26 UNFAIR TRADE? EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE IN WORLD COMMODITY MARKETS OVER THE PAST 25 YEARS 1 Jacques Morisset April 1997 1 I would like to thank Marcelo Olarreaga, Marc Bacchetta, Michael Finger, Neda Pirnia, Cheikh Kane, Stijn Claessens, Joel Bergsman, Alejandro Izquierdo, and Antonio Estache for their valuable comments. These findings are my own and should not be attributed to the World Bank Group or its affiliates. Remaining errors are my responsibility. The address for correspondence is Foreign Investment Advisory Service, 1818 H Street, NW, Washington, D.C. 20433, or (e-mail) [email protected]
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26
UNFAIR TRADE?EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE IN
WORLD COMMODITY MARKETSOVER THE PAST 25 YEARS 1
Jacques Morisset
April 1997
1 I would like to thank Marcelo Olarreaga, Marc Bacchetta, Michael Finger, Neda Pirnia, Cheikh Kane,
Stijn Claessens, Joel Bergsman, Alejandro Izquierdo, and Antonio Estache for their valuable comments.These findings are my own and should not be attributed to the World Bank Group or its affiliates. Remaining errors are my responsibility. The address for correspondence is Foreign Investment AdvisoryService, 1818 H Street, NW, Washington, D.C. 20433, or (e-mail) [email protected]
I. Commodity Markets: Measuring the Variations in Spreads between World and Domestic Consumer Prices....................................................................4
II. The Asymmetric Response of Domestic Consumer Prices to Changes in World Prices....................................................................................8
III. How to Explain the Asymmetric Response of Domestic Prices...........................11
IV. What Are the Consequences for Commodity Exporting Countries?....................17
V. Concluding Remarks............................................................................................20
The data on domestic consumer prices were compiled on an annual basis for the
six following countries: Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the US. The choice
of an annual frequency primarily reflects the need to economize on data collection efforts.
All data were handcopied from government publications of these respective countries.
This sample was constrained by unequal access to comparable national sources for all
countries at a fairly desegregated level in the World Bank/International Monetary Fund
Library in Washington, D.C. (see Annex A). Nevertheless, these countries should capture
a large portion of worldwide consumption. In addition, the differences in their trade and
tax policies as well as their production structures should guarantee enough diversity for
the sample. International commodity prices were drawn from the World Bank data base
(see Annex A). Finally, the exchange rate for every country was defined as the annual
average rate reported in the IMF's International Financial Statistics.
The results show an unambiguous positive long-term trend in the spreads. For
presentation purposes, the results are reported in index values rather than in percentage
variations in Figure 1 and Tables 1a and 1b. The base year is 1990 for all variables
(1990=100). Figure 1 shows that the (arithmetic) average spread for all commodities
(and all countries) has followed a positive trend over the past two decades, with an
acceleration during the 1980s. To account for the annual volatility produced by seasonal
and climatic factors in commodity markets, the trend is best captured by the 5-year
moving average of the spread index., which doubled from a value of 51 to 117 between
1975 and 1994. The decline in the early 1970s is principally explained by the behavior of
oil prices since the average index, which excludes this commodity, actually increased
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during this period. Finally, the recent reduction in the spread observed during the period
from 1993 to 1994 is principally explained by the sugar and coffee commodities, whose
prices fell dramatically.
The increasing trend in the spread is robust across countries and commodities.
The spreads surged in all industrial countries between 1975 and 1994, ranging from an
increase of 80 percent in the United States to almost 150 percent in Japan (Table 1a).
Among the European countries, the strongest increase was observed in Italy, followed by
France and Germany. Similarly, the spreads rose in all commodity markets, by
descending order from the coffee to the banana markets (Table 1b). Most spreads
declined in the first half of the 1970s due to unexpected commodity price booms, but they
more than recovered during the 1980s. As a result, only the spread for crude oil/gasoline
was still lower in 1994 than in the beginning of the 1970s. Finally, the secular increase in
the spreads is also demonstrated when
Figure 1 : Average Spread Index
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
1970
1972
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
Years
1990
=100
All Commodities Excluding Oil All Commodities (5-year moving average)
32
33
the coverage period is extended to the 1960s, at least for countries where the data was
readily available (France, Italy, and the United States).
