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© 2018 Nicolas Sharma
UCL Migration Research UnitUCL Department of GeographyUniversity College London26 Bedford WayLondon WC1H 0AP
www.geog.ucl.ac.uk/mru
LONDON’S GLOBAL UNIVERSITY
UCL Migration Research Unit
Working Papers
No. 2018/8
Third sector organisations and the de-politicisation of asylum governance
Nicolas Sharma
Working papers cover A4 (2xA5) dps Nicolas Sharma 2018 9.indd 1 08/01/2020 15:28
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Thirdsectororganisationsandthede-politicisationofasylumgovernance
Candidatenumber:NKPH4
Supervisor:ClaireDwyer
ThisresearchdissertationissubmittedfortheMScinGlobalMigrationat
UniversityCollegeLondon
2017
Nick Sharma
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Abstract:
De-politicisationhasemergedasadefiningfeatureofasylumgovernanceinthe
UK.Stemmingfromaneoliberalrationality,de-politicisationhastwomain
features.First,responsibilitiesaretransferredfromthestatetothenon-state
sphere.Second,asylumisdiscursivelyrenderedasathreattobemanaged,
alternativeapproachesareclosedoffanddiscourseislimitedtotechnocratic
issues.Thisdissertationisanexaminationofhowstrategiesofde-politicisation
haveaffectedthirdsectororganisations(TSOs)onthegroundinBristol.Building
onrecenttrendswithinmigrationscholarship,itworkswithaframeworkthatis
informedbyanti-essentialistnotionsofstatepowerandfocusesontheactionsof
anetworkofnon-stateactorswithinaspecificlocality.Themethodologyused
hereinvolvestworesearchapproaches-street-levelsearchesasdescribedby
theBelowtheRadarReferenceGroupattheThirdSectorResearchCentre,and
semi-structuredinterviewswiththirdsectorworkers.Thismethodology
capturesboththematerialanddiscursiveeffectsofandreactionstode-
politicisation,andhelpsusunderstandthevolitionalconductofTSOs.Whatwill
bedemonstratedisthatpracticesanddiscourseswithinasylumgovernanceare
notfixedbutareinsteadconstantlybeingchangedanddevelopedastheytake
shapeontheground.De-politicisationhasresultedinatransferof
responsibilitiestothethirdsector,howeverbelowthesurfaceoftheexpanding
roleofTSOsinasylumservicesandsupportthereisanon-goingformationof
counter-hegemonicdiscourse.Throughacoerciveengenderingofaction,TSOs
havebeenmotivatedtoexpandtheiractivities,howeverthisdoesnotmeanthey
havebeenco-optedintohegemonicdiscourseormanipulatedbylegaland
financialstatediscipline.Instead,thecurrentalignmentofasylumTSOsinBristol
meansthatagreatdealofpowerlieswithactorswhoarenotintrinsicallytiedto
theaims,idealsorinterestsofthestate,andwhoareabletobuildcounter-
hegemonicdiscoursesinoppositiontotheneoliberalrationalityofthestate’s
asylumgovernance.
Wordcount:11899
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Contents:
Introduction–p.5
Chapter1TurningLocal–p.7
1.1 Movingonfrommethodologicalnationalism–p.7
Chapter2:Asylumandthethirdsector–p.10
2.1Governmentalanddiscursivede-politicisation:Neoliberalismandasyluminthe
UK–p.10
2.2Subcontractorsandhandmaidens:Pessimisticviewsofthethirdsector–p.14
2.3Hegemony,counter-hegemonyandcoercion:Gramscianconceptsandthethird
sector–p.15
Chapter3:Methodology–p.17
3.1Phaseone:street-levelsearches–p.18
3.2Phasetwo:interviews–p.20
Chapter4:Analysis–p.22
4.1Forms,missionsandsocialcompositions-p.22
4.2Market-orientedtransferofresponsibilitiesp.24
4.3Resistinggoaldisplacement–p.27
4.4Independenceandautonomy-p.29
4.5Coerciveengenderingofaction–p.31
4.6Counter-hegemonicchallengestode-politicisation–p.33
Conclusion–p.37
Bibliography–p.38
Initialproposal–p.48
Researchdiary–p.53
Interviewschedule–p.56
Interviewtranscriptextract–p.58
CoveringLetter–p.62
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Introduction
Inrecentyearsgrowingnumbersofmigrationscholarshavebeenmovedbya
realisationthat‘localitymatters’(Caglar&GlickSchiller2011:1).Severaltrends
ortendencieswithinthescholarshiphaveresultedfromthis,allofwhich
intersectinthattheygive‘moreattentiontothelocaldimension’(Hingeretal.
2016:441).Thisdissertationisanattempttosynthesisethesetendenciesand
applythemtothestudyofaparticularphenomenonthathasincreasingly
definedthegovernanceofasylumintheUK:de-politicisation.Inhisresearchon
asylumgovernanceintheUK,JonathanDarlinghashighlightedpervasive
practiceswhich‘servetodepoliticisethoseseekingasylumintheUK’(Darling
2013:1).Neoliberalatitscoreandshapedbythedemandsofausterity,de-
politicisationinvolvesthetransferralofasylum-relatedfunctionsfromthe
governmentaltothenon-governmentalsphere.Alongsidethis,thecreationofa
discourseinwhichasylumseekersandrefugees(ASRs)areframedasa
threateningpresencetobepolicedandregulated,restrictstheboundariesof
politicaldebateasdiscourseincreasinglyconcernsitselfwithtechnocraticissues
of“managing”ASRs.Understandinghowasylumde-politicisationworksisvital
forunderstandingasylumtrendsacrosstheglobe,asitisinformedbya
hegemonicneoliberalrationalitytowhichmanygovernmentshavelong
subscribed.Beyonditsprevalenceasamodeofasylumgovernance,itis
importantalsobecauseofitsseriousimpactonthelivesofASRs,whichcanbe
seeninthewidespreadmarginalisationofASRsinsociety,unabletoaccessstate
welfareandostracisedfromthenativepopulation.
Theaimofthisdissertationistoexaminehowthedualstrandsofgovernmental
anddiscursivede-politicisationarerealisedatalocallevel.Thecasestudy
developedthroughthisresearchisBristol,oneoftheeightmembersoftheCore
CitiesGroup,thereasonbeingthatithasawell-establishedasylumthirdsector,
alargeASRpopulation,andIampersonallyfamiliarwithit.Incarryingoutthis
localexaminationthisdissertationwillhighlightthe‘underestimatedrelevance
ofthelocalcontext’(Hingeretal.2016:461)indetermininghowsuchpractices
takeshape.Inordertodosoitwillbringtogetherthreetendencieswithin
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migrationscholarshipthattogetherformacoherentframeworkforacritical
examinationofthepoliticalgeographyofasylumintheUK.Takingthecityof
Bristolasadiscretelocalityinwhichde-politicisationisgrounded,itwill
foregroundthirdsectororganisations(TSOs)asthekeyactorsbywhichpolicies
andpracticesareembodied.Thethirdsectoristhe‘sectoroforganizedhuman
actioncomposedofcollectiveactorsbeyondthefamilyanddistinctfromthe
stateandthemarket’(Viternaetal.2015:175),andTSOsareintimatelybound
upintheprocessofde-politicisation,havingthepotentialtobothfacilitateand
contestit.Itwillthenexaminetheirinteractionswithde-politicisationwithina
Gramscianconceptualframework.WithitsoriginsinGramsci’swritingsoncivil
society,GramscianismcanhelpelucidatetheactionsofTSOsandthemotivations
behindthoseactionsthroughwell-establishedconcepts.Thede-politicisationof
asylumiscertainlyanationalphenomenon,evenaglobalone,howeverthe
degreetowhichitisrealisedineachplaceisdictatedbyspecificallylocal
configurationsofasylumgovernance.Throughtheuseofthisframeworkthis
dissertationwilldemonstratethatTSOscanbecoercedintofacilitatingde-
politicisation,howevertheyarealsoabletocontestit.
Beginningwithamoredetailedreviewofthetendencieswithinmigration
scholarshipthathaveinformedtheshapeanddirectionofthisstudy,this
dissertationwillthenmoveontodiscusstheliteratureonneoliberalismandde-
politicisation,beforefinishingtheliteraturereviewwithaconsiderationof
relevantthirdsectorliteratureandthekeyGramsciantheoriesthatwillbe
drawnoninlaterchapters.Chapter3willthenpresentthemethodologyusedin
thisresearch,whichconsistsoftwodifferentdata-gatheringtechniquesusedin
successivephases,andaddressitsmeritsandlimitations.Finally,theempirical
findingsoftheresearchwillbeanalysedinchapter4.Thischapterwillbegin
withareviewofthedifferentforms,missionsandsocialcompositionsofasylum
TSOsinBristol,highlightingagrass-rootsoriginandtheparticipationofASRsas
commonalitiesacrossthesector(4.1).Itwillthenoutlinethede-politicising
market-orientedtransferofresponsibilitieswhichistakingplaceandhowTSOs
areincreasinglytakingonrolesofwelfareprovision(4.2).Incontrasttothe
findingsofotherstudies,whatwillbedemonstratedisthatTSOshave
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neverthelessmaintainedafocusontheirsubstantivegoals(4.3),asituationin
partexplainedbytherelativeautonomyandindependenceofthesector(4.4).
TSOs’acceptanceofnewrolesandresponsibilitiescanbeunderstoodinpartasa
responsetoacoerciveengenderingofaction(4.5),andthischapterwillconclude
byexploringthewaysinwhichTSOscontinuetodevelopcounter-hegemonic
challengestodiscursivede-politicisation(4.6).
Chapter1:TurningLocal
Withinthewidefieldofmigrationscholarshipitispossibletoidentifyseveral
trendsthathavedevelopedinrecentyearsfollowingcriticismsof
methodologicalnationalism.Thischapterwilladdresstheissueof
methodologicalnationalismbeforegoingontoconsiderhowsomeresearchers
havedevelopednewapproachesandperspectivesthatmoveawayfromthe
nationstateasthekeysiteofstudy.Instead,agrowingnumberofstudiesshare
aninterestinexploringissuesofmigrationatalocallevel,eitherbyinvestigating
differentspaces,examiningdifferentactorsordevelopinganti-essentialist
notionsofstatepower.
1.1Movingonfrommethodologicalnationalism
Writingin2010,Gillnotedthattherehaslongbeena‘strongassociation
betweenthenotionofarefugeeandthenotionofstates’(Gill2010:626).The
effectofthisassociationhasbeenatendencywithinmuchworkaround
migration,refugeesandasylumtofocusonthenationstateasa‘keysiteofstudy,
analysisandcritique’(Darling2016a:485).Beginninginthe1970s(Martins
1974),someresearchersbegantovocallyquestionthe‘consistency,coherence
andauthority’(Darling2016b:178)thatmigrationresearchhadtypically
assumedofnationstates,aswellasthepervasivemethodologicalapproach
whichfocussedalmostexclusiveonnationalmodels(Schmidtke2014:79).
HerminoMartinsfirstcriticallydescribedthisas‘methodologicalnationalism’in
1974(Martins1974),atermlaterelaboratedbyAndreasWimmerandNina
Glick-Schillertorefertoanintellectualorientationwhichtiesitselftoa
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frameworkestablishedbypolicymakersand‘confinesdiscussionsofsocial
processeswithinnationalboundaries’(Caglar&GlickSchiller2011:9).Spurred
onbythedevelopingcriticismofmethodologicalnationalismmanystudieshave
soughttogobeyondanalysisatthenationallevel(Emilsson2015:1).The
traditionalfocusonnationstateshasbeensupplementedwithaconcernfor
exploringwithinnationstates(Darling2016a:485),andfurthermorewitha
growinginterestinaddressingquestionslonglefttopoliticaltheoristsabout
whatastateactuallyis.
Aspartofageneralrejectionofmethodologicalnationalismwecanidentifya
tendencytofocusattentiononresearchingmigrationatdifferentscalesandin
differentspaces.Thistrendreflectsandbuildsonthewidespreadsocial-
scientificinterestinexploringissuesofscaleandthedifferentiationbetween
local,regional,national,transnationalandglobalgeographicunits,which
developedintheearly1990’s(Brenner2011:23).In2015Platts-Fowlerand
Robinsonemphasisedtheimportanceofrecognisingthatmanyaspectsof
migrationare‘groundedandembodiedinspaceandplaceandthatdespite
proceedingunderthesamegeneraloperativeprocesses,canevolveindistinctive
waysindifferentplaces’(Platts-Fowler&Robinson2015:476).Echoesofthis
argumentcanbefoundspanningbackoverthedecade.Inthistimetherehas
beenanemphasisonthe‘localaspectsofintegrationandmigration’(Emilsson
2015:1),withstudiesexploringtheheterogeneityofmigrationpolicieswithin
nation-states(Hilber&Baraulina2012).Withregardstointegration,focushas
shiftedfromnationalmodelstounderstandingwhetherandhownational
policiesareimplementedatthelocallevel(Schmidtke2014:1).Cities,reception
centresandrefugeecampshaveallsurfacedaspopularsitesofstudy(Rygiel
2012;Sanyal2012),bothreflectingandfosteringaninterestinexploringthe
dynamicsofpolicyimplementationinwidelydifferentcontexts(Darling2016a:
485).Itappearsthatmigrationscholarshipisincreasinglyacknowledgingthat‘it
isbothconceptuallymisleadingandfactuallyincorrecttospeakofasingle–
national–modelresponsiblefortheformationofimmigrationandintegration
policies’(Schmidtke2014:80).
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Asmigrationscholarshiphasconcerneditselfwithexploringdifferentscalesand
spacesithasalsobeguntoaddressmoreandmorethedifferentactorswho
populatethesespaces.Thisis,again,reflectiveofawidershiftinthesocial-
sciencesoccurringinthe1990s,whenglobalgovernanceemergedasa
prominentresearchagenda(Sending&Neumann2006:651)followinghoton
theheelsofregimetheoryanditsshakeupofthestudyofinternational
relations.Acentralelementofbothofthesetheoreticaldevelopmentswasa
growthininterestintheplaceandroleofnon-stateactors.Withinmigration
scholarshipdifferentnongovernmentalgroupsandactorssuchasmigrant
supportgroups(MacKenzieetal.2012),refugeecommunityorganisations
(Piacentini2012)andsocialmovements(Koca2016)havesincebeensubjectto
morescholarlyattention.AnissueofForcedMigrationReviewpublishedearly
thisyearprominentlyfeaturedseveraldiscussionsonrecognisingtheroleof
Non-governmentalOrganisations(NGOs)inrefugeeresettlement(Slaughter
2017),atopicwhichhad‘longbeenneglected’(Snyder2011:565).Inthe
Europeancontext,NGOsandvolunteergroupsactiveoutsidetraditionalstate
frameworkshavebeenseentoplayakeyroleinalleviatingthesufferingof
migrantsandhavethusbeenthefocusofaburgeoningareaofresearch
(Sotiropoulos&Bourikos2014;Chtouris&Miller2017).Theempiricalfindings
ofresearchintonon-stateactorssupportcriticismsofstate-centricityand
methodologicalnationalismbyhighlightingnotonlytheirimportantrolein
differentareasofmigrationgovernancebutalsothedynamicrelationships
betweentheseactorsandthestate.Indeed,asnewsetsofactorsgainpowers
andresponsibilities(Gill2009:215)migrationscholarshavebeenledto
criticallyexaminetheconceptsofstateandstatepowerwhichtheyemploy.
AccordingtoNickGill‘researchintoforcedmigrationhasnotbeenreadily
associatedwithanyparticularstatetheory’.Insteadthestatehasoftenbeen
conceivedofasanessentialentity,‘standingapartfromsocietyandactingupon
itfromadistance’(Gill2010:627),atendencyinformedbytheintellectual
orientationsofmethodologicalnationalism.Innovativeresearchinrecentyears
hasworkedwithanti-essentialistconceptsofthestate,inGill’s(Gill2010:639)
opinionconstitutingan‘emergingcriticalasylumgeography’.Chiefamongst
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these,andofcriticalimportancetothisdissertation,arethoseworkswhichhave
acknowledgedthe‘differentformsofstatepower,includinggovernmental
power’(Gill2010:639).Researchinthisveinhasexploredthe‘enrolmentof
discretionary,dispersed,non-stateandquasi-stateactorsintostate-orchestrated
andstate-managed(butnotstate-executed)practices’(Gill2009:218).Inthe
currentEuropeancontextthisbandofthoughtfindsmuchtractiondueto
widespreadrecognitionthatmemberstateshavebyandlargeallmadeeffortsto
reducethedirectroleofthestateinmeetingthewelfareneedsofforced
migrants,andthatresponsibilityforsuchprovisionhasinsteadbeendevolvedto
myriadpublic,privateandvoluntaryactorswhooperateatinternational,
regionalandlocallevels(Dwyer2005:622).Inordertoexplorehowpoweris
exercisedthroughincreasinglycomplexnetworksofgovernancesome
researchershaveturnedawayfromessentialistnotionsofthestatewhichrefer
onlytolegalconstraintsandfinancialcurtailments.
Thetendenciesoutlinedabove-theexplorationofhowpoliciesarerealisedin
differentspaces,theroleofdifferentactorsandthedynamicsofasylumsector
governance-shareaninterestinlocalityandthelocaldimensionoflarge
migration-relatedphenomenon.Somestudieshavesynthesisedthesetendencies
toanalysespecificprocesses,forexampleHingeretalhavedevelopeda
frameworkforstudyingthelocaldimensionofasylumhousinginGermanand
theprocessbywhichitisnegotiated.Thisdissertationwillattempttofollow
theirleadbylookingataspecificlocalityinordertoseehowthebroader
dynamicsofaparticularphenomenon(de-politicisation)areactually
constituted,addressingtheroleofnon-stateactors(TSOs)andinformedbya
non-essentialistviewofthestateandstatepower(Gramscianism).
Chapter2:Asylumandthethirdsector
Thischapterwillbeginbyoutliningthebroaderlegal-politicalframeworkof
asylumintheUK,exploringhowasylumpoliciesandpracticesstemfroma
“neoliberalrationality”.Inparticularitwilladdresshowstrategiesofde-
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politisationhavetransferredasylum-relatedfunctionsfromthegovernmentalto
thenongovernmentalsphereandcreatedadiscourseofasylumasamanagerial
concern.Itwillthenmoveontoconsiderhowanawarenessofsuchstrategiesin
theUKandelsewherehaveledsomethirdsectorscholarshiptoviewthesector
as‘co-opted’bythestate(McCabe2010:7).Theseviewshavebeencriticizedas
pessimisticfortheirreductivesuggestionsthatthirdsectororganisationsareon
a‘uni-directionalcoursetowardsthestate’(Carey2008:14),andincreasingly
researchersaredrawingonGramscianconceptsthatarerelevanttostudiesof
thethirdsector.ThechapterwillfinishbyconsideringGramscianconceptsof
hegemony,counter-hegemonyandcoercion,andhighlighthowtheysupporta
nuancedframeworkforanalyzingthethirdsector.
2.1Governmentalanddiscursivede-politicisation:Neoliberalismandasylum
intheUK
SincetheelectionofMargaretThatcherin1979,whoseGovernmentwasa
‘defining,vanguardproject’ofneoliberalism(Springer2010:1028),successive
UKGovernmentshaveoperatedaccordingtoaneoliberalrationality.
“Neoliberalism”canherebeunderstoodasanassemblageof‘rationalities,
strategies,technologiesandtechniques’(Springer2010:1032)thatimbue
political,economicandsocialarrangementswithanemphasisonmarket
relations,minimalstatesandindividualresponsibility.Thecruxofneoliberalism
canbeseentolieinthe‘transferoftheoperationsofgovernment…tonon-state
entities’(Ferguson&Gupta2002:989),producing,insteadoflessgovernment,a
‘newmodalityofgovernment’(Darling2016c:232)whichfacilitates‘governance
atadistance’(Springer2010:1033).Oneofthekeystrategiesorprocesses
throughwhichthisisachievedisde-politicisation.Thisinvolvesbotha
governmentalmode,inwhichthereisamarket-orientedtransferof
responsibilities,andadiscursivemode,inwhichthistransfer‘becomescommon
sense’(Darling2016c:239)andparticularconcernsaredisplacedfrompolitical
discussionsas‘thedebatesurroundinganissuebecomestechnocratic,
managerial,ordisciplinedtowardsasinglegoal’(Wood&Flinders2014:151).In
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thecontextofasylumthismeansthetransferofwelfareandother
responsibilitiesfromthestatetothethirdsector,alongsidetheframingofASRs
asaburdentobemanaged.
Agovernmentalde-politicisationofasylumisclearlyvisiblethroughoutthelast
twodecades.NewLabour’sapproachtothethirdsectorwastiedinwiththeir
widerpromotionofa‘ThirdWay’inpublicpolicyplanning,whichemphasiseda
relianceonamixofstateandmarketforces,assessedonthebasisof‘what
mattersiswhatworks’(Jonesetal.2015:2066).ThecoreelementofNew
Labour’sapproachtothethirdsectorthusrevolvedaroundpursuingcloserand
bettermanagedrelationsintheformofpartnerships,whichweretobegoverned
bynationalandlocal‘compacts’whichoutlinedguidelinesfortherelationships
betweenthetwoparties(Halfpenny&Reid2002:521).Withtheintroductionof
theNationalAsylumSupportServicein2000asylumseekersweredispersedto
accommodationaroundthecountryandprovidedwithfinancialsupportat70%
ofincomesupport(Halfpenny&Reid2002:522).Amixtureofsuppliers
includingprivateproviders,localauthoritiesandTSOstookupcontractsfor
housingprovision,andTSOsworkingwithASRsgrewinsizeandnumberand
increasinglytookonroleswhichinvolvedclosecollaborationwiththestate.
TheConservativeandLiberalDemocratCoalitionGovernmentwhichcameto
powerin2010largelycontinuedthepreviousGovernment’sapproachtothird
sectorrelationsthroughtheirvocalpromotionofthe‘BigSociety’policy
programme.WhileithasneverbeencompletelyclearwhattheCoalition
Government’svisionoftheBigSocietyreallyentailed(Rowsonetal.2010:62),
beyondrhetoricof‘turningGovernmentupsidedown’wecanseethatthe
Coalitionpursuedestablishedpolicyobjectivesofdevolvingpowerstothelocal
level,reconfiguringserviceprovisionandgivingnon-stategroupsagreaterrole
inthedeliveryofGovernmentpolicyagendas(McCabe2010:4).Onesubstantial
policydiscontinuitybetweenthetwoGovernmentshasbeenrightlyhighlighted
inthehugereductionofGovernmentfundingforthethirdsectorthatoccurred
asaresultofausterity(McCabe2010:6).Followingthe2008FinancialCrisisthe
CoalitionGovernment,inlinewithmanyGovernmentsacrossEuropeandthe
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world,implementedaraftofausteritypolicieswhichinvolvedhugespending
cutsacrossGovernment(Darling2016a:487).Whilethethirdsectorhad
previouslygrownthanksinparttocontractingandincreasedGovernment
funding(McCabe2010:6),spendingcutscausedvastdifficultiesacrossthethird
sector(PricewaterhouseCoopers2012:2).However,austerityalsofostered
furthermarketizationofwelfareprovisionandfurtherwithdrawalofstate
supportforASRs,andsowhileTSOshadlessfundingtheyoftenhadgreater
responsibilities(PricewaterhouseCoopers2012).Theapproachesofboth
Governmentstothirdsectorrelationswereclearlyneoliberalincharacter,
involvingatransferofresponsibilitiesoutsideofthestatesphereandthe
involvementofTSOsasmechanismsfordeliveringformerlypublicservices.
Alongsidegovernmentalde-politicisationitisalsoapparentthatadiscursivede-
politicisationhasbeentakingplace.Togetherwithnationalisticrhetoricof
‘protecting’thesovereignstateand‘maintaining’borders,dominantasylum
discoursepositionsASRsaseconomicallyundesirableandathreattosocial
cohesion(Bakkeretal.2016:118;Luecketal.2015:608;Moore2013:356).The
widespreadusageof‘hydraulicmetaphors’byGovernmentministersandinthe
popularpress,whichimaginemigrantsas‘floods’or‘swarms’goeshandinhand
withdepictionsofasylumseekersas‘bogus’,‘undeserving’and‘illegitimate’
(White2002:3).Thesemetaphorsanddepictionstookonparticularemphasisin
thelightofanausteritynarrativethatasanationweneededto“tightenbelts”
andthattherewasnotenoughtogoaround(Perlo2012).Theconfluenceof
thesenarrativesgenerates‘survivalistemotions’,evokingnotionsofthenation
being‘fullup,overcrowded’(Anderson2017:57).Thenarrationofan‘asylum
problem’naturalisestheperceptionofasylumseekersasanunwantedelement
within(Darling2013:81),reinforcesimaginingsofasylumseekersas
‘problematicpresences’andfostersadiscursivede-politicisationinwhichtheir
entranceandpresencebecomesomethingtobepolicedormanagedaccordingto
‘logicsofproceduralefficiencyandemergencymeasures’(Darling2016c:231).
Oncethethreatofasylumseekersdrainingthenationsscarceresourceshasbeen
asserted,politicalalternativestotheGovernment’sapproachofdeterringtheir
accesstotheseresourcesbecomeincreasinglycontentious.Asdiscourseisde-
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politicised,theboundariesofdebatesolidifyaroundquestionsof‘regulations,
risks,quantificationandprocedure’ratherthan‘politicalrights,political
alternativesandhumanlives’(Darling2013:82).
2.2Subcontractorsandhandmaidens:Pessimisticviewsofthethirdsector
Overthelastseveraldecadesanumberofgovernmentsaroundtheglobehave
engagedinamarket-orientedtransferofresponsibilities,atrendwhichhasbeen
viewedcriticallybymanyresearchers.InthisviewTSOsare‘merely
perpetuatingthewillofthestate’(Carey2008:11)bycarryingoutrolesand
functionsthatpreviouslyhad‘unambiguouslyresidedinthestatesphere’(Gill
2009:216).TSOsareconditionedintothispositionthroughtheuseof
conditionalfundingandwiderlegalandadministrativeregulationsthatdirect
theiractionsintheinterestsofthestate.IntheUKcontext,researchinthisvein
suggeststhattheprocessofcontractingandpartnershipinstitutesTSOsasapart
ofthesystemofgovernance(Carmel&Harlock2008:167).Inordertoqualify
forfundingTSOshavetoconformto‘systemsofregulation,inspectionandaudit’
(Clarke2004:36)thatshapehowtheyfunctionandwhattheydo.Thistiesintoa
widerassertionthatforNGOsadependencyonstate-aligneddonorsandthe
stateforfundingcaneffectivelymakethemsubcontractorsofthestateoreven
para-statalorganisational(Kaldor2003:21).Furthermore,byprovidinga‘social
safetynet’(Kaldor2003:16)TSOsareenablingthe‘withdrawalofthestate’
(MacKenzie2012:263)andthusactingasan‘importantmechanism’(Kaldor
2003:16)fortheimplementationofaneoliberalagenda.
