Undergraduate Thesis: Living on the Edge - Redefining Development in Rural Appalachia

LIVING on the EDGEREDEFINING DEVELOPMENT IN RURAL APPALACHIA

Karli HeffnerTHE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY2014 Bachelor of Architecture Candidate

Undergraduate Thesis ProposalAdvisor: Juan Ruescas

LIFE IS A BALANCING ACT...

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TABLE OF CONTENTSAbstract Thesis Statement

Research Area of Focus Summary Historical Perspectives

Contemporary Perspectives

Questions/Theoretical Issues Raised Privacy, Personal Space, and Territory

Architectural Issues Concentration

Earth Sheltered Architecture

Architectural Precedents Unity Gardens

Sea Ranch Condominiums

Site and Context Analysis Historical Overview Current Demographics Current Coal Industry Statistics Interstate 219 Highway Extension Site Documentation

Final Design Project Program Type, Description, and Assessment Project Parameters Accessibility and other ADA requirements

Redefining Development in Rural America

Site Site Plan

Site Section

Building Plans Building Sections Elevations Recreational Unit Plans Recreational Unit Elevations Recreational Unit Section Wall Section Other Project Images Perspectives Conclusion Bibliography

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Redefining Development in Rural Appalachia

Life is a balancing act.

This exploration examines a new model for the growth and revitalization of the remote communities of the Southern Appalachian coalfields in light of the decay of the coal industry. As the coal industry enters an economic downswing that may in the long run spell the end of the industry, young professionals and families are relocating within the region leading small towns to sprawl outwards eating up prime farm and forestland. The model proposed focuses on providing a foundation for the outlying rural communities to grow in a socially, economically, and environmentally sustainable fashion, by building upon the values and strengths of the existing social culture and vernacular architecture in order to save the delicate balance in the region.

Rural Appalachian communities are highly sensitive to privacy, personal space and territory. Bearing this in mind was extremely crucial in trying to concentrate the communities down to a more economically and socially sustainable size. By designing shared spaces and amenities the communities can learn from their urban relatives. Bringing in a dash of urban commodity, however, should not come at the cost of the rhythm of life these communities are known for. Proud and self-reliant, the people of Appalachia tend to love looking out their window and seeing an endless sea of green. In order to maintain this, it was necessary to design in such a way that nature is invited into the community rather than pushed to the outskirts and strive for buildings to generate a low visual impact.

This new model for rural communities focuses on a “cluster scheme” which allows the residents the benefits provided by density, but prevents the community from generating one overpowering mass on the site. The clusters are comprised of a kit of parts including the permanent residences, community spaces, and an agricultural component. This kit also introduces a new economic twist to the community by providing small temporary residential units for recreational use.

The Appalachian Mountains are home to a wide range of game animals, fish, and birds and several times a year remote communities are flooded with an inundation of sportsmen/women who come to the region for fishing and hunting seasons. The new model stands to benefit from this phenomenon by providing temporary dwellings for the sportsmen/women. This feature will allow the community to generate a small revenue and provide the potential for seasonal jobs within the boundaries of the community itself.

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ABSTRACT

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Redefining Development in Rural Appalachia 3

THESIS STATEMENT

This exploration examines a new model for the growth and revitalization of the remote communities of the Southern Appalachian coalfields in light of the decay of the coal industry. As the coal industry enters an economic downswing that may in the long run spell the end of the industry, young professionals and families are relocating within the region leading small towns to sprawl outwards eating up prime farm and forestland. The model proposed focuses on providing a foundation for the outlying rural communities to grow in a socially, economically, and environmentally sustainable fashion, by building upon the values and strengths of the existing social culture and vernacular architecture in order to save the delicate balance in the region.

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Historical Perspectives Appalachia

Named for the Apalachee Native American tribe, the Appalachian Mountains reach from Newfoundland in Canada to Northern Alabama, stretching nearly 2,000 miles. The Appalachian Mountains can be divided into two segments, Northern and Southern, roughly corresponding to the glaciated and unglaciated sections, meeting in present day New York (Montrie, 7). The Northern range is relatively undifferentiated, while the Southern range can be separated into four uniquely identifiable belts or provinces. These groups run parallel to each other along the length of the range. Moving from the most northwestern to the most southeastern they are known respectively as the Appalachian Plateau, the Valley and Ridge Province, the Blue Ridge Province, and Piedmont Fold and Thrust Belt (Montrie, 8).

Historically, the term “Appalachia” was initially only used to reference the physiographic mountain system. It was not until well after the Civil War that the term came to be applied to the broader cultural and economic region. During the antebellum period literature represented the inhabitants of the southern mountains as being no different from other Americans, it was not until after the Civil War that the “otherness” of the mountain people and their culture began to infiltrate works published on the region (Montrie, 13). In an address by William G. Frost in 1899, president of Berea College, Appalachian America was comparable to Revolutionary America, “the former having progress little beyond the latter’s level of civilization.” It was claims such as this that led some observers to suggest that it was not “otherness” but familiarity that made the region so interesting to America. “The roots of an American cultural identity could be found in the people of the southern mountains: to be

Appalachian was to be quintessentially American” (Montrie, 14).

Economics, Modernization, and Industry in Appalachia

The isolation of the region fostered in the people independence and individualism that, while romanticized by many, spoke of an urgent need for a social uplift if “Appalachia was not to remain a pocket of backwardness,” as it was seen by missionaries, entrepreneurs, and others of the urban-industrial transformation. Many agents of denominational benevolence saw mountain life’s peculiarities as “social problems in need of remedial action,” and hoped to solve these problems through modernization. Capitalists, however, also construed modernization, as the development of the region’s natural resources (Montrie, 14-16).