II. The Asymmetric Response of Domestic Consumer Prices to Changes in World
Prices
Why did the results presented above show a dramatic increase in the spread of
most commodity prices over the past two decades? The answer lies in the asymmetric
response of domestic consumer prices to changes in world prices. This section presents a
simple empirical model of the relationship between the variations in world and domestic
prices and then examines the asymmetry in this relationship for the sample of
commodities surveyed in this paper.
The model used in this section is based on the approach developed by Mundlack
and Larson (1992), and briefly summarized here. This model assumes that world prices
play a significant role in setting domestic consumer prices but that exporters can
discriminate prices by using their monopolistic power.3 As a result, the impact of world
prices on domestic prices is likely to vary across export destinations and commodities.
The model also predicts that domestic prices will be influenced by the nominal exchange
rate (ejt), labor costs (wjt), and the lagged domestic prices (pijt-1). Labor costs should
capture processing costs in the importing country4 (see explanation in the next section),
while the lagged dependent variable accounts for the presence of accumulated stocks and
fixed-in-advance contracts between buyers and sellers in most commodity markets (see
Anderson and Tyers [1992]). Other factors, such as changes in income in the destination
market, may also play a role, although most would be of secondary importance due to the
magnitude and variability of world commodity prices relative to changes in income.
Transportation costs, marketing costs, trade barriers, and health and safety regulations
that create subtle product differentiation were not introduced into the model due to the
lack of homogenous data. The influence of these factors will therefore be examined in
the next section.
The general model of domestic consumer price adjustment I propose to estimate
for the seven commodities in the six main consumer markets covered in this paper can be
written as follows:
3 This approach is similar to the one followed by the authors interested in the transmission of exchange
rate variations to domestic prices, the so-called “pass-through” literature. See Knetter (1993), for a goodsummary.
4 Labor costs were measured as the average unit labor cost in each industrial country covered in oursample. The data were extracted from the International Monetary Fund or UNIDO.
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(2) ∆pijt = β∆p*it + γ ∆ejt + ρ∆wjt + φ∆pijt-1
All variables are defined in the text. The coefficient β is the elasticity of the
change in the domestic price with respect to the change in the world price, to be referred
to as the elasticity of transmission. The statistical interpretation of the β’s is
straightforward. A value of 1 implies that the variations in world prices are fully
transmitted to domestic prices. However, a perfect correlation should not be expected
since the commodity price is unlikely to account for 100 % of the consumer price. What I
try to show first is that there exists a significant and positive relationship between these
two prices and then, that this relationship is asymmetric. The above equation was
estimated for six countries and seven commodities from 1975 to 1994 using the random-
effect estimation technique (see detailed results in Annex B). Bananas and rice were
dropped because the data on their consumer prices were not available for all industrial
countries surveyed in this paper.
Overall, the estimated elasticities of transmission indicate a positive and
significant relationship between world and domestic prices in commodity markets (Table
2). The values of the elasticities are relatively low but such results can be expected with
regressions in variations rather than levels.5 A large portion of the price transmission
seems to be made within one year, in contradiction with the results found by Anderson
and Tyers for the 1960s and 1970s. The difference may be due to the more recent
coverage period used in this paper, for it reflects the emergence of the large commodity
funds in the 1980s, which have increased arbitrage opportunities and possibly shortened
the transmission time between world and domestic prices.6
So far, the model assumes that upward and downward movements in world
commodity prices have been equally transmitted to domestic prices. But, in reality, the
elasticity of transmission may differ in periods of increasing or decreasing world prices.
For example, the surge in oil price was almost perfectly passed on to domestic fuel prices
in the early 1970s, but the decline of 30 percent observed in the early 1990s was not
transmitted to domestic gasoline prices, which actually rose on average by 5 percent in
the six countries surveyed in this paper. More generally, the asymmetric response of
domestic prices was tested by estimating equation (2) for the years of increasing and for
those of decreasing world prices. The results for these two respective sub-periods are
5 I use variables in first differences to reduce the possibility of spurious correlations associated with time-series data when measured in levels.
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presented in the “Upward Movements” and “Downward Movements” columns of Table
2.
