Turkish Studies International Periodical for the Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic Volume 12/10, p. 1-20 DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/TurkishStudies.11973 ISSN: 1308-2140, ANKARA-TURKEY Article Info/Makale Bilgisi Referees/Hakemler: Doç. Dr. Hüseyin AKGÜN – Doç. Dr. Şaban ÖZ This article was checked by iThenticate. SİYER KAYNAKLARINA GÖRE AKABE GÖRÜŞMELERİ Cafer ACAR * ÖZET Bu makalede, Yesrib’e hicretin en önemli basamağı olan Akabe görüşmeleri; içerik ve metinler arası ilişkiler yönüyle problematik açıdan incelenmiştir. Çalışmada, sistematik olarak üç yıl içerisinde tamamlanan ve hicretin alt yapısını oluşturan Akabe görüşmeleri, sırasıyla ele alınıp metin problemlerine işaret edilerek bir değerlendirme ile sonuca bağlanmaya çalışılmıştır. Akabe görüşmeleri, İslam Tarihinin dönüm noktası olarak kabul edilen hicretin kapısını aralamıştır. Hz. Peygamber, risaletle birlikte ciddi bir direnç ile karşılaşmıştır. Müşriklerce hem kendisine hem de Müslümanlara yönelik sistematik bir şiddet politikası uygulanmaya başlamıştır. Yaşanan bu alan daralması, Hz. Peygamber’in Mekke dışına açılmak için himaye arayışına girmesine sebep olmuştur. İşte Akabe görüşmeleri bu arayışların neticesinde ulaşılan bir başarı olarak görülmelidir. Bu görüşmeler Siyer’deki diğer biatlerle birebir aynı nitelikleri taşımakta ve ilgili haberlerin aktarımında karışıklık olduğuna dair kanaat uyandırmaktadır. Özellikle ikinci Akabe görüşmesinde zikredilen meşhur biat şartlarının, bu olaydan takribi yedi yıl sonra gerçekleşen Hudeybiye sonrası kadınlardan biat alınması ile ilgili Mümtehine Sûresinin 12. ayetinde zikredilen şartlarla aynı olması, olayın iki defa mı gerçekleştiği ya da bir karıştırma mı olduğu yönünde tereddütlerin oluşmasına neden olmuştur. Makalede konunun yer aldığı Siyer kaynakları, kronolojik karşılaştırmalı okumalarla gözden geçirilmeye çalışılmış ve birbirine göre farklılıkları vurgulanmıştır. Çıkan sonuçlar, bu yönüyle ele alınıp değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır. Netice itibariyle bu biatlerin ana gündeminin himaye talebi ve tebliğ yapabilmek için imkân sağlanması olduğu anlaşılmıştır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Akabe, Biat, Harb Biati, Kadınlar Biati * Yrd. Doç. Dr. Gaziosmanpaşa Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi İslam Tarihi ve Sanatları ABD, El -mek: [email protected]
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Turkish Studies
International Periodical for the Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic Volume 12/10, p. 1-20
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/TurkishStudies.11973
ISSN: 1308-2140, ANKARA-TURKEY
Article Info/Makale Bilgisi
Referees/Hakemler: Doç. Dr. Hüseyin AKGÜN – Doç. Dr. Şaban
ÖZ
This article was checked by iThenticate.
SİYER KAYNAKLARINA GÖRE AKABE GÖRÜŞMELERİ
Cafer ACAR*
ÖZET
Bu makalede, Yesrib’e hicretin en önemli basamağı olan Akabe
görüşmeleri; içerik ve metinler arası ilişkiler yönüyle problematik açıdan
incelenmiştir. Çalışmada, sistematik olarak üç yıl içerisinde tamamlanan
ve hicretin alt yapısını oluşturan Akabe görüşmeleri, sırasıyla ele alınıp metin problemlerine işaret edilerek bir değerlendirme ile sonuca
bağlanmaya çalışılmıştır.