It was these differing agendas combined that helped to lead to a great paradox in the region’s economic condition. The southern Appalachians were rich in natural resources, but the residents were stricken with poverty. Early scholars once tried to explain this predicament by claiming that lack of modernization and a persisting culture of poverty held the people back from taking advantage of the benefits of urban and industrial advancements. Later generations of scholars though, point instead to a significant error in the claims of their predecessors, the importance of the economic activity of the region in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Montrie, 17). It was set against this background of social and economic poverty that the extraction industries, logging and mining, began to boom. In 1887 almost 5 million tons of coal was produced in West Virginia, but by 1917 that number had risen to nearly 90 million tons. Alongside the massive increase in demand came a surge of land appropriation in the region by outside investors. While some of these property transactions were legal, many

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were not. Speculators relied on the poor and obscure records of the mountain counties to acquire vast swathes of land, rich with coal seams and hardwood forests. Many local residents who fell victim to this dispossession of land were forced to leave behind their reliance on farming and instead join the new wage labor force being brought in to mine coal and cut timber. With the vast majority of the mineral and material rich land being owned and managed by outside forces, the wealth of the Appalachians was extracted and shipped to factories in the more industrialized north, never to return (Montrie, 16-17).

The Southern Appalachian Coalfields

The coalfields of the Southern Appalachians are found primarily in the Appalachian Plateau and the Valley and Ridge Province. The Appalachian Plateau is characterized, despite its name, by deep valleys and several smaller mountain ranges including the Catskill Mountains of New York and the Allegheny Mountains of Pennsylvania, Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee. The Valley and Ridge Province follows the length of the Appalachian Plateau and is characterized by narrow ridges, which can run parallel to each other for tens or hundreds of miles. The valleys, which correspond to these ridges, can vary greatly in length and breadth, the southeastern side of the province being nearly one single, continuous valley that varies in width from two to forty miles, reaching from New York to Alabama (Montrie, 9).

The coal seams of the Appalachian Plateau and the Valley and Ridge Province are composed primarily of bituminous coal formed during the Pennsylvanian Period. There are however four major Anthracite coalfields in the Valley and Ridge belt in northeastern Pennsylvania. The vast majority of the coal mined in Appalachia although is bituminous. Bituminous coal is a black, hard and bright low-grade coal, while anthracite is a higher-

grade coal that is denser with a higher carbon content (Montrie, 10). There are two methods for mining coal, underground or deep mines and surface or strip mines. Both of these methods have been used throughout the history of the mining industry in Appalachia. Surface mining has many variations, most if not all of which have been utilized in the Appalachian Mountains at one time or another.

Chad Montrie: “To Save the Land and People”

Surface mining has had a tumultuous history in Appalachia, being a cause of great unrest among residents and workers alike. In “To Save the Land and People: A History of Opposition to Surface Coal Mining in Appalachia,” Chad Montrie discusses the dramatic impact surface mining had on the Appalachian culture, economy, and ecology. Montrie illustrates in detail the history of the Appalachian region and the different reactions, protests, and demonstrations that have occurred, breaking them down by state and region to better show the nuances in the reactions of residents, workers, and organizations in more focused areas. In chapter 3, Montrie focuses on the opposition to surface mining in Pennsylvania. In Pennsylvania, industrial workers and sportsmen acted in cooperation with each other to campaign for legislature to control surface mining practices and curb their environmental implications. Montrie highlights the role of the United Mine Workers of America (UMW) in the 1961 campaign (Montrie, 43).

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Surface Mining Opposition: Pennsylvania

Surface mining’s greatest opposition in Pennsylvania was not calling for the halting of the industry entirely; Pennsylvania has had a history rich in mining heritage, but rather the environmental impacts of strip mining operations. In 1945, Pennsylvania’s first legislation controlling strip mining was passed:

…to aid thereby in the protection of birds and wildlife, to enhance the value of such land for taxation, to decrease soil erosion, to aid in the prevention of the pollution of rivers and streams, to prevent combustion of unmined coal, and generally improve the use and enjoyment of said lands (Montrie, 44).

Mine operators tried and failed to overturn the law, but due to lax enforcement the strip mining industry continued to operate effectively unregulated. Thousands of acres of land were devastated and surface mining contributed in large part to the worst acid drainage problem in the country (Montrie, 46). In 1961 opposition forces rallied to introduce House Bill 1438 in hopes of increasing and redirecting funding to correct the pollution of streams in strip mining regions. The bill passed with a vote of 150 to 51 over protests of legislators from mining counties and coal industry lobbyists.

When Representative Austin J. Murphy suggested that controls would merely reduce operators’ profits, forcing them to shift a few men from digging coal to filling holes, (Representative Paige) Varner replied by setting the health of the industry against the quality of the environment. “I don’t see why we should give up a growing industry,” he said, “for a few fish or a few trees” (Montrie, 47).

It was opinions such as this that supporters of control legislature faced at every turn. Montrie’s title for the chapter, “Selfish Interests” is aptly named. Thankfully though, the surface mining industry has seen great changes since its early days. Progress in legislature and reclamation processes have allowed for major steps in decreasing the environmental damage in the aftermath of surface mining.

Public Law 95-87: Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977

On August 3, 1977 P.L. 95-87 was passed taking a major step in creating a more unified approach to surface mine regulation. Public Law 95-87 created a framework that required federal and/or state governments to generate a stricter process for permitting and reclamation of surface mine operations. Setting forth a list of requirements for state programs to meet in their permitting process, which included a required reclamation plan as part of the permit application submitted by mine operators.

Section 508 – Reclamation Plan Requirements, includes those seeking a permit to provide information and studies including but not limited to: • Existing condition of land to be mined• Current usage of land• Previous mining history and land usage preceding such

history• Productivity of land prior to mining• Estimated productivity following mining operations• Proposed usage of land following mining operations• Engineering techniques to be used in mining and recla-

mation operations• Estimated timetable for major steps in reclamation plan

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P.L. 95-87 also mandates standards for environmental protection performance of mining operations. In Section 515 draws up a collection of standards to be met including:• Restoration of land to a condition capable of supporting

uses equivalent to that prior to mining.• Operator shall backfill, grade, and compact site of

operations to lowest practicable grade, not to exceed the angle of repose.