Oneofthemostprevalentperspectivesofthethirdsectorwhichtakesthisview
isdescribedbyOlafCorryasthegovernmentalview(Corry2010:16).This
approachstemsfromMichelFoucalt’swritingsonthenatureofmodern
governmentandhistheoryofgovernmentality,atermheusedtorefertothe
‘conductofconducts’,orthepracticesbywhichthestategovernstheconductof
others(MacKinnon2000:295).Governmentalitythendescribesthesystemof
‘discourseandtechniquesorinstitutionsthatallowcertainpracticestoflourish
andotherstoappearimpossible’(Corry2010:16),andagovernmentalviewof
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thethirdsectorseesitaspartoforevenatoolofthedominantorderandits
discoursesandinstitutionsasthemeansbywhichacertainkindofgovernanceis
achieved(Corry2010:16).Statepoweristhusregulatory–itworksthrough
institutionsandinducesindividualstoconformtosocialnorms(Carey2008:12),
andTSOsformpartoftheapparatusbywhichgovernmentsareableto‘govern
atadistance’(Carey2008:12)and‘producethemoralregulationofthechoices
ofautonomousindividuals’(Gilbert&Powell2009:7).Thegovernmentalview
hasbeencriticizedbyRaymondBryantforreflectingtooheavilyFoucalt’sown
pessimism(Bryant2002:271),andbyCorryforbeingtoo‘reductionist’inits
analysis(Corry2010:17),reducingTSOstomerelythe‘handmaidens’of
governmentality,andthethirdsectorasawholetolittlemorethanatoolfor
orderingsociety.InthelightofthiscriticismGramscianperspectiveshavebeen
gainingtractionwithinthirdsectorscholarship.
2.3Hegemony,counter-hegemonyandcoercion:Gramscianconceptsandthe
thirdsector
Whilediverseintheirdetails,theseconceptshavealldevelopedfromthe
writingsofAntonioGramsci,theItalianMarxisttheoristandpolitician.Gramsci
iscreditedwithdevelopinga‘culturallyandinstitutionallysensitive
interpretationofMarxisttheory’(Gale1998:270),andhiswritingsoncivil
society,whichhelocatedasastructuralthirdsectorbetweenthestateandthe
economicrealm(Katz2006:334;Viternaetal.2015:178),havebeentakenup
bylaterauthors.Gramscianismbroadenedtheunderstandingofhowpoweris
exercisedbyhighlighting‘opinion-mouldingactivity’aboveandbeyond
traditionaleconomicandmilitaryfactors(Sønderriis2011:33).Attractingthe
attentionoflocalgovernanceresearchersitwaswidelytakenupasabroad
conceptualframeworkfor‘assessinghowgovernanceischannelledand
deliveredthroughlocalstateinstitutions’(MacKinnon2000:294).WhileStuart
Hallcautionedthatitdoesnotoffera‘generalsocialsciencewhichcanbe
appliedtotheanalysisofsocialphenomenaacrossawidecomparativerangeof
historicalsocieties’(Hall1986:5),heneverthelesssharedtheviewthatitoffers
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atheoreticalbasisfromwhichtoanalysethe‘dynamicsofcontemporarypolitical
contests’(Hall1986:5).
Gramscianconceptsofferausefulframeworkforexaminingthethirdsector
becauseitprovidesbothameansofunderstandingwhatTSOsaredoing,through
thetheoryofhegemonyandcounter-hegemony,andameansofunderstanding
whyTSOsaredoingthesethings,throughtheconceptofcoercion.Hegemony,
accordingtoGramsci,isthedominantwayoflifeandthought,diffusedthrough
societyandinformingitsnorms,values,practicesandsocialrelations(Katz
2006:335).Alongsidehegemonythereisasimultaneousmovementofcounter-
hegemony(Katz2006:336),andwhilehegemonymaintainsthepositionofthe
rulingclass,counter-hegemonypromotesare-arrangementofsocialforces.
Hegemonyisthus‘contingentandunstable’(Levy&Egan2003:807),andthe
thirdsector,accordingtoGramscianthought,canbeseenasazoneof
contestationinwhichsocialforcesviefordominance(Corry2010:17).Inthis
perspectiveTSOareeitherutilisedbytherulingclassto‘formandmaintainits
hegemony’(Katz2006:335),ortheyactassitesandinstitutionsfromwhich‘an
alternativesocialordercanmaterialise’(Sønderriis2011:34).TheGramscian
emphasisonthewayinwhichnon-stateforcesandactorsinsocietycanbeco-
optedbythestateissimilarinitsanalysistothegovernmentalview,howeverit
ismorenuancedinallowingforthepotentialforsocialchangetomaterialise
withinthethirdsector.Itisimportanttonotethathegemonyandcounter-
hegemonyarenotastrictdichotomy,andTSOscanbecomplicatedinboth
promotingandchallenginghegemonysimultaneously.Nevertheless,asa
frameworkthistheoryenablesustomorefullyappreciatewhatTSOsare
actuallydoingbeyondanevaluationofactivitiesandoutcomes.Instead,weare
abletoanalysethethirdsectoras‘thebalanceofsocialforcesinsociety’(Corry
2010:18),andseespecificactionsaseitherfurtheringorcounteringhegemonic
discourses;eitherreinforcingtheexistingsocialorderordeveloping
alternatives.
Whilehegemonyandcounter-hegemonycanhelpusunderstandwhatTSOsare
doing,theycannotexplaininandofthemselveswhyTSOsareactinginthese
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ways.UsingGramsciantheoriesofcoercionenablesustoexaminethemyriad
strategiesbywhichTSOscanbeco-optedintohegemonicdiscourses.Two
attributesoftheGramsciannotionofcoercionareofparticularrelevancehere.
First,theunderstandingthathegemonycanforma‘coerciveorthodoxy’(Katz
2006:335),inculcatingactorswiththedesiretoactinprescribedways.Inthis
waycoercionoffersaframeworkforexploringhowdominantdiscoursescan
directtheactivitiesofTSOsasmuchasdisciplinarystrategies.Second,the
recognitionthatdisciplinarystrategiescancompelactorstoperformcertain
taskswithoutresortingtoovertlegaloradministrativemanipulation(Carey
2008:12-14).Here,ratherthanseeingTSOswhichcomplywithandfacilitate
neoliberalrationalitiesas“handmaidens”,thinkingabouttheactionsofTSOsas
responsestocoercionencouragesustorecognisehowconsentcanstemfrom
actorsbeing‘outflankedratherthanbrainwashed’(Levy&Egan2003:808).
InrevealingpreviouslyhiddenpressureswhichTSOsmustconstantlynegotiate
theGramsciantheoryofcoercionenablesustobetterunderstandthe‘volitional
conduct’(Gill2009:219)ofactorswithinthethirdsector.
Chapter3:Methodology
Exploringhowde-politicisationhasbeenrealisedatalocallevelrequireda
combinationofdifferentsourcesandtypesofdata.Thisdataneededtocapture
bothitsmaterialeffectsasresponsibilitiesandfundingmovearoundandthe
workthatpeopledochanges,anditsdiscursiveeffectsasthediscoursepeople
useismouldedandinturnmouldspeople’sbeliefsandperceptions.First,I
neededto‘map’asylumthirdsectoractivityinBristolanddevelopa
comprehensivepictureofthevariousorganisations,theirstructuresandforms
oforganisation,theworktheydid,theirstatedaims,theirfundingsources,the
peoplewhoworkedforthem,andhowtheyhavegrownandchangedoverrecent
years.Second,Ineededtoheartheperspectivesofthosewhoworkedwithinthe
sectortounderstandthedynamicsofrelationshipsacrossthesectorand
betweenthegovernmentalandnon-governmentalsphere,theproblemsand
difficultiesTSOsfaced,theinternalchangeswithinTSOs,howgovernment
policieswereperceived,thelanguagewithwhichthirdsectorworkersdescribed
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theirworkandhowtheyunderstoodtheirownrolesandpositionsinBristol.To
achievethis,thisresearchusedacombinationoftwoseparatedatacollection
methodsemployedinsuccessivephases.
3.1Phaseone:street-levelsearches
ThefirstphaseofresearchwaslargelybasedonworkdonebytheBelowthe
RadarReferenceGroupattheThirdSectorResearchCentreinBirmingham.This
groupwasformedin2009inresponsetoagrowingawarenessofthelackof
informationon‘small,voluntaryorbelowtheradaractivity’intheThirdSector
(McCabeetal.2010:4).Wecangetasenseofresearchers’interestinsuch
groupsfromToepler’sstatementthat‘perhapsoneofthefewremainingbig
mysteriesinnon-profitsectorresearchisthequestionofwhatwearemissingby
excludingthoseorganisationsfromempiricalinvestigationsthatarenoteasily
capturedinstandarddatasources’(Toepler2003:236).Adoptingtheterm
‘BelowtheRadar’asshorthandfor‘smallvoluntaryorganisations,community
groupsandsemi-formalandinformalactivitiesinthethirdsector’(Soteri-
Proctor2011:2)theTSRCbegandevelopingaresearchstrategyforthispartof
thesector.Whilethisresearchisnotsolelyconcernedwith“belowtheradar”
TSOsIfeltthatbeginningfromtheirmethodologywouldallowmetodevelopas
comprehensiveapictureofthirdsectoractivityaspossible.
TheapproachoutlinedbytheTSRCisopenandflexible;thereisnoparticular
sequenceofactivities(Soteri-Proctor2011:9).Theirstrategyinvolvesgoing
beyondofficialrecordsbycollatingdatafromlocalagenciestosupplement
largeradministrativerecordsbeforeconducting‘street-level’mappinginorder
tofindallorganisationalactivitytakingplacewithinsmalllocalareas.Mytakeon
itinvolvedfirstusingBristolCityCouncil’s(BCCs)websitetofindalltherelevant
spacesandlocationswithinthearea,whichincludedcommunitycentres,
communitynoticeboards,jobcentres,faith-basedbuildings,healthcentres,
libraries,sportsfacilitiesandearlylearningeducationproviders.Thesewere
chosenbecauseoftheirpotentialtobeintegratedintoasylumservicesor
support.Ithenmappedoutwalkingroutesaroundthecitywhichconnected
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around150oftheseandoverthecourseof6daysIvisitingthesepointsof
interest,conductinginformal,fact-findingchatsandconversationswith
volunteers,attendingevents,andoftenstoppinginshopsandbusinessesonthe
routetotalktolocalpeople.TheseconversationsgavemeasenseofwhichTSOs
werethebiggestandmostactive,thetypesofworktheyweredoing,the
physical,culturalandpoliticalenvironmentinwhichtheywereworkingandthe
kindsofproblemstheywerefacing,allofwhichinformedmylaterdiscussions.
DuetotimeconstraintsIcouldnotvisitall,andcontactedaround100
communitycentresbyphoneinsteadofinperson.Alongsidemystreet-level
searchesIalsoconductedsomeveryusefulonlinesearchesusingFacebookand
Twitter,twoofthemostwidelyusedsocialmediaplatforms,whereIusedkey
termssuchas‘refugee’,‘asylum’,‘aid’,‘volunteer’,‘voluntary’,‘community’,
‘immigrant’,‘support’,‘Calais’and‘Syria’.Theseonlinesearchesbroughtup
manyofthesameorganisationsthatIwouldfindduringmystreet-level
searches,andmyexperienceheresupportsthefindingsofGaiaMarcusand
JimmyTideythatthereis‘asignificantamountofoverlapbetweenthe
communityassetsmappedby…onlinedata-gatheringtechniquesanddoor-to-
doorresearch’(Marcus&Tidey2015:1).Thesesearches,bothonthestreetand
online,highlighteddozensofactivegroups,networksandorganisations.
WhilemyonlinesearchesencompassedBristol,conductingstreet-levelsearches
throughoutthewholeofBristolwasnotaviableoption,soasmallerareaofthe
citywaschosen.Thisareawaschosenbasedondemographicinformation
publishedbyBristolCityCouncil(BristolCityCouncil2011)followingthe2011
censuswhichsuggestedthatfourcentralwardsweremostlikelytohostasylum
TSOs.Thesewardshadthehighestimmigrantpopulationandwerethemost
ethnicallydiverse,aswellasbeingrankedthehighestintermsofindicesof
multipledeprivationandhavingthehighestpopulationofpeoplereceiving
means-testedbenefitsandwithlowskillsforemployment.Allofwhichsuggests
thatindividualswhowouldeitherbeinvolvedwithorrequiresupportfromthe
asylumthirdsectorweremorelikelytobelocatedwithinthesewards.
Furthermore,oneoftheconclusionsdrawnbyMacKenzieetal.’sresearchinto
networksofsupportfornewmigrantcommunitieswasthat‘spatialitywaskey’
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(MacKenzieetal.2012:645);intheircasestudythetowncentreprovidedthe
urbanspacefortheorganisationofthenetworks,andtheareainvestigatedhere
ismostlymadeupoffourofthecentralwardsofBristol,althoughitextends
beyondthesewardboundariesinsomeinstances.
3.2Phasetwo:interviews
Thesecondphaseofresearchinvolvedsemi-structuredinterviewswith
membersofrelevantTSOs.Interviewshavehistoricallybeendistrustedbysocial
scientistsbecausetheyhavebeenunderstoodasaperformanceonthepartof
bothinterviewerandinterviewee(Cochrane2013:40).Manyintervieweeswere
clearlyperformingaroleofrepresentativeoftheirorganization,oftenchecking
theirlanguageoractingawkwardlyorhesitantlywhentheybegantoexpress
opinionswhichdivergedfromthe“officialline”oftheorganization,forexample
whencriticizingBCCorotherTSOs.Oneintervieweequalifiedananswerby
saying‘I’mtalkingasanindividualhere,notarepresentativeof[their
organization]’(interview1).Atthesametime,inallowingtheinterviewerto
observe‘expressions,pausesorshiftsinattitude’(Cochrane2013:44)and
offeringspacefortheinterviewertore-wordquestionsandre-direct
conversation,interviewsofferameanstorecognizeandnegotiatethistension.
Semi-structuredinterviewswerechosenoverothermethods,suchassurveys,
becauseinbeingopentowide-rangingdiscussiontheyallowparticipantsmore
spacetoexpresstheirownthoughtsandopinionsandto‘introducetheirown
concerns’(Valentine1997:111).Semi-structuredinterviewsare‘dialoguerather
thananinterrogation’,a‘conversationwithapurpose’(Valentine1997:111).
ApproachingBristol’sasylumthirdsectorasanoutsiderIwantedtomaximize
theopportunitiesforintervieweestodirectmetopertinenteventsIhadnot
beenawareof,issuesIhadnotanticipated,andavenuesofthoughtand
discussionwhichIhadnotconsidered.LearningabouttheRefugeeForum,which
hadnotappearedinmystreet-levelsearches,andhearingathirdsector
worker’scriticismsoftheSyrianVulnerablePersonResettlementScheme,a
conflictIhadnotexpected,arejusttwoexamplesofhowsemi-structured
interviewsweresuccessfulinthisregard.
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IbeganthisphasebyselectingasamplegroupofTSOstocontact,initiallyaiming
todevelopasamplewhichwouldincludethekeyactorsinthefieldwhowould
beableto‘answerspecificquestionofsubstantialortheoreticalimportanceto
theresearch’(Johnson&Rowlands2012:150)whilealsobeingillustrativeofthe
differentorganisationaltypesandthirdsectoractivitiesthatcouldbeseen
acrossthecity.However,asignificantnumberoftheTSOsIapproachedwere
eitherunableorunwillingtotakepart,andwhileseveralofthesecouldbe
replacedmysamplesizeoftenTSOswassmallerthanIhadhopedfor.This
difficultyinengagingparticipantswasasignificantlimitationintheeffectiveness
ofthisapproachandforcedmetorespondinlessthandesirableways.Inorder
tomaketheinterviewsmoreattractiveIremovedsomequestionstomakethem
shorterandofferedtoconductthemoverthephoneaswellasinperson.This
resultedinasignificantuptake.ConductinginterviewsoverthephonemeantI
wasunabletoobserveinterviewees’bodylanguage,andtheconversationwas
oftenmorestiltedandawkward,interspersedwithperiodsofpoorphonesignal.
Comparedtomyin-personinterviews,conductedinlocalcafésorinterviewees’
officessothatintervieweeswouldfeelcomfortable,phoneinterviewsweremore
difficultbutnotproblematicallyso.
AnotherwayIrespondedtothedifficultyinengagingparticipantswasby
followingupwithinterviewrequeststhatemphasisedmystatusasan‘insider’,
someonewhois‘similartotheparticipantsinmanyrespects’(Dowling2005:
26).Indecliningtotakepart,onethirdsectorworkertoldmethattheyreceived
alargenumberofinterviewrequestsfromstudentsandthattheydidnothave
thetimetoparticipateinallofthem.Thepresenceofaround50,000University
ofBristolandUniversityoftheWestofEnglandstudentsinBristolwasnot
somethingIhadconsidered.Byreferencingmyownexperiencesvolunteering
foranasylumTSOIsoughttodistancemyselffromstudent“outsiders”and
developapositiverapport.Whilethismayhavehelpedinwinningparticipants
round,italsomayhavecausedfurtherinproblemstermsofassumedknowledge
andobjectivity.OnmultipleoccasionsduringtheinterviewsIhadtoaskfor
furtherclarityonterms,policiesandeventsthattheintervieweehadmentioned
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inanoff-handmanner,obviouslyexpectingmetohavebeenawareofthefine
detailsalready.InotherinstancesIwasmadeawarethatbyemphasisingmy
insiderstatusIhadpotentiallycompromisedmy‘independencefromtheobject
ofresearch’(Dowling2005:25)intheeyesofinterviewee.JustastheyassumedI
hadcertainknowledgeitalsofeltattimesliketheyassumedIhadacertain
opinion,andwhilethepersonalcharacteristicsandsocialpositionofthe
interviewerwillalwaysinformparticipants’behavioursImadeparticulareffort
toholdbackpersonalopinionsandasknon-leadingquestions.Overall,despite
theselimitations,thesemi-structuredinterviewsweresuccessfulinproviding
mewithrichlydetaileddata,oftenontopicsIhadnotpreviouslyconsidered,that
includednotjustfactualinformationbutasenseofinterviewees’personal
feelingsandopinions.
Chapter4:Analysis
InthefollowingchapterIwillanalysethedatacollectedfromthestreet-level
searchesandinterviews.Beginningwithasurveyofthediverseforms,missions
andsocialcompositionsofTSOs,Iwilldeveloptheargumentthatwhile
responsibilitieshavecertainlybeentransferredfromthestatetothethirdsector,
itwouldbewrongtoattributethistothe‘co-option’ofTSOsbythestate.
Bristol’sasylumthirdsectorremainslargelyautonomousandrelatively
uninhibitedbylegalandfinancialstatediscipline.Instead,TSOshavebeen
coercedintopickingupthepiecesofwelfareprovisionleftbehindfollowingthe
withdrawalofthestatethroughboththeformationofacoerciveorthodoxythat
encouragesparticipationinthirdsectoractivitiesandthecompellingeffectsof
harshasylummeasures.Farfrommerelyperpetuatingthewillofthestate,
asylumTSOsareactivelyengagedinacounter-hegemoniccontestationofthe
discursivede-politicisationofasylum.
4.1Forms,missionsandsocialcompositions
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ThepoliticalandculturalenvironmentofBristolhasfosteredalargeand
growingnumberofactiveTSOsthatworkwithASRs,demonstratingGill’s
assertionthat‘newsetsofactorsarebecomingincreasinglyempoweredand
responsibilised’intheasylumsector(Gill2009:216).TheseTSOsarenotonly
numerousbutalsodiverseintheirformsoforganisation,missionsandsocial
compositions.Thespanoforganisationalformsrunsfromhorizontal,online-
onlynetworksthroughsmallvolunteer-runcharitiestobranchesofinternational
organisationssuchastheRedCross.MostoftheTSOsidentifiedwereorganised
alongthelinesoftraditionalnonprofitsoroperationalcharities,howevereven
withinthistherewasvariance.Somehavemoreverticalandhierarchical
structures,withseverallevelsofgovernancewhichmayincludeboardsof
governors(interview1;interview4),whileothersoperatemorehorizontally.
Someemploypaidstaffandholdpermanentpremisesandofficespace,while
othersarefullyvolunteerrunonapart-timebasis(interview3).Thereisan
apparentcorrelationbetweenthesizeofanorganisationanditsdegreeof
bureaucracyandhierarchy-smallTSOsmayoperatewithonlyseveralpart-time
staff,meaningthatthereislittlescopeforhierarchicalstructurestotakeshape,
whilelargerTSOsmayrequireseparatebranchesofmanagementfordifferent
activities.
AswellasdiverseformsoforganisationtheTSOswerealsodiverseintheir
missions.Missionscanbeunderstoodastheaspirationsoraimsthatunderliean
organisation’sactions.MaryKaldor,inoutliningfouridealtypesofcivilsociety
actors,suggestssomedegreeofdiscreteboundariesbetweendifferenttypesof
missions;forexample,the‘emancipationofthepoorandexcluded’issetapart
fromthe‘protectionandpromotionofmembersinterests’(Kaldor2003:12).
Whatwasfoundinmyinterviewswasthatintervieweesoftenfelttheir
organisationshadseveraldifferentmissionswhichtheypursuedsimultaneously.
OneTSOcouldaspireto‘supportdestitutemigrants’,‘buildcommunitybonds’
and‘changepeople’sminds’[aboutASRs]allatonce(interview2).Furthermore,
whatwasmadeapparentthroughouttheinterviewswasthatwhenTSOsaligned
themselvesmorecloselywithoneparticularmissiontheydidthatcognisantof
themissionsofTSOsaroundthem.Thedifferentaimsandaspirationswereseen
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tocomplementeachother(interview2),andintervieweesspokerespectfullyof
organisationswhichhadostensiblydifferentaims.Manyintervieweesused
similarlanguageindescribingtheirmainaimorethosandalsoexplicitly
suggestedasynchronicityacrossthesector.Accordingtooneinterviewee‘we’re
allhereintheinterestsofasylumseekers,andthat’swhatwe’regoingtofocus
on’(interview6),anavowedunityofpurposethatmanyintervieweeswere
similarlykeentopresent.
Acknowledgingthisaspirationalharmonyleadsusontoconsiderthesocial
compositionofTSOs.ThelocalorgrassrootsoriginofmanyofthekeyTSOsand
thewidespreadparticipationofASRswasrecognisedtoplayanimportantrolein
shapingtheaimsandaspirationsofTSOs.EightoutoftenTSOsintheinterview
samplewereoriginallycreatedinBristol,andwhilenationalandinternational
organisationsarepresentandplayanimportantroleitisclearthatthecoreof
thesectorismadeupoflocalTSOs.ManagementofTSOswasusuallytheremit
ofprofessionalvoluntarysectorworkerswhohadworkedinpaidorvoluntary
rolesinthesectorforanumberofyears,reflectingawidespreadtrendwithin
thesector(Randall2015:33).Insomecases,however,ASRsplayedkeyrolesin
thecreationofTSOsandoccupiedthetopmanagementpositions.ASRsalso
makeupasignificantproportionofthevolunteerbaseofmanyTSOsinBristol,
includingfiveinthesample.WhileLucyWilliamsisrighttonotethat‘refugees
andothermigrantsarenotmerepassiverecipientsofcare,butareactivein
findinghelpappropriatetotheirownprioritiesandobjectives’(Williams2006:
867),inBristolwecanseethatASRsarenotjustactiveinfindingappropriate
helpbutincreatingit.Severalintervieweeswereclearinrecognisingthattheir
rootsinthelocalareaandtheparticipationofASRsstronglyinformedtheir
missionsandactivities.The‘livedexperience’ofrefugeestaffhadbeenvitalto
shapingthe‘vision’ofoneorganisation(interview2).Foranother,having
beneficiariesalsovolunteerandtakepartindecision-makingprocessesmeant
thattheycouldknow‘whatmembersreallywant’(interview1).
4.2Market-orientedtransferofresponsibilities
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WithinthisdiversesectorithasbecomeincreasinglycommonforTSOstofind
themselvesfulfillingtherolesofstatutoryservices.TSOsundertakeavastarray
ofactivitieswithinBristol’sasylumsector.Therolesofthevariousgroups,
networksandorganisationsidentifiedduringonlineandstreet-levelsearches
wereanalysedaccordingtocategoriesprovidedbythe2010NationalSurveyof
CharitiesandSocialEnterprises(IpsosMORI2013:32).Thesecategorisewere
sufficientincapturingthefullrangeofactivityandnonewcategorieswere
developedduringthisresearch.
Table1:RolesofTSOsinBristol
Roles
PercentageofTSOsundertakingroles
Culture&recreation 22%
Employment,education&
training
8.6%
Legalassistance&advice
services
25%
Communitydevelopment&
mutualaid
19.4%
Capacitybuilding/facilities 13.8%
Advocacy,campaigning,
representation,informationor
research
13.8%
Deliveryofpublicservices:
Housing,daycentre,counselling,
healthcare
33.3%
ThismethodofmeasuringactivitiesallowsforsingleTSOstofulfilmultipleroles,
animportantabilityconsideringmostTSOsdisplayedsomedegreeofhybridity,
meaningthattheydidnotconfinethemselvestoonetaskbutundertookmultiple
actionswithdifferentaims.Forexample,oneTSOprovideshousingforasylum
seekerswhilealsorunningadrop-incentre.AnotherTSOworkinginhousing
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runstrainingprogrammesforitstenantstohelpthemfindwork,and
furthermoreisactivelycampaigninglocallyandnationallytogetemployersto
‘changethewaytheyemploy’(interview2).Thediversityofactivitiesisclosely
connectedtothesizeandageofTSOs.Thosewhichnowofferseveralservices
typicallybeganwithjustonebefore‘growingintootherareas’(interview10),
andsmallerTSOsarefarmorelikelytofocusonasingleactivityduetothe
structurallimitationsofstaffingandfunding.
