandon "our effort and work until we fulfil our historical mission"

and to "keep high the flag of Marxism-Leninism, to fight for its implementation, and to turn our

parties and organisations into political, social and organisational alternatives nationally and

internationally". It also took the minimum organisational steps to strengthen the ideological,

political and organisational bases of the International Communist Movement and to meet its needs: itdecided to establish certain instruments and organs, among which were the institutionalisation of the

conferences, the setting up of the Co-ordinating Committee, and the publication of an international

journal.

With its decisions and the stance it represented, the Quito Meeting has marked a significant turning

point in terms of our M-L movement regrouping itself and shouldering its historical tasks and

responsibilities with a higher level of consciousness.

In this way, international M-L movement has entered a more advanced path since 1994, namely the

period of "Conferences". With the fight the movement has waged since 1991, this step has ensuredthe failure of the distorting / time consuming attempts of the liberal-opportunist tendency which tried

to drag the movement on to its platform of petit-bourgeois socialism. With its ideological and

theoretical platform as well as the minimum organisational steps it has taken, the M-L movement has

become the only current which could shoulder the responsibility of the working class. This was at a

time when the workers of advanced countries, the most conscious and experienced sections of the

working class, have begun to wage the most advanced struggles of the last 20-30 years. Particularly

in 1995, the workers of France inflicted the first serious blow against the attacks and the demagogic

campaign of imperialist bourgeoisie. This led to a new mobilisation of the struggles of the workers

in many underdeveloped and dependent countries.


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Our Conferences since Quito

The M-L movement has held its conferences regularly with the set framework. In line with the tasks

set forth in the general conferences; regional conferences, international youth gatherings and trade

union conferences have also been held. The Conference has re-established links with some of those

fraternal parties who had lost contact with the M-L movement. The journal has begun to bepublished in more countries. The expression of the relations between fraternal parties on the

Conference platform the responsibilities of which have already been set, has improved mutual trust

and the level of utilisation of experiences. The agenda of our conferences has evolved towards

discussions on the practical problems of class struggle and towards establishing an international

tactical line from these discussions.

The steps taken and the work done have strengthened and given courage to the struggle of our

individual parties. While the currents which distanced themselves from Marxism-Leninism have

entered a process of disintegration and dissolution on the platforms of bourgeois parties, our

fraternal parties have gained new positions in the struggle. These positions have improved their self-confidence and have given strength and prestige to our M-L movement as a whole. In other words,

on one hand, the creation of the minimum organs and instruments of our movement since the Quito

meeting has mobilised and encouraged the struggle of our individual fraternal parties, and on the

other, the gains achieved by our fraternal parties in their own countries have strengthened the

foundations of our M-L movement. Present developments consolidate internationally the legitimacy

of our movement as a current which has historical roots and a history of struggle, and give our

parties the right to carry on their path with more courage and confidence.

However, if we take into consideration the developments in the international workers' movement; the

experiences, requirements and tasks derived from these developments; the shortcomings whichemerge in the functioning of the existing organs of our ML movement -as was stated at the

Venezuela Conference; it is true that we are faced with the question of expanding the scope of our

work and of strengthening the ideological, political and organisational bases of our unity, and that

each party is concerned about this question.

There is no doubt that the problems we are facing today are not a result of retrogression or

disintegration. On the contrary, they are a result of historically significant developments that have

been taking place internationally in the working class movement (particularly since 1995). They are

a result of a progress and development, of our M-L movement becoming more important and

encountering with more concrete tasks and responsibilities.

This is because during this period, although the workers' struggle experienced some kind of

stagnation from time to time; in general, some concrete signs of a flow, of fundamental changes and

renovation have emerged. Our parties have tried to utilise fully the possibilities created by the

expanding struggle and organisation as a result of these developments. The experiences they have

gained from the struggles in their own countries have also contributed to the International

Communist Movement in general, consolidating and developing the previously taken steps.

In other words, the unity that emerged in 1994 on the basis of the defence of the universal principles

of Marxism-Leninism against the imperialist-revisionist demagogic campaign and against theirliberal opportunist reflections in our ranks, is at present faced with the question of progress towards

the ideological, political and organisational problems of the international workers' movement.


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It is for this reason that one of the main preconditions for our development and for the

accomplishment of our historical tasks and responsibilities for the emancipation of humanity is to

study the general conclusions of the struggles that have taken place since 1995 for the international

workers' movement -without overlooking the different forms and characteristics they have taken in

different countries. This is also necessary for our fraternal parties and our M-L movement to become

more aware of the process they are going through, to utilise and evaluate their own experiences witha wider perspective, and to concentrate their energy on the most vital problems.

Developments in class struggle since 1995 and some conclusions

The events and the facts of the present period have shown that since 1991 not only in former

socialist countries and people's democracies but in the imperialist system as a whole, a period of

many sided disintegration, contradiction and sharpening has begun. We witness this in the relations

between imperialist countries; between the monopolies; between the imperialist and dependent,

colonial and semi-colonial countries; between the capitalist bourgeoisie and ruling classes on one

hand and the working class and popular masses on the other; shortly in class relations as a whole. Inconnection with

Unity & Struggle No 08

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