Table 2:
Short-term and Long-term Elasticities of Transmission
Total Period Upward Downward
Short-Run Long-Run Movements a/ Movements a/
Coffee .25 .34 .31 .15
Sugar .03 .06 .15 -.04 *
Wheat .03* .05 .23 -.13
Beef .10 .11 .26 .12*
Gasoline .15 .15 .24 .17
Fuel .13 .14 .32 .16
Note: (*) not significantly different from 0 at a 5 percent
level.
a/ Only short-term elasticities are recorded because the
long-term elasticities cannot be estimated for upward and
downward movements due to the discontinuity of the years
analyzed.
The empirical results seem to support the hypothesis of asymmetric transmission
of movements in world prices in all commodity markets. The elasticity of transmission
has always been much higher, on average 3.4 times higher, when the world prices were
increasing rather than decreasing. Any decline in the international prices of sugar and
beef is unlikely to be passed on to consumer prices, while reductions in petroleum and
coffee prices are transmitted but much less than the corresponding increases. If upward
movements are perfectly transmitted but downward movements are not the spread
between world and domestic prices will increase continuously over time, as reported in
the first section of this paper. By comparison, Knetter [1993] found the inverse result for
a sample of manufacturing products. Prices adjusted more rapidly to exchange rate
6 For a study of the long-term relationship between world and domestic prices, a co-integrated approach
could be developed along the lines followed by Palaskas (1995). However, the limited number of annualobservations for each commodity prevented a similar approach in this paper.
36
depreciation (equivalent to a decline in world prices), suggesting that exporters of
manufactured goods choose to increase their market shares rather than their markups.
Similar behavior could not be shown in commodity markets.
Finally, the transmission from world to domestic prices has been remarkably
similar in all consuming countries surveyed in this paper. The elasticities of transmission
do not significantly differ across countries, as shown by the weak performance of the
fixed-effect technique.7 This finding was confirmed by the fact that the spreads of each
commodity moved jointly in all industrial countries. The cross-country contemporaneous
correlation between the spreads ranges from a minimum of 0.53 in the fuel market to a
maximum 0.95 in the gasoline market (Annex C).8 Since international effects appear to
be more important than host-country effects in explaining the asymmetric response of
domestic prices, the next section focuses exclusively on these effects.
III. How to Explain the Asymmetric Response of Domestic Prices
Explaining the growing spreads and the asymmetric price transmission is clearly a
matter of investigating the determinants of the price of each of the consumer goods in my
sample. One approach is to carefully examine each product in every country. The
quantity of data required is clearly beyond the scope of this paper. A second possibility
and the one I have selected follow a global approach that is, in my view, justified by the
homogeneity of the increasing spreads across countries and commodities.
There are multiple possible explanations for the asymmetric response of domestic
prices to changes in world commodity prices, which obviously, cannot occur in a
frictionless competitive model of trade. The two most popular explanations are the
presence of trade restrictions in the main consumer markets, and increasing processing
costs that act as bottlenecks in the trade of commodities. Still, these two explanations
seem to be a drastic simplification of the reality. While no consensus will emerge yet,
this section suggests that the market power of intermediaries, international trading
companies, is another possible explanation for the asymmetry. Surprisingly, their role
has been largely ignored in the economic literature. 9
7 Results are available upon request.8 Notice that, on the contrary, the variations in the spread of different commodities are only weakly
correlated within each country (see Annex C for a presentation of the contemporaneous correlation).9 The market power exerted by exporting countries is not considered in this paper. These countries can
influence world prices but certainly not their transmission to domestic consumer prices. The role of nationalmarketing boards and producers’ cartels is a different issue that clearly goes beyond the scope of this paper.
37
The first explanation is based on the existence of trade restrictions in most
industrial countries, and has been used by many authors interested in explaining the
asymmetric transmission of exchange rates (see Knetter [1993]). It suggests that in the
presence of binding quantity constraints in export markets, the decline in world
commodity prices will not be transmitted to domestic prices because there is no incentive
for exporters to stimulate the final demand by reducing their selling prices. Exporters
will instead increase their margins. Empirical support to this theory is provided by the
numerous import barriers faced by commodity exporters in consumer markets (see
Anderson and Tyers [1994] for examples). The asymmetric transmission of world
commodity prices has also been enhanced by using instruments specifically designed to
insulate domestic producers from lower world prices. Perhaps the most notorious
examples are the levies and variable tariffs adopted as part of the European agricultural
policy, but examples can be found in other industrial countries as well (see Mitchell and
Duncan [1987]).