Overall,TSOsinBristolhavecometoplayavitalroleinprovidingservicesand
supportforASRs.OnoneleveltheycanbeseenasvitalforASRsthemselves,
manyofwhomrelyonTSOsinsomeformoranother,andonanotherlevelthey
canbeseenasvitalforBCC.TSOshavetakenonsomanyrolesand
responsibilitiesthattheirabsencewouldhavedireconsequencesforthecity.
TwointervieweessuggestedthatBCCwaswellawareofthisfact,andthatthis
laybehindtheireffortstomaintainsomedegreeoffinancialsupportduring
widespreadspendingcuts.Accordingtoone,BCChad‘ringfenced’somefunding
becausetheywereawarethat‘iftheydon’tsupportthevoluntarysectoritwill
allcometotheirdoorstep’(interview5).Anotherintervieweepaintedthisin
starktermswhendiscussingthenearclosureofalargeTSOseveralyearsprior,
statingthat‘iftheycloseditwouldbeaverybigproblemforcitycouncilbecause
youwouldhavealotofquiteangryyoungmenonthestreet…ifthosethings
weren’tprovided,Ithink,Isuspecttheremightbesomemoreissuesthanthere
are,peoplekickingoffandgettingangryandupset’(interview3).Intheirview,
BCCreliedonTSOstofulfilvitalroles,andtheclosureofkeyTSOswasa
potentiallydangerousthreattocommunitycohesioninthecity.
ThatthethirdsectoriswidelyconsideredacrucialpillarofBristol’sasylum
sectorcanbelargelyattributedtothefactthatTSOsarenowcarryingoutmany
ofthefunctionsandprovidingmanyoftheservicesthatwouldtraditionallybe
associatedwiththewelfarestate.AgreatdealoftheworkdonebyTSOsinvolves
providingservicestomeetthebasicneedsofASRsinBristol.Whilenoprecise
figuresontheASRpopulationwithinBristolexist,aftercomparingpredicted
numbersagainstthenumbersofbeneficiariesofalltheTSOsitappearslikely
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thatthevastmajoritymakeuseofservicesprovidedbyTSOsthatcouldbe
consideredessential,suchashousing,healthcare,childcareandfinancialor
materialsupporttopurchasefood,clothingandhygienenecessities.Thisisnot
tosaythatthestateiscompletelyabsentfromasylumwelfare,itstilldelivers
cashbenefitstoasylumseekersviathepostofficeandASRsareabletousethe
NHSandattendschool,howeverintervieweesuniformlyfelttheyweredoingthe
bulkofthework.Onesaidtome‘whatwe’redoing,Imeanreallythe
governmentshouldbedoingit.Idon’tknowiftheyusedtoandthenthey
stopped,butIthinkit’ssad,shameful,thatwehavetostepinandstoppeople
fromstarving,getpeopleoffthestreet.Thisisbasicstuff,themostbasic’
(interview7).The£36.95aweekthatasylumseekersreceivefromthe
Governmentwasspokenofscornfullyduringinterviews,refugeeswereseento
belittlebetterprovidedforandfailedasylumseekerswerehighlightedasbeing
widelyatriskofdestitution,andsoTSOsarenowrequiredtoprovidethebare
essentialsoflife.Indoingsotheyaretakingup‘responsibilitiesandauthorities
thatonceresidedunambiguously’inthestatesector(Gill2009:216).
4.3Resistinggoaldisplacement
Inlinewiththeirexpandingresponsibilities,someTSOarebecoming
increasinglyformalised.Thisprocesscanbeunderstoodastheincreasing
structuringofworkroles,thedevelopmentofrulesandprocedureswhich
governemployeesactivities,andthegrowthofinternalbureaucraticor
administrativesystems.Oneintervieweenotedthatastheirorganisationhad
growntheyhadfacedmore‘requirementsuponusintermsofstandardsofhow
wehavetodothings’(interview1),andwhentalkingaboutanotherorganisation
said‘they’reamuchyoungerorganisation,they’reabletobelooseraround
boundaries,operateinawaywemighthavedoneafewyearsago’(interview1).
ThischimeswithagrowingliteratureonthemanagementofNGOswithinwhich
issuesofinstitutionalisationandaccountabilityhavebeenfrequentlyhighlighted
(Kaldor2003:5).Institutionalisationisrecognisedasatrendwithinthethird
sector,particularlyasTSOsarebroughtintopartnershipwithgovernment.
Whileadvantagestoformalisationareacknowledged,itisoftenassociatedwith
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specificdisadvantagesorproblems,chieflythedangerthatinstitutionalgoalsof
organisationalsurvivalwilltakeprecedenceoversubstantivegoals(MacKenzie
etal.2012:641).
ThistendencycanbeobservedamongstTSOsinBristol,albeittoalimited
degree.Asoneintervieweeexplained,theneedtobothcontinueproviding
servicesandkeepstaffinworkinfluencedthebehaviouroftheirmanagement
committee,sometimesleadingthemtopursue‘lucrativefundingopportunities’
which‘thoseofusonthegroundwilllookatandsay,wellwedon’twanttodo
that’(interview1).Astheorganisationhadgrownithadbecomemore
formalised,withmanystaffnowemployedfullorpart-time.Thisisaclear
exampleoftheimperativesoforganisationalsurvivalgeneratingbehaviours
whichprioritisesustainingtheexistenceoftheorganisation.Morewidelyacross
thesector,requirementsfromfundingsourcesfordataandassessmentsofthe
impactofTSOshaveshapedbehaviours,asrecognisedby(Harlock2013:1).In
somecasesthishasledtoTSOsallocatingresourcestoproducingtherequired
data,andinothersithasledtoTSOsalteringthenatureoftheservicesthey
providesothattheirimpactcanbebettermeasured(interview10).Measuring
outcomescanbedifficultinmanyareasofworkthatTSOsinBristolareengaged
in,forexamplequantifyingthepositiveoutcomesofabefriendingscheme,andin
somecasesthisledtoorganisations‘rethinkinghowwedothingssothatwecan
knowwhattheresultsare’(interview10).
Acknowledgingthesechangingbehaviours,itdoesnotappearthatthe
formalisationofsomeTSOshasledto“goaldisplacement”.Itwouldbewrongto
suggestthatbehavioursthatfailtoreflectormeettheorganisation’sneeds‘on
theground’signifythatitssubstantivegoalshavebeenobscured.Allthe
intervieweessharedaconcernforthechallengesofsustainabilitytheyfacedin
theirownorganisationandthesectorasawhole;organisationalsurvivalwasnot
solelyaconcernformoreformalTSOs.Inthecontextofausterityandmajor
reductionsinpublicspendingthereisarealriskformanyTSOsacrossthe
countrythattheywillbeunabletosurvive(Sepulvedaetal.2013:645).Several
yearspriortothisresearchRefugeeActionBristol,thenthelargestasylumTSO
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inBristol,wasforcedtocloseduetolackoffunding,highlightingtheprecarious
positionthatmanyoftheseTSOsoccupy.TSOshaveaccordinglyundertaken
strategicresponsestodiversifytheirfundingsources.However,possiblydueto
thewidespreadinvolvementofASRs,theycontinuetoprovetobeintouchwith
theirbeneficiariesandresponsivetotheirneeds,ashighlightedinthecontinual
developmentofnewprogrammesandserviceswithinthelargerTSOs.While
someofBristol’sTSOsarebecomingmoreformalisedtheydonotappeartohave
succumbedtotheassociateddangers,supportingtheargumentthat‘goal
displacementisnotinevitable’(MacKenzieetal.2012:636).
4.4Independenceandautonomy
Theabilitytoholdontosubstantivegoalsspeakstothewiderstateof
independenceandautonomyinwhichmanyTSOshavepersisted.Somesmall
TSOshaveoperatedcompletelyunderBCCsradarforyears,withlittleorno
contact.WhenaskedabouttheircontactwithBCC,oneintervieweedescribeda
lackofinterestonbothsidesindevelopingaworkingrelationship‘[my
organisation]isverygrassroots.Idon’treallyneedthem,theydon’tneedme.It
iswhatitis,we’reverysmallandjustgetonwithit.’Whilesomestudieshave
outlinedawidespreadco-optionofTSOsthroughgovernmentcontracts(Conlon
&Gill2015:443)thisdoesnotappeartobeparticularlyrelevantinBristol.In
somecasesthishasmadeuparound30%ofthirdsectorincome(Halfpenny&
Reid2002:542),howevergovernmentcontractsarerarehere.Onlythelargest
TSOshavecontractswiththegovernmentandthesemakeuponlyafractionof
theirtotalincome.ThemarginalisationoftheBMEthirdsectorandthe
disproportionatefundingcutsithasfaced(Tilkietal.2015)appearstohave
beensimilarlyexperiencedbytheasylumthirdsector,thevastmajorityofwhich
operateswithoutanygovernmentfunding.Furthermore,asnotedpreviously,
austerityhasledtoadramaticreductioningovernmentfundingacrossthe
wholethirdsector,andsoHalfpenny&Reid’sfigureof30%,producedin2000,is
clearlyout-dated(2002:542).Thislackofdirectgovernmentfundingnarrows
thepossibilitiesforthegovernmenttoenactlegalandfinancialdisciplineon
TSOs.
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Beyondfunding,thereisanoveralllackofinteractionbetweenTSOsand
nationalorlocalgovernmentandareadilyapparentlackoftop-downcontrol.
TSOshadoftendevelopedwithgenuineautonomypursuingtheirownindividual
objectives,andintervieweesgenerallyperceivedBCCtohavelongbeen
uninterestedinthespecificsoftheirwork,barafewindividuals.ThatTSOs
continuetooperatelargelyautonomouslyinpursuingtheirownobjectivesis
wellillustratedbytherecentintroductionoftheSyrianVulnerablePerson
ResettlementSchemeinBristol.Thisscheme,firstannouncedbythenPrime
MinisterDavidCameronin2015,involvestheresettlementofSyrianrefugees
fromSyriatodifferentpartsoftheUK.Whileover100Syrianshavebeen
resettledinBristolthroughtheschemetheexistingasylumthirdsectorhasbeen
largelyuninvolvedintheprocess,andseveralintervieweesinfactspoke
criticallyoftheschemeasbeinga‘separatestream’totheirownwork
(interview1;interview3;interview4).Thefactthattheschemeisbeing
deliveredoutsideoftheexistingasylumthirdsectorsuggeststhatthe
GovernmentisunabletooruninterestedindiscipliningasylumTSOsinto
carryingoutitsownobjectives,andthattherelationshipbetweenthe
GovernmentandTSOsisnotoneinwhichlocalornationalGovernmentcan
dictatebehaviour.
TherealdynamicsoftherelationshipbetweenBCCandasylumTSOscanbewell
observedthroughtheongoingprocessofBCCsdevelopmentofacitywide‘Cityof
SanctuaryStrategy’.Thisisaveryrecentdevelopment,withthefirstdraftofthe
strategyhavingbeenreleasedlatein2016.Manyofthecoreideasofthe
strategy,nottomentionitstitle,haveclearlydevelopedoutofthegrassroots
‘CityofSanctuary’campaigninBristolwhichmanythirdsectorworkerswere
involvedinaroundadecadeago(interview1).Politicalandpersonnelchanges
withinBCChavenowspurredactiononitspart,anditbeganbyapproaching
asylumTSOsviatheRefugeeForumtodiscussthecreationofthestrategy.The
RefugeeForum,whichwasfoundedin2002,isamulti-agencyforuminwhich
TSOs,councillorsandrepresentativesofHomeOfficecontractorscometogether
forregularmeetingsinwhichtheycancoordinateactionandairdisagreements
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(interview6).Nowattendedbyaround25TSOstheRefugeeForumisoneofthe
mainvenuesforthirdsectorplanningandorganisationandismanagedby
severalthirdsectorworkers.WhenBCCfirstreachedouttotheForumaboutthe
CityofSanctuaryStrategytheyinitiallyproposedthatthestrategycouldinfact
bemanagedbytheForum,howeverthisideawasrejected.BCCthenwentonto
consultwithkeyTSOsindraftingthestrategyfollowingaplanoutlinedwithin
meetingswiththeRefugeeForum.Thedraftdocumentthatwasthenproduced
nowlargelyconsistsofissuesandrecommendationsraisedbyTSOsratherthan
anythingparticularlyoriginalonthepartofBCC,withoneinterviewer
commentingthat‘alotofthestrategyisjustdescribingwhat’salreadyinthecity’
(interview8).LookingattheinteractionsbetweenBCCandasylumTSOsduring
theprocessdescribedabovethereisaclearabsenceof‘blurredboundaries’
betweenthestateandthethirdsector(Carmel&Harlock2008:155)ortheuse
oflegal-coerciveorfinancial-manipulativemethods.Instead,thereisanapparent
institutionalandoperationalgapbetweenthetwowhichisonlynowbeing
broachedbyeffortstodevelopamoreco-operativerelationship.
4.5Coerciveengenderingofaction
AsylumTSOsinBristolworkindependentlyoflocalgovernmentdirectionand
largelywithoutgovernmentfunding.Thisapparentautonomysuggeststhatin
ordertounderstandtheirvolitionwemayneedtoconsiderlessbluntformsof
coercionthatmaybeatwork.Inhiscritiqueofexteriorisationtheory’sreliance
onlegalorfinancialtermstoexplainTSOsbehaviour,Gillreferencesthe
Gramscianconceptofcoercioninwhich‘statesalsocommandpowersthatare
capableofengenderingthewilltoactinaccordancewithstateobjectivesrather
thansimplygeneratingthenecessityorimperativetodoso’(Gill2009:219).
Followingthislineofthought,itispossibletoidentifyinBristolformsof
coercionwhichhavecompelledTSOstotakeonmoreandmoreresponsibilities.
Ononelevelthiscanbeseenintheformationofa‘coerciveorthodoxy’(Katz
2006:335).Throughspecificframingsinpublicdiscourseindividualscanbe
‘ideationallyconditionedtofreelychoosetoconductthemselvesinwaysthatare
neverthelessparticularandconstrained’(Gill2009:200).Governmentrhetoric
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sincethebeginningoftheBigSocietypolicyplatformhasbeenparticularly
consistentinframingparticipationinthethirdsectorinapositivelight,as
‘service’,‘duty’or‘communitywork’,andseekingtoattractandincludemore
citizenswithinthissphere(McCabe2010:2-5).SeveralintervieweesItalkedto
reflectedontheboominvolunteersthatoccurredoverthecourseof2014and
2015,aseventsoftheSyriancivilwarandtheplightofrefugeeswererelayedto
theBritishpublicinincreasinglygraphicimages.Thelanguageinterviewees
usedtodescribethistrend,forexamplesayingthat‘theywantedtohelpsothey
cametous’(interview4)and‘alotofpeoplewatchedthenewsandthenwould
comeandaskuswhattheycoulddo’(interview8)suggeststhatforboththem
andthevolunteersthiswasanormalandnaturalaction;thattherewasaclear
andobviouspathwayfrombeingmotivatedtoacttovolunteeringinthethird
sector.ThisreflectsacoerciveorthodoxystrategicallyinculcatedbyGovernment
policyandrhetoricinwhichvoluntarismandthirdsectorparticipationhasbeen
renderedaconventionalchannelforpositiveactionandexpressionsof
solidarity.
AnotherlevelofcoercioncanbeseeninthepervasivedestitutionamongstASRs,
whichcreatesapowerfullycompelling‘need’forTSOstoact.Itiswidely
acceptedthatASRsfaceincrediblytoughlivingconditionsintheUK.Highlevels
ofunemploymentandlowlevelsoflanguagetuitionfosterssocialexclusion,
especiallyinthecontextofdispersalpoliciesthathouseASRsinsocially
deprivedareasupanddownthecountry(Phillimore&Goodison2006:1715).
Manyliveinastateofdestitution,andaccordingtooneAmnestyInternational
reportfailedasylumseekerslive‘livesonthemarginsofsociety,inabject
poverty…withhealthproblemsanddegreesofpsychologicaldistressdirectly
relatedtothispainfullimbocondition’(Amnesty2006:14).Arecentstudy
publishedintheBritishMedicalJournalhasarguedthatsomeasylumseekers’
dietsarecomparabletopre-welfarestateconditions,reflectingtheirlivingina
stateofabsolutepoverty(Collinsetal.2015:1).Intervieweesconfirmedthat
destitutionamongstASRsisrifeinBristol,andgrowing;increasingdemandfor
basicserviceswasaproblemraisedbynearlyeveryinterviewee,andmanyof
theserviceswereoperatingatcapacity.
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Thisstateofaffairsleadsustoconsideranumberofwarningstatementsmade
duringtheearlydaysoftheCoalitionGovernment.Theleadingpublicationfor
thethirdsectorpublishedanarticlearguingthattheGovernment’sapproach
amountedto‘volunteer,orelse!’(Quainton2010).Intheirwrittenevidencetoa
HouseofCommonsPublicAdministrationSelectCommitteeetheGreaterLondon
Volunteeringforumraisedtheirconcernthat‘volunteeringinthepublicservice
canbeaboutengagingserviceusersindeliveringsolutions,butshouldbea
choiceandnotcoercedunderthreatoflosingaservicealtogetherwhichthe
communitydecidesiscrucialandshouldbestatutory’(GreaterLondon
Volunteering2011).Oppenheimetal.prescientlywarnedthatausteritymeant
‘rollingbackthestateandexpectingcommunitiestoleapintothedrivingseat’
(Oppenheimetal.2010:2),andAngusMcCabearguedthatintegraltotheBig
SocietywasanunderstandingthatTSOswouldhavetorunservicesthestatefelt
itcouldnolongeraffordtoprovide(McCabe2010:5).Thesewarningshave
largelyprovedtrue,withthirdsectorworkersencounteringgrowingpressures
ontheirservicesandbeingcompelledtorespond.ThirdsectorworkersI
interviewedwereunitedinarguingthattheirworkwasrespondingtoarealand
pressing‘need’,thatwhattheyaredoingasanetworkwasvitalandthey‘haveto
doit’(interview7),andthatiftheystoppedtheirworktheresultswouldbe
catastrophic.Thisfitsinwithotherappraisalsthatarguethatasmigrants’rights
andaccesstopublicwelfarehavefallenawaythereisanincreasingonuson
TSOsto‘pickupthepieces’(Mayblin2014:381).Thistiesinwithaveinof
literaturewhichquestionswhethervolunteeringisalwaysvoluntaryand
highlightsthepossibilityforgovernmentsto‘leanonthecompulsionof
intrinsicallymotivatedindividuals’(Tõnurist&Sulva2016:230).Inthiscase,the
intrinsicmotivationliesinthethirdsectorworker’sdesiretoalleviatethe
sufferingofASRs,andthewithdrawalandrestrictionofwelfareprovisionthatis
necessarytosustaininglifecanbeunderstoodinGramsciantermsas‘sublethal
modalitiesofstatecoercion’(Davies2012:2693).
4.6Counter-hegemonicchallengestode-politicisation
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WhileitistruethatTSOshavebeencoercedintotakingonmoreandmore
responsibilitiesforASRs,itwouldbeasimplificationtoseethistransferas
merelyareplacement,oranexchangeoflikeforlike.Whatwasmadereadily
apparentthroughstudyingTSOsactivitiesandtalkingtothirdsectorworkers
wasthatTSOshaveamuchmoreinclusiveorholisticunderstandingofwhatis
‘essential’or‘vital’forASRs,meaningthattheyprovidemoreservicesatahigher
standardthantheGovernmentorGovernmentcontractorsmaybewillingor
abletoprovide.Oneexampleofthisthatwasrepeatedlyflaggedduring
interviewswasinhousing,whereGovernmentcontractorssuchasClearelwere
widelycriticisedforfailingtoprovideanappropriatestandardofservice.One
intervieweespokedisparaginglyofthenumbersofasylumseekersforcedto
shareaproperty,aswellasthefactthatpregnantwomenormotherswithyoung
childrenwerenotprovidedappropriatespaceandprivacy(interview3).These
propertiesarebyandlargeoutsideofBristolcityinruralorsuburbanareas
whichcausesanumberofdifficultiesforasylumseekerswhocannotaccess
servicesinBristol.Incontrast,thirdsectorhousingproviderstrytosource
housinginareaswhereASRswanttolive,haveminimumstandardsforspace,
cleanlinessandsafetyandseekoutlandlordswhowillbereceptivetotheneeds
ofASRs.AsoneintervieweesaidofHomeOfficecontractorswhoprovide
housing,‘theydowhatwedo,butit’snotthesame,itsjustnot’(interview2).
Beyondbasicnecessitiessuchasfood,clothingandshelterTSOsalsoprovidea
wealthofadditionalservices,supportandfacilities,someofwhichinvolve
recreationalspacesandopportunitiesforsocialinteractionandleisureactivities.
TSOswhichprovidesuchservicesconsiderthemtobeintegraltoenablingASRs
tolive‘reallives’(interview2).Severalexpressedadisbeliefthatpoliticiansand
governmentofficialscouldthinkthatwhatthestateprovidedwassufficient,with
onecommenting‘Dotheyexpectpeopletositathomeandstareatawall?Its
bizarre’(interview8).Otherservicescaterforadditionalneedssuchas
emotionalsupportandadviceandadvocacy.Discussingthelackofgovernment
assistanceforasylumseekerscurrentlygoingthroughtheasylumprocessone
intervieweesaid‘wellontheonehandthere’salotofdemands,theyhavetosign
inweeklyormonthlyorwhatever,quitestrictrules,andontheotherthere’sno
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35
oneactuallyhelpingthemdoit.There’snohelpatallasfarasI’mconcerned’
(interview8).InthiswaytooTSOsprovisiongoeswellbeyondthelevelof
serviceandsupportprescribedbytheGovernment.Throughouttheinterviews
therewasmuchtalkofASRs‘needs’,whichwereunderstoodinamuchbroader
andmoreholisticfashionthanmerelyconsistingofthematerialnecessitiesof
life,andTSOscanbeseentobeoperatingaccordingtoadifferentlogicofwhatis
‘necessary’thantheGovernment.
Highlightingthiscontrastinglogicmakesvisibletheimplicitpoliticsinprovision.
Socialworkis‘essentiallyapoliticialactivity’(Gilbert&Powell2009:4,andthe
spaceofthethirdsectorisfarfromapolitical.Bychallengingtheperceived
inadequaciesinstateprovisionTSOsareattemptingtoshapeandstrengthenthe
positionofASRswithinsociety.EngaginginwhatNikHeydenterms‘thepolitics
ofvisibility’(Heynen2010:1226),TSOsareconsciouslyseekingtocounterASRs
reductioninnationalpoliticaldiscoursetoaproblemorburden(MacKenzieetal
2012:639),challengingtheircurrentpositionas“second-class”or“undeserving”
andfurtherprovidingmaterialandsocialsupportwhichcanenableASRsto
participatemorefullyinsociallife.Thenotionof‘normality’wasfrequently
referredtoinmydiscussionswiththirdsectorworkers;theywantedtoprovide
ASRswiththesamestandardofserviceandsupportthat‘anyonewould
normallyexpect’(interview1),theyhopedthatASRswouldbeabletofeel‘like
normalfamilies’(interview2)andlive‘normallives’(interview9),andthatthe
widerpopulationofBristolwouldseethat‘thesearenormalpeoplejustlikeus’
(interview5).Theseactsandaspirationsconstitutethepromotionofadiscourse
inwhichrefugeesarenot‘athreat,arisk,avictim’butinsteadlegitimate‘agents,
actors,andparticipants’(Nyers2010:130)withinthecommunitydeservingof
equaltreatment.
TSOsinBristolareactiveinframingcounter-hegemonicdiscourses;oftenacting
asinstitutionsinwhichalternativeapproachesare‘incubated’(Davies2007:
784)anddiscoursesareproducedwhich‘trytochangethecurrentpoliticaland
socialsituationandofferalternatives’(GarcíaAgustín2012:81).ManyTSOsare
forthrightintheirpoliticsandpoliticalaspirations,whichgenerallyseekto
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36
promotesolidaritybetweenlocalresidentsandASRs.OneTSOrecentlylaunched
a‘rethinkingrefugeecampaign’,whichinvolvesengagingwithlocalbusinesses,
publishingresearchpapers,andhostingevents,suchasconferences.Theiraimis
tomakelocalpeople,businessesandhighereducationprovidersmorereceptive
toASRsandthusfacilitatetheirintegrationintosociety.AnotherTSOisthelocal
branchoftheUK-wideCityofSanctuarynetwork,which‘seekstopromotea
cultureofwelcometowardsasylumseekersandrefugees,basedaroundideasof
responsibilityandhospitality’(Darling2016b:185).Theirworkinvolves
buildingacoalitionofbusinesses,politicians,TSOs,localpeopleandASRsaspart
ofa‘bottom-upapproachtopoliticalchange’(Squire2010:295).Many,ifnotall
oftheasylumTSOsinBristoltookpartintheBristolRefugeeFestivalthisyear,a
neweventwhichgrewoutofRefugeeWeek,anation-wideannualeventwhichis
a‘celebration…ofrefugeesandthecontributiontheymake’(interview6).
InemphasisingthecontributionsofrefugeesBristolTSOsaredrawingon
narrativeswhichdirectlycounterthediscursiveframingofrefugeesasaburden.
Intheireffortstoprovideservicesandsupportthatgobeyondthatofthewelfare
statetheyarere-positioningASRsasdeservingmembersofacommunity,rather
thandependentswhosedrainonresourcesmustbemanaged.Insupporting
failedasylumseekerstoremaininthecountrytheyareunderminingand‘quietly
challenging’governmentpolicy(Randall2015:32).Allofthisoccurswhilethere
isanincreasingrelocationofresponsibilitiesfromthestatetothethirdsector.
Whilestrategiesofde-politicisationhavehadsuccessesinthemarket-oriented
transferofresponsibilities,theyhavenotmanagedtoeffectthe‘closureof
alternativeimaginaries’(Darling2016c:233)ornarrowdebateonasylumto
technocraticormanagerialissues.BristolTSOshaveactivelyalignedthemselves
withabroaderhumanrightsmovementandaglobalmovementforthe
protectionofandadvocacyforASRs(GarcíaAgustín2012:81),developingand
promotingacounter-hegemonicdiscoursethatlegitimisesthesocial,political
andculturalparticipationofASRsinsociety.
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Conclusion
FollowingtheleadofHingeretal.(2016)andtheirefforttopaymoreattention
tothelocaldimensionofasylum,thisdissertationsoughttoanalysethelocal
dimensionofasylumde-politicisation.Inordertodothisitbuiltonrecent
developmentswithinmigrationscholarship,developingaframeworkthatwas
informedbyanti-essentialistnotionsofstatepowerandfocussingontheactions
ofanetworkofnon-stateactorswithinaspecificlocality.Followingthis
frameworkamethodologywasestablishedthatsoughttocaptureboththe
materialanddiscursiveeffectsofandreactionstode-politicisation.
