Transitions to Adulthood for Homeless Adolescents · led by Director, William G. Tierney, and Associate Director, Adrianna Kezar. The Center was established to engage the postsecondary-education

USC CENTER FOR HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSIS

Transitions to Adulthood for Homeless Adolescents:

Education and Public Policy

THE CENTER FOR HIGHER EDUCATION POLICYAnalysis (CHEPA) is an interdisciplinary research unitled by Director, William G. Tierney, and Associate Director,Adrianna Kezar. The Center was established to engage thepostsecondary-education community actively, and to serveas an important intellectual center within the RossierSchool of Education; it draws significant support and com-mitment from the administration. The Center’s mission isto improve urban higher education, strengthen school-uni-versity relationships, and to focus on international highereducation, emphasizing Latin America and the Pacific Rim.Working on fulfilling that mission are the Center’s faculty,research assistants, and staff. We are currently involved ina three-year study of college access and financial aid forlow-income students, a multi-year investigation of gover-nance and decision-making in higher education, a study onways to increase the diversity of faculty, and a project thatwill provide ways to increase the transfer rate of urban com-munity college students to four-year institutions.

OVER THE LAST DECADE WE HAVE RECEIVED FUND-ING from the Ford Foundation, the Pew Charitable Trusts,Atlantic Philanthropies, the James Irvine Foundation, theU.S. Department of Education, the William and FloraHewlett Foundation, the J. Paul Getty Trust, LuminaFoundation for Education, The Education FinancingFoundation of California, Sallie Mae Fund, and theAhmanson Foundation.

THIS RESEARCH IS SUPPORTED BY A GRANT FROM THEJOHN RANDOLPH HAYNES AND DORA HAYNES FOUNDATION.Established in 1926 by a prominent, reform-minded physi-cian and his suffragist wife, the John Randolph Haynes andDora Haynes Foundation is a leading supporter of socialscience research for Los Angeles. It is also the oldestprivate foundation in the city.

About CHEPA

Cover images © 2008 Jupiterimages Corporation

Transitions to Adulthood for Homeless Adolescents:

Education and Public Policy

William G. TierneyJarrett T. GuptonRonald E. Hallett

Center for Higher Education Policy AnalysisApril 2008

Contents I: Introduction

II: Background on the Problem

III: Defining Homeless Youth

IV: Federal, State and Local Policies

V: Research on the Educational Experiences ofHomeless Youth

VI: What We Found

VII: Challenges Identified by Youth

VIII: Strategies for Improving Educational Servicesfor Homeless Youth

IX: Conclusion: Moving Beyond McKinney-Vento

X: Useful References

Homeless kids, we're the same as anyone else. It's not our faultwe are in the situation we are in.

--Michael, 17 years old, African American, couch surfer

IMPROVING THE POSTSECONDARY EDUCATIONALOPPORTUNITIES for low-income students is one of the fociat the Center for Higher Education Policy Analysis(CHEPA). We conduct studies with sub-groups of low-income students (e.g. youth in foster care and undocu-mented youth) to improve policies and practices thatimpact their access to higher education. Education playsa critical role in how adolescents mature into adults. Oneof the most vulnerable, and often forgotten, sub-popula-tions of the poor is homeless youth. While they experi-ence challenges similar to other low-income students,their lack of a stable or adequate residence creates aunique set of educational barriers. CHEPA researchersspent 18 months documenting the experiences of home-less adolescents in Los Angeles. The data derive from123 interviews with homeless adolescents between theages of 14 and 19, and an additional 45 interviews withshelter staff, social workers, parents, teachers, and schooldistrict administrators. Follow-up interviews were con-ducted with 30 of the youth to understand their experi-ences in greater depth. Over 400 hours were dedicated toobserving the daily lives of homeless youth.

The project had two primary goals. The firstobjective was to give a voice to homeless youth who arefrequently powerless and invisible. Second, we initiateda dialogue with policymakers and practitioners concern-ing the improvement of educational policy as it pertainsto homeless youth. The following research questionsframed the analysis:

What are the lives of homeless adolescents like?How do homeless youth conceptualize themselves?

Introduction 1

I: INTRODUCTION

How do they spend their time?How do they negotiate educational and social barr-iers?How do they create support systems in and out ofschool?What are the different factors they prioritize as cru-cial to their development?

Homelessness during adolescence increases thelikelihood of an individual experiencing homelessness asan adult. Thus, the cycle of homelessness and extremepoverty may then be passed on to the next generation.During our research, we began to understand the com-plex lives of homeless adolescents. We recognize thatsome of the issues homeless youth confront are beyondthe capacity of the educational system to remedy.However, if improving long-term stability for homelessyouth is the primary goal, then increasing educationalopportunities and access to higher education is indeedrelevant to the discussion.

2 USC CENTER FOR HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSIS

I want to go to school, but right now I just have too much going onyou know. I mean, I make it there when I can, but I don't learn much.When I'm at school I can't concentrate and I'm always tired 'cause Idon't sleep at the shelter. I just want to take care of myself first andthen go back to school.

-- Jo Anne, 14 years old, Latina, emergency youth shelter

HOMELESS YOUTH IN CONTEXT

CURRENTLY 3.5 MILLION PEOPLE EXPERIENCEHOMELESSNESS each year in the United States. Abouthalf of those who endure homelessness are families inneed of shelter (National Alliance to EndHomelessness, 2006). Over one million youth arewithout a stable residence on a given night and morethan 750,000 are of school age (National Law Centeron Homelessness and Poverty, 2004; Collingnon &Nunez, 1997). A little over 5 percent of all youth inAmerica who are under 18 will experience homeless-ness at some point before adulthood (Ringwalt et al.,1998). Being homeless or running away as a youthincreases the likelihood of experiencing homelessnessas an adult (Simons & Whitbeck, 1991).

Background 3

II: BACKGROUND ON THE PROBLEM

DEMOGRAPHICS OF HOMELESS YOUTH

1.35 million young people experience homelessness each year (National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty, 2004).

Unaccompanied youth living on the street without a parent or guardian account for 3% of the urban homeless population (U.S. Conference of Mayors, 2005).

Approximately 186,000 youth are in shared housing at any given time (National Coalition for the Homeless, 1999; Wilder Research Center, 2001).

More than one in five youth who arrive at shelters come directly from foster care, and more than one in four have been in foster care during the previous year (National Association of Social Workers, 1992).

Not having access to stable housing negative-ly influences how youth transition to adulthood.Homeless adolescents are more likely than theirhoused peers to engage in antisocial behavior to sur-vive (Whitbeck, Hoyt & Yoder, 1999). Issues includ-ing sexual activity, substance use, and abusive histo-ries have an impact on a young person's psycho-socialdevelopment, but also influence his or her ability toaccess public education. Experimentation with drugs,alcohol, and sex is greater for homeless adolescentsthan the general population (Halcon & Lifson, 2004).Less than 4% of all adolescents exchange sex formoney (Edwards, Iritani & Hollfors, 2006); however,28% of youth living on the street and 10% of those inshelters engage in 'survival sex' in exchange for food,shelter or money (Greene, Ennett & Ringwalt, 1999).Homeless females have a higher rate of teenage preg-nancy than their counterparts who have a stable livingenvironment (Greene & Ringwalt, 1998). Approximately75% of homeless youth have suicidal thoughts at somepoint during their adolescence (Thompson et al.,2004).

Moving from a national to a local context, LosAngeles County has a homeless population larger thanmost states (Los Angeles Coalition to End Hungerand Homelessness, 2005). Over the duration of oneyear, approximately 150,000 individuals are homelessin the county. On any given night, more than 70,000people are homeless (Los Angeles Homeless ServicesAuthority, 2007). Single mothers are the fastest grow-ing segment of the homeless population in LosAngeles