• Operator shall provide adequate drainage and cover all acid-forming and toxic materials.

• Remove topsoil in a separate layer to later be replaced on top of backfill, or replace with best available subsoil to support vegetative growth.

• Treat, bury, or dispose of all debris, acid-forming materials, toxic materials, or materials constituting a hazard in a manner to prevent contamination of ground and surface waters.

With the creation of legislation, such as Public Law 95-87, the environmental impacts surface mining have been drastically curbed. States are now required to establish a State Regulatory Authority with sufficient personnel and funding to enable regulation and enforcement of surface mining and reclamation operations in accordance with Public Law 95-87.

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Contemporary PerspectivesDecay of Coal Industry

While the coal and mining industries have taken massive leaps in their methods of practice, the environmental and green/sustainable energy movements are still taking a toll on the industry. The coal industry, which boomed with the surge of the blast furnace steel industry, is now suffering as blast-furnace processes are being replaced and steel production is no longer calling for the quantities of coal it once did. This shift is occurring now due to America’s early industrialization, a large quantity of the steel used in America today is recycled (Barker). This increase in the amount of steel being recycled as compared to new production has greatly shifted working of the industry in America. According to the Steel Recycling Institute, more than 58 million tons of steel have been recycled in America as of January 2013 (www.recycle-steel.org). Due to this the majority of coal mined today in America is now sent to produce steam to be used in generating electricity (Barker).

With this shift in the industry has come an inevitable decrease in the demand for coal. The coal industry has now reached a point in its economic cycle where supply has exceeded demand. With this surplus of supply has come a decrease in the call for miners and mining operations, the result of this being an increase in the unemployment rate and number of layoffs of miners (Barker). Many smaller Appalachian mining communities are now facing dire circumstances as people are forced to look farther and farther from home for work and many members of younger generations are predictably moving away from remote Appalachian communities.

Post-Industry Regional Population Shifts

U.S. Census data shows that over the past few decades the percentage of the population of residents over the age of 65 in remote Appalachian communities is on the rise (www.socialexplorer.com). The obvious conclusion, due to the relatively low percentage of sales of homes in the same areas is that the residents who lived there during more prosperous times are choosing to remain in the area (www.city-data.com). These same areas are showing to have a rather radical decrease in the percentage of the population that is within the age range of 18 to 34 (www.socialexplorer.com).

This age range would include young professionals and recent college graduates, the majority of whom have yet to be married or form families. These individuals are crucial for the growth and maintenance of a community. After individuals form family and have children they are less likely to relocate as the cost of relocation rises. The question as to why this age group is not returning to or settling in these communities is partly reliant on the economic effects of the dying coal industry, but partial blame can also be placed on the way these communities are structured as well.

This younger generation, however for the most part does not seem to be leaving the area entirely. Census data also shows that overall the populations on a more regional scale are not changing as drastically (www.socialexplorer.com). These younger individuals are remaining in the region, but moving to more urban hubs and abandoning the smaller rural communities.

This effect is due largely in part to the economics of the coal industry, but also to the nature of the more rural communities. These communities may promote a way of life that many of

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the younger generation may find enjoyable, but not socially, or sometimes economically, sustainable. These communities have failed to progress with the times in the way they are organized and structured. Remote rural communities are dying as a result of poor planning.

Small Town Sprawl

Coming with this micro-exodus is an issue of sprawl in the smaller towns that the remote communities are connected to. As individuals move from the outlying communities to the more “urban/suburban” areas they are creating an issue of housing in these communities. These communities have not tended to have large demands for more temporary (apartment) housing and as such do not have the units to meet the needs of these individuals in most cases. These towns instead turn to expanding the town’s residential limits by way of, in the case of more economically stable areas, new housing developments or, for poorer areas, trailer parks.

Regardless of which path is taken, when these towns expand they inevitably eat up more land around the edges of the town, nibbling away at farmland or leveling forests. This sprawl may not be occurring at the rate of larger urban hubs but it poses its own problems in the way of the mindset of many residents of these areas. These people have already in someway shown to have a valued connection with the land and area by relocating locally, but just because an individual loves something does not mean they will properly appreciate it.

Parks and green spaces are highly treasured in urban contexts; consider the relationship of New Yorkers and Central Park. The residents of New York truly appreciate Central Park because, in large part, it is all they have. People of Appalachia do not

have this problem though; most can look out a window, any window, and see green grass and trees. Nature surrounds them on all sides, so they see no end to it. They fail to recognize the devastating effects that can occur if the long-term is not thought of. One town leveling an acre of forest or field does not tend to cause great concern nor does the next acre or the next or the next…

Simply because there are a lot of fields and trees does not mean they will never run out.

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Theoretical Issues/QuestionsThe Good Life

Writing as an individual who was born and raised in remote Appalachian communities, one in northeastern Pennsylvania and the other in southwestern Pennsylvania, these communities and the way of life that can be found in them are invaluable parts of American heritage and one, which is facing what could be the beginning of the end.

The artwork of Norman Rockwell, romanticized images of small towns and rural communities. This artwork depicts not only a particular era, but a very unique way of life. The background, clothes, and cars may have changed but the rhythm of life that Rockwell captured has not been lost…yet.

Few would argue against the claim that Rockwell’s work brings a sense of calm, contented nostalgia to the viewer. This feeling could be termed by many, at least those of rustic upbringing, as the emotional equivalent of the thought, “that’s the good life.” What is it about the countryside that is so enchanting? What makes this way of life good? One blog entry on RuralLivingToday.com entitled, “Ten Things to Love About Rural Living,” provides a few possibilities:

I live in a safe environment. I leave my keys in my truck. My house is unlocked. My dogs are the best doorbell I’ve ever had...