WhiletheroleofTSOsinasylumgovernancehasbeencriticisedbysomefor
facilitatinghegemonicasylumdiscourse,whathasbeendemonstratedhereis
thatbelowthesurfaceoftheexpandingroleofTSOsinasylumservicesand
supportthereisanon-goingformationofcounter-hegemonicdiscourse.TSOs
aretakingongreaterresponsibilities,howeverthisshiftdoesnotnecessarily
resultintheiroriginalgoalsbeingdisplaced,norisitnecessarilyexplainedby
theirco-optionintohegemonicdiscourseortheirbeingmanipulatedbylegaland
financialstatediscipline.Instead,acoerciveengenderingofactionistheprimary
meansbywhichthetransferofresponsibilitiesfromthestatetothethirdsector
istakingplace.Ratherthanbeingco-opted,TSOsinBristolhaveinsomeways
been‘outflanked’(Levy&Egan2003:808),and,possiblythankstotheirrootsin
theASRpopulationinBristol,continuetochallengethediscursivede-
politicisationofasylum.
‘Asylum’isasocialconstruction,createdinpartbyjuridicalinstitutionsbutalso
byadiverseconstellationofsocialactors(Hingeretal.2016).Despitetheclear
directionofhegemonicasylumdiscourse,howASRsareperceivedandtreatedin
societyisamatterofcountlessnegotiationsoccurringatthelocallevel.Inthis
waytootheeffectsandoutcomesofde-politicisationaredynamicallynegotiated
withinspecificconfigurationsofactorsandtheirenvironment.Inthecaseof
Bristol,thecurrentalignmentofasylumTSOsmeansthatagreatdealofpower
lieswithactorswhoarenotintrinsicallytiedtotheaims,idealsorinterestsof
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thestate,andwhoareabletobuildcounter-hegemonicdiscoursesinopposition
totheneoliberalrationalityofthestate’sasylumgovernance.
Practicesanddiscourseswithinasylumgovernancearenotfixedbutareinstead
constantlybeingchangedanddevelopedastheytakeshapeontheground.This
dissertationhaselaboratedaresearchapproachwhichoffersonewayof
studyingthis.Thereareotherpathstoexplorehere,andothermethodssuchas
participatoryobservation,orotherapproachessuchasthecomparisonof
multiplecasestudies,couldhelpdevelopourunderstandingofthewaysinwhich
de-politicisationcanbenegotiated.Developingthisunderstandingcouldhelpit
betranslatedintoaction,contributingtoconsciousandcoherentactionsthat
shapeasyluminwayswhichimprovesthelivesofASRsandbenefitsthe
communitiestheymakehome.
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Initialproposal
BelowtheradarresponsestotheEUmigrationcrisis
Micro-mappingthirdsectoractivityinBristol
Europeiswitnessingacrisisofresponsibilityregardingrefugees.TheDublin
Regulationhasprovedlargelyunsuitableformanagingthecurrentcrisis,with
memberstatesontheSchengenbordershowinglittledesiretocomply.The
widespreadimplementationofAusteritypoliciesacrossmuchofEuropehas
massivelyreducedessentialwelfareservices.Manyrefugeeshavefound
themselvescaughtinaprotectiongap.Somerefugeeshavebeen‘warehoused’
andsufferedhumanrightsabuses,whileothershavebeenrepelledbyEurope’s
bordersandleftlargelyunassisted.Inmanyinstanceswhennationstateshave
failedtoprovideadequatesupportforrefugees,bothwithinandwithout
Europe’sborders,thirdsectoractivityhascontributedandtriedtofillthe
protectiongap.Despiteitsattimescriticalrolethescaleofthirdsectoractivity
remainslargelyun-quantified.Academicshaveincreasinglycometorecognise
theimportanceofdevelopingabetterunderstandingoforganisedactivityinthe
thirdsectorwhichisnotcapturedbythestandardsources.Suchsourcesinclude
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theCharityCommissionregisterofrecognisedcharitiesinEnglandandWales
andtheregisterofCompaniesLimitedbyGuaranteeinCompaniesHouse.Major
statisticaldatasourcessuchastheseprovideimportantinformationbutarefar
fromcomprehensive.Manygroupsandorganisationsexistoutsideofthese
registers.Such‘belowtheradar’groupsmaybetoosmalltoregister,maynotbe
ableorwanttobecomeanofficialcharity,ormayonlycometogether
temporarilyaroundspecificissuesratherthanbepermanent.Thisdissertation
willfollowamethodologydevisedbytheThirdSectorResearchCentreto
producea‘micro-map’ofvoluntarygroupsinonelocationintheUKinorderto
assessrefugee-relatedthirdsectorgroupsthathavehithertoremained‘below
theradar’.
Researchquestions:
ThisdissertationwilladaptaseriesofresearchquestionsusedbyTSRCintheir
micro-mappingpilotstudytothecontextofrefugeerelatedBTRgroupsin
Bristol.
1. HowareBTRgroupsstructuredandhowdotheyoperate?
2. Whatistheirroleandfunction?
3. Howeffectivearethey?
4. WhatistherelationshipbetweenBTRgroups,theformalthirdsectorand
localgovernment?
5. IsitpossibletomoreaccuratelyquantifyBTRgroupsandtheir
contributiontocivilsociety?
6. HowhasausterityaffectedrefugeesinBritain?
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Methods:
ThisdissertationwillfollowthemethodologydevisedbyDrAndriSoteri-Proctor
andtheThirdSectorResearchCentreattheUniversityofBirminghamwhich
theyhavecalled‘micro-mapping’.ThismethodologywillbeappliedtoBristol,as
havinglivedthereforeseveralyearsIamawareofsomelocalgroupsfromwhich
theresearchcanbeginandIwillbeaccommodatedsoIcanspendprolonged
periodsoftimecarryingouttheresearch.Thismethodologyinvolves
establishingageographicalareawithinwhich‘street-level’fieldworkwillbe
carriedout.Multiplesearchtoolswillbeusedincludingsolo-walksduringwhich
Iwilllookforinformationonnoticeboards,advertsandshopsignsandvisiting
spacessuchascommunitybuildingsandfaith-basedbuildings.Peoplewith
knowledgeaboutrelevantactivitieswillbeidentifiedandinterviewed,andusing
asnowballmethodwillbeusedtoidentifyotherparticipants.Oneareaofthe
micro-mappingmethodologywhichwillbedevelopedinthisdissertationisthe
useofsocialmediatoinvestigatevirtualgroupsandcommunitiesthatmayonly
physicallycoalescearoundspecific,non-regularactivities.Forexample,the
CalaisRefugeeSolidarityBristolFacebookgrouphasseveralthousandmembers
whoorganisesolelyonline.Identifyingthesevirtualnetworkswillbevitalto
creatingarepresentativemicro-map.
Timetableforresearch:
April,May Literaturereview
May Identifyareatobemapped
June,July Carryoutstreet-levelresearch
August,September Analysisandwriting
September Finalcheckandhandin
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Rationale:
Buildingongrowingacademicdiscussionoftheimpactofausterityonrefugees
intheUK,thisdissertationwillhighlighttheroleofBTRgroupsinpromotingthe
rightsandsafeguardingthewelfareofrefugees.Furthermore,itwillcontribute
toworkdonebytheTSRCanddevelopideasandpracticeswithinthemicro-
mappingmethodology.
Barbero,Iker."ScapegoatCitizensInTimesOfAusterity:TheImpactOfThe
CrisisOnTheImmigrantPopulationInSpain".SocialIdentities21.3(2015):244-
256.Web.
Bariagaber,Assefaw."States,InternationalOrganisationsAndTheRefugee:
ReflectionsOnTheComplexityOfManagingTheRefugeeCrisisInTheHornOf
Africa".TheJournalofModernAfricanStudies37.4(1999):597-619.Web.
Diamond,John."ChallengingTheStatusQuo:TheRoleAndPlaceOfThirdSector
Organisations".InternationalJournalofSociologyandSocialPolicy30.1/2
(2010):8-16.Web.
Hwang,Ki-Sik,andIn-SunSuk."ImmigrantSocialIntegrationCrisisInEurope
AndItsIntegrationPolicyImplications".Journalofinternationalareastudies19.4
(2016):135.Web.
McCabe,AngusandPhillimore,Jenny(2009)Exploringbelowtheradar:issuesof
themeandfocus.WorkingPaper.UniversityofBirmingham,Birmingham,UK.
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52
McCabe,AngusandPhillimore,JennyandMayblin,Lucy(2010)‘Belowtheradar’
activitiesandorganisationsinthethirdsector:asummaryreviewofthe
literature.WorkingPaper.UniversityofBirmingham,Birmingham,UK.
Robinson,K."VoicesFromTheFrontLine:SocialWorkWithRefugeesAnd
AsylumSeekersInAustraliaAndTheUK".BritishJournalofSocialWork44.6
(2013):1602-1620.Web.
Soteri-Proctor,Andri(2011)Littlebigsocieties:micro-mappingoforganisations
operatingbelowtheradar.WorkingPaper.UniversityofBirmingham,
Birmingham,UK.
Soteri-Proctor,A.andAlcock,P.(2012)Micro-Mapping:Whatliesbeneaththe
thirdsectorradar?VoluntarySectorReview,Vol.3,No.3,pp.379-98
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ResearchDiary:
1stFebruary:BeganreadingworkingpapersfromtheBelowtheRadarReference
GroupatBirminghamUni.Interestingmethodologyforthe‘streetlevel’.
FollowingfrommyotherunitsonE.Urefugeelawandtheideaofa‘crisisof
responsibility’havebeenlookingatthethirdsectorandtheroleitcanplayin
fillingaresponsibilitygap.HavebeenincontactwithpeopleIknowinCalais,
talkingaboutwhetherIcouldmapwherepeoplearecomingfrom,howeverit
soundsverydifficultandalsoexpensiveforme.TurningbacktotheUK,begunto
lookatresearchonbelowtheradarmigrantsupportgroups.Notmuchliterature
here.SettledonBristolasacasestudy.
20thFebruary:Submittedfirstproposal
5thApril:Metwithsupervisoranddiscussedmyproposal.Oneissuewhichwas
raisedwasthatthemethodologyoutlinedbytheBelowtheRadarReference
GroupatBirminghamUniisveryvague.ThoughtthroughhowIwouldactually
doit,includingdecidingonacasestudyarea.
8thMay:OralPresentation.wentwell,mainthingItookawayfromthefeedback
wasthatmyapproachwasn’tanalyticalenough.Icanseethatitscloseto
becomingabigsurvey.NeedtofindsomeliteratureIcanconnectwiththis.
21stMay:Meetingwithsupervisor.Talkedabouthowtocreateanactual
researchapproach.Developedtheideaofseparatephases,beginningwitha
largersurveybeforenarrowingitdowntofewerTSOs.
June:Settledonde-politicisationasthespecifictopicforstudy.Havebeen
readingaroundinterviewsinpreparation.TryingtoreadFoucalt,ashisideaof
governmentalityseemsveryimportantforstudyingnon-stateactors.Quite
difficult.BeguntoreadGramsci,followingacriticismofFoucaltasbeingtoo
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pessimisticwhichIagreedwith.Startedwritingupinterviewquestions.Created
agenericscripttogooverwithsupervisorbeforeInarrowdown.
7th–15thJune:workedonliteraturereview.Stillunsureofwhatmyfocusis,
haveincludedabitofeverything.
14thJune:HandedinLiteraturereview.Wasarushtofinishit,notproperly
formatted.
14th–21stJune:HavebeenreadingmorearoundGramsciandUrbanregime
theory.Ifde-politicisationispartofhegemonicdiscourse,thenGramsciand
counter-discourseconceptisimportant.
20thJune:HandedinRiskAssessment
21stJune:Receivedfeedbackonliteraturereview.IthinkIneedtonarrowdown
myfocusonBTRliteraturesoIhavemoreroomforthetheoreticalstuff.
21stJune:ConductedonlinesearchesusingFacebookandTwitter.Keywords:
refuge,refugee,asylum,Calais,Syria,immigrant.Comeupwithasurprising
amountofgroups.ThinkinghowIchoosewhichonestointerview.
22ndJune:Metsupervisorandtalkedaboutinterviewquestions.Positive
feedback,decidedtorearrangeorderofquestionsandgivemoretimefor
discussingissuesthatImightwanttogointodetailwith.
26thJune:NarroweddownacasestudyareainBristolusingBristolCityCouncil
data.
27thJune:UsingexistinglistsofTSOstosupplementmyownasdevelopedfrom
onlinesearches.
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28thJune:Writtencoverletters.Findingitdifficulttojustifytheresearch,but
maybebeingoverlycritical.
1-7July:sentoutfirstinterviewrequests.Noresponsestothefirstbatch.Sent
outrequeststoawidergroupofTSOs.Norepliesinfirstfourdays.Writtenand
sentoutnewrequests.Readingonhowtocodeinterviews.
11-18thJuly:Continuedreadingthirdsectorliterature.Decidedonaworking
definitionfordefiningthirdsector.BegantocategoriseTSOsactivity.
20th–26thJuly:Conductedstreet-levelsearchesaroundBristol.Nicetobeback.
Interestingchatswithpeopleandvolunteers,confirmedsomeofmysuspicions
(BRRisthebiggest,therearelotsofpeoplevolunteering).Alsocontinuedtosend
outinterviewrequestsandhavehadsomeresponsesnow.Hastakenmealot
longerthanIanticipated,whichwasnaïveofme.
28thJuly:Firstthreeinterviews.Wentwell,althoughphoneismoredifficultandI
cantmakenotesontheirbodylanguageetc.LearntabouttheRefugeeForum,
whichsurprisedme.Soundsreallyimportantbutnoinformationonitanywhere
online.
29thJuly:Twomoreinterviewstoday.Codingthemimmediatelyafteras
sometimesmynotesaren’tuptoscratch.Peoplecantalkveryfast.
1stAugust:Threemoreinterviews.Interestingideaof‘need’and‘have’keeps
poppingup.Volunteersfeelresponsible.
3rdAugust:Lasttwointerviews.WillbeleavingBristolinthenextfewdays.Has
takenmeamonthtogetalltheinterviewswhichissurprising.Haveamuch
betterideaofhowto‘win’peopleovernow.
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3rd–10thAugust:Backinthelibrary.Readingaboutcoercion,andvoluntarism,
whichactuallyconnectsbacktoBigSociety.Gramsciagain.Writtenout
methodology.
10th-17thAugust:Completelyre-writtenliteraturereview.Intercuthistorical
contextofasylumpolicywithneoliberalismandde-politicisation.
17th–20th:Writtenthreechapters–‘who’,‘What’and‘why’.Thinkthisisagood
waytoframeit,whoaretheTSOs,whatareTSOsdoingandwhyaretheydoing
it.
20th-27th:rewrittenchaptersaroundthesubheadings.Makesitclearerwhatmy
pointsare.
1st-4thSeptember:Writtenconclusion.
Interviewschedule:
(‘BRR’isplaceholder)
Explainresearchagain
Consent(audiorecorder)
WouldliketostartoffbytalkingaboutBRR
1. CanyoutellmeabitaboutBRRandwhatyoudohere?(Prompt-activities,
size,participantdemographics,finances,structure,function)
2. Whatarethemainaimsormotives?(othpersonnelandBRRaswhole)
3. BRRwasstartedin….Whatwasthemotiveforstarting?Whatwasitdoing
then?
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4. Doyouthinkithaschangedalotornotmuchbetweenwhenitwasstarted
andnow?(Prompt-activities,aspirations,size,structure,function)
5. Ifyes,why?
6. Doyouthinkotherorgsintheareahavehadsimilarexperiences?
7. WhatdoyouthinkareBRRsstrengths?
8. ArethereanychallengesBRRiscurrentlyfacing?
9. Arethereanyneeds?Whatfor?Isthisconstantorinresponseto
event/circumstance?
WanttotalkabouttherelationshipbetweenBRRandotherorganisations
1. DoesBRRworkwithotherorganisationsalot?
2. Couldyoutellmewhichones?
3. Aretheserelationshipslong-term,ordotheydeveloparoundspecificevents
andthenfade?
4. (similarly)Arethereformalchannelsofcommunication,orisitad-hoc?
5. Doyouthinktheyshareyouraspirations?
AswellasBRRsrelationshipwithotherorgs,imreallyinterestedtoknow
moreaboutyourrelationshipwithlocalgovernment
1. HowwouldyoudescribeBRRsrelationshipwithlocalgovernment?
2. Doyoureceiveanymaterialsupportfromthem?Isitsufficient?Areany
conditionsplacedonthis?Doyouthinktheseconditionsarefair?Arethey
properlymonitored?
3. Islocalgovernmentsupportiveofyourwork?
4. Doyouthinktheysharethesameaspirationsofyourorganisation?
5. Doyouthinkworkingwith(ornot)localgovhasbeenbeneficial,andcould
yougiveanexampleofwhereithashelped?Similarly,hasitcausedproblems
inanyways?
6. Wouldyouliketobeabletoworkmorecloselywithlocalgovernment,or
wouldyouprefertobemoreindependent?
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7. Doyouthinklocalgovernmenthas(orexercises)alotofauthority?Doyou
thinktheyholdalotofresponsibilities?
8. Howdoyouthinkyourcolleaguesgenerallyviewlocalgov?
9. DoyouthinkthisisthecaseforotherasylumVCOs?Isthereageneralmood
orattitudeamongstVCOstowardslocalgovernment?
10. Doyouthinktheyareparticularlyactiveinthissphere?Whatdoyouthink
theirmainfocusis?Shouldtheyshouldbedoingmore?Doyouthinktheyare
effectiveatwhattheydo?
11. Doyouthinklocalgovernment’srolehaschangedovertime?Why?(prompt–
bigsociety,austerity)
End
Interviewtranscriptextract:
S
Sorefugeeactiontheywere,really,almostthebiggestagencywithinBristolin
thecommunityandvoluntarysectorworkingwithasylumseekersandrefugees.
AndthenwelostfundingfromtheGovernment.Atthatstagemostofourfunding
camedirectlyfromthegovernment,andprobablynotenoughfromsupporters,
theirsupporterbase.Anditmeantthatweweresubjectedtoquiteafewrounds
ofredundanciesandthatkindofstuff.So,so,intermsofgivingadvice–who
doesitnow?Itsshiftedfromrefugeeactionto,um,Iwouldprobablysayrefugee
rights.Sotheyhaveateam,aninformationandadviceteamwhoprobablydo
mostofthatstuffnowthatrefugeeactionusedtodo.andweusedtohavetodo
examsatrefugeeaction,itwasallveryyouknowregulated,andIdon’tknow
that,Idon’tknowhowregulatedtheadviceis.Imean,Iknowrefugeerightsare
brilliant,andIknowtheirvolunteersaretrainedverywell,butitslessformalI
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wouldthinknowthanitwasthen.Sothat’showIstarted[myorg]about6½
yearsagonow.Lookingroundatalltheotheragenciesnobodywasproviding
oneononesupportforpeopleoutinthecommunity,itwasallaboutpeople
goingtoaservicetoreceivehelp,buttheonuswasonthemgettingthere.And
therewasnothingforpeoplewhoperhapswouldfinditreallydifficulttogointo
areallybusyplace,oraplacewhereitwaspredominantlymen–ifyou’rea
vulnerablewoman,orifyou’rereallydepressedandactuallyyouneededtomeet
someoneinsortofananonymouscoffeeshopratherthanareallybusydropin
typescenario.SoIstartedb.friendandamstilldoingit.
N
So,isthatstillthesamesortofworkyoudo?isthatstillthesameideabehind
[yourorg]?
S
Yeah.It’sreallysimple,it’sareallysimplemodelof–Itrainvolunteers,mostlyin
awarenessofstufflikewhocomestoBristol,whytheycomehere,alsolistening
skills,thatkindofthing.AndI,throughthreesessions,basicallysussoutthese
volunteers(laughter)andtryandworkoutwhetherthey’resuitableornot.And
thenwehaveaninformalinterviewandtheniftheycanprovidemewithtwo
goodreferencesthentheyreabletobevolunteerandtheyarematchedwith
peoplewhoarereferredbyalltheotheragencies.Sothat’skindofhowthat
works,it’sareallyeasy,simple,veryquickwaytomakeadifferenceinsomeones
life,ifitgoeswellandthepartnershipworks.Peoplequiteoften,they’lldoitfor
12monthswhichiskindoftherequirementandthenafterthattheymightsay
wellactuallywestillwanttocarryonmeetingtogether.That’sthenicestthing
forme,whereIseesomeonegothroughthose12monthsandactuallytheystill
wanttosupportthatperson.AndIalwayssaytothemjustcheckthatpersonstill
wantstomeetwithyou,itslikeyou’regonnabesomekindoflimpetyouknow
(laughter).Yeah,so,ivbeenreallyluckywithfunding,noneofmyfundingcomes
fromanywhereremotelyofficiallygovernment…
N
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Yeah,thatwassomethingIwantedtoaskyouabout,Isawonthebridgesfor
communitieswebsitethatthedifferentsourceswereindividualdonors,andthen
partnershipsandgrants,whatsthesortofdistributionintermsoffunding?
S
(Pullsface)crikey.Itsshiftedabitovertheyears,um,itusedtobethatthe
donationswerebasicallymyfamily(laughter)andnowitsmoreindividuals
ratherthanjustfamilymemberswhowanttoseemebeabletofeedmyfamily.
Um,yeah,so,um,Ihavebeenreallyreallyfortunatewithsometrustfunding,so
theresacoupleoftrustswhoIcameacrossthroughacoursethatIdid,itwasan
entrepeneurshipcoursethatIdidinnorthdevon,um,fouryearsagoitwasnow?
AndIpitchedtolikeadragon’sdenonthiscourseandonthebackofthatwon
somefunding.Boththetrustthathostedthatcourseandalsoanothertrustthat
wastheresaid‘wewillgiveyoufunding’andthey’vebothagreedtogivefunding
overthreeyears.Bothgivenme£15000sothat’sbrilliant.[Myorg]onlycosts–
itsreallycheapbecauseitsjustme–justshortof£19000Ithinkitis.I’mpart
time,21hoursaweek,soinactualfactitsnotanexpensiveoperation,andIthink
peoplelikethatbecausetheycanseethatthemoneytheygivereallydoesmake
adifference,itdoesn’tgetabsorbedintoadmincostsorletterstuffingoranyof
thatstuffitreallydoesgotowardsputtingsomeonetogetherwitharefugeeor
asylumseeker.Itsgood,it’saquickandeasywaytohelp.Andivdonethingslike
runahalfmarathon,neveragain(laughter)andwe’vehadfundraisingtype
things...Imtryingtothinkwhoelsehasgivenmoney,um,ivbeensoblownaway
byunexpectedpeopledonatingmoneythatIdidn’tevenknowthattheyknew
about[myorg].ivhadachequefor£1000throughmyfrontdoor,justrandom
youknow?
N
Justgeneralinterestfromthepublic?
S
Yeah,whichhasbeenamazing,likeabiglawyersfirminBristoljustsentmea
chequefor£600thattheyhadhadacollectionattheirChristmasdinnerandI
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gotthatinFebruary,andsosomeonehadjustheardabout[myorg]andsaidlets
justgiveittothem.Ididn’tknowaboutthem,itsgreat.
N
Didyou,haveyounoticedanychangessince2014/2015thingshappeningin
Syria,hasthathadanimpactonpublicinterestandinvolvement?
S
Itcertainlyhadanimpactontheamountofpeoplewhocontactedmeofferingto
volunteer.Overoneweekend,whenitwasallgoingmadinthepress,Ihad
overnightprobablytenortwelvetogether–‘IwanttobeavolunteerhowcanI
help?’.AnditwaskindofinterestingbecauseIfoundthat,um,althoughpeople
reallywantedtohelp,actuallynothinghadchangedhere.Theproblemwasstill
there(motionswitharmindicatingsomewhereelse)andthesepoorpeople
havingtomaketheirwayacrosstoEurope,butnoonewasgettingacrossthe
channeloratleastnotmanypeopleweregettingacrossthechannelandso
actuallyitsnotbeenaproblem,oranissuerather.Nowobviouslytheresthe
Syrianresettlementprogramme,but,um,yeahitfeltlikeitwas,itwasgreat
peoplewantedtorespondintermsofaction,butactuallytherewasn’tmuchfor
peopletoactuallydoatthatpointapartfromgivemoneyoraid–nobodywas
hereatthatpoint.sothatwasabittricky.ButIdidhavelotsofpeopleemailing
meandsomeofthembecamevolunteersandthatgreatbutothersdidn’t,Ithink
itsthatsortofthingwhereyouseesomethingandyourespondandinthat
momentyoureallywanttodosomethingbutactuallyyouthengetonwithyour
ownlifeandthereisn’tspace.
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Coveringletter:
Hello,
MynameisNickSharmaandI’mapostgraduatestudentatUniversityCollege
LondoncurrentlyconductingresearchintoBristol’sasylum-relatedthirdsector.
Themainfocusofthisresearchisinvestigatinghowthirdsectororganisations
haveproceededagainstthebackgroundofausterity-drivenspendingcutsand
reformstopublicservices,voluntarybodiesandwelfareprovision.
AspartofmyresearchIwillbeinterviewingmembersofanumberofgroups,
networksandorganisationsacrossthecity,andIwouldliketoinviteamember
ofBristolHospitalityNetworktotakepartinashortinformalinterviewattheir
convenience.Theinterviewwilltakearound30-45minutesandsomeofthe
topicsofdiscussionincludeyourorganisation’sactivities,organisational
aspirations,theconnectionsyoumayhavewithotherlocalorganisations,and
opinionsonlocalgovernment’sroleinthissector.
RecentpublicationsfromresearchersatLiverpoolJohnMooresUniversityand
theUniversityofBristol,aswellasorganisationssuchasVoscurandtheCharity
FinanceGroup,haveshownthatstudyingtheexperiencesandperspectivesof
participantscanbeofgreatvalueforothersworkingwithinthesamefield.
FollowingmyresearchIhopetoproduceabriefreportbasedontheresearch
findingsandoutcomesthatcouldbeofusetoorganisationsinBristolsuchas
yours.Forexample,accurateandup-to-dateinformationonhowassetsare
distributedacrossthecitycouldfacilitatecollaborativework.