Akabe görüşmeleri, İslam Tarihinin dönüm noktası olarak kabul
edilen hicretin kapısını aralamıştır. Hz. Peygamber, risaletle birlikte ciddi
bir direnç ile karşılaşmıştır. Müşriklerce hem kendisine hem de
Müslümanlara yönelik sistematik bir şiddet politikası uygulanmaya başlamıştır. Yaşanan bu alan daralması, Hz. Peygamber’in Mekke dışına
açılmak için himaye arayışına girmesine sebep olmuştur. İşte Akabe
görüşmeleri bu arayışların neticesinde ulaşılan bir başarı olarak
görülmelidir.
Bu görüşmeler Siyer’deki diğer biatlerle birebir aynı nitelikleri taşımakta ve ilgili haberlerin aktarımında karışıklık olduğuna dair
kanaat uyandırmaktadır. Özellikle ikinci Akabe görüşmesinde zikredilen
meşhur biat şartlarının, bu olaydan takribi yedi yıl sonra gerçekleşen
Hudeybiye sonrası kadınlardan biat alınması ile ilgili Mümtehine
Sûresinin 12. ayetinde zikredilen şartlarla aynı olması, olayın iki defa mı
gerçekleştiği ya da bir karıştırma mı olduğu yönünde tereddütlerin oluşmasına neden olmuştur.
Makalede konunun yer aldığı Siyer kaynakları, kronolojik
karşılaştırmalı okumalarla gözden geçirilmeye çalışılmış ve birbirine göre
farklılıkları vurgulanmıştır. Çıkan sonuçlar, bu yönüyle ele alınıp
değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır. Netice itibariyle bu biatlerin ana gündeminin himaye talebi ve tebliğ yapabilmek için imkân sağlanması
olduğu anlaşılmıştır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Akabe, Biat, Harb Biati, Kadınlar Biati
* Yrd. Doç. Dr. Gaziosmanpaşa Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi İslam Tarihi ve Sanatları ABD, El-mek:
Turkish Studies International Periodical for the Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic
Volume 12/10
ACCORDING TO SIRAH SOURCES AQABA PLEDGES
ABSTRACT
In this article, Aqaba pledges, the most important step of migration
to Yasrib, content and inter-textual relations have been investigated from
a problematic viewpoint. In the study, the Aqaba negotiations, which were
completed within 3 years and constituted the hejira sub-structure, were
tackled in turn and tried to be concluded with an evaluation by pointing
out text problems.
The Aqaba negotiations have revealed the gate of Hejira, which is
regarded as the turning point of Islamic history. The Prophet, together
with the Risale, encountered a serious resistance. A systematic violence
policy towards both the self and the Muslims has begun to be
implemented. This narrowing of the living, it caused the Prophet to begin the search for patronage to open up outside Mecca. Here, Aqaba
negotiations should be seen as a success achieved at the end of the
efforts.
These negotiations have the same characteristics as the other
allegiances in Sirah, and they are convinced that there is confusion in
the transmission of related news. Especially the famous alleged circumstances mentioned in the second Aqaba meeting are the same as
those mentioned in verse 12 of al-Muddahine regarding the allegiance of
allegiance to women after Hudaybiya which took place about seven years
after this event, causing hesitations about whether the event happened
twice or mixed.
In the article, the Sirah resources where the subject was located
were cross-readed and their differences compared to each other were
emphasized. The outcomes are evaluated in this direction. As a result, it
has been understood that the main agenda of these allegiances is the to
provide protection and invitation possibility.
STRUCTURED ABSTRACT
This study examines the Pledges of Aqaba. The narratives
concerning the pledges have been evaluated in terms of intertextual
problems. Additional tables have been created to trace the differences in each pledge. As can be seen in the tables, there is a rich variety of
differences in the narration of each pledge. Some of these differences are
related to the interpretation of the narrations. The first difference in
sources is related to the issue of naming. As it seems, there happened three pledges with the Yesribian groups before hijrah. The first pledge of
Aqaba is not usually mentioned in the sources belonging to the early period. There have been, however, writers who named the earliest pledge
as the “first Aqaba”. Ibn Abd al-Barr claimed that this first meeting included a biat (pledge) as well. However, he did not give details about its
status. For a better understanding of the subject under consideration,
each of the three pledges has been examined one by one under the title
of “Aqaba Pledges”.
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THE FIRST AQABA PLEDGE
Convinced that that the meeting could not take place in Mecca and
its vicinity, the Prophet searched for possible locations for the pledges.
Although they considered the Prophet’s invitation positively, the tribes
preferred to reject the call of the Prophet. The most important factor in
this seems to be their unwillingness to contradict with Quraysh. To be
more precise, they did not want to fall into a dispute with the tribe of Quraysh, namely the people of Mecca. Since the Prophet had trouble with
the Meccans, cooperating with him, accepting his invitation and
protecting him would mean to confront the Meccans. Another reason was
that Yasrib was not ready for such an agreement yet.
In the tenth year of his prophethood, the Prophet visited the tribes during the pilgrimage, and introduced himself to them and offered his
message. A few people of the Yesribian Hazrec tribe accepted this
invitation. Despite the differences, it is generally considered that the
number of these people was around six, seven or eight. This meeting
happened in the form of an interview.
As far as the narratives are concerned, the first pledge that the Prophet had with the Yesribians was as important as the latter two.
Apparently, the fact that there wasn’t any biat (allegiance) in this first
pledge led some scholars not to consider it as significant. To us, this
meeting is worthy of scholarly attention for it marked the beginning of
the Aqaba negotiations. The main agenda was the demand for protection and the introduction of Islam.
THE SECOND AQABA PLEDGE
The second Aqaba pledge marks the 11th anniversary of risalah and
it helped the Aqaba pledges go down in history.
Known as biat (pledge) in our sources, the responsibilities that
needed to be learned came to the fore with a question asked by a member
of the delegation. The delegates asked Prophet Muhammad which obligations they would undergo once they converted into Islam and
accepted him as a prophet. The Prophet, in return, listed the following
issues:
1. Not worshipping idols
2. Not stealing
3. Not committing adultery,
4. Not killing one’s children (killing human unjustly)
5. Avoiding to slander others,
6. Showing no resistance against the matters that are good and appropriate (maruf),
Regarding the fourth term, Beyhakî preferred to include “not to kill humans unjustly”. Besides, he added the issue of intihab, meaning to
pick booty before it is shared. Ibn Khaldun, however, did not include the
sixth term in his account. Similarly, Halebi did not mention the issue of not to show any resistance against maruf as well as the sixth term.
Additionally, the scholars such as Ezraqi, Belazurî, Ibn Hazm, Ibn Abd
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al-Baq, Ibn al-Ashir, and Ibn Seyyidinnas referred to this pledge, yet they didn’t provide any details concerning the abovementioned terms. As a
matter of fact, Zürkanî even considered these details with caution.
Ubâde b. Samit is referred as the ravi (narrator) of the terms of
agreement at this second pledge of Aqaba. In other words, the details
concerning this pledge have been conveyed to us through his accounts.
There are other issues that were narrated in addition to the above-mentioned terms: protection, assistance and patronage, in particular,
reflect Prophet Muhammad’s search for help outside Mecca. These can
be listed as follows:
1. Obedience in all circumstances,
2. To spend and aid (infaq),
3. To enjoin good and to forbid evil (Emr bi'l-ma'ruf and nehy ani'l-munker)
4. Uttering words only for Allah, and not to be fear others’
condemnation,
5. To help the Prophet,
6. To defend the Prophet,
Diyarbekrî contributed to these issues with some comments such
as listening, obeying, not competing and telling the truth. It is highly probable that these additional points have been partly assessed together
with the last pledge, because such principles are seen in the narratives
about the third pledge as well. Hamidullah also continued this tradition,
and referred to the points included in the second and third meetings
together and mentioned them as the principles of the second pledge.
The second of Aqaba pledges has been called as “the pledge of the
women” later. This expression must have taken place after the revelation
of the Surah of Mumtahina. The sources refer to this interpretation as
belonging to Ubâde b. Samit. The issues that are said to be mentioned in
the second Aqaba meeting are included in this Surah that is about the
events taking place in the aftermath of Hudaybiyyah treaty. The fact that the narration is referred to Ubayda b. Sabit in all the sources and that
some further issues were added among the terms in the third pledge require us to make further evaluations about this rivayah (narration).
As Ibn Hacer argues as well, Ibn Ishaq and Vajdî’s content with
reference to Ubade b. Samit was related both to the second Aqaba pledge
and to the Surah of Mumtahina which explains the condition of the women who came from Mecca to Medina without any authorization after
the Hudaybiyyah treaty that took place in the seventh year of Medina
period. Ibn Hacer showed scepticism to the fact that this content
belonged to the second Aqaba pledge. After some considerations, he even
rejected its relation to the second pledge without any doubt. Ibn Hacer showed skepticism to the fact that this content belongs to the second
Aqaba pledge. After some considerations, he even rejected its relation to
the second pledge without any doubt. In fact, this narration of Ubade has
been included in the Hadith sources without mentioning any contextual
information. Muslim, which is one of the most significant Hadith classics,
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includes this narration only with the condition of staying away from shirk
(idolatry). In the context of this condition, there are narrations which refer to the practice of biat (pledge). Ibn Hacer considers this narration as well,
and suggests that it does not seem to be related to the Aqaba pledge. Ibn
Hacer even argues that the pledge that Ubade mentions concerning the
expression “the pledge of the women” with a reference to another
narration in Muslim is related to the period after the Hudaybiyyah, which
needs to be taken into consideration. Referring to Ubade b. Samit, there are other accounts that widen the content of the pledge. The principles
such as listening and ordering, not to compete and telling the truth are
mentioned. Considering the use of words such as “usr” and “yusr”, it is a
fact that this pledge recalls the conditions of war, which is clearly
mentioned in Ubade’s narration. Therefore, considering that protection is the central issue and that the prophet performed invitation and tabligh,
it is possible to claim that the issues related to the tawhid (unity of Allah)
were included in the narration. Accordingly, similar issues were narrated
by Ubade regarding the third Aqaba pledge as well. It is also clear that
the meeting named “the pledge of women” in the aftermath of the
Hudaybiyyah can be considered as a commitment that the Prophet asked from Muslims before the hijrah, yet this point requires further proofs.
THE THIRD AQABA PLEDGE
This is the last of the pledges at Aqaba. It is called as “the last Aqaba” (el-Akabetü’l-âhire) or “second pledge” (el-Beyatü’s-saniye). This
pledge made the Prophet’s hijrah from Mecca to Medina possible. Like the
earlier ones, this pledge was held secretly with the presence of over
seventy Yasribian Muslims. What distinguishes this meeting from the others is that a leading group that could decide on the hijrah met the
Prophet here.
According to the rivayahs, it is understood from the content that
new issues confirming the earlier two pledges were added. The prophet’s
move from Mecca to Medina and his residence there set the ground for a
new conjuncture, which, in turn, increased the commitments required
for this new era.
Figuring in Ibn Hisam in its most comprehensive form, the third
Aqaba pledge bears similarities to the earlier two in terms of its
methodology. Here too, the prophet recited the Qur’an, introduced the
religion and invited the others to Islam. It is stated that the Prophet then
asked for them to pledge to protect him, his family and children. The narrator is Ka’b b. Mâlik. According to the accounts of Ubâde b. Sâmit ve
Câbir b. Abdillah, the terms of agreement were as follows:
1. Listening to the Prophet and obeying his word through thick and
thin.
2. Preferring others to oneself (Îsar)
3. Not resisting against the orders of a competent leader.
4. Always telling the truth and not to be afraid of being condemned
by others
Belazurî did not mention isar among these terms. Yakubi,
however, included only the terms of fidelity and war. The scholars such
6 Cafer ACAR
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as Tabari, Ibn al-Jawzi, Ibn al-Asir, Ibn Seyyidinnas, and Semhudi have mentioned none of them. Like Zehebî who lists the terms such as shirk,
servitude to God (ubudiyyah), providing shelter, aid (infaq), enjoining
good and forbidding wrong (emri bi'l-maruf and nehyi ani'l-munker), Şamî,
referring to Câbir b. Abdillah’s narrations, includes similar principles in
his account as well. Ibn Hibbān, Beyhakī and Shāmī mentioned additional terms such as infaq at difficult and easy times, emri bi'l-maruf and nehyi ani'l-münker, and not to be afraid of condemnation.
With all these differences, it is understood that the Prophet advised the ansar and reminded them of their responsibilities and asked for their
commitment. It is possible to read the aforementioned terms as the
narrators’ and writers’ attempts to interpret the content of this pledge.
The term referring to the Prophet’s demand for help in addition to
protection was his expectation from the community leaders since the
times that he needed to leave Mecca. Therefore, that this issue came out at this pledge clearly suggests that this was the last meeting before hijrah.
Another issue concerning the last Aqaba pledge is that it is often
regarded as the “pledge of war”. Although the term “pledge of war” is not
used very often, there are many narrations which make us think that
issues concerning war were taken into consideration at this pledge. The
scholars such as Ya’kubî and Ibn Abdilber mentioned war in the context of pledge. However, it should be stated that calling this pledge “the pledge
of war” can be traced back to Ubade b. Sâmit, as in the term “pledge of
the women”. It is possible to say that this definition is made to distinguish
this pledge from the earlier ones. We have already mentioned that the
expression “the pledge of the women” took place after the Hudaybiyya
Treaty. It can also be claimed Ubâde b. Samit played a central role in the formation of this expression as well.
It is certain that these interpretations do not undermine the fact
that war was also discussed at the last pledge. There are two accounts
which strengthen this fact. The first one is Abbas b. Abdülmuttalib's warning to ansar. The other is Abbas b. Ubâde's emphasis on what the
ansar did and on the meaning of the decision at the end of the pledge.
Even though some possibilities were mentioned concerning the fact
that current situation could yield to a war, it is rather difficult to say that
the Prophet came up with a request to collaborate with him in case of a
war against the Quraish. To put it differently, the third pledge is not “the
pledge of war”, which can be deduced from the Prophet’s response to Berâ b. Marur who said to the Prophet that they were ready to fill Mina with
their swords: “No, we have not been commanded to fight”. Therefore, this is a period when fighting has not become a fard (duty commanded by
Allah) yet. Similarly, it should be mentioned that the Prophet did not want the ansar to face the responsibility of war in the military acts of the
first two years.
Keywords: Aqaba, Pledge, War Pledge, Women Pledge
GİRİŞ
Biat kavramı Arapça “bey’at” şeklinde ifade edilir. Kavramın Siyer kaynaklarındaki karşılığı
ile tarihsel süreçte teşekkül eden ve halife seçilen kişinin hilafetini onaylama anlamındaki biat
Siyer Kaynaklarına Göre Akabe Görüşmeleri 7
Turkish Studies International Periodical for the Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic
Volume 12/10
kavramından farklıdır (krş. Özkan, 1988: 118). Siyer rivayetlerine göre biat, ortak hareket etmek
üzere teyitleşmek ve sözleşmek olarak değerlendirilebilir. Bu teyitleşme de Müslümanların kendi
aralarındaki bir durumu ifade etmektedir. Biat kavramının bu anlamıyla cahiliye dönemindeki bir
kullanımını tespit edemedik. Her ne kadar Cevad Ali, bu kavramın muhtevasına yakın antlaşmalara
işaret etmiş olsa da verdiği örnekler, Risalet sonrası döneme tekabül etmektedir (Cevad Ali, 2001:
VI, 129). Bu da kelimenin Kur’an’ın inzaliyle Hudeybiye sonrası kavramlaştığını ve bu kullanımın
Siyer müelliflerince Hicret öncesi gerçekleşen bu ahidleşmelerin yorumlanmasında uygulanmış
olduğunu düşündürmektedir. Bu muvacehede biat kavramının Siyer açısından Hz. Peygamber
zamanında oluşmuş özel bir kavram olarak değerlendirilmesi yerinde olur.
Akabe ismi, Arap coğrafyasında birçok yer için kullanılmıştır. Ancak Siyer’de gördüğümüz
Akabe, Mekke’de Ka’be’nin bulunduğu yere yaklaşık üç km. uzaklıktadır. Mina hudutları içinde
sayılır. Şeytan taşlama mevkiinde bulunan bu yer, Cemre-i Akabe denilen büyük şeytanın taşlandığı
yere yakın etrafı küçük tepelerle çevrili, tenhada bir vadi idi. Bugün burada biatlerin anısına bir
mescid inşa edilmiştir.(Önkal, 1989: II, 211)
Biatler üzerine sınırlı da olsa Tefsir (Köksal, 2015; Sülün ve Köksal, 2015), Fıkıh,( Tınmaz,