Things are growing all around me. I am surrounded by real life—living things. I can look at my garden and watch my own livestock from my kitchen window…

My kids are learning about life. They know where their

food is coming from, and they are responsible for some of that. They are able to follow their desires and passions, whether it is growing food, flowers, or animals. Their world is unlimited. They run around and play and I don’t have to worry. They have become much more self-sufficient and confident. They are no longer addicted to the DS, text messaging, or video games…

I know my neighbors. They are ready to help me with a phone call and when we pass on the road, they always make time to stop and say hello. In my last neighborhood, I barely knew or even saw my neighbors… (www.rurallivingtoday.com)

These types of benefits seem rather ideal for those planning to start a family. That said what is pushing people of that exact age group to leave? What is this life lacking in? What does it need? To answer these questions first we must answer what makes a functional/sustainable home? We must also answer allows a community to function properly? History can show many attempts to categorize all the components homes and communities need. For the most part many of these plans were lacking in one thing or another, so instead of focusing on the physical components this research turns more towards the philosophical traits a home and/or community should strive to achieve.

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Privacy, Personal Space, and TerritoryIrwin Altman: Environment and Social Behavior

In “The Environment and Social Behavior,” Altman examines “how people use the environment in the course of social interaction,” focusing in on the key terms of privacy, personal space, territoriality, and crowding. Altman’s research concentrates on a microinterpersonal orientation, meaning interactions among individuals at the level of small social units (e.g families, pairs of people, or other small social groups) (Altman, 3).

A key feature of Altman’s research is his interest in the inter-relationships of privacy, personal space, territoriality, and crowding.

This book proposes a general theoretical approach that ties these concepts together and that reviews knowledge and theory about each. A major idea to be set forth is that the concept of privacy is central – that it provides the glue that binds the four concepts together. It will be proposed that privacy is a central regulatory process by which a person (or group) makes himself(herself) more or less accessible and open to others and that the concepts of personal space and territorial behavior are mechanisms that are set in motion to achieve desired levels of privacy. Crowding will be described as a social condition in which privacy mechanisms have not functioned effectively, resulting in an excess of undesired social contact (Altman, 3).

Understanding these concepts is key to dealing with remote or isolated communities, such as many that are found in Appalachia. The residents of such communities tend to have a strong sense of privacy that must be addressed by any intervention, which

seeks to take place there.

Privacy and Privacy Mechanisms

“Privacy is an interpersonal boundary-control process, which paces and regulates interaction with others...” Privacy is a complex concept operating in different ways in different situation (Altman, 10). Many different features must be considered:• Desired and Achieved Privacy• Dialectic Process of Privacy• Privacy involving Social Units

Considering these aspects and several varying methods to defining privacy (keep-out vs. control), Altman proposes the definition of “selective control of access to the self or to one’s group” (Altman, 11-18).

In order to understand how personal space and territorial behavior classify as privacy mechanisms it is necessary to first understand what is meant by the phrase privacy mechanism. There are several types of mechanisms used by people to achieve ideal levels of privacy:• Verbal Mechanisms• Nonverbal Mechanisms• Environmental Mechanisms• Culturally Based Privacy Mechanisms

These mechanisms are behavioral mechanisms used to achieve a desired level of privacy. The mechanisms can be used alone or together and act as a complexly integrated system (Altman, 32-33).

Environmental mechanisms, is the category under which personal space and territoriality occur. These types of mechanism can

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operate over a range of distances from a person. Involving aspects closest to the person (e.g. clothing and personal space) and more distant features of the person’s environment (e.g. territories and objects) (Altman, 36).

Personal Space

We need to be a part of others, of intimate circles, families, communities, nations, part of humanity, and we need to be so recognized by others, to be supported by their approval for our affiliation and our likeness to them. But we also need to confirm our distinctness from others, to assert our individuality, to proclaim our capacity to enjoy, or even to suffer, the conflicts that result from such assertions of individuality (Altman, 49).

Personal space is sometimes called a personal bubble or breathing room, but regardless of what it is called it always has the unique connotation of being attached to an individual. Personal space goes with you wherever you go, unlike territory, which implies a more fixed, geographic region. Personal space is not a fixed sphere around a person but rather a fluctuating invisible boundary. When this boundary is crossed it causes the person to feel uneasy and can result in a show of displeasure or withdrawal (Altman, 53).

Cultural differences and factors are believed to help in determining how a person deals with personal space and their reaction to a trespass into theirs. Cultures from different regions of the globe have tended to roughly organize themselves into contact and non-contact cultures depending on a variety of traits including physical and psychological intimacy (Altman, 62-65).

Territory

Territorial behavior is a self/other boundary-regulation mechanism that involves personalization of or marking of a place or object and communication that it is “owned” by a person or group. Personalization and ownership are designed to regulate social interaction and to help satisfy various social and physical motives. Defense responses may sometimes occur when territorial boundaries are violated (Altman, 107).

Primary territories are territories owned and used by individuals or groups, such as a home. They are clearly identifiable and are central to the day-to-day life of the occupants. The violation of such territories can be taken as a serious affront to a person’s self-identity. Lack of a primary territory can also in fact lead to a distinct lack of self-esteem and self-identity (Altman, 112).

Beyond primary territory, which is in many ways the equivalent of private territory, there are also the categories of secondary territory and public territory. Secondary territory, as with primary territory, is considered attached to a particular person or group but may also have some public qualities (e.g. a neighborhood bar or country club). Public territory is more temporal in nature, with relatively free access and occupancy rights (e.g. parks and streets). “These territories are officially open to all, but certain images and expectations of appropriate behavior…modify freedom” (Altman, 118).