The second explanation for the asymmetric response of domestic prices is that
exporters face a series of binding internal constraints when they want to increase their
sales abroad. For example, Foster and Baldwin [1986] introduce an approach using a
fixed proportion marketing technology that is required to sell products in the foreign
markets. This approach predicts that declines in world prices will be only imperfectly
transmitted to domestic prices because, if existing sales are constrained by marketing
capacity, exporters will compensate for increasing marketing costs by raising their selling
prices. This increase will partially offset the initial impact of declining world prices on
domestic prices. Since there is no similar constraint on higher world prices, one might
expect more domestic price adjustments to occur with rising than with declining world
prices. Potentially, this bottleneck approach can apply to a variety of costs, such as
processing, distribution, marketing, and transportation, all of which play a significant role
in setting domestic prices in commodity markets.
Table 3:Spreads and Effective Rates of Protection (ERPs)(Percentage change between 1986-88 and 1989-93)
Europe a/ Japan United States
Sugar ERP -38% -16% -49%Spread -13% -16% -34%
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Wheat ERP -36% -24% 0%Spread 9% 1% 7%
Coffee ERP na na 0%Spread 23% 33% 45%
Beef ERP 17% -54% -33%Spread 7% 6% 6%
Rice ERP -33% -20% 100%Spread 6% -1% 4%
Sources: Ingco (1995) for the effective rates of
protection and my calculations for the spreads.
Notes:
a/ Only Germany, France, and Italy
The contribution of trade restrictions and bottleneck costs to the asymmetric
response of domestic prices might not be as important as appears at first sight. Indeed,
the variations in trade restrictions are weakly correlated to the movements in the spreads
for the commodities and countries surveyed in this paper. The weakness of this
correlation is most apparent when, despite significant differences in trade protection
between Europe, Japan, and North America, the spreads have moved almost
simultaneously in all these regions (see Annex C). The flaws of the hypothesized link are
further exposed by the weak correlation between the effective rates of protection and the
spreads.10 As reported in Table 3, only in the case of sugar did these two variables move
in the same direction in all consumer markets between 1986 and 1994. Finally, it is
certainly audacious to think that movements in trade barriers have significantly
contributed to the surge in the spreads of coffee and rice in the United States, up 85
percent and 112 percent, respectively, over the period from 1975 to 1994, when their
effective rates of protection were on average below 2 percent during this period.
Even the bottleneck approach does not work well for the simple reason that the
costs associated with commodity exports have been declining over the past few decades.
Indeed, transportation and insurance costs, which may contribute up to 10-20 percent of
10 Effective rates of protection present the advantage of capturing both the effects of both tariffs and non-
tariff barriers. Obtaining exact measurements of the effective rate of protection is always difficult, even forrelatively homogenous products such as foodstuffs. The differing qualities of products to which availableprice data refer and the presence of data on marketing margins are but two of the problems associated withusing even the simplest indicator of the extent of distortions.
39
the final value of commodities,11 have followed a descending trend over the past 20 years.
For example, Amadji and Yeats [1995] report that the share of these costs in the total
exports of developing countries declined from 7.8 percent in 1970 to 5.8 percent in 1991.
The international evidence on marketing and distribution costs is more limited, but the
trend in the United States has also been clearly negative,-down from 18 percent of GDP
in 1980 to only 10 percent of GDP in 1994.12 Technological progress and new
management techniques have clearly contributed to this trend. Among many examples,
electronic data interchanges have powered up market clearing activities, and just-in-time
techniques as well as new hedging instruments (e.g., warehouse bonds) have reduced
consignment and inventory costs.