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Ifamemberofyourteamwouldliketotakepartorfindoutmoreaboutmy
researchIcanbereachedattheemailaddressorphonenumberbelowandwe
canarrangetomeetlocallyataconvenienttimeforyou.
Ilookforwardtohearingfromyou.
Kindregards,
Nick
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1
Thirdsectororganisationsandthede-politicisationofasylumgovernance
Candidatenumber:NKPH4
Supervisor:ClaireDwyer
ThisresearchdissertationissubmittedfortheMScinGlobalMigrationat
UniversityCollegeLondon
2017
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Abstract:
De-politicisationhasemergedasadefiningfeatureofasylumgovernanceinthe
UK.Stemmingfromaneoliberalrationality,de-politicisationhastwomain
features.First,responsibilitiesaretransferredfromthestatetothenon-state
sphere.Second,asylumisdiscursivelyrenderedasathreattobemanaged,
alternativeapproachesareclosedoffanddiscourseislimitedtotechnocratic
issues.Thisdissertationisanexaminationofhowstrategiesofde-politicisation
haveaffectedthirdsectororganisations(TSOs)onthegroundinBristol.Building
onrecenttrendswithinmigrationscholarship,itworkswithaframeworkthatis
informedbyanti-essentialistnotionsofstatepowerandfocusesontheactionsof
anetworkofnon-stateactorswithinaspecificlocality.Themethodologyused
hereinvolvestworesearchapproaches-street-levelsearchesasdescribedby
theBelowtheRadarReferenceGroupattheThirdSectorResearchCentre,and
semi-structuredinterviewswiththirdsectorworkers.Thismethodology
capturesboththematerialanddiscursiveeffectsofandreactionstode-
politicisation,andhelpsusunderstandthevolitionalconductofTSOs.Whatwill
bedemonstratedisthatpracticesanddiscourseswithinasylumgovernanceare
notfixedbutareinsteadconstantlybeingchangedanddevelopedastheytake
shapeontheground.De-politicisationhasresultedinatransferof
responsibilitiestothethirdsector,howeverbelowthesurfaceoftheexpanding
roleofTSOsinasylumservicesandsupportthereisanon-goingformationof
counter-hegemonicdiscourse.Throughacoerciveengenderingofaction,TSOs
havebeenmotivatedtoexpandtheiractivities,howeverthisdoesnotmeanthey
havebeenco-optedintohegemonicdiscourseormanipulatedbylegaland
financialstatediscipline.Instead,thecurrentalignmentofasylumTSOsinBristol
meansthatagreatdealofpowerlieswithactorswhoarenotintrinsicallytiedto
theaims,idealsorinterestsofthestate,andwhoareabletobuildcounter-
hegemonicdiscoursesinoppositiontotheneoliberalrationalityofthestate’s
asylumgovernance.
Wordcount:11899
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Contents:
Introduction–p.5
Chapter1TurningLocal–p.7
1.1 Movingonfrommethodologicalnationalism–p.7
Chapter2:Asylumandthethirdsector–p.10
2.1Governmentalanddiscursivede-politicisation:Neoliberalismandasyluminthe
UK–p.10
2.2Subcontractorsandhandmaidens:Pessimisticviewsofthethirdsector–p.14
2.3Hegemony,counter-hegemonyandcoercion:Gramscianconceptsandthethird
sector–p.15
Chapter3:Methodology–p.17
3.1Phaseone:street-levelsearches–p.18
3.2Phasetwo:interviews–p.20
Chapter4:Analysis–p.22
4.1Forms,missionsandsocialcompositions-p.22
4.2Market-orientedtransferofresponsibilitiesp.24
4.3Resistinggoaldisplacement–p.27
4.4Independenceandautonomy-p.29
4.5Coerciveengenderingofaction–p.31
4.6Counter-hegemonicchallengestode-politicisation–p.33
Conclusion–p.37
Bibliography–p.38
Initialproposal–p.48
Researchdiary–p.53
Interviewschedule–p.56
Interviewtranscriptextract–p.58
CoveringLetter–p.62
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Introduction
Inrecentyearsgrowingnumbersofmigrationscholarshavebeenmovedbya
realisationthat‘localitymatters’(Caglar&GlickSchiller2011:1).Severaltrends
ortendencieswithinthescholarshiphaveresultedfromthis,allofwhich
intersectinthattheygive‘moreattentiontothelocaldimension’(Hingeretal.
2016:441).Thisdissertationisanattempttosynthesisethesetendenciesand
applythemtothestudyofaparticularphenomenonthathasincreasingly
definedthegovernanceofasylumintheUK:de-politicisation.Inhisresearchon
asylumgovernanceintheUK,JonathanDarlinghashighlightedpervasive
practiceswhich‘servetodepoliticisethoseseekingasylumintheUK’(Darling
2013:1).Neoliberalatitscoreandshapedbythedemandsofausterity,de-
politicisationinvolvesthetransferralofasylum-relatedfunctionsfromthe
governmentaltothenon-governmentalsphere.Alongsidethis,thecreationofa
discourseinwhichasylumseekersandrefugees(ASRs)areframedasa
threateningpresencetobepolicedandregulated,restrictstheboundariesof
politicaldebateasdiscourseincreasinglyconcernsitselfwithtechnocraticissues
of“managing”ASRs.Understandinghowasylumde-politicisationworksisvital
forunderstandingasylumtrendsacrosstheglobe,asitisinformedbya
hegemonicneoliberalrationalitytowhichmanygovernmentshavelong
subscribed.Beyonditsprevalenceasamodeofasylumgovernance,itis
importantalsobecauseofitsseriousimpactonthelivesofASRs,whichcanbe
seeninthewidespreadmarginalisationofASRsinsociety,unabletoaccessstate
welfareandostracisedfromthenativepopulation.
Theaimofthisdissertationistoexaminehowthedualstrandsofgovernmental
anddiscursivede-politicisationarerealisedatalocallevel.Thecasestudy
developedthroughthisresearchisBristol,oneoftheeightmembersoftheCore
CitiesGroup,thereasonbeingthatithasawell-establishedasylumthirdsector,
alargeASRpopulation,andIampersonallyfamiliarwithit.Incarryingoutthis
localexaminationthisdissertationwillhighlightthe‘underestimatedrelevance
ofthelocalcontext’(Hingeretal.2016:461)indetermininghowsuchpractices
takeshape.Inordertodosoitwillbringtogetherthreetendencieswithin
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migrationscholarshipthattogetherformacoherentframeworkforacritical
examinationofthepoliticalgeographyofasylumintheUK.Takingthecityof
Bristolasadiscretelocalityinwhichde-politicisationisgrounded,itwill
foregroundthirdsectororganisations(TSOs)asthekeyactorsbywhichpolicies
andpracticesareembodied.Thethirdsectoristhe‘sectoroforganizedhuman
actioncomposedofcollectiveactorsbeyondthefamilyanddistinctfromthe
stateandthemarket’(Viternaetal.2015:175),andTSOsareintimatelybound
upintheprocessofde-politicisation,havingthepotentialtobothfacilitateand
contestit.Itwillthenexaminetheirinteractionswithde-politicisationwithina
Gramscianconceptualframework.WithitsoriginsinGramsci’swritingsoncivil
society,GramscianismcanhelpelucidatetheactionsofTSOsandthemotivations
behindthoseactionsthroughwell-establishedconcepts.Thede-politicisationof
asylumiscertainlyanationalphenomenon,evenaglobalone,howeverthe
degreetowhichitisrealisedineachplaceisdictatedbyspecificallylocal
configurationsofasylumgovernance.Throughtheuseofthisframeworkthis
dissertationwilldemonstratethatTSOscanbecoercedintofacilitatingde-
politicisation,howevertheyarealsoabletocontestit.
Beginningwithamoredetailedreviewofthetendencieswithinmigration
scholarshipthathaveinformedtheshapeanddirectionofthisstudy,this
dissertationwillthenmoveontodiscusstheliteratureonneoliberalismandde-
politicisation,beforefinishingtheliteraturereviewwithaconsiderationof
relevantthirdsectorliteratureandthekeyGramsciantheoriesthatwillbe
drawnoninlaterchapters.Chapter3willthenpresentthemethodologyusedin
thisresearch,whichconsistsoftwodifferentdata-gatheringtechniquesusedin
successivephases,andaddressitsmeritsandlimitations.Finally,theempirical
findingsoftheresearchwillbeanalysedinchapter4.Thischapterwillbegin
withareviewofthedifferentforms,missionsandsocialcompositionsofasylum
TSOsinBristol,highlightingagrass-rootsoriginandtheparticipationofASRsas
commonalitiesacrossthesector(4.1).Itwillthenoutlinethede-politicising
market-orientedtransferofresponsibilitieswhichistakingplaceandhowTSOs
areincreasinglytakingonrolesofwelfareprovision(4.2).Incontrasttothe
findingsofotherstudies,whatwillbedemonstratedisthatTSOshave
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neverthelessmaintainedafocusontheirsubstantivegoals(4.3),asituationin
partexplainedbytherelativeautonomyandindependenceofthesector(4.4).
TSOs’acceptanceofnewrolesandresponsibilitiescanbeunderstoodinpartasa
responsetoacoerciveengenderingofaction(4.5),andthischapterwillconclude
byexploringthewaysinwhichTSOscontinuetodevelopcounter-hegemonic
challengestodiscursivede-politicisation(4.6).
Chapter1:TurningLocal
Withinthewidefieldofmigrationscholarshipitispossibletoidentifyseveral
trendsthathavedevelopedinrecentyearsfollowingcriticismsof
methodologicalnationalism.Thischapterwilladdresstheissueof
methodologicalnationalismbeforegoingontoconsiderhowsomeresearchers
havedevelopednewapproachesandperspectivesthatmoveawayfromthe
nationstateasthekeysiteofstudy.Instead,agrowingnumberofstudiesshare
aninterestinexploringissuesofmigrationatalocallevel,eitherbyinvestigating
differentspaces,examiningdifferentactorsordevelopinganti-essentialist
notionsofstatepower.
1.1Movingonfrommethodologicalnationalism
Writingin2010,Gillnotedthattherehaslongbeena‘strongassociation
betweenthenotionofarefugeeandthenotionofstates’(Gill2010:626).The
effectofthisassociationhasbeenatendencywithinmuchworkaround
migration,refugeesandasylumtofocusonthenationstateasa‘keysiteofstudy,
analysisandcritique’(Darling2016a:485).Beginninginthe1970s(Martins
1974),someresearchersbegantovocallyquestionthe‘consistency,coherence
andauthority’(Darling2016b:178)thatmigrationresearchhadtypically
assumedofnationstates,aswellasthepervasivemethodologicalapproach
whichfocussedalmostexclusiveonnationalmodels(Schmidtke2014:79).
HerminoMartinsfirstcriticallydescribedthisas‘methodologicalnationalism’in
1974(Martins1974),atermlaterelaboratedbyAndreasWimmerandNina
Glick-Schillertorefertoanintellectualorientationwhichtiesitselftoa
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frameworkestablishedbypolicymakersand‘confinesdiscussionsofsocial
processeswithinnationalboundaries’(Caglar&GlickSchiller2011:9).Spurred
onbythedevelopingcriticismofmethodologicalnationalismmanystudieshave
soughttogobeyondanalysisatthenationallevel(Emilsson2015:1).The
traditionalfocusonnationstateshasbeensupplementedwithaconcernfor
exploringwithinnationstates(Darling2016a:485),andfurthermorewitha
growinginterestinaddressingquestionslonglefttopoliticaltheoristsabout
whatastateactuallyis.
Aspartofageneralrejectionofmethodologicalnationalismwecanidentifya
tendencytofocusattentiononresearchingmigrationatdifferentscalesandin
differentspaces.Thistrendreflectsandbuildsonthewidespreadsocial-
scientificinterestinexploringissuesofscaleandthedifferentiationbetween
local,regional,national,transnationalandglobalgeographicunits,which
developedintheearly1990’s(Brenner2011:23).In2015Platts-Fowlerand
Robinsonemphasisedtheimportanceofrecognisingthatmanyaspectsof
migrationare‘groundedandembodiedinspaceandplaceandthatdespite
proceedingunderthesamegeneraloperativeprocesses,canevolveindistinctive
waysindifferentplaces’(Platts-Fowler&Robinson2015:476).Echoesofthis
argumentcanbefoundspanningbackoverthedecade.Inthistimetherehas
beenanemphasisonthe‘localaspectsofintegrationandmigration’(Emilsson
2015:1),withstudiesexploringtheheterogeneityofmigrationpolicieswithin
nation-states(Hilber&Baraulina2012).Withregardstointegration,focushas
shiftedfromnationalmodelstounderstandingwhetherandhownational
policiesareimplementedatthelocallevel(Schmidtke2014:1).Cities,reception
centresandrefugeecampshaveallsurfacedaspopularsitesofstudy(Rygiel
2012;Sanyal2012),bothreflectingandfosteringaninterestinexploringthe
dynamicsofpolicyimplementationinwidelydifferentcontexts(Darling2016a:
485).Itappearsthatmigrationscholarshipisincreasinglyacknowledgingthat‘it
isbothconceptuallymisleadingandfactuallyincorrecttospeakofasingle–
national–modelresponsiblefortheformationofimmigrationandintegration
policies’(Schmidtke2014:80).
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Asmigrationscholarshiphasconcerneditselfwithexploringdifferentscalesand
spacesithasalsobeguntoaddressmoreandmorethedifferentactorswho
populatethesespaces.Thisis,again,reflectiveofawidershiftinthesocial-
sciencesoccurringinthe1990s,whenglobalgovernanceemergedasa
prominentresearchagenda(Sending&Neumann2006:651)followinghoton
theheelsofregimetheoryanditsshakeupofthestudyofinternational
relations.Acentralelementofbothofthesetheoreticaldevelopmentswasa
growthininterestintheplaceandroleofnon-stateactors.Withinmigration
scholarshipdifferentnongovernmentalgroupsandactorssuchasmigrant
supportgroups(MacKenzieetal.2012),refugeecommunityorganisations
(Piacentini2012)andsocialmovements(Koca2016)havesincebeensubjectto
morescholarlyattention.AnissueofForcedMigrationReviewpublishedearly
thisyearprominentlyfeaturedseveraldiscussionsonrecognisingtheroleof
Non-governmentalOrganisations(NGOs)inrefugeeresettlement(Slaughter
2017),atopicwhichhad‘longbeenneglected’(Snyder2011:565).Inthe
Europeancontext,NGOsandvolunteergroupsactiveoutsidetraditionalstate
frameworkshavebeenseentoplayakeyroleinalleviatingthesufferingof
migrantsandhavethusbeenthefocusofaburgeoningareaofresearch
(Sotiropoulos&Bourikos2014;Chtouris&Miller2017).Theempiricalfindings
ofresearchintonon-stateactorssupportcriticismsofstate-centricityand
methodologicalnationalismbyhighlightingnotonlytheirimportantrolein
differentareasofmigrationgovernancebutalsothedynamicrelationships
betweentheseactorsandthestate.Indeed,asnewsetsofactorsgainpowers
andresponsibilities(Gill2009:215)migrationscholarshavebeenledto
criticallyexaminetheconceptsofstateandstatepowerwhichtheyemploy.
AccordingtoNickGill‘researchintoforcedmigrationhasnotbeenreadily
associatedwithanyparticularstatetheory’.Insteadthestatehasoftenbeen
conceivedofasanessentialentity,‘standingapartfromsocietyandactingupon
itfromadistance’(Gill2010:627),atendencyinformedbytheintellectual
orientationsofmethodologicalnationalism.Innovativeresearchinrecentyears
hasworkedwithanti-essentialistconceptsofthestate,inGill’s(Gill2010:639)
opinionconstitutingan‘emergingcriticalasylumgeography’.Chiefamongst
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these,andofcriticalimportancetothisdissertation,arethoseworkswhichhave
acknowledgedthe‘differentformsofstatepower,includinggovernmental
power’(Gill2010:639).Researchinthisveinhasexploredthe‘enrolmentof
discretionary,dispersed,non-stateandquasi-stateactorsintostate-orchestrated
andstate-managed(butnotstate-executed)practices’(Gill2009:218).Inthe
currentEuropeancontextthisbandofthoughtfindsmuchtractiondueto
widespreadrecognitionthatmemberstateshavebyandlargeallmadeeffortsto
reducethedirectroleofthestateinmeetingthewelfareneedsofforced
migrants,andthatresponsibilityforsuchprovisionhasinsteadbeendevolvedto
myriadpublic,privateandvoluntaryactorswhooperateatinternational,
regionalandlocallevels(Dwyer2005:622).Inordertoexplorehowpoweris
exercisedthroughincreasinglycomplexnetworksofgovernancesome
researchershaveturnedawayfromessentialistnotionsofthestatewhichrefer
onlytolegalconstraintsandfinancialcurtailments.
Thetendenciesoutlinedabove-theexplorationofhowpoliciesarerealisedin
differentspaces,theroleofdifferentactorsandthedynamicsofasylumsector
governance-shareaninterestinlocalityandthelocaldimensionoflarge
migration-relatedphenomenon.Somestudieshavesynthesisedthesetendencies
toanalysespecificprocesses,forexampleHingeretalhavedevelopeda
frameworkforstudyingthelocaldimensionofasylumhousinginGermanand
theprocessbywhichitisnegotiated.Thisdissertationwillattempttofollow
theirleadbylookingataspecificlocalityinordertoseehowthebroader
dynamicsofaparticularphenomenon(de-politicisation)areactually
constituted,addressingtheroleofnon-stateactors(TSOs)andinformedbya
non-essentialistviewofthestateandstatepower(Gramscianism).
Chapter2:Asylumandthethirdsector
Thischapterwillbeginbyoutliningthebroaderlegal-politicalframeworkof
asylumintheUK,exploringhowasylumpoliciesandpracticesstemfroma
“neoliberalrationality”.Inparticularitwilladdresshowstrategiesofde-
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politisationhavetransferredasylum-relatedfunctionsfromthegovernmentalto
thenongovernmentalsphereandcreatedadiscourseofasylumasamanagerial
concern.Itwillthenmoveontoconsiderhowanawarenessofsuchstrategiesin
theUKandelsewherehaveledsomethirdsectorscholarshiptoviewthesector
as‘co-opted’bythestate(McCabe2010:7).Theseviewshavebeencriticizedas
pessimisticfortheirreductivesuggestionsthatthirdsectororganisationsareon
a‘uni-directionalcoursetowardsthestate’(Carey2008:14),andincreasingly
researchersaredrawingonGramscianconceptsthatarerelevanttostudiesof
thethirdsector.ThechapterwillfinishbyconsideringGramscianconceptsof
hegemony,counter-hegemonyandcoercion,andhighlighthowtheysupporta
nuancedframeworkforanalyzingthethirdsector.
2.1Governmentalanddiscursivede-politicisation:Neoliberalismandasylum
intheUK
SincetheelectionofMargaretThatcherin1979,whoseGovernmentwasa
‘defining,vanguardproject’ofneoliberalism(Springer2010:1028),successive
UKGovernmentshaveoperatedaccordingtoaneoliberalrationality.
“Neoliberalism”canherebeunderstoodasanassemblageof‘rationalities,
strategies,technologiesandtechniques’(Springer2010:1032)thatimbue
political,economicandsocialarrangementswithanemphasisonmarket
relations,minimalstatesandindividualresponsibility.Thecruxofneoliberalism
canbeseentolieinthe‘transferoftheoperationsofgovernment…tonon-state
entities’(Ferguson&Gupta2002:989),producing,insteadoflessgovernment,a
‘newmodalityofgovernment’(Darling2016c:232)whichfacilitates‘governance
atadistance’(Springer2010:1033).Oneofthekeystrategiesorprocesses
throughwhichthisisachievedisde-politicisation.Thisinvolvesbotha
governmentalmode,inwhichthereisamarket-orientedtransferof
responsibilities,andadiscursivemode,inwhichthistransfer‘becomescommon
sense’(Darling2016c:239)andparticularconcernsaredisplacedfrompolitical
discussionsas‘thedebatesurroundinganissuebecomestechnocratic,
managerial,ordisciplinedtowardsasinglegoal’(Wood&Flinders2014:151).In
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thecontextofasylumthismeansthetransferofwelfareandother
responsibilitiesfromthestatetothethirdsector,alongsidetheframingofASRs
asaburdentobemanaged.
Agovernmentalde-politicisationofasylumisclearlyvisiblethroughoutthelast
twodecades.NewLabour’sapproachtothethirdsectorwastiedinwiththeir
widerpromotionofa‘ThirdWay’inpublicpolicyplanning,whichemphasiseda
relianceonamixofstateandmarketforces,assessedonthebasisof‘what
mattersiswhatworks’(Jonesetal.2015:2066).ThecoreelementofNew
Labour’sapproachtothethirdsectorthusrevolvedaroundpursuingcloserand
bettermanagedrelationsintheformofpartnerships,whichweretobegoverned
bynationalandlocal‘compacts’whichoutlinedguidelinesfortherelationships
betweenthetwoparties(Halfpenny&Reid2002:521).Withtheintroductionof
theNationalAsylumSupportServicein2000asylumseekersweredispersedto
accommodationaroundthecountryandprovidedwithfinancialsupportat70%
ofincomesupport(Halfpenny&Reid2002:522).Amixtureofsuppliers
includingprivateproviders,localauthoritiesandTSOstookupcontractsfor
housingprovision,andTSOsworkingwithASRsgrewinsizeandnumberand
increasinglytookonroleswhichinvolvedclosecollaborationwiththestate.
TheConservativeandLiberalDemocratCoalitionGovernmentwhichcameto
powerin2010largelycontinuedthepreviousGovernment’sapproachtothird
sectorrelationsthroughtheirvocalpromotionofthe‘BigSociety’policy
programme.WhileithasneverbeencompletelyclearwhattheCoalition
Government’svisionoftheBigSocietyreallyentailed(Rowsonetal.2010:62),
beyondrhetoricof‘turningGovernmentupsidedown’wecanseethatthe
Coalitionpursuedestablishedpolicyobjectivesofdevolvingpowerstothelocal
level,reconfiguringserviceprovisionandgivingnon-stategroupsagreaterrole
inthedeliveryofGovernmentpolicyagendas(McCabe2010:4).Onesubstantial
policydiscontinuitybetweenthetwoGovernmentshasbeenrightlyhighlighted
inthehugereductionofGovernmentfundingforthethirdsectorthatoccurred
asaresultofausterity(McCabe2010:6).Followingthe2008FinancialCrisisthe
CoalitionGovernment,inlinewithmanyGovernmentsacrossEuropeandthe
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world,implementedaraftofausteritypolicieswhichinvolvedhugespending
cutsacrossGovernment(Darling2016a:487).Whilethethirdsectorhad
previouslygrownthanksinparttocontractingandincreasedGovernment
funding(McCabe2010:6),spendingcutscausedvastdifficultiesacrossthethird
sector(PricewaterhouseCoopers2012:2).However,austerityalsofostered
furthermarketizationofwelfareprovisionandfurtherwithdrawalofstate
supportforASRs,andsowhileTSOshadlessfundingtheyoftenhadgreater
responsibilities(PricewaterhouseCoopers2012).Theapproachesofboth
Governmentstothirdsectorrelationswereclearlyneoliberalincharacter,
involvingatransferofresponsibilitiesoutsideofthestatesphereandthe
involvementofTSOsasmechanismsfordeliveringformerlypublicservices.
Alongsidegovernmentalde-politicisationitisalsoapparentthatadiscursivede-
politicisationhasbeentakingplace.Togetherwithnationalisticrhetoricof
‘protecting’thesovereignstateand‘maintaining’borders,dominantasylum
discoursepositionsASRsaseconomicallyundesirableandathreattosocial
cohesion(Bakkeretal.2016:118;Luecketal.2015:608;Moore2013:356).The
widespreadusageof‘hydraulicmetaphors’byGovernmentministersandinthe
popularpress,whichimaginemigrantsas‘floods’or‘swarms’goeshandinhand
withdepictionsofasylumseekersas‘bogus’,‘undeserving’and‘illegitimate’
(White2002:3).Thesemetaphorsanddepictionstookonparticularemphasisin
thelightofanausteritynarrativethatasanationweneededto“tightenbelts”
andthattherewasnotenoughtogoaround(Perlo2012).Theconfluenceof
thesenarrativesgenerates‘survivalistemotions’,evokingnotionsofthenation
being‘fullup,overcrowded’(Anderson2017:57).Thenarrationofan‘asylum
problem’naturalisestheperceptionofasylumseekersasanunwantedelement
within(Darling2013:81),reinforcesimaginingsofasylumseekersas
‘problematicpresences’andfostersadiscursivede-politicisationinwhichtheir
entranceandpresencebecomesomethingtobepolicedormanagedaccordingto
‘logicsofproceduralefficiencyandemergencymeasures’(Darling2016c:231).
Oncethethreatofasylumseekersdrainingthenationsscarceresourceshasbeen
asserted,politicalalternativestotheGovernment’sapproachofdeterringtheir
accesstotheseresourcesbecomeincreasinglycontentious.Asdiscourseisde-
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politicised,theboundariesofdebatesolidifyaroundquestionsof‘regulations,
risks,quantificationandprocedure’ratherthan‘politicalrights,political
alternativesandhumanlives’(Darling2013:82).
2.2Subcontractorsandhandmaidens:Pessimisticviewsofthethirdsector
Overthelastseveraldecadesanumberofgovernmentsaroundtheglobehave
engagedinamarket-orientedtransferofresponsibilities,atrendwhichhasbeen
viewedcriticallybymanyresearchers.InthisviewTSOsare‘merely
perpetuatingthewillofthestate’(Carey2008:11)bycarryingoutrolesand
functionsthatpreviouslyhad‘unambiguouslyresidedinthestatesphere’(Gill
2009:216).TSOsareconditionedintothispositionthroughtheuseof
conditionalfundingandwiderlegalandadministrativeregulationsthatdirect
theiractionsintheinterestsofthestate.IntheUKcontext,researchinthisvein
suggeststhattheprocessofcontractingandpartnershipinstitutesTSOsasapart
ofthesystemofgovernance(Carmel&Harlock2008:167).Inordertoqualify
forfundingTSOshavetoconformto‘systemsofregulation,inspectionandaudit’
(Clarke2004:36)thatshapehowtheyfunctionandwhattheydo.Thistiesintoa
widerassertionthatforNGOsadependencyonstate-aligneddonorsandthe
stateforfundingcaneffectivelymakethemsubcontractorsofthestateoreven
para-statalorganisational(Kaldor2003:21).Furthermore,byprovidinga‘social
safetynet’(Kaldor2003:16)TSOsareenablingthe‘withdrawalofthestate’
(MacKenzie2012:263)andthusactingasan‘importantmechanism’(Kaldor
2003:16)fortheimplementationofaneoliberalagenda.