Living on the Edge

Privacy, personal space, and territory are crucial parts of any person’s life, but these aspects are taken to a different level in more remote communities. The individuals who live in these communities have a strong sense of independence and privacy.

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Primary territory is crucial to these communities. People in smaller Appalachian communities tend to own their own homes and are proud of it. In many cases those who live or move to remote communities do so out of a search for privacy that they cannot find in more populated areas. This lack of population leads to problems with the sustainability of these communities. Space, personal private space, is a necessity to a healthy lifestyle but can you put too much space between yourself and your neighbor?

These communities are losing their future as the younger generation move to more developed areas. This is causing the death of not only communities but a unique culture as well. These communities need to be reevaluated to provide for the values of privacy, personal space and territory in a new way that will allow the communities to become more concentrated to allow for a more socially, economically, and environmentally sustainable future. By rethinking how and where these communities are planned, arranged, and built to draw the younger generation back to these communities.

To allow these communities to fade away in the fashion they are now will cost both their culture to be lost, and for the eventual destruction of the way of life in the small towns of Appalachia as well. As the population relocates and reshapes the small towns they are inadvertently destroying two ways of life, that of the more remote rural communities and the small towns as well. By increasing the size of the small towns they will grow and expand costing precious acres of forest and field to be lost. This expansion will also cost the towns their way of life in the long run, as the town grows larger commercial industries will be drawn to the areas and cost local businesses their livelihoods. If these remote rural communities lose their ability to function and fade away they will throw they entire region out of balance and

lead to the end of the rural Appalachian way of life on multiples levels, if not in its entirety.

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Architectural IssuesConcentration

In its most fundamental essence the problem with these remote communities is their lack of concentration. By placing so much space in between structures, it drastically limits, and more often than not eliminates, the ability of residents to share any basic needs. By bringing these homes together and gathering their residents in closer proximity it is possible to add amenities to the community that it could not support otherwise.

Introducing the possibilities of shared amenities will increase the desirability of such communities to younger generations. Young professionals who still clearly remember the liveliness of college life will be more apt to live in a more remote locale if they are offered the benefit of social interaction within a reasonable distance of their home. Young families on the other hand will be drawn to the prospect of raising children in a safe and natural environment with the additional benefit having other children for possible playmates and other young parents for support.

Finding a balance between this concentration and the privacy and personal space these communities are known for will call for a unique approach to the design of the structures that acts upon the idea “out of sight, out of mind.” The buildings will be carefully planned and placed to create a cohesive and functional community while minimizing visual impact. To create a community that blends into its surroundings as a way of camouflaging the true amount of activity on the site.

Malcolm Wells: Gentle Architecture

In “Gentle Architecture,” Malcolm Wells discusses the importance of building with nature rather than against nature

to create a truly sustainable structure. He examines how the humans, those in the design and construction fields, have lost their connection to nature by turning a blind eye to the amount of destruction that we cause with every line we draw on construction documents. We have lost sight of an inescapable truth:

Take away all governments and armies, take away all businesses and industries, take away all communications, take away cars, houses, cities, hospitals, schools and libraries, take away everything in fact, but the green plants, and most of us would survive. But take away the plants and we would all die. That’s how important they are (Wells GA, 19).

Earth Sheltered Architecture

Failure to save these communities will result in the destruction of land in neighboring towns, but new construction in these communities will destroy land there as well. It is an inevitable reality that buildings and construction destroy land, but what about after the fact? Is it not possible that once the final brick has been laid, the last detail finished, for the door to be opened to nature again? Can we not design in a way that will blur the edge between nature and domestication, rather than drawing a harsh line between the two?

Earth sheltered architecture may be the key. By using underground and earth-berm technologies it is possible to generate designs, which can blend with the surrounding environment and reduce visual and environmental impact. Instead of sitting on the site in blatantly harsh contrast, the buildings may sink into the earth and allow for the natural beauty of the site to flow over them.

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Energy and Performance Benefits

Underground and earth-berm technology is not only about aesthetics though. This method of design allows for a vast number of performance benefits as well. Earth-sheltered designs naturally take advantage of the thermal mass of the surrounding soil to drastically lower heating and cooling demands. It is even possible for a well-designed earth sheltered home to eliminate all need of additional heating/cooling systems. Take for example Solaria, designed by Malcolm Wells, this single family residence outside of Philadelphia was constructed shortly before the winter of 1977, one of the worst recorded winters in recent history with over 142 inches of snowfall, during the winter Wells waited for word of the home’s performance…

All through the winter of ’77 we waited for word from the Homans. January. February. March… Finally Bob visited us and we all said, “Well?”

“We didn’t use the auxiliary heat at all” (Wells UD, 10).

Solaria had proven that through careful design passive systems could be used to replace traditional heating and cooling systems. Thermal mass, solar heating, natural ventilation, all these systems and more can be used to great effect in earth-sheltered structures. Used in accordance with proper planning and design, earth-sheltered architecture can even help open the door to self-sufficiency.

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Architectural PrecedentsUnity Gardens, SEArch

Recently constructed in 2009 in Lincolnshire, Great Britain, Unity Gardens is a social housing development that has taken the potential of earth-berm construction and run with. Designed by Jerry Harrall of SEArch – Sustainable Ecological Architecture Ltd. and commissioned by the Lincolnshire Rural Housing Association, Unity Gardens’ design sought to achieve a new level of autonomy for its tenants (Ward).

Harrall’s aim was to release tenants from being dependent on the vagaries of the economy by providing them with the opportunity to generate and manage their own energy and water, with even sewage being treated on-site.

“Living the green dream: Thanks to SEArch we have the opportunity to generate our own electricity, harvest rainwater and grow our own vegetables. It’s a great lifestyle for us and our children - we are almost self-sufficient! This allows us to have a better way of life and at the same time acquiring the financial benefits of greener energy knowing that is helping our family and future generations.”