The bottleneck approach may, however, partially explain the asymmetric
transmission of world commodity prices through rising processing costs, even though
their influence was limited by the kind of commodities selected in this paper. Unlike
transportation and marketing costs, processing costs have certainly increased over time
due to higher wages in processing facilities (most are located in industrial countries). The
direct evidence at hand remains sketchy but there is no reason to believe that these wages
have behaved differently from average industrial wages. And, over the past two decades,
average nominal industrial wages have seen a fivefold increase in the six countries
analyzed in this paper. Higher processing costs can also be explained by the improved
quality of consumer products such as unleaded gasoline and high-quality coffee (robusta
vs. arabica). Nevertheless, processing costs need to play a very important role in sales to
explain the asymmetric response of consumer prices. As an illustration, I estimated that
the impact of the average labor costs --as a proxy for processing costs-- on domestic
consumer prices should exceed by four times that of world prices to compensate entirely
for the increasing gap between world and consumer prices in the commodity markets
examined in this paper. 13
If the other explanations cannot provide a satisfactory answer to the rising
spreads, another reason has to be found. The third explanation for asymmetry is derived
from the presence of large trading companies in international commodity markets. The
focus is on the large trading companies because their strategic position between buyers
11 Atkin (1992) reports that transportation costs may account for 10 percent of the landed price of grainon a trade route between efficient ports used by large vessels (e.g., from New Orleans to Rotterdam) and 20percent on a less efficient route.
12 Source: Logistic Management Council (1996).13 In other terms, equation (1) was modified as follows: ∆µij = ∆pij - α∆(ejp*i) - (1-α)∆wj where wj is
defined as the unit labor cost in the recipient country j and α as the weight of the world commodity price inthe production function. The value of the parameter α is difficult to estimate in the absence of precise
40
and sellers allows them to influence the transmission of world prices. Such an effect may
occur when they purchase commodities from producers and/or when they sell these
products to other intermediaries, processors, and consumers. These companies generally
provide information, define the terms of transactions, manage the payments and record
keeping for transactions, and so figure out ways of clearing the market (see Spulber
[1996]). However, without competition, they may follow a pricing strategy that will
maximize their profits and not those of producers and consumers. Such behavior could
create an asymmetric response of the same sort as the bottleneck and trade restriction
models described earlier.14
The issue of the market power of international trading companies remains largely
ignored in the current literature. Several recent empirical studies have shown the
existence of market power in most commodity markets,15 but none of the leading
journals of international trade and economic development16 contain any reference to the
influence of these companies. This lack of interest possibly arises from the difficulty of
capturing the behavior of these companies in an integrated analytical framework. In
addition to their trading activities, many companies are vertically integrated and thus
close to production. For example, Cargill--the world’s largest trading company of
cereals--owns plantations, storage facilities, and vessels in many countries around the
world. Similarly, Exxon carries out not only mining and refining but also a complex set
of activities involving distribution, transportation, inventories, and pricing. The
distinction between wholesale and retail trading is also not clear-cut. If most of these
companies are involved in wholesales--transactions between business--there are many
examples in which they also act in the retail sector either directly or indirectly through
strategic alliances or intermediary arrangements.17 Additional studies are necessary to
identify at the stage of the intermediary process at which the highest profit is likely to be
made: wholesale or retail. The response is likely to vary across countries and
commodities.
information but must be as low as 0.2 for eliminating the spread between world and domestic prices in mostcommodity markets over the period from 1975 to 1994. These results are available upon request.
14 While it is not done in this paper, a model of imperfect competition --or price leadership-- behaviorcould show that declines in world prices will not be transmitted to consumer prices, and the output level willnot increase, at least not as much that in a competitive market. In contrast, an increase in world priceswould be automatically transmitted to domestic prices because intermediaries maintain their margins.
15 Recent studies include Buschena and Perloff (1991) on the coconut oil export market; Karp andPerloff (1989, 1993) on the rice and coffee exports; Lopez and Yon (1993) on the Haitian coffee exporting;and Deodhar and Skeldon (1995) on the banana export markets.
16 Sources examined (for the past five years) were the Journal of Development Economics and theJournal of International Economics as well as the NBER working paper series. Notice, however, that thisissue has been raised by non-mainstream economists such as Brown (1992).