Oneofthemostprevalentperspectivesofthethirdsectorwhichtakesthisview
isdescribedbyOlafCorryasthegovernmentalview(Corry2010:16).This
approachstemsfromMichelFoucalt’swritingsonthenatureofmodern
governmentandhistheoryofgovernmentality,atermheusedtorefertothe
‘conductofconducts’,orthepracticesbywhichthestategovernstheconductof
others(MacKinnon2000:295).Governmentalitythendescribesthesystemof
‘discourseandtechniquesorinstitutionsthatallowcertainpracticestoflourish
andotherstoappearimpossible’(Corry2010:16),andagovernmentalviewof
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thethirdsectorseesitaspartoforevenatoolofthedominantorderandits
discoursesandinstitutionsasthemeansbywhichacertainkindofgovernanceis
achieved(Corry2010:16).Statepoweristhusregulatory–itworksthrough
institutionsandinducesindividualstoconformtosocialnorms(Carey2008:12),
andTSOsformpartoftheapparatusbywhichgovernmentsareableto‘govern
atadistance’(Carey2008:12)and‘producethemoralregulationofthechoices
ofautonomousindividuals’(Gilbert&Powell2009:7).Thegovernmentalview
hasbeencriticizedbyRaymondBryantforreflectingtooheavilyFoucalt’sown
pessimism(Bryant2002:271),andbyCorryforbeingtoo‘reductionist’inits
analysis(Corry2010:17),reducingTSOstomerelythe‘handmaidens’of
governmentality,andthethirdsectorasawholetolittlemorethanatoolfor
orderingsociety.InthelightofthiscriticismGramscianperspectiveshavebeen
gainingtractionwithinthirdsectorscholarship.
2.3Hegemony,counter-hegemonyandcoercion:Gramscianconceptsandthe
thirdsector
Whilediverseintheirdetails,theseconceptshavealldevelopedfromthe
writingsofAntonioGramsci,theItalianMarxisttheoristandpolitician.Gramsci
iscreditedwithdevelopinga‘culturallyandinstitutionallysensitive
interpretationofMarxisttheory’(Gale1998:270),andhiswritingsoncivil
society,whichhelocatedasastructuralthirdsectorbetweenthestateandthe
economicrealm(Katz2006:334;Viternaetal.2015:178),havebeentakenup
bylaterauthors.Gramscianismbroadenedtheunderstandingofhowpoweris
exercisedbyhighlighting‘opinion-mouldingactivity’aboveandbeyond
traditionaleconomicandmilitaryfactors(Sønderriis2011:33).Attractingthe
attentionoflocalgovernanceresearchersitwaswidelytakenupasabroad
conceptualframeworkfor‘assessinghowgovernanceischannelledand
deliveredthroughlocalstateinstitutions’(MacKinnon2000:294).WhileStuart
Hallcautionedthatitdoesnotoffera‘generalsocialsciencewhichcanbe
appliedtotheanalysisofsocialphenomenaacrossawidecomparativerangeof
historicalsocieties’(Hall1986:5),heneverthelesssharedtheviewthatitoffers
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atheoreticalbasisfromwhichtoanalysethe‘dynamicsofcontemporarypolitical
contests’(Hall1986:5).
Gramscianconceptsofferausefulframeworkforexaminingthethirdsector
becauseitprovidesbothameansofunderstandingwhatTSOsaredoing,through
thetheoryofhegemonyandcounter-hegemony,andameansofunderstanding
whyTSOsaredoingthesethings,throughtheconceptofcoercion.Hegemony,
accordingtoGramsci,isthedominantwayoflifeandthought,diffusedthrough
societyandinformingitsnorms,values,practicesandsocialrelations(Katz
2006:335).Alongsidehegemonythereisasimultaneousmovementofcounter-
hegemony(Katz2006:336),andwhilehegemonymaintainsthepositionofthe
rulingclass,counter-hegemonypromotesare-arrangementofsocialforces.
Hegemonyisthus‘contingentandunstable’(Levy&Egan2003:807),andthe
thirdsector,accordingtoGramscianthought,canbeseenasazoneof
contestationinwhichsocialforcesviefordominance(Corry2010:17).Inthis
perspectiveTSOareeitherutilisedbytherulingclassto‘formandmaintainits
hegemony’(Katz2006:335),ortheyactassitesandinstitutionsfromwhich‘an
alternativesocialordercanmaterialise’(Sønderriis2011:34).TheGramscian
emphasisonthewayinwhichnon-stateforcesandactorsinsocietycanbeco-
optedbythestateissimilarinitsanalysistothegovernmentalview,howeverit
ismorenuancedinallowingforthepotentialforsocialchangetomaterialise
withinthethirdsector.Itisimportanttonotethathegemonyandcounter-
hegemonyarenotastrictdichotomy,andTSOscanbecomplicatedinboth
promotingandchallenginghegemonysimultaneously.Nevertheless,asa
frameworkthistheoryenablesustomorefullyappreciatewhatTSOsare
actuallydoingbeyondanevaluationofactivitiesandoutcomes.Instead,weare
abletoanalysethethirdsectoras‘thebalanceofsocialforcesinsociety’(Corry
2010:18),andseespecificactionsaseitherfurtheringorcounteringhegemonic
discourses;eitherreinforcingtheexistingsocialorderordeveloping
alternatives.
Whilehegemonyandcounter-hegemonycanhelpusunderstandwhatTSOsare
doing,theycannotexplaininandofthemselveswhyTSOsareactinginthese
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ways.UsingGramsciantheoriesofcoercionenablesustoexaminethemyriad
strategiesbywhichTSOscanbeco-optedintohegemonicdiscourses.Two
attributesoftheGramsciannotionofcoercionareofparticularrelevancehere.
First,theunderstandingthathegemonycanforma‘coerciveorthodoxy’(Katz
2006:335),inculcatingactorswiththedesiretoactinprescribedways.Inthis
waycoercionoffersaframeworkforexploringhowdominantdiscoursescan
directtheactivitiesofTSOsasmuchasdisciplinarystrategies.Second,the
recognitionthatdisciplinarystrategiescancompelactorstoperformcertain
taskswithoutresortingtoovertlegaloradministrativemanipulation(Carey
2008:12-14).Here,ratherthanseeingTSOswhichcomplywithandfacilitate
neoliberalrationalitiesas“handmaidens”,thinkingabouttheactionsofTSOsas
responsestocoercionencouragesustorecognisehowconsentcanstemfrom
actorsbeing‘outflankedratherthanbrainwashed’(Levy&Egan2003:808).
InrevealingpreviouslyhiddenpressureswhichTSOsmustconstantlynegotiate
theGramsciantheoryofcoercionenablesustobetterunderstandthe‘volitional
conduct’(Gill2009:219)ofactorswithinthethirdsector.
Chapter3:Methodology
Exploringhowde-politicisationhasbeenrealisedatalocallevelrequireda
combinationofdifferentsourcesandtypesofdata.Thisdataneededtocapture
bothitsmaterialeffectsasresponsibilitiesandfundingmovearoundandthe
workthatpeopledochanges,anditsdiscursiveeffectsasthediscoursepeople
useismouldedandinturnmouldspeople’sbeliefsandperceptions.First,I
neededto‘map’asylumthirdsectoractivityinBristolanddevelopa
comprehensivepictureofthevariousorganisations,theirstructuresandforms
oforganisation,theworktheydid,theirstatedaims,theirfundingsources,the
peoplewhoworkedforthem,andhowtheyhavegrownandchangedoverrecent
years.Second,Ineededtoheartheperspectivesofthosewhoworkedwithinthe
sectortounderstandthedynamicsofrelationshipsacrossthesectorand
betweenthegovernmentalandnon-governmentalsphere,theproblemsand
difficultiesTSOsfaced,theinternalchangeswithinTSOs,howgovernment
policieswereperceived,thelanguagewithwhichthirdsectorworkersdescribed
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theirworkandhowtheyunderstoodtheirownrolesandpositionsinBristol.To
achievethis,thisresearchusedacombinationoftwoseparatedatacollection
methodsemployedinsuccessivephases.
3.1Phaseone:street-levelsearches
ThefirstphaseofresearchwaslargelybasedonworkdonebytheBelowthe
RadarReferenceGroupattheThirdSectorResearchCentreinBirmingham.This
groupwasformedin2009inresponsetoagrowingawarenessofthelackof
informationon‘small,voluntaryorbelowtheradaractivity’intheThirdSector
(McCabeetal.2010:4).Wecangetasenseofresearchers’interestinsuch
groupsfromToepler’sstatementthat‘perhapsoneofthefewremainingbig
mysteriesinnon-profitsectorresearchisthequestionofwhatwearemissingby
excludingthoseorganisationsfromempiricalinvestigationsthatarenoteasily
capturedinstandarddatasources’(Toepler2003:236).Adoptingtheterm
‘BelowtheRadar’asshorthandfor‘smallvoluntaryorganisations,community
groupsandsemi-formalandinformalactivitiesinthethirdsector’(Soteri-
Proctor2011:2)theTSRCbegandevelopingaresearchstrategyforthispartof
thesector.Whilethisresearchisnotsolelyconcernedwith“belowtheradar”
TSOsIfeltthatbeginningfromtheirmethodologywouldallowmetodevelopas
comprehensiveapictureofthirdsectoractivityaspossible.
TheapproachoutlinedbytheTSRCisopenandflexible;thereisnoparticular
sequenceofactivities(Soteri-Proctor2011:9).Theirstrategyinvolvesgoing
beyondofficialrecordsbycollatingdatafromlocalagenciestosupplement
largeradministrativerecordsbeforeconducting‘street-level’mappinginorder
tofindallorganisationalactivitytakingplacewithinsmalllocalareas.Mytakeon
itinvolvedfirstusingBristolCityCouncil’s(BCCs)websitetofindalltherelevant
spacesandlocationswithinthearea,whichincludedcommunitycentres,
communitynoticeboards,jobcentres,faith-basedbuildings,healthcentres,
libraries,sportsfacilitiesandearlylearningeducationproviders.Thesewere
chosenbecauseoftheirpotentialtobeintegratedintoasylumservicesor
support.Ithenmappedoutwalkingroutesaroundthecitywhichconnected
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around150oftheseandoverthecourseof6daysIvisitingthesepointsof
interest,conductinginformal,fact-findingchatsandconversationswith
volunteers,attendingevents,andoftenstoppinginshopsandbusinessesonthe
routetotalktolocalpeople.TheseconversationsgavemeasenseofwhichTSOs
werethebiggestandmostactive,thetypesofworktheyweredoing,the
physical,culturalandpoliticalenvironmentinwhichtheywereworkingandthe
kindsofproblemstheywerefacing,allofwhichinformedmylaterdiscussions.
DuetotimeconstraintsIcouldnotvisitall,andcontactedaround100
communitycentresbyphoneinsteadofinperson.Alongsidemystreet-level
searchesIalsoconductedsomeveryusefulonlinesearchesusingFacebookand
Twitter,twoofthemostwidelyusedsocialmediaplatforms,whereIusedkey
termssuchas‘refugee’,‘asylum’,‘aid’,‘volunteer’,‘voluntary’,‘community’,
‘immigrant’,‘support’,‘Calais’and‘Syria’.Theseonlinesearchesbroughtup
manyofthesameorganisationsthatIwouldfindduringmystreet-level
searches,andmyexperienceheresupportsthefindingsofGaiaMarcusand
JimmyTideythatthereis‘asignificantamountofoverlapbetweenthe
communityassetsmappedby…onlinedata-gatheringtechniquesanddoor-to-
doorresearch’(Marcus&Tidey2015:1).Thesesearches,bothonthestreetand
online,highlighteddozensofactivegroups,networksandorganisations.
WhilemyonlinesearchesencompassedBristol,conductingstreet-levelsearches
throughoutthewholeofBristolwasnotaviableoption,soasmallerareaofthe
citywaschosen.Thisareawaschosenbasedondemographicinformation
publishedbyBristolCityCouncil(BristolCityCouncil2011)followingthe2011
censuswhichsuggestedthatfourcentralwardsweremostlikelytohostasylum
TSOs.Thesewardshadthehighestimmigrantpopulationandwerethemost
ethnicallydiverse,aswellasbeingrankedthehighestintermsofindicesof
multipledeprivationandhavingthehighestpopulationofpeoplereceiving
means-testedbenefitsandwithlowskillsforemployment.Allofwhichsuggests
thatindividualswhowouldeitherbeinvolvedwithorrequiresupportfromthe
asylumthirdsectorweremorelikelytobelocatedwithinthesewards.
Furthermore,oneoftheconclusionsdrawnbyMacKenzieetal.’sresearchinto
networksofsupportfornewmigrantcommunitieswasthat‘spatialitywaskey’
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(MacKenzieetal.2012:645);intheircasestudythetowncentreprovidedthe
urbanspacefortheorganisationofthenetworks,andtheareainvestigatedhere
ismostlymadeupoffourofthecentralwardsofBristol,althoughitextends
beyondthesewardboundariesinsomeinstances.
3.2Phasetwo:interviews
Thesecondphaseofresearchinvolvedsemi-structuredinterviewswith
membersofrelevantTSOs.Interviewshavehistoricallybeendistrustedbysocial
scientistsbecausetheyhavebeenunderstoodasaperformanceonthepartof
bothinterviewerandinterviewee(Cochrane2013:40).Manyintervieweeswere
clearlyperformingaroleofrepresentativeoftheirorganization,oftenchecking
theirlanguageoractingawkwardlyorhesitantlywhentheybegantoexpress
opinionswhichdivergedfromthe“officialline”oftheorganization,forexample
whencriticizingBCCorotherTSOs.Oneintervieweequalifiedananswerby
saying‘I’mtalkingasanindividualhere,notarepresentativeof[their
organization]’(interview1).Atthesametime,inallowingtheinterviewerto
observe‘expressions,pausesorshiftsinattitude’(Cochrane2013:44)and
offeringspacefortheinterviewertore-wordquestionsandre-direct
conversation,interviewsofferameanstorecognizeandnegotiatethistension.
Semi-structuredinterviewswerechosenoverothermethods,suchassurveys,
becauseinbeingopentowide-rangingdiscussiontheyallowparticipantsmore
spacetoexpresstheirownthoughtsandopinionsandto‘introducetheirown
concerns’(Valentine1997:111).Semi-structuredinterviewsare‘dialoguerather
thananinterrogation’,a‘conversationwithapurpose’(Valentine1997:111).
ApproachingBristol’sasylumthirdsectorasanoutsiderIwantedtomaximize
theopportunitiesforintervieweestodirectmetopertinenteventsIhadnot
beenawareof,issuesIhadnotanticipated,andavenuesofthoughtand
discussionwhichIhadnotconsidered.LearningabouttheRefugeeForum,which
hadnotappearedinmystreet-levelsearches,andhearingathirdsector
worker’scriticismsoftheSyrianVulnerablePersonResettlementScheme,a
conflictIhadnotexpected,arejusttwoexamplesofhowsemi-structured
interviewsweresuccessfulinthisregard.
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IbeganthisphasebyselectingasamplegroupofTSOstocontact,initiallyaiming
todevelopasamplewhichwouldincludethekeyactorsinthefieldwhowould
beableto‘answerspecificquestionofsubstantialortheoreticalimportanceto
theresearch’(Johnson&Rowlands2012:150)whilealsobeingillustrativeofthe
differentorganisationaltypesandthirdsectoractivitiesthatcouldbeseen
acrossthecity.However,asignificantnumberoftheTSOsIapproachedwere
eitherunableorunwillingtotakepart,andwhileseveralofthesecouldbe
replacedmysamplesizeoftenTSOswassmallerthanIhadhopedfor.This
difficultyinengagingparticipantswasasignificantlimitationintheeffectiveness
ofthisapproachandforcedmetorespondinlessthandesirableways.Inorder
tomaketheinterviewsmoreattractiveIremovedsomequestionstomakethem
shorterandofferedtoconductthemoverthephoneaswellasinperson.This
resultedinasignificantuptake.ConductinginterviewsoverthephonemeantI
wasunabletoobserveinterviewees’bodylanguage,andtheconversationwas
oftenmorestiltedandawkward,interspersedwithperiodsofpoorphonesignal.
Comparedtomyin-personinterviews,conductedinlocalcafésorinterviewees’
officessothatintervieweeswouldfeelcomfortable,phoneinterviewsweremore
difficultbutnotproblematicallyso.
AnotherwayIrespondedtothedifficultyinengagingparticipantswasby
followingupwithinterviewrequeststhatemphasisedmystatusasan‘insider’,
someonewhois‘similartotheparticipantsinmanyrespects’(Dowling2005:
26).Indecliningtotakepart,onethirdsectorworkertoldmethattheyreceived
alargenumberofinterviewrequestsfromstudentsandthattheydidnothave
thetimetoparticipateinallofthem.Thepresenceofaround50,000University
ofBristolandUniversityoftheWestofEnglandstudentsinBristolwasnot
somethingIhadconsidered.Byreferencingmyownexperiencesvolunteering
foranasylumTSOIsoughttodistancemyselffromstudent“outsiders”and
developapositiverapport.Whilethismayhavehelpedinwinningparticipants
round,italsomayhavecausedfurtherinproblemstermsofassumedknowledge
andobjectivity.OnmultipleoccasionsduringtheinterviewsIhadtoaskfor
furtherclarityonterms,policiesandeventsthattheintervieweehadmentioned
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inanoff-handmanner,obviouslyexpectingmetohavebeenawareofthefine
detailsalready.InotherinstancesIwasmadeawarethatbyemphasisingmy
insiderstatusIhadpotentiallycompromisedmy‘independencefromtheobject
ofresearch’(Dowling2005:25)intheeyesofinterviewee.JustastheyassumedI
hadcertainknowledgeitalsofeltattimesliketheyassumedIhadacertain
opinion,andwhilethepersonalcharacteristicsandsocialpositionofthe
interviewerwillalwaysinformparticipants’behavioursImadeparticulareffort
toholdbackpersonalopinionsandasknon-leadingquestions.Overall,despite
theselimitations,thesemi-structuredinterviewsweresuccessfulinproviding
mewithrichlydetaileddata,oftenontopicsIhadnotpreviouslyconsidered,that
includednotjustfactualinformationbutasenseofinterviewees’personal
feelingsandopinions.
Chapter4:Analysis
InthefollowingchapterIwillanalysethedatacollectedfromthestreet-level
searchesandinterviews.Beginningwithasurveyofthediverseforms,missions
andsocialcompositionsofTSOs,Iwilldeveloptheargumentthatwhile
responsibilitieshavecertainlybeentransferredfromthestatetothethirdsector,
itwouldbewrongtoattributethistothe‘co-option’ofTSOsbythestate.
Bristol’sasylumthirdsectorremainslargelyautonomousandrelatively
uninhibitedbylegalandfinancialstatediscipline.Instead,TSOshavebeen
coercedintopickingupthepiecesofwelfareprovisionleftbehindfollowingthe
withdrawalofthestatethroughboththeformationofacoerciveorthodoxythat
encouragesparticipationinthirdsectoractivitiesandthecompellingeffectsof
harshasylummeasures.Farfrommerelyperpetuatingthewillofthestate,
asylumTSOsareactivelyengagedinacounter-hegemoniccontestationofthe
discursivede-politicisationofasylum.
4.1Forms,missionsandsocialcompositions
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ThepoliticalandculturalenvironmentofBristolhasfosteredalargeand
growingnumberofactiveTSOsthatworkwithASRs,demonstratingGill’s
assertionthat‘newsetsofactorsarebecomingincreasinglyempoweredand
responsibilised’intheasylumsector(Gill2009:216).TheseTSOsarenotonly
numerousbutalsodiverseintheirformsoforganisation,missionsandsocial
compositions.Thespanoforganisationalformsrunsfromhorizontal,online-
onlynetworksthroughsmallvolunteer-runcharitiestobranchesofinternational
organisationssuchastheRedCross.MostoftheTSOsidentifiedwereorganised
alongthelinesoftraditionalnonprofitsoroperationalcharities,howevereven
withinthistherewasvariance.Somehavemoreverticalandhierarchical
structures,withseverallevelsofgovernancewhichmayincludeboardsof
governors(interview1;interview4),whileothersoperatemorehorizontally.
Someemploypaidstaffandholdpermanentpremisesandofficespace,while
othersarefullyvolunteerrunonapart-timebasis(interview3).Thereisan
apparentcorrelationbetweenthesizeofanorganisationanditsdegreeof
bureaucracyandhierarchy-smallTSOsmayoperatewithonlyseveralpart-time
staff,meaningthatthereislittlescopeforhierarchicalstructurestotakeshape,
whilelargerTSOsmayrequireseparatebranchesofmanagementfordifferent
activities.
AswellasdiverseformsoforganisationtheTSOswerealsodiverseintheir
missions.Missionscanbeunderstoodastheaspirationsoraimsthatunderliean
organisation’sactions.MaryKaldor,inoutliningfouridealtypesofcivilsociety
actors,suggestssomedegreeofdiscreteboundariesbetweendifferenttypesof
missions;forexample,the‘emancipationofthepoorandexcluded’issetapart
fromthe‘protectionandpromotionofmembersinterests’(Kaldor2003:12).
Whatwasfoundinmyinterviewswasthatintervieweesoftenfelttheir
organisationshadseveraldifferentmissionswhichtheypursuedsimultaneously.
OneTSOcouldaspireto‘supportdestitutemigrants’,‘buildcommunitybonds’
and‘changepeople’sminds’[aboutASRs]allatonce(interview2).Furthermore,
whatwasmadeapparentthroughouttheinterviewswasthatwhenTSOsaligned
themselvesmorecloselywithoneparticularmissiontheydidthatcognisantof
themissionsofTSOsaroundthem.Thedifferentaimsandaspirationswereseen
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tocomplementeachother(interview2),andintervieweesspokerespectfullyof
organisationswhichhadostensiblydifferentaims.Manyintervieweesused
similarlanguageindescribingtheirmainaimorethosandalsoexplicitly
suggestedasynchronicityacrossthesector.Accordingtooneinterviewee‘we’re
allhereintheinterestsofasylumseekers,andthat’swhatwe’regoingtofocus
on’(interview6),anavowedunityofpurposethatmanyintervieweeswere
similarlykeentopresent.
Acknowledgingthisaspirationalharmonyleadsusontoconsiderthesocial
compositionofTSOs.ThelocalorgrassrootsoriginofmanyofthekeyTSOsand
thewidespreadparticipationofASRswasrecognisedtoplayanimportantrolein
shapingtheaimsandaspirationsofTSOs.EightoutoftenTSOsintheinterview
samplewereoriginallycreatedinBristol,andwhilenationalandinternational
organisationsarepresentandplayanimportantroleitisclearthatthecoreof
thesectorismadeupoflocalTSOs.ManagementofTSOswasusuallytheremit
ofprofessionalvoluntarysectorworkerswhohadworkedinpaidorvoluntary
rolesinthesectorforanumberofyears,reflectingawidespreadtrendwithin
thesector(Randall2015:33).Insomecases,however,ASRsplayedkeyrolesin
thecreationofTSOsandoccupiedthetopmanagementpositions.ASRsalso
makeupasignificantproportionofthevolunteerbaseofmanyTSOsinBristol,
includingfiveinthesample.WhileLucyWilliamsisrighttonotethat‘refugees
andothermigrantsarenotmerepassiverecipientsofcare,butareactivein
findinghelpappropriatetotheirownprioritiesandobjectives’(Williams2006:
867),inBristolwecanseethatASRsarenotjustactiveinfindingappropriate
helpbutincreatingit.Severalintervieweeswereclearinrecognisingthattheir
rootsinthelocalareaandtheparticipationofASRsstronglyinformedtheir
missionsandactivities.The‘livedexperience’ofrefugeestaffhadbeenvitalto
shapingthe‘vision’ofoneorganisation(interview2).Foranother,having
beneficiariesalsovolunteerandtakepartindecision-makingprocessesmeant
thattheycouldknow‘whatmembersreallywant’(interview1).
4.2Market-orientedtransferofresponsibilities
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WithinthisdiversesectorithasbecomeincreasinglycommonforTSOstofind
themselvesfulfillingtherolesofstatutoryservices.TSOsundertakeavastarray
ofactivitieswithinBristol’sasylumsector.Therolesofthevariousgroups,
networksandorganisationsidentifiedduringonlineandstreet-levelsearches
wereanalysedaccordingtocategoriesprovidedbythe2010NationalSurveyof
CharitiesandSocialEnterprises(IpsosMORI2013:32).Thesecategorisewere
sufficientincapturingthefullrangeofactivityandnonewcategorieswere
developedduringthisresearch.
Table1:RolesofTSOsinBristol
Roles
PercentageofTSOsundertakingroles
Culture&recreation 22%
Employment,education&
training
8.6%
Legalassistance&advice
services
25%
Communitydevelopment&
mutualaid
19.4%
Capacitybuilding/facilities 13.8%
Advocacy,campaigning,
representation,informationor
research
13.8%
Deliveryofpublicservices:
Housing,daycentre,counselling,
healthcare
33.3%
ThismethodofmeasuringactivitiesallowsforsingleTSOstofulfilmultipleroles,
animportantabilityconsideringmostTSOsdisplayedsomedegreeofhybridity,
meaningthattheydidnotconfinethemselvestoonetaskbutundertookmultiple
actionswithdifferentaims.Forexample,oneTSOprovideshousingforasylum
seekerswhilealsorunningadrop-incentre.AnotherTSOworkinginhousing
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runstrainingprogrammesforitstenantstohelpthemfindwork,and
furthermoreisactivelycampaigninglocallyandnationallytogetemployersto
‘changethewaytheyemploy’(interview2).Thediversityofactivitiesisclosely
connectedtothesizeandageofTSOs.Thosewhichnowofferseveralservices
typicallybeganwithjustonebefore‘growingintootherareas’(interview10),
andsmallerTSOsarefarmorelikelytofocusonasingleactivityduetothe
structurallimitationsofstaffingandfunding.
Overall,TSOsinBristolhavecometoplayavitalroleinprovidingservicesand
supportforASRs.OnoneleveltheycanbeseenasvitalforASRsthemselves,
manyofwhomrelyonTSOsinsomeformoranother,andonanotherlevelthey
canbeseenasvitalforBCC.TSOshavetakenonsomanyrolesand
responsibilitiesthattheirabsencewouldhavedireconsequencesforthecity.