Clive and ClaireNumber 5, Unity Gardens (SEArch Arcitects)

By mixing earth-berm design with a myriad of other systems on site including, passive ventilation, photovoltaic’s, thermal mass, rainwater harvesting, and a communal 6Kw wind turbine Unity Gardens has created a self-sufficient, carbon negative community in the middle of rural Great Britain (www.woodhead-living.co.uk).

The community is comprised of six homes, three three-bedroom and three two-bedroom, all oriented South to maximize solar heat gain. Each bungalow is provided with its own allotment for a fruit and vegetable garden, allowing tenants to grow their own food on-site. The communities passive and active systems have virtually eliminated all energy bills for tenants and actually generate a surplus of energy beyond what the tenants use (www.woodhead-living.co.uk).

Unity Gardens exemplifies how much passive and active systems can benefit a rural community by providing the capability of self-sufficiency. Allowing tenants to live in a beautiful locale and saving them ample money in doing so. The homes also are concentrated together to decrease the acreage used by the development but still allow some breathing room.

Image: www.insidehousing.co.uk

RESEARCH


Sea Ranch Condominiums, MLTW

Breathing room is what is found all around MLTW’s Sea Ranch Concominiums, built in the mid-1960’s this community of ten units takes concentration quite literally (www.greatbuildings.com). The units seamlessly merge together to form one unique whole, allowing for the maximum amount of the site to be opened up.

The design of the structure works to blend into the meadows, hills, and seaside cliffs surrounding it, mimicking the angles of the nearby slopes to decrease the visual impact of the building on the site.

Confronted with designing the condominium complex of Sea Ranch on a spectacular Pacific Ocean site north of San Francisco, Moore Lyndon Turnbull Whitaker tightly grouped the units around a courtyard with traditional shed roofs an intersecting and towerlike wall planes, creating an overall commanding form but one of identifiably individual parts, at once casual and modest, open to views and sun yet sheltered and protected from the wind. It was a concept of cluster designed to preserve the openness of a rugged and beautiful site…- Paul Heyer. American Architecture: Ideas and Ideologies in the Late Twentieth Century. p106-107 (www.greatbuildings.com).

Sea Ranch is an excellent example of how far concentration can be taken. Each unit blends seamlessly with the next but each maintains a sense of individuality at the same time. This manner of concentration may be perhaps too extreme for many members of Appalachian communities, who value their “breathing room” a bit more than most. However, Sea Ranch’s

approach to decreasing the footprint of the structure on the site is certainly a step in the right direction.

Image: www.greatbuildings.com

Image: www.greatbuildings.com

LIVING ON THE EDGE

SITE ANALYSIS

18

Historical OverviewSomerset County

Located in the Laurel Highlands region of Pennsylvania, Somerset County has a long history rich in cultural significance. Settlements in the area date back to as early as 1760 with the foundation of a settlement of German Baptists near the village of Brotherton. Further South, Swiss and German immigrants established the town of Berlin and founded a church and school.

Somerset County was officially established on April 17, 1795. Local legislators, headed by the first settler of what was to become Somerset, organized Brothersvalley, Turkeyfoot, Quemahoning, Milford, Elk Lick and Stonycreek townships into Somerset County from Bedford County. The county’s boundaries have been changed twice since its formation, once in 1800 and again in 1804. Somerset is now the seventh largest county in Pennsylvania, including 25 townships and 25 boroughs encompassing nearly 1,075 square miles.

In more recent years Somerset has been thrust into regional and international spotlights. During the attacks on September 11, 2001 passengers of Flight 93 thwarted terrorists, downing the airliner in an abandoned field near Shanksville. The county was shaken again, less than a year later, in July 2002 when nine miners became trapped hundreds of feet be earth when the Quecreek Mine flooded. Following a five-day rescue effort by local volunteers alongside state and federal officials all nine miners were safely rescued. These events led to the February 2005 designation of Somerset County as “America’s County.”

Information from the Somerset County Chamber of Commerce

www.somersetcountychamber.com

Erie

Harrisburg

Philadelphia

Pittsburgh

Berlin


LEGENDUrbanRural TownFarmlandUnderground MineProposed Undgrd. MineSurface MineState/Nat’l ParklandForest (Private Land)Cleared (Private Land)Major HwyMinor HwyProposed HwyLocal ArteryState LineCounty LineMajor RiverLake

Site30 min. Travel Distance55 min. Travel Distance

LIVING ON THE EDGE

SITE ANALYSIS

20

Current DemographicsSomerset County

Total Population 2010 – 77,748

Estimated percentages, 2012Persons under 5 Years – 4.5%Persons under 18 Years – 18.7%Persons 65 years and over – 19.5%Female persons, percent 2012 – 48.4%Male persons, percent 2012 – 51.6%

High School Graduate or higher, percent of persons age 25 and over – 83.6%Bachelor’s degree or higher, percent of persons age 25 and over – 14.5%

Housing units, 2011 – 38,110Homeownership rate, 2007-2011 – 79.1%Median value of owner-occupied housing units, 2007-2011 - $94,200Persons per household, 2007-2011 – 2.46Persons below poverty level, percent 2007-2011 – 12.8%

Land area in square miles, 2010 – 1,074.37Persons per square mile, 2010 – 72.4(2010 U.S. Census Data)


LEGENDUrbanRural TownFarmlandMajor HwyMinor HwyProposed HwyLocal ArteryState LineCounty Line

Site


LEGENDMajor HwyMinor HwyProposed HwyLocal ArteryState LineCounty Line

Site


LEGENDUrbanRural TownFarmlandMajor HwyMinor HwyProposed HwyLocal ArteryState LineCounty Line

Site30 min. Travel Distance55 min. Travel Distance

Within 2 Hr travel Distance:PittsburghPittsburgh Int’l AirportUniversity of Pittsburgh Medical CenterThe Pennsylvania State University


LEGENDUrbanRural TownFarmlandUnderground MineProposed Undgrd. MineSurface MineMajor HwyMinor HwyProposed HwyLocal ArteryState LineCounty Line

Site


Current Coal Industry Statistics

There are currently 104 active permits for surface mines and 12 active permits for underground mines in Somerset County. The mines and permits in Somerset County are operated by 26 different companies, across 13 different townships. Twenty-seven of the active surface mine permits are located on sites within Brothersvalley Township, six different companies operate these mines. The largest of these operators are Rosebud Mining Co. and PBS Coals Inc. (and its affiliate Roxcoals Inc.).