17 For example, Itoh, the world’s largest wholesaler, owns coffee shops and pubs, and most oil companiespossess gas stations. Citgo, Texaco, Shell, Amocco, Exxon, and Chevron are the largest gasoline brands bynumber of stations, and are major wholesalers and distributors as well.
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Table 4:
The World’s Largest Wholesale Trade
Companies: 1988
Firm Home
Country
Sales
(US$ Million)
C. Itoh. Ltd. Japan 106,791
Mitsui & Co. Ltd. Japan 102,493
Marubeni Corp. Japan 95,823
Sumitomo Corp. Japan 94,479
Mitsubishi Corp. Japan 91,583
Nissho Iwai Corp. Japan 52,942
Cargill US 43,000
Tokyo Menka Kaisha Japan 31,945
Sharps Pixley Ltd. UK 30,077
Nichimen Corp. Japan 26,874
Source: Directory of the World’s Largest Service
Companies, Moody’s Investors Service, and United
Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations,
December 1990.
Preliminary evidence indicates that large trading companies have been capable of
influencing the transmission of world commodity prices to domestic prices. This is
suggested first by the concentration of trading activities in few companies worldwide.
UNCTAD has reported that six or fewer trading companies control about 70 percent of
the total international trade, thus obviously limiting the choice of producers and
consumers in these markets.18 As an example, the banana export market is dominated by
Del Monte, United Brands, and Standard Fruits, and the wheat export market by Cargill,
Continental, Andre, Dreyfuss, and Bunge-Born. The suspicion that these companies use
their dominant position to control prices is strengthened by the chronic absence of
information on their activities. While many people can name retailers, few know
wholesalers. These companies are often larger than the economies of many developing
countries (Table 4). For instance, the sale volume of the world’s largest trading company,
C. Itoh, was as big as Argentina’s GDP in 1988. The same company also traded over
18 Source: UNCTAD, reported by Brown (1992).
42
US$20 billion of agricultural products--as much as all the sugar, coffee, beef, rice, and
wheat exported by all developing countries at that time.
The trading companies’ position of influence on the world market is further
implied by the correlation between the variations in the spreads and the variations in the
profits of the trading companies. Unfortunately, this hypothesis was tested only for the
oil market because of the chronic lack of data on these intermediary companies. For each
10 percent variation in the spread between world and domestic oil prices, the profit of the
7 largest oil companies in the United States has changed on average by 8 percent during
the period from 1979 to 1994.19 Another indicator of correlation is that the markup in the
wheat market grew by 50 percent over the past two decades, while the sales of Cargill, the
world’s largest trader of wheat, saw a fivefold increase during this period. In a historical
perspective, it is suggestive that this firm has recorded an annual loss in only 3 of its 130
years of existence: 1921, 1936, and 1938.20
Finally, as discussed in the preceding section, the spreads of each commodity tend
to move jointly in all industrial consumer markets. This homogenous behavior may
reflect the influence of trading companies that are specialized in trading one commodity
around the world rather than several commodities in one country. Companies such as
Cargill and Continental trade almost exclusively in cereals in over 60 countries. A
similar approach is taken by the petroleum trading companies and therefore gasoline
prices have a tendency to increase and decrease at the same time around the world.
IV. What Are the Consequences for Commodity Exporting Countries?
Rising spreads have had important consequences for commodity exporting
countries, especially for those depending heavily on a few commodities. Over the past
two decades, these countries have lost through the decline in world commodity prices and
through the limited response of domestic demand for these products on main consumer
markets. This section attempts to estimate how much additional export revenue these
countries would have earned if the spreads had remained constant in the past few years,
using a simple model of international trade. Finally, the results of two simulation
exercises are presented for the sample of commodities surveyed in this paper.
19 Calculated on the basis of information extracted from Fortune (various issues). To make the
measurement of profits and markups compatible, the profit is defined as the ratio of total net profits of largeUS oil companies to the international petroleum price (1990=100). The markup index is measured byequation (1). The major oil companies include Exxon, Mobil, Texaco, Chevron, Amoco, AtlanticRichfield, Philips Oil, and Ashland Oil.