TwointervieweessuggestedthatBCCwaswellawareofthisfact,andthatthis
laybehindtheireffortstomaintainsomedegreeoffinancialsupportduring
widespreadspendingcuts.Accordingtoone,BCChad‘ringfenced’somefunding
becausetheywereawarethat‘iftheydon’tsupportthevoluntarysectoritwill
allcometotheirdoorstep’(interview5).Anotherintervieweepaintedthisin
starktermswhendiscussingthenearclosureofalargeTSOseveralyearsprior,
statingthat‘iftheycloseditwouldbeaverybigproblemforcitycouncilbecause
youwouldhavealotofquiteangryyoungmenonthestreet…ifthosethings
weren’tprovided,Ithink,Isuspecttheremightbesomemoreissuesthanthere
are,peoplekickingoffandgettingangryandupset’(interview3).Intheirview,
BCCreliedonTSOstofulfilvitalroles,andtheclosureofkeyTSOswasa
potentiallydangerousthreattocommunitycohesioninthecity.
ThatthethirdsectoriswidelyconsideredacrucialpillarofBristol’sasylum
sectorcanbelargelyattributedtothefactthatTSOsarenowcarryingoutmany
ofthefunctionsandprovidingmanyoftheservicesthatwouldtraditionallybe
associatedwiththewelfarestate.AgreatdealoftheworkdonebyTSOsinvolves
providingservicestomeetthebasicneedsofASRsinBristol.Whilenoprecise
figuresontheASRpopulationwithinBristolexist,aftercomparingpredicted
numbersagainstthenumbersofbeneficiariesofalltheTSOsitappearslikely
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thatthevastmajoritymakeuseofservicesprovidedbyTSOsthatcouldbe
consideredessential,suchashousing,healthcare,childcareandfinancialor
materialsupporttopurchasefood,clothingandhygienenecessities.Thisisnot
tosaythatthestateiscompletelyabsentfromasylumwelfare,itstilldelivers
cashbenefitstoasylumseekersviathepostofficeandASRsareabletousethe
NHSandattendschool,howeverintervieweesuniformlyfelttheyweredoingthe
bulkofthework.Onesaidtome‘whatwe’redoing,Imeanreallythe
governmentshouldbedoingit.Idon’tknowiftheyusedtoandthenthey
stopped,butIthinkit’ssad,shameful,thatwehavetostepinandstoppeople
fromstarving,getpeopleoffthestreet.Thisisbasicstuff,themostbasic’
(interview7).The£36.95aweekthatasylumseekersreceivefromthe
Governmentwasspokenofscornfullyduringinterviews,refugeeswereseento
belittlebetterprovidedforandfailedasylumseekerswerehighlightedasbeing
widelyatriskofdestitution,andsoTSOsarenowrequiredtoprovidethebare
essentialsoflife.Indoingsotheyaretakingup‘responsibilitiesandauthorities
thatonceresidedunambiguously’inthestatesector(Gill2009:216).
4.3Resistinggoaldisplacement
Inlinewiththeirexpandingresponsibilities,someTSOarebecoming
increasinglyformalised.Thisprocesscanbeunderstoodastheincreasing
structuringofworkroles,thedevelopmentofrulesandprocedureswhich
governemployeesactivities,andthegrowthofinternalbureaucraticor
administrativesystems.Oneintervieweenotedthatastheirorganisationhad
growntheyhadfacedmore‘requirementsuponusintermsofstandardsofhow
wehavetodothings’(interview1),andwhentalkingaboutanotherorganisation
said‘they’reamuchyoungerorganisation,they’reabletobelooseraround
boundaries,operateinawaywemighthavedoneafewyearsago’(interview1).
ThischimeswithagrowingliteratureonthemanagementofNGOswithinwhich
issuesofinstitutionalisationandaccountabilityhavebeenfrequentlyhighlighted
(Kaldor2003:5).Institutionalisationisrecognisedasatrendwithinthethird
sector,particularlyasTSOsarebroughtintopartnershipwithgovernment.
Whileadvantagestoformalisationareacknowledged,itisoftenassociatedwith
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specificdisadvantagesorproblems,chieflythedangerthatinstitutionalgoalsof
organisationalsurvivalwilltakeprecedenceoversubstantivegoals(MacKenzie
etal.2012:641).
ThistendencycanbeobservedamongstTSOsinBristol,albeittoalimited
degree.Asoneintervieweeexplained,theneedtobothcontinueproviding
servicesandkeepstaffinworkinfluencedthebehaviouroftheirmanagement
committee,sometimesleadingthemtopursue‘lucrativefundingopportunities’
which‘thoseofusonthegroundwilllookatandsay,wellwedon’twanttodo
that’(interview1).Astheorganisationhadgrownithadbecomemore
formalised,withmanystaffnowemployedfullorpart-time.Thisisaclear
exampleoftheimperativesoforganisationalsurvivalgeneratingbehaviours
whichprioritisesustainingtheexistenceoftheorganisation.Morewidelyacross
thesector,requirementsfromfundingsourcesfordataandassessmentsofthe
impactofTSOshaveshapedbehaviours,asrecognisedby(Harlock2013:1).In
somecasesthishasledtoTSOsallocatingresourcestoproducingtherequired
data,andinothersithasledtoTSOsalteringthenatureoftheservicesthey
providesothattheirimpactcanbebettermeasured(interview10).Measuring
outcomescanbedifficultinmanyareasofworkthatTSOsinBristolareengaged
in,forexamplequantifyingthepositiveoutcomesofabefriendingscheme,andin
somecasesthisledtoorganisations‘rethinkinghowwedothingssothatwecan
knowwhattheresultsare’(interview10).
Acknowledgingthesechangingbehaviours,itdoesnotappearthatthe
formalisationofsomeTSOshasledto“goaldisplacement”.Itwouldbewrongto
suggestthatbehavioursthatfailtoreflectormeettheorganisation’sneeds‘on
theground’signifythatitssubstantivegoalshavebeenobscured.Allthe
intervieweessharedaconcernforthechallengesofsustainabilitytheyfacedin
theirownorganisationandthesectorasawhole;organisationalsurvivalwasnot
solelyaconcernformoreformalTSOs.Inthecontextofausterityandmajor
reductionsinpublicspendingthereisarealriskformanyTSOsacrossthe
countrythattheywillbeunabletosurvive(Sepulvedaetal.2013:645).Several
yearspriortothisresearchRefugeeActionBristol,thenthelargestasylumTSO
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inBristol,wasforcedtocloseduetolackoffunding,highlightingtheprecarious
positionthatmanyoftheseTSOsoccupy.TSOshaveaccordinglyundertaken
strategicresponsestodiversifytheirfundingsources.However,possiblydueto
thewidespreadinvolvementofASRs,theycontinuetoprovetobeintouchwith
theirbeneficiariesandresponsivetotheirneeds,ashighlightedinthecontinual
developmentofnewprogrammesandserviceswithinthelargerTSOs.While
someofBristol’sTSOsarebecomingmoreformalisedtheydonotappeartohave
succumbedtotheassociateddangers,supportingtheargumentthat‘goal
displacementisnotinevitable’(MacKenzieetal.2012:636).
4.4Independenceandautonomy
Theabilitytoholdontosubstantivegoalsspeakstothewiderstateof
independenceandautonomyinwhichmanyTSOshavepersisted.Somesmall
TSOshaveoperatedcompletelyunderBCCsradarforyears,withlittleorno
contact.WhenaskedabouttheircontactwithBCC,oneintervieweedescribeda
lackofinterestonbothsidesindevelopingaworkingrelationship‘[my
organisation]isverygrassroots.Idon’treallyneedthem,theydon’tneedme.It
iswhatitis,we’reverysmallandjustgetonwithit.’Whilesomestudieshave
outlinedawidespreadco-optionofTSOsthroughgovernmentcontracts(Conlon
&Gill2015:443)thisdoesnotappeartobeparticularlyrelevantinBristol.In
somecasesthishasmadeuparound30%ofthirdsectorincome(Halfpenny&
Reid2002:542),howevergovernmentcontractsarerarehere.Onlythelargest
TSOshavecontractswiththegovernmentandthesemakeuponlyafractionof
theirtotalincome.ThemarginalisationoftheBMEthirdsectorandthe
disproportionatefundingcutsithasfaced(Tilkietal.2015)appearstohave
beensimilarlyexperiencedbytheasylumthirdsector,thevastmajorityofwhich
operateswithoutanygovernmentfunding.Furthermore,asnotedpreviously,
austerityhasledtoadramaticreductioningovernmentfundingacrossthe
wholethirdsector,andsoHalfpenny&Reid’sfigureof30%,producedin2000,is
clearlyout-dated(2002:542).Thislackofdirectgovernmentfundingnarrows
thepossibilitiesforthegovernmenttoenactlegalandfinancialdisciplineon
TSOs.
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Beyondfunding,thereisanoveralllackofinteractionbetweenTSOsand
nationalorlocalgovernmentandareadilyapparentlackoftop-downcontrol.
TSOshadoftendevelopedwithgenuineautonomypursuingtheirownindividual
objectives,andintervieweesgenerallyperceivedBCCtohavelongbeen
uninterestedinthespecificsoftheirwork,barafewindividuals.ThatTSOs
continuetooperatelargelyautonomouslyinpursuingtheirownobjectivesis
wellillustratedbytherecentintroductionoftheSyrianVulnerablePerson
ResettlementSchemeinBristol.Thisscheme,firstannouncedbythenPrime
MinisterDavidCameronin2015,involvestheresettlementofSyrianrefugees
fromSyriatodifferentpartsoftheUK.Whileover100Syrianshavebeen
resettledinBristolthroughtheschemetheexistingasylumthirdsectorhasbeen
largelyuninvolvedintheprocess,andseveralintervieweesinfactspoke
criticallyoftheschemeasbeinga‘separatestream’totheirownwork
(interview1;interview3;interview4).Thefactthattheschemeisbeing
deliveredoutsideoftheexistingasylumthirdsectorsuggeststhatthe
GovernmentisunabletooruninterestedindiscipliningasylumTSOsinto
carryingoutitsownobjectives,andthattherelationshipbetweenthe
GovernmentandTSOsisnotoneinwhichlocalornationalGovernmentcan
dictatebehaviour.
TherealdynamicsoftherelationshipbetweenBCCandasylumTSOscanbewell
observedthroughtheongoingprocessofBCCsdevelopmentofacitywide‘Cityof
SanctuaryStrategy’.Thisisaveryrecentdevelopment,withthefirstdraftofthe
strategyhavingbeenreleasedlatein2016.Manyofthecoreideasofthe
strategy,nottomentionitstitle,haveclearlydevelopedoutofthegrassroots
‘CityofSanctuary’campaigninBristolwhichmanythirdsectorworkerswere
involvedinaroundadecadeago(interview1).Politicalandpersonnelchanges
withinBCChavenowspurredactiononitspart,anditbeganbyapproaching
asylumTSOsviatheRefugeeForumtodiscussthecreationofthestrategy.The
RefugeeForum,whichwasfoundedin2002,isamulti-agencyforuminwhich
TSOs,councillorsandrepresentativesofHomeOfficecontractorscometogether
forregularmeetingsinwhichtheycancoordinateactionandairdisagreements
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(interview6).Nowattendedbyaround25TSOstheRefugeeForumisoneofthe
mainvenuesforthirdsectorplanningandorganisationandismanagedby
severalthirdsectorworkers.WhenBCCfirstreachedouttotheForumaboutthe
CityofSanctuaryStrategytheyinitiallyproposedthatthestrategycouldinfact
bemanagedbytheForum,howeverthisideawasrejected.BCCthenwentonto
consultwithkeyTSOsindraftingthestrategyfollowingaplanoutlinedwithin
meetingswiththeRefugeeForum.Thedraftdocumentthatwasthenproduced
nowlargelyconsistsofissuesandrecommendationsraisedbyTSOsratherthan
anythingparticularlyoriginalonthepartofBCC,withoneinterviewer
commentingthat‘alotofthestrategyisjustdescribingwhat’salreadyinthecity’
(interview8).LookingattheinteractionsbetweenBCCandasylumTSOsduring
theprocessdescribedabovethereisaclearabsenceof‘blurredboundaries’
betweenthestateandthethirdsector(Carmel&Harlock2008:155)ortheuse
oflegal-coerciveorfinancial-manipulativemethods.Instead,thereisanapparent
institutionalandoperationalgapbetweenthetwowhichisonlynowbeing
broachedbyeffortstodevelopamoreco-operativerelationship.
4.5Coerciveengenderingofaction
AsylumTSOsinBristolworkindependentlyoflocalgovernmentdirectionand
largelywithoutgovernmentfunding.Thisapparentautonomysuggeststhatin
ordertounderstandtheirvolitionwemayneedtoconsiderlessbluntformsof
coercionthatmaybeatwork.Inhiscritiqueofexteriorisationtheory’sreliance
onlegalorfinancialtermstoexplainTSOsbehaviour,Gillreferencesthe
Gramscianconceptofcoercioninwhich‘statesalsocommandpowersthatare
capableofengenderingthewilltoactinaccordancewithstateobjectivesrather
thansimplygeneratingthenecessityorimperativetodoso’(Gill2009:219).
Followingthislineofthought,itispossibletoidentifyinBristolformsof
coercionwhichhavecompelledTSOstotakeonmoreandmoreresponsibilities.
Ononelevelthiscanbeseenintheformationofa‘coerciveorthodoxy’(Katz
2006:335).Throughspecificframingsinpublicdiscourseindividualscanbe
‘ideationallyconditionedtofreelychoosetoconductthemselvesinwaysthatare
neverthelessparticularandconstrained’(Gill2009:200).Governmentrhetoric
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sincethebeginningoftheBigSocietypolicyplatformhasbeenparticularly
consistentinframingparticipationinthethirdsectorinapositivelight,as
‘service’,‘duty’or‘communitywork’,andseekingtoattractandincludemore
citizenswithinthissphere(McCabe2010:2-5).SeveralintervieweesItalkedto
reflectedontheboominvolunteersthatoccurredoverthecourseof2014and
2015,aseventsoftheSyriancivilwarandtheplightofrefugeeswererelayedto
theBritishpublicinincreasinglygraphicimages.Thelanguageinterviewees
usedtodescribethistrend,forexamplesayingthat‘theywantedtohelpsothey
cametous’(interview4)and‘alotofpeoplewatchedthenewsandthenwould
comeandaskuswhattheycoulddo’(interview8)suggeststhatforboththem
andthevolunteersthiswasanormalandnaturalaction;thattherewasaclear
andobviouspathwayfrombeingmotivatedtoacttovolunteeringinthethird
sector.ThisreflectsacoerciveorthodoxystrategicallyinculcatedbyGovernment
policyandrhetoricinwhichvoluntarismandthirdsectorparticipationhasbeen
renderedaconventionalchannelforpositiveactionandexpressionsof
solidarity.
AnotherlevelofcoercioncanbeseeninthepervasivedestitutionamongstASRs,
whichcreatesapowerfullycompelling‘need’forTSOstoact.Itiswidely
acceptedthatASRsfaceincrediblytoughlivingconditionsintheUK.Highlevels
ofunemploymentandlowlevelsoflanguagetuitionfosterssocialexclusion,
especiallyinthecontextofdispersalpoliciesthathouseASRsinsocially
deprivedareasupanddownthecountry(Phillimore&Goodison2006:1715).
Manyliveinastateofdestitution,andaccordingtooneAmnestyInternational
reportfailedasylumseekerslive‘livesonthemarginsofsociety,inabject
poverty…withhealthproblemsanddegreesofpsychologicaldistressdirectly
relatedtothispainfullimbocondition’(Amnesty2006:14).Arecentstudy
publishedintheBritishMedicalJournalhasarguedthatsomeasylumseekers’
dietsarecomparabletopre-welfarestateconditions,reflectingtheirlivingina
stateofabsolutepoverty(Collinsetal.2015:1).Intervieweesconfirmedthat
destitutionamongstASRsisrifeinBristol,andgrowing;increasingdemandfor
basicserviceswasaproblemraisedbynearlyeveryinterviewee,andmanyof
theserviceswereoperatingatcapacity.
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Thisstateofaffairsleadsustoconsideranumberofwarningstatementsmade
duringtheearlydaysoftheCoalitionGovernment.Theleadingpublicationfor
thethirdsectorpublishedanarticlearguingthattheGovernment’sapproach
amountedto‘volunteer,orelse!’(Quainton2010).Intheirwrittenevidencetoa
HouseofCommonsPublicAdministrationSelectCommitteeetheGreaterLondon
Volunteeringforumraisedtheirconcernthat‘volunteeringinthepublicservice
canbeaboutengagingserviceusersindeliveringsolutions,butshouldbea
choiceandnotcoercedunderthreatoflosingaservicealtogetherwhichthe
communitydecidesiscrucialandshouldbestatutory’(GreaterLondon
Volunteering2011).Oppenheimetal.prescientlywarnedthatausteritymeant
‘rollingbackthestateandexpectingcommunitiestoleapintothedrivingseat’
(Oppenheimetal.2010:2),andAngusMcCabearguedthatintegraltotheBig
SocietywasanunderstandingthatTSOswouldhavetorunservicesthestatefelt
itcouldnolongeraffordtoprovide(McCabe2010:5).Thesewarningshave
largelyprovedtrue,withthirdsectorworkersencounteringgrowingpressures
ontheirservicesandbeingcompelledtorespond.ThirdsectorworkersI
interviewedwereunitedinarguingthattheirworkwasrespondingtoarealand
pressing‘need’,thatwhattheyaredoingasanetworkwasvitalandthey‘haveto
doit’(interview7),andthatiftheystoppedtheirworktheresultswouldbe
catastrophic.Thisfitsinwithotherappraisalsthatarguethatasmigrants’rights
andaccesstopublicwelfarehavefallenawaythereisanincreasingonuson
TSOsto‘pickupthepieces’(Mayblin2014:381).Thistiesinwithaveinof
literaturewhichquestionswhethervolunteeringisalwaysvoluntaryand
highlightsthepossibilityforgovernmentsto‘leanonthecompulsionof
intrinsicallymotivatedindividuals’(Tõnurist&Sulva2016:230).Inthiscase,the
intrinsicmotivationliesinthethirdsectorworker’sdesiretoalleviatethe
sufferingofASRs,andthewithdrawalandrestrictionofwelfareprovisionthatis
necessarytosustaininglifecanbeunderstoodinGramsciantermsas‘sublethal
modalitiesofstatecoercion’(Davies2012:2693).
4.6Counter-hegemonicchallengestode-politicisation
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WhileitistruethatTSOshavebeencoercedintotakingonmoreandmore
responsibilitiesforASRs,itwouldbeasimplificationtoseethistransferas
merelyareplacement,oranexchangeoflikeforlike.Whatwasmadereadily
apparentthroughstudyingTSOsactivitiesandtalkingtothirdsectorworkers
wasthatTSOshaveamuchmoreinclusiveorholisticunderstandingofwhatis
‘essential’or‘vital’forASRs,meaningthattheyprovidemoreservicesatahigher
standardthantheGovernmentorGovernmentcontractorsmaybewillingor
abletoprovide.Oneexampleofthisthatwasrepeatedlyflaggedduring
interviewswasinhousing,whereGovernmentcontractorssuchasClearelwere
widelycriticisedforfailingtoprovideanappropriatestandardofservice.One
intervieweespokedisparaginglyofthenumbersofasylumseekersforcedto
shareaproperty,aswellasthefactthatpregnantwomenormotherswithyoung
childrenwerenotprovidedappropriatespaceandprivacy(interview3).These
propertiesarebyandlargeoutsideofBristolcityinruralorsuburbanareas
whichcausesanumberofdifficultiesforasylumseekerswhocannotaccess
servicesinBristol.Incontrast,thirdsectorhousingproviderstrytosource
housinginareaswhereASRswanttolive,haveminimumstandardsforspace,
cleanlinessandsafetyandseekoutlandlordswhowillbereceptivetotheneeds
ofASRs.AsoneintervieweesaidofHomeOfficecontractorswhoprovide
housing,‘theydowhatwedo,butit’snotthesame,itsjustnot’(interview2).
Beyondbasicnecessitiessuchasfood,clothingandshelterTSOsalsoprovidea
wealthofadditionalservices,supportandfacilities,someofwhichinvolve
recreationalspacesandopportunitiesforsocialinteractionandleisureactivities.
TSOswhichprovidesuchservicesconsiderthemtobeintegraltoenablingASRs
tolive‘reallives’(interview2).Severalexpressedadisbeliefthatpoliticiansand
governmentofficialscouldthinkthatwhatthestateprovidedwassufficient,with
onecommenting‘Dotheyexpectpeopletositathomeandstareatawall?Its
bizarre’(interview8).Otherservicescaterforadditionalneedssuchas
emotionalsupportandadviceandadvocacy.Discussingthelackofgovernment
assistanceforasylumseekerscurrentlygoingthroughtheasylumprocessone
intervieweesaid‘wellontheonehandthere’salotofdemands,theyhavetosign
inweeklyormonthlyorwhatever,quitestrictrules,andontheotherthere’sno
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oneactuallyhelpingthemdoit.There’snohelpatallasfarasI’mconcerned’
(interview8).InthiswaytooTSOsprovisiongoeswellbeyondthelevelof
serviceandsupportprescribedbytheGovernment.Throughouttheinterviews
therewasmuchtalkofASRs‘needs’,whichwereunderstoodinamuchbroader
andmoreholisticfashionthanmerelyconsistingofthematerialnecessitiesof
life,andTSOscanbeseentobeoperatingaccordingtoadifferentlogicofwhatis
‘necessary’thantheGovernment.
Highlightingthiscontrastinglogicmakesvisibletheimplicitpoliticsinprovision.
Socialworkis‘essentiallyapoliticialactivity’(Gilbert&Powell2009:4,andthe
spaceofthethirdsectorisfarfromapolitical.Bychallengingtheperceived
inadequaciesinstateprovisionTSOsareattemptingtoshapeandstrengthenthe
positionofASRswithinsociety.EngaginginwhatNikHeydenterms‘thepolitics
ofvisibility’(Heynen2010:1226),TSOsareconsciouslyseekingtocounterASRs
reductioninnationalpoliticaldiscoursetoaproblemorburden(MacKenzieetal
2012:639),challengingtheircurrentpositionas“second-class”or“undeserving”
andfurtherprovidingmaterialandsocialsupportwhichcanenableASRsto
participatemorefullyinsociallife.Thenotionof‘normality’wasfrequently
referredtoinmydiscussionswiththirdsectorworkers;theywantedtoprovide
ASRswiththesamestandardofserviceandsupportthat‘anyonewould
normallyexpect’(interview1),theyhopedthatASRswouldbeabletofeel‘like
normalfamilies’(interview2)andlive‘normallives’(interview9),andthatthe
widerpopulationofBristolwouldseethat‘thesearenormalpeoplejustlikeus’
(interview5).Theseactsandaspirationsconstitutethepromotionofadiscourse
inwhichrefugeesarenot‘athreat,arisk,avictim’butinsteadlegitimate‘agents,
actors,andparticipants’(Nyers2010:130)withinthecommunitydeservingof
equaltreatment.
TSOsinBristolareactiveinframingcounter-hegemonicdiscourses;oftenacting
asinstitutionsinwhichalternativeapproachesare‘incubated’(Davies2007:
784)anddiscoursesareproducedwhich‘trytochangethecurrentpoliticaland
socialsituationandofferalternatives’(GarcíaAgustín2012:81).ManyTSOsare
forthrightintheirpoliticsandpoliticalaspirations,whichgenerallyseekto
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promotesolidaritybetweenlocalresidentsandASRs.OneTSOrecentlylaunched
a‘rethinkingrefugeecampaign’,whichinvolvesengagingwithlocalbusinesses,
publishingresearchpapers,andhostingevents,suchasconferences.Theiraimis
tomakelocalpeople,businessesandhighereducationprovidersmorereceptive
toASRsandthusfacilitatetheirintegrationintosociety.AnotherTSOisthelocal
branchoftheUK-wideCityofSanctuarynetwork,which‘seekstopromotea
cultureofwelcometowardsasylumseekersandrefugees,basedaroundideasof
responsibilityandhospitality’(Darling2016b:185).Theirworkinvolves
buildingacoalitionofbusinesses,politicians,TSOs,localpeopleandASRsaspart
ofa‘bottom-upapproachtopoliticalchange’(Squire2010:295).Many,ifnotall
oftheasylumTSOsinBristoltookpartintheBristolRefugeeFestivalthisyear,a
neweventwhichgrewoutofRefugeeWeek,anation-wideannualeventwhichis
a‘celebration…ofrefugeesandthecontributiontheymake’(interview6).
InemphasisingthecontributionsofrefugeesBristolTSOsaredrawingon
narrativeswhichdirectlycounterthediscursiveframingofrefugeesasaburden.
Intheireffortstoprovideservicesandsupportthatgobeyondthatofthewelfare
statetheyarere-positioningASRsasdeservingmembersofacommunity,rather
thandependentswhosedrainonresourcesmustbemanaged.Insupporting
failedasylumseekerstoremaininthecountrytheyareunderminingand‘quietly
challenging’governmentpolicy(Randall2015:32).Allofthisoccurswhilethere
isanincreasingrelocationofresponsibilitiesfromthestatetothethirdsector.
Whilestrategiesofde-politicisationhavehadsuccessesinthemarket-oriented
transferofresponsibilities,theyhavenotmanagedtoeffectthe‘closureof
alternativeimaginaries’(Darling2016c:233)ornarrowdebateonasylumto
technocraticormanagerialissues.BristolTSOshaveactivelyalignedthemselves
withabroaderhumanrightsmovementandaglobalmovementforthe
protectionofandadvocacyforASRs(GarcíaAgustín2012:81),developingand
promotingacounter-hegemonicdiscoursethatlegitimisesthesocial,political
andculturalparticipationofASRsinsociety.
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Conclusion
FollowingtheleadofHingeretal.(2016)andtheirefforttopaymoreattention
tothelocaldimensionofasylum,thisdissertationsoughttoanalysethelocal
dimensionofasylumde-politicisation.Inordertodothisitbuiltonrecent
developmentswithinmigrationscholarship,developingaframeworkthatwas
informedbyanti-essentialistnotionsofstatepowerandfocussingontheactions
ofanetworkofnon-stateactorswithinaspecificlocality.Followingthis
frameworkamethodologywasestablishedthatsoughttocaptureboththe
materialanddiscursiveeffectsofandreactionstode-politicisation.
WhiletheroleofTSOsinasylumgovernancehasbeencriticisedbysomefor
facilitatinghegemonicasylumdiscourse,whathasbeendemonstratedhereis
thatbelowthesurfaceoftheexpandingroleofTSOsinasylumservicesand
supportthereisanon-goingformationofcounter-hegemonicdiscourse.TSOs
aretakingongreaterresponsibilities,howeverthisshiftdoesnotnecessarily
resultintheiroriginalgoalsbeingdisplaced,norisitnecessarilyexplainedby
theirco-optionintohegemonicdiscourseortheirbeingmanipulatedbylegaland
financialstatediscipline.Instead,acoerciveengenderingofactionistheprimary
meansbywhichthetransferofresponsibilitiesfromthestatetothethirdsector
istakingplace.Ratherthanbeingco-opted,TSOsinBristolhaveinsomeways
been‘outflanked’(Levy&Egan2003:808),and,possiblythankstotheirrootsin
theASRpopulationinBristol,continuetochallengethediscursivede-
politicisationofasylum.
‘Asylum’isasocialconstruction,createdinpartbyjuridicalinstitutionsbutalso
byadiverseconstellationofsocialactors(Hingeretal.2016).Despitetheclear
directionofhegemonicasylumdiscourse,howASRsareperceivedandtreatedin
societyisamatterofcountlessnegotiationsoccurringatthelocallevel.Inthis
waytootheeffectsandoutcomesofde-politicisationaredynamicallynegotiated
withinspecificconfigurationsofactorsandtheirenvironment.Inthecaseof
Bristol,thecurrentalignmentofasylumTSOsmeansthatagreatdealofpower
lieswithactorswhoarenotintrinsicallytiedtotheaims,idealsorinterestsof
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thestate,andwhoareabletobuildcounter-hegemonicdiscoursesinopposition
totheneoliberalrationalityofthestate’sasylumgovernance.
Practicesanddiscourseswithinasylumgovernancearenotfixedbutareinstead
constantlybeingchangedanddevelopedastheytakeshapeontheground.This
dissertationhaselaboratedaresearchapproachwhichoffersonewayof
studyingthis.Thereareotherpathstoexplorehere,andothermethodssuchas
participatoryobservation,orotherapproachessuchasthecomparisonof
multiplecasestudies,couldhelpdevelopourunderstandingofthewaysinwhich
de-politicisationcanbenegotiated.Developingthisunderstandingcouldhelpit
betranslatedintoaction,contributingtoconsciousandcoherentactionsthat
shapeasyluminwayswhichimprovesthelivesofASRsandbenefitsthe
communitiestheymakehome.
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Initialproposal
BelowtheradarresponsestotheEUmigrationcrisis
Micro-mappingthirdsectoractivityinBristol
Europeiswitnessingacrisisofresponsibilityregardingrefugees.TheDublin
Regulationhasprovedlargelyunsuitableformanagingthecurrentcrisis,with
memberstatesontheSchengenbordershowinglittledesiretocomply.The
widespreadimplementationofAusteritypoliciesacrossmuchofEuropehas
massivelyreducedessentialwelfareservices.Manyrefugeeshavefound
themselvescaughtinaprotectiongap.Somerefugeeshavebeen‘warehoused’
andsufferedhumanrightsabuses,whileothershavebeenrepelledbyEurope’s
bordersandleftlargelyunassisted.Inmanyinstanceswhennationstateshave
failedtoprovideadequatesupportforrefugees,bothwithinandwithout
Europe’sborders,thirdsectoractivityhascontributedandtriedtofillthe
protectiongap.Despiteitsattimescriticalrolethescaleofthirdsectoractivity
remainslargelyun-quantified.Academicshaveincreasinglycometorecognise
theimportanceofdevelopingabetterunderstandingoforganisedactivityinthe
thirdsectorwhichisnotcapturedbythestandardsources.Suchsourcesinclude
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theCharityCommissionregisterofrecognisedcharitiesinEnglandandWales
andtheregisterofCompaniesLimitedbyGuaranteeinCompaniesHouse.Major
statisticaldatasourcessuchastheseprovideimportantinformationbutarefar
fromcomprehensive.Manygroupsandorganisationsexistoutsideofthese
registers.Such‘belowtheradar’groupsmaybetoosmalltoregister,maynotbe
ableorwanttobecomeanofficialcharity,ormayonlycometogether
temporarilyaroundspecificissuesratherthanbepermanent.Thisdissertation
willfollowamethodologydevisedbytheThirdSectorResearchCentreto
producea‘micro-map’ofvoluntarygroupsinonelocationintheUKinorderto
assessrefugee-relatedthirdsectorgroupsthathavehithertoremained‘below
theradar’.
Researchquestions:
ThisdissertationwilladaptaseriesofresearchquestionsusedbyTSRCintheir
micro-mappingpilotstudytothecontextofrefugeerelatedBTRgroupsin
Bristol.
1. HowareBTRgroupsstructuredandhowdotheyoperate?
2. Whatistheirroleandfunction?
3. Howeffectivearethey?
4. WhatistherelationshipbetweenBTRgroups,theformalthirdsectorand
localgovernment?
5. IsitpossibletomoreaccuratelyquantifyBTRgroupsandtheir
contributiontocivilsociety?
6. HowhasausterityaffectedrefugeesinBritain?
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Methods:
ThisdissertationwillfollowthemethodologydevisedbyDrAndriSoteri-Proctor
andtheThirdSectorResearchCentreattheUniversityofBirminghamwhich
theyhavecalled‘micro-mapping’.ThismethodologywillbeappliedtoBristol,as
havinglivedthereforeseveralyearsIamawareofsomelocalgroupsfromwhich
theresearchcanbeginandIwillbeaccommodatedsoIcanspendprolonged
periodsoftimecarryingouttheresearch.Thismethodologyinvolves
establishingageographicalareawithinwhich‘street-level’fieldworkwillbe
carriedout.Multiplesearchtoolswillbeusedincludingsolo-walksduringwhich
Iwilllookforinformationonnoticeboards,advertsandshopsignsandvisiting
spacessuchascommunitybuildingsandfaith-basedbuildings.Peoplewith
knowledgeaboutrelevantactivitieswillbeidentifiedandinterviewed,andusing
asnowballmethodwillbeusedtoidentifyotherparticipants.Oneareaofthe
micro-mappingmethodologywhichwillbedevelopedinthisdissertationisthe
useofsocialmediatoinvestigatevirtualgroupsandcommunitiesthatmayonly
physicallycoalescearoundspecific,non-regularactivities.Forexample,the
CalaisRefugeeSolidarityBristolFacebookgrouphasseveralthousandmembers
whoorganisesolelyonline.Identifyingthesevirtualnetworkswillbevitalto
creatingarepresentativemicro-map.
Timetableforresearch:
April,May Literaturereview
May Identifyareatobemapped
June,July Carryoutstreet-levelresearch
August,September Analysisandwriting
September Finalcheckandhandin
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Rationale:
Buildingongrowingacademicdiscussionoftheimpactofausterityonrefugees
intheUK,thisdissertationwillhighlighttheroleofBTRgroupsinpromotingthe
rightsandsafeguardingthewelfareofrefugees.Furthermore,itwillcontribute
toworkdonebytheTSRCanddevelopideasandpracticeswithinthemicro-
mappingmethodology.
Barbero,Iker."ScapegoatCitizensInTimesOfAusterity:TheImpactOfThe
CrisisOnTheImmigrantPopulationInSpain".SocialIdentities21.3(2015):244-
256.Web.
Bariagaber,Assefaw."States,InternationalOrganisationsAndTheRefugee:
ReflectionsOnTheComplexityOfManagingTheRefugeeCrisisInTheHornOf
Africa".TheJournalofModernAfricanStudies37.4(1999):597-619.Web.
Diamond,John."ChallengingTheStatusQuo:TheRoleAndPlaceOfThirdSector
Organisations".InternationalJournalofSociologyandSocialPolicy30.1/2
(2010):8-16.Web.
Hwang,Ki-Sik,andIn-SunSuk."ImmigrantSocialIntegrationCrisisInEurope
AndItsIntegrationPolicyImplications".Journalofinternationalareastudies19.4
(2016):135.Web.
McCabe,AngusandPhillimore,Jenny(2009)Exploringbelowtheradar:issuesof
themeandfocus.WorkingPaper.UniversityofBirmingham,Birmingham,UK.
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McCabe,AngusandPhillimore,JennyandMayblin,Lucy(2010)‘Belowtheradar’
activitiesandorganisationsinthethirdsector:asummaryreviewofthe
literature.WorkingPaper.UniversityofBirmingham,Birmingham,UK.
Robinson,K."VoicesFromTheFrontLine:SocialWorkWithRefugeesAnd
AsylumSeekersInAustraliaAndTheUK".BritishJournalofSocialWork44.6
(2013):1602-1620.Web.
Soteri-Proctor,Andri(2011)Littlebigsocieties:micro-mappingoforganisations
operatingbelowtheradar.WorkingPaper.UniversityofBirmingham,
Birmingham,UK.
Soteri-Proctor,A.andAlcock,P.(2012)Micro-Mapping:Whatliesbeneaththe
thirdsectorradar?VoluntarySectorReview,Vol.3,No.3,pp.379-98
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ResearchDiary:
1stFebruary:BeganreadingworkingpapersfromtheBelowtheRadarReference
GroupatBirminghamUni.Interestingmethodologyforthe‘streetlevel’.
FollowingfrommyotherunitsonE.Urefugeelawandtheideaofa‘crisisof
responsibility’havebeenlookingatthethirdsectorandtheroleitcanplayin
fillingaresponsibilitygap.HavebeenincontactwithpeopleIknowinCalais,
talkingaboutwhetherIcouldmapwherepeoplearecomingfrom,howeverit
soundsverydifficultandalsoexpensiveforme.TurningbacktotheUK,begunto
lookatresearchonbelowtheradarmigrantsupportgroups.Notmuchliterature
here.SettledonBristolasacasestudy.
20thFebruary:Submittedfirstproposal
5thApril:Metwithsupervisoranddiscussedmyproposal.Oneissuewhichwas
raisedwasthatthemethodologyoutlinedbytheBelowtheRadarReference
GroupatBirminghamUniisveryvague.ThoughtthroughhowIwouldactually
doit,includingdecidingonacasestudyarea.
8thMay:OralPresentation.wentwell,mainthingItookawayfromthefeedback
wasthatmyapproachwasn’tanalyticalenough.Icanseethatitscloseto
becomingabigsurvey.NeedtofindsomeliteratureIcanconnectwiththis.
21stMay:Meetingwithsupervisor.Talkedabouthowtocreateanactual
researchapproach.Developedtheideaofseparatephases,beginningwitha
largersurveybeforenarrowingitdowntofewerTSOs.
June:Settledonde-politicisationasthespecifictopicforstudy.Havebeen
readingaroundinterviewsinpreparation.TryingtoreadFoucalt,ashisideaof
governmentalityseemsveryimportantforstudyingnon-stateactors.Quite
difficult.BeguntoreadGramsci,followingacriticismofFoucaltasbeingtoo
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pessimisticwhichIagreedwith.Startedwritingupinterviewquestions.Created
agenericscripttogooverwithsupervisorbeforeInarrowdown.
7th–15thJune:workedonliteraturereview.Stillunsureofwhatmyfocusis,
haveincludedabitofeverything.
14thJune:HandedinLiteraturereview.Wasarushtofinishit,notproperly
formatted.
14th–21stJune:HavebeenreadingmorearoundGramsciandUrbanregime
theory.Ifde-politicisationispartofhegemonicdiscourse,thenGramsciand
counter-discourseconceptisimportant.
20thJune:HandedinRiskAssessment
21stJune:Receivedfeedbackonliteraturereview.IthinkIneedtonarrowdown
myfocusonBTRliteraturesoIhavemoreroomforthetheoreticalstuff.
21stJune:ConductedonlinesearchesusingFacebookandTwitter.Keywords:
refuge,refugee,asylum,Calais,Syria,immigrant.Comeupwithasurprising
amountofgroups.ThinkinghowIchoosewhichonestointerview.
22ndJune:Metsupervisorandtalkedaboutinterviewquestions.Positive
feedback,decidedtorearrangeorderofquestionsandgivemoretimefor
discussingissuesthatImightwanttogointodetailwith.
26thJune:NarroweddownacasestudyareainBristolusingBristolCityCouncil
data.
27thJune:UsingexistinglistsofTSOstosupplementmyownasdevelopedfrom
onlinesearches.
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28thJune:Writtencoverletters.Findingitdifficulttojustifytheresearch,but
maybebeingoverlycritical.
1-7July:sentoutfirstinterviewrequests.Noresponsestothefirstbatch.Sent
outrequeststoawidergroupofTSOs.Norepliesinfirstfourdays.Writtenand
sentoutnewrequests.Readingonhowtocodeinterviews.
11-18thJuly:Continuedreadingthirdsectorliterature.Decidedonaworking
definitionfordefiningthirdsector.BegantocategoriseTSOsactivity.
20th–26thJuly:Conductedstreet-levelsearchesaroundBristol.Nicetobeback.
Interestingchatswithpeopleandvolunteers,confirmedsomeofmysuspicions
(BRRisthebiggest,therearelotsofpeoplevolunteering).Alsocontinuedtosend
outinterviewrequestsandhavehadsomeresponsesnow.Hastakenmealot
longerthanIanticipated,whichwasnaïveofme.
28thJuly:Firstthreeinterviews.Wentwell,althoughphoneismoredifficultandI
cantmakenotesontheirbodylanguageetc.LearntabouttheRefugeeForum,
whichsurprisedme.Soundsreallyimportantbutnoinformationonitanywhere
online.
29thJuly:Twomoreinterviewstoday.Codingthemimmediatelyafteras
sometimesmynotesaren’tuptoscratch.Peoplecantalkveryfast.
1stAugust:Threemoreinterviews.Interestingideaof‘need’and‘have’keeps
poppingup.Volunteersfeelresponsible.
3rdAugust:Lasttwointerviews.WillbeleavingBristolinthenextfewdays.Has
takenmeamonthtogetalltheinterviewswhichissurprising.Haveamuch
betterideaofhowto‘win’peopleovernow.
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3rd–10thAugust:Backinthelibrary.Readingaboutcoercion,andvoluntarism,
whichactuallyconnectsbacktoBigSociety.Gramsciagain.Writtenout
methodology.
10th-17thAugust:Completelyre-writtenliteraturereview.Intercuthistorical
contextofasylumpolicywithneoliberalismandde-politicisation.
17th–20th:Writtenthreechapters–‘who’,‘What’and‘why’.Thinkthisisagood
waytoframeit,whoaretheTSOs,whatareTSOsdoingandwhyaretheydoing
it.
20th-27th:rewrittenchaptersaroundthesubheadings.Makesitclearerwhatmy
pointsare.
1st-4thSeptember:Writtenconclusion.
Interviewschedule:
(‘BRR’isplaceholder)
Explainresearchagain
Consent(audiorecorder)
WouldliketostartoffbytalkingaboutBRR
1. CanyoutellmeabitaboutBRRandwhatyoudohere?(Prompt-activities,
size,participantdemographics,finances,structure,function)
2. Whatarethemainaimsormotives?(othpersonnelandBRRaswhole)
3. BRRwasstartedin….Whatwasthemotiveforstarting?Whatwasitdoing
then?
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4. Doyouthinkithaschangedalotornotmuchbetweenwhenitwasstarted
andnow?(Prompt-activities,aspirations,size,structure,function)
5. Ifyes,why?
6. Doyouthinkotherorgsintheareahavehadsimilarexperiences?
7. WhatdoyouthinkareBRRsstrengths?
8. ArethereanychallengesBRRiscurrentlyfacing?
9. Arethereanyneeds?Whatfor?Isthisconstantorinresponseto
event/circumstance?
WanttotalkabouttherelationshipbetweenBRRandotherorganisations
1. DoesBRRworkwithotherorganisationsalot?
2. Couldyoutellmewhichones?
3. Aretheserelationshipslong-term,ordotheydeveloparoundspecificevents
andthenfade?
4. (similarly)Arethereformalchannelsofcommunication,orisitad-hoc?
5. Doyouthinktheyshareyouraspirations?
AswellasBRRsrelationshipwithotherorgs,imreallyinterestedtoknow
moreaboutyourrelationshipwithlocalgovernment
1. HowwouldyoudescribeBRRsrelationshipwithlocalgovernment?
2. Doyoureceiveanymaterialsupportfromthem?Isitsufficient?Areany
conditionsplacedonthis?Doyouthinktheseconditionsarefair?Arethey
properlymonitored?
3. Islocalgovernmentsupportiveofyourwork?
4. Doyouthinktheysharethesameaspirationsofyourorganisation?
5. Doyouthinkworkingwith(ornot)localgovhasbeenbeneficial,andcould
yougiveanexampleofwhereithashelped?Similarly,hasitcausedproblems
inanyways?
6. Wouldyouliketobeabletoworkmorecloselywithlocalgovernment,or
wouldyouprefertobemoreindependent?
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7. Doyouthinklocalgovernmenthas(orexercises)alotofauthority?Doyou
thinktheyholdalotofresponsibilities?
8. Howdoyouthinkyourcolleaguesgenerallyviewlocalgov?
9. DoyouthinkthisisthecaseforotherasylumVCOs?Isthereageneralmood
orattitudeamongstVCOstowardslocalgovernment?
10. Doyouthinktheyareparticularlyactiveinthissphere?Whatdoyouthink
theirmainfocusis?Shouldtheyshouldbedoingmore?Doyouthinktheyare
effectiveatwhattheydo?
11. Doyouthinklocalgovernment’srolehaschangedovertime?Why?(prompt–
bigsociety,austerity)
End
Interviewtranscriptextract:
S
Sorefugeeactiontheywere,really,almostthebiggestagencywithinBristolin
thecommunityandvoluntarysectorworkingwithasylumseekersandrefugees.
AndthenwelostfundingfromtheGovernment.Atthatstagemostofourfunding
camedirectlyfromthegovernment,andprobablynotenoughfromsupporters,
theirsupporterbase.Anditmeantthatweweresubjectedtoquiteafewrounds
ofredundanciesandthatkindofstuff.So,so,intermsofgivingadvice–who
doesitnow?Itsshiftedfromrefugeeactionto,um,Iwouldprobablysayrefugee
rights.Sotheyhaveateam,aninformationandadviceteamwhoprobablydo
mostofthatstuffnowthatrefugeeactionusedtodo.andweusedtohavetodo
examsatrefugeeaction,itwasallveryyouknowregulated,andIdon’tknow
that,Idon’tknowhowregulatedtheadviceis.Imean,Iknowrefugeerightsare
brilliant,andIknowtheirvolunteersaretrainedverywell,butitslessformalI
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wouldthinknowthanitwasthen.Sothat’showIstarted[myorg]about6½
yearsagonow.Lookingroundatalltheotheragenciesnobodywasproviding
oneononesupportforpeopleoutinthecommunity,itwasallaboutpeople
goingtoaservicetoreceivehelp,buttheonuswasonthemgettingthere.And
therewasnothingforpeoplewhoperhapswouldfinditreallydifficulttogointo
areallybusyplace,oraplacewhereitwaspredominantlymen–ifyou’rea
vulnerablewoman,orifyou’rereallydepressedandactuallyyouneededtomeet
someoneinsortofananonymouscoffeeshopratherthanareallybusydropin
typescenario.SoIstartedb.friendandamstilldoingit.
N
So,isthatstillthesamesortofworkyoudo?isthatstillthesameideabehind
[yourorg]?
S
Yeah.It’sreallysimple,it’sareallysimplemodelof–Itrainvolunteers,mostlyin
awarenessofstufflikewhocomestoBristol,whytheycomehere,alsolistening
skills,thatkindofthing.AndI,throughthreesessions,basicallysussoutthese
volunteers(laughter)andtryandworkoutwhetherthey’resuitableornot.And
thenwehaveaninformalinterviewandtheniftheycanprovidemewithtwo
goodreferencesthentheyreabletobevolunteerandtheyarematchedwith
peoplewhoarereferredbyalltheotheragencies.Sothat’skindofhowthat
works,it’sareallyeasy,simple,veryquickwaytomakeadifferenceinsomeones
life,ifitgoeswellandthepartnershipworks.Peoplequiteoften,they’lldoitfor
12monthswhichiskindoftherequirementandthenafterthattheymightsay
wellactuallywestillwanttocarryonmeetingtogether.That’sthenicestthing
forme,whereIseesomeonegothroughthose12monthsandactuallytheystill
wanttosupportthatperson.AndIalwayssaytothemjustcheckthatpersonstill
wantstomeetwithyou,itslikeyou’regonnabesomekindoflimpetyouknow
(laughter).Yeah,so,ivbeenreallyluckywithfunding,noneofmyfundingcomes
fromanywhereremotelyofficiallygovernment…
N
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Yeah,thatwassomethingIwantedtoaskyouabout,Isawonthebridgesfor
communitieswebsitethatthedifferentsourceswereindividualdonors,andthen
partnershipsandgrants,whatsthesortofdistributionintermsoffunding?
S
(Pullsface)crikey.Itsshiftedabitovertheyears,um,itusedtobethatthe
donationswerebasicallymyfamily(laughter)andnowitsmoreindividuals
ratherthanjustfamilymemberswhowanttoseemebeabletofeedmyfamily.
Um,yeah,so,um,Ihavebeenreallyreallyfortunatewithsometrustfunding,so
theresacoupleoftrustswhoIcameacrossthroughacoursethatIdid,itwasan
entrepeneurshipcoursethatIdidinnorthdevon,um,fouryearsagoitwasnow?
AndIpitchedtolikeadragon’sdenonthiscourseandonthebackofthatwon
somefunding.Boththetrustthathostedthatcourseandalsoanothertrustthat
wastheresaid‘wewillgiveyoufunding’andthey’vebothagreedtogivefunding
overthreeyears.Bothgivenme£15000sothat’sbrilliant.[Myorg]onlycosts–
itsreallycheapbecauseitsjustme–justshortof£19000Ithinkitis.I’mpart
time,21hoursaweek,soinactualfactitsnotanexpensiveoperation,andIthink
peoplelikethatbecausetheycanseethatthemoneytheygivereallydoesmake
adifference,itdoesn’tgetabsorbedintoadmincostsorletterstuffingoranyof
thatstuffitreallydoesgotowardsputtingsomeonetogetherwitharefugeeor
asylumseeker.Itsgood,it’saquickandeasywaytohelp.Andivdonethingslike
runahalfmarathon,neveragain(laughter)andwe’vehadfundraisingtype
things...Imtryingtothinkwhoelsehasgivenmoney,um,ivbeensoblownaway
byunexpectedpeopledonatingmoneythatIdidn’tevenknowthattheyknew
about[myorg].ivhadachequefor£1000throughmyfrontdoor,justrandom
youknow?
N
Justgeneralinterestfromthepublic?
S
Yeah,whichhasbeenamazing,likeabiglawyersfirminBristoljustsentmea
chequefor£600thattheyhadhadacollectionattheirChristmasdinnerandI
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gotthatinFebruary,andsosomeonehadjustheardabout[myorg]andsaidlets
justgiveittothem.Ididn’tknowaboutthem,itsgreat.
N
Didyou,haveyounoticedanychangessince2014/2015thingshappeningin
Syria,hasthathadanimpactonpublicinterestandinvolvement?
S
Itcertainlyhadanimpactontheamountofpeoplewhocontactedmeofferingto
volunteer.Overoneweekend,whenitwasallgoingmadinthepress,Ihad
overnightprobablytenortwelvetogether–‘IwanttobeavolunteerhowcanI
help?’.AnditwaskindofinterestingbecauseIfoundthat,um,althoughpeople
reallywantedtohelp,actuallynothinghadchangedhere.Theproblemwasstill
there(motionswitharmindicatingsomewhereelse)andthesepoorpeople
havingtomaketheirwayacrosstoEurope,butnoonewasgettingacrossthe
channeloratleastnotmanypeopleweregettingacrossthechannelandso
actuallyitsnotbeenaproblem,oranissuerather.Nowobviouslytheresthe
Syrianresettlementprogramme,but,um,yeahitfeltlikeitwas,itwasgreat
peoplewantedtorespondintermsofaction,butactuallytherewasn’tmuchfor
peopletoactuallydoatthatpointapartfromgivemoneyoraid–nobodywas
hereatthatpoint.sothatwasabittricky.ButIdidhavelotsofpeopleemailing
meandsomeofthembecamevolunteersandthatgreatbutothersdidn’t,Ithink
itsthatsortofthingwhereyouseesomethingandyourespondandinthat
momentyoureallywanttodosomethingbutactuallyyouthengetonwithyour
ownlifeandthereisn’tspace.
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Coveringletter:
Hello,
MynameisNickSharmaandI’mapostgraduatestudentatUniversityCollege
LondoncurrentlyconductingresearchintoBristol’sasylum-relatedthirdsector.
Themainfocusofthisresearchisinvestigatinghowthirdsectororganisations
haveproceededagainstthebackgroundofausterity-drivenspendingcutsand
reformstopublicservices,voluntarybodiesandwelfareprovision.
AspartofmyresearchIwillbeinterviewingmembersofanumberofgroups,
networksandorganisationsacrossthecity,andIwouldliketoinviteamember
ofBristolHospitalityNetworktotakepartinashortinformalinterviewattheir
convenience.Theinterviewwilltakearound30-45minutesandsomeofthe
topicsofdiscussionincludeyourorganisation’sactivities,organisational
aspirations,theconnectionsyoumayhavewithotherlocalorganisations,and
opinionsonlocalgovernment’sroleinthissector.
RecentpublicationsfromresearchersatLiverpoolJohnMooresUniversityand
theUniversityofBristol,aswellasorganisationssuchasVoscurandtheCharity
FinanceGroup,haveshownthatstudyingtheexperiencesandperspectivesof
participantscanbeofgreatvalueforothersworkingwithinthesamefield.
FollowingmyresearchIhopetoproduceabriefreportbasedontheresearch
findingsandoutcomesthatcouldbeofusetoorganisationsinBristolsuchas
yours.Forexample,accurateandup-to-dateinformationonhowassetsare
distributedacrossthecitycouldfacilitatecollaborativework.
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Ifamemberofyourteamwouldliketotakepartorfindoutmoreaboutmy
researchIcanbereachedattheemailaddressorphonenumberbelowandwe
canarrangetomeetlocallyataconvenienttimeforyou.
Ilookforwardtohearingfromyou.
Kindregards,
Nick