Rosebud Mining Co. controls 24 active permits within Somerset County, twenty-two permits for surface mine sites and two for underground mine sites. Rosebud Mining Co. operates across two states, Pennsylvania and Ohio, with 1,285 employees. Rosebud Mining Co. is the third largest producer of coal in Pennsylvania and the twenty-first largest in the United States (rosebudmining.com).

PBS Coals Inc. is a subsidiary of Severstal, a leading international steel and steel related mining company. PBS Coals Inc. was founded in 1963 with its corporate office located just outside the Borough of Somerset in Friedens. PBS Coals Inc. employs 830 individuals to work and manage 17 active surface mining permits. PBS Coals Inc. currently has active operations on five of these sites. Acting as a subsidiary of PBS Coals Inc., Roxcoals Inc. runs the underground portion of their operations in Somerset. Roxcoals Inc. has five active underground mine sites/permits in Somerset County (pbscoals.severstal.com).

SITE ANALYSISInterstate 219 Highway Extension

Just recently, in the summer of 2013, funding was approved for the extension of Highway route 219 from Somerset to Meyersdale. Route 219 has followed its current route, following Berlin Plank Road and Mason Dixon Highway, since the 1970’s when funding for the project ran out. The new extension will stretch roughly 11 miles connecting Somerset to the Meyersdale bypass. To be constructed in three phases (earthwork, bridges, and pavement) the project is set to include six new bridges, the longest to span 1,100 feet and rise 216 feet above Buffalo Creek. The project is slated to cost an estimated $305 million and planned to be open to traffic by 2018 (Rock).


LEGENDUrbanRural TownState/Nat’l ParklandForest (Private Land)Cleared (Private Land)Major HwyMinor HwyProposed HwyLocal ArteryState LineCounty Line

Site


LEGENDUrbanRural TownFarmlandState/Nat’l ParklandForest (Private Land)Cleared (Private Land)Major HwyMinor HwyProposed HwyLocal ArteryState LineCounty Line

Site



SITE ANALYSIS

29

Site Documentation

The site for this project is 47.68 acres roughly 5 miles (9 miles by road) outside of the town of Berlin Pennsylvania. The site is on a southeast facing slope and is comprised primarily of abandoned farmfields. It is located at the end of Brushcreek Valley next to existing infrastructure and an existing permanent population. The site has only three small pre-existing structures which are temporary hand built out buildings for the purpose of hunting. The current population of Brushcreek valley is comprised mostly of older retired residents, but there is a small mix of families as well.

LIVING ON THE EDGE

Program Type and Description

Multi-family community comprised of 18 residences. Targeted demographics for community members are young/growing families and young professionals with a shared interest in an active lifestyle. The proposed program allows for reasonably sized housing units, attached rental units, the possibility of shared facilities for residents such as recreation and parking, and the potential of an agricultural aspect for the community.

The program also includes recreational units for seasonal use by sportsmen/women and other outdoor enthusiasts. These units may be rented out on a short term basis to seasonal visitors and will be owned and managed by the permamnent residents of the community to provide a small economic in flow.

Program Breakdown

Permanent ResidencesStudio 1015 sq.ft. x 6 units = 6090 sq.ft

1 Bedroom 1125 sq.ft. x 6 units = 6750 sq.ft.



Subtotals: 18 units = 21156 sq.ft.

Recreational Units 1746 sq.ft. x 12 units = 20952 sq.ft

Residential Total = 42108 sq.ft.

Community Spaces = 12230 sq.ft.

Built Total = 54338 sq.ft.

Community Fields = 60212 sq.ft.

30


Intentionally Blank

LIVING ON THE EDGE

Project ParametersAccessibility and other ADA requirements

In accordance with ADA standards, all public spaces are handicap accessible and all ramps are designed with a slope of no greater than 1” rise to 12” run. All residences are designed to house all necessary living functions on one level.

Recreational Units

Recreational units meet necessary dimensions for ADA standards and can be fitted with a wheelchair to allow for easy access to all floors of the units.

32


Intentionally Blank

33

34 LIVING ON THE EDGESite Plan


FALL SEMESTER DESIGN PROJECT

NOT TO SCALE Site Section

LIVING ON THE EDGE36 Building Plan NOT TO SCALE

Redefining Development in Rural Appalachia 37NOT TO SCALE Building Plan

LIVING ON THE EDGE38 Building Section NOT TO SCALE

Redefining Development in Rural Appalachia 39NOT TO SCALE Building Section

LIVING ON THE EDGE40 Building Section/Elevation NOT TO SCALE

Redefining Development in Rural Appalachia 41 Elevation NOT TO SCALE

LIVING ON THE EDGE42 Recreational Unit Plans NOT TO SCALE

Redefining Development in Rural Appalachia 43 Recreational Unit Elevation NOT TO SCALE

LIVING ON THE EDGE44 Recreational Unit Elevation/Section NOT TO SCALE

Redefining Development in Rural Appalachia 45 Wall Section NOT TO SCALE

LIVING ON THE EDGE46 Perspective

Redefining Development in Rural Appalachia 47 Perspective

LIVING ON THE EDGE48 Perspective

Redefining Development in Rural Appalachia 49 Perspective

LIVING ON THE EDGE

Many rural Appalachian communities have grown and prospered alongside the coal industry, however with the downturn of this industry and the resulting economic ramifications these communities are in danger of fading away. Younger residents of these regions are converging on more urban and suburban areas and abandoning the outlying rural communities. This is causing a harmful shift in the balance that has persevered in these regions between small towns and outpost communities for almost a century. As the populations of the small towns swell they tend to expand their borders recklessly. This careless sprawl must be prevented to save not only the land but the way of life of the people as well. To do this the rural communities must be revaluated in order to create an environment, which is more conducive to young professionals and families.

Rural Appalachian communities are highly sensitive to privacy, personal space and territory. Bearing this in mind will be extremely crucial in trying to concentrate the communities down to a more economically and socially sustainable size. By designing shared spaces and amenities the communities can learn from their urban relatives. Bringing in a dash of urban commodity, however, should not come at the cost of the rhythm of life these communities are known for. Proud and self-reliant, the people of Appalachia tend to love looking out their window and seeing an endless sea of green. In order to maintain this, it

is necessary to design in such a way that nature is invited into the community rather than pushed to the outskirts. The community must strive for a low and aesthetically pleasing visual impact.

Finally in looking forward with this type of community it may well be possible to build upon the remainders of the past in the future reclamation of surface mine sites which can be found in abundance throughout the Southern Appalachian Mountains. These sites tend to be near existing infrastructure and because they have already been stripped bare, they are a relatively blank slate for development and a much preferable option to the acre of prime farm and forest next door.

50

CONCLUSION

This exploration examines a new model for the growth and revitalization of the remote communities of the Southern Appalachian coalfields in light of the decay of the coal industry. The coal industry is beginning to enter an economic downswing that may in the long run spell the end of coal industry, causing young professionals and families to relocate within the region leading small towns to sprawl outwards eating up prime farm and forestland. The model proposed focuses on providing a foundation for the outlying rural communities to grow in a socially, economically, and environmentally sustainable fashion, by building upon the values and strengths of the existing social culture and vernacular architecture in order to save the delicate balance in the region.


Intentionally Blank


BIBLIOGRAPHYAltman, Irwin. The environment and social behavior : privacy, personal space, territory, crowding. Monterey, California: Brooks/Cole Pub. Co., 1975. Print.

Barker, Jim. Telephone Interview. 3 Oct 2013.

Campbell, Stuart. The Underground House Book. Garden Way, Inc., 1981. Print.

“Coal Utilization in the Steel Industry.” Independent Statistics & Analysis: U.S. Energy Information Administration. U.S. Energy Information Administration, n.d. Web. 9 Oct 2013. <http://www.eia.gov/coal/>.

“History of Somerset County.” The Official Website of Somerset County Chamber of Commerce . Somerset County Chamber of Commerce, n.d. Web. 6 Oct 2013. <http://www.somersetcountychamber.com/SomersetCounty/History.asp&xgt;.>

Mitchell, Gareth. “Coal Utilization in the Steel Industry.” Steel Works. American Iron and Steel Institute, n.d. Web. 9 Oct 2013. <http://www.steel.org/Making Steel/How Its Made/Processes/Processes Info/Coal Utilization in the Steel Industry.asp&xgt;.

Montrie, Chad . To Save the Land and People. The University of North Caronlina Press, 2003. print.

“Multi-Award Winning Unity Gardens.” Woodhead Living. Robert Woodhead Ltd., n.d. Web. 11 Oct 2013. <http://www.woodhead-living.co.uk/projects/multi-award-winning-unity-gardens/>.

“PBS Coals.” Severstal: PBS Coals. Severstal, n.d. Web. 9 Oct 2013. <http://pbscoals.severstal.com/eng/about/index.phtml>.

Rock, Vicki. “Route 219 earthwork is underway.” Daily American. 27 Sept 2013.

“Rosebud Mining Co.” Rosebud Mining Co. Rosebud Mining Co. , n.d. Web. 9 Oct 2013. <http://rosebudmining.com>.

SEArch Arcitects. “Earth-Sheltering: The Portfolio.” SEArch Architects. 2013. Web. 12 Oct 2013. <http://searcharchitects.co.uk/projects/current-projects/earth-sheltering/>

“Sea Ranch Condominiums.” Great Buildings. Artifice Inc., n.d. Web. 11 Oct 2013. <http://www.greatbuildings.com/buildings/Sea_Ranch_Condominium.html>.


BIBLIOGRAPHY“Steel Recycling Rates.” Steel Recycling Institute. Steel Recycling Institute, n.d. Web. 9 Oct 2013. <http://www.recycle-steel.org/en/Recycling Resources/Steel Recycling Rates.asp&xgt;.

Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977. Pub. L. 95-87. 3 August 1977. Title V. Print.

“Ten Things to Love About Rural Living.” Rural Living Today. Rural Living Today, 2013. Web. 10 Oct. 2013. <http://rurallivingtoday.com/quality-of-life/ten-love-rural-living/>.

Turnbull Griffin Haesloop Architects, , ed. “Sea Ranch Condominiums.” Turnbull Griffin Haesloop Architects. Turnbull Griffin Haesloop Architects, n.d. Web. 11 Oct 2013. <http://www.tgharchitects.com/aboutus/history/condos/>.

Ward, Philippa. “Long Sutton earth-sheltered social housing.” Down to Earth. Inside Housing, 10 Feb 2008. Web. 13 Oct 2013. <http://www.insidehousing.co.uk/down-to-earth/6501348.article>.

Wells, Malcolm. Gentle Architecture. 1st ed. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1981. Print.

Wells , Malcolm. Underground Designs. Cherry Hill, NJ: Malcolm Wells, 1977. Print.

Undergraduate Thesis: Living on the Edge - Redefining Development in Rural Appalachia

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