20 Source: The Economist, March 1996.
43
The consequences of rising spreads on export revenues are illustrated as simply as
possible with a standard, partial model of international trade in which the commodity
supply function is determined by world prices and the demand by domestic prices in
consuming countries.21 For the sake of simplicity, these two functions are not influenced
by changes in relative prices and income, which are subsumed in the constant term of
these functions. There are neither dynamic effects nor strategic interactions between
trading companies as the variations in the spreads are assumed to be exogenously
determined. The model is principally intended to show the potential impact of rising
spreads rather than analyze actual pricing decisions. Nevertheless, it is easy to show that
lower spreads reduce domestic consumer prices, which increases the final demand for
commodities and, thus, export revenues. Obviously, the magnitude of these effects will
depend on the reduction in the spreads and the values of supply and demand price
elasticities.
The above model was applied to the sample of commodities over the period from
1991 to 1994. Rather than estimating the elasticity values of the demand and supply
functions, I used those estimated by the United Nations [1990], which are in the lower
range reported by Goldstein and Khan [1989]. These values are fixed over time, even
though they should vary as changes in prices imply changes in the degree of policy
intervention and in the degree of substitutability between products. However, within
feasible ranges, these variations should not modify the basic reliability of the results
presented below. The exogenous variations in the spreads are assumed to equal the
21 Thus, the demand and supply functions can be written as follows:
Qsi = A ep*iεs
Qdij = C pijεd
where εs and εd are defined as the elasticity of supply and demand, A and C as constantparameters, Qdij the demand for commodity i by consumers in country j, and Qsi the supply of commodity iby all developing countries. Other variables have been defined earlier.
Taking the log differential of the above equations and of the markup defined as µ = pi/p*, theeffects of a change in markup on export revenues (dRi) and producer surplus (dSi) are equal to:
The positive effects of a decrease in markups are embodied in these two differential equations. Alower markup reduces the selling price on industrial markets. That, in turn, generates an increase in thefinal demand. The resulting effect would therefore be positive on both the export revenues and theproducer’s surplus. The magnitude of these potential positive effects depends partially on the percentagevariation in the markup and partially on the (absolute) value of the elasticities of demand and supply.
44
percentage difference, first of all, between the actual spread and the minimum spread
observed during the period from 1970 to 1994 (case A) and, second, between the actual
spread and the average spread observed during the period from 1970 to 1994 (case B).
All the parameters used for these simulations are summarized in Annex D.
Table 5 shows that developing countries would have doubled their export
revenues from 1991 to 1994 if the spreads had remained at their minimal levels of the
past two decades. . If the spreads had been maintained at their average levels, additional
export revenues would have reached US$40 billion per year, or about 27 percent of the
actual revenues from the six commodities selected in this paper. The potential gains for
producers would have also ranged from US$29 billion in case B to US$96 billion in case
A. These results only apply to developing countries. Indeed, industrial countries may
have benefited from asymmetry through higher tax revenues, higher value-added in their
processing facilities, and higher intermediary margins in their trading companies, even
though their consumers are clearly among the major losers. An estimate of the net
potential gains/losses for the industrial countries would need to take into account these
Sources: National statistics for consumer price indexes and World Bank forcommodity price index.Notes:a/ The annual domestic consumer price series were available for thefollowing periods: Canada (1970 and 1975-94), France (1964-94), Germany(1966-94), Italy (1960-94), Japan (1973-94), and the US (1960-94).b/ Only available for the period 1971-94.c/ Only available for the period 1969-94.d/ Only available for the period 1978-94.e/ Only available for the period 1970-94.
B. Description of International Commodity Prices
Coffee: All Coffee, New York, US cents/LBSugar: Caribbean, New York, US cents/LB
53
Beef:, All origins, US Ports, US cents/LBWheat: US, US Gulf Ports, US$/BushelCrude Oil (petroleum): Average Crude Price, US$/Barrel:Bananas: Latin America, US Ports; US cents/LBRice: US, New Orleans, US$/MT
Source: The World Bank. International Economic Department
54
ANNEX B:Regression Results
Elasticity of Transmission from World Prices to Domestic Consumer Prices Panel of six countries (1975-94)
Notes:All variables are expresed in log and in variations.Column (1) are the estimated results for the entire period.Column (2) are the estimated results for the years with upward movements in world prices.Column (3) are the estimated results for the years with downward movements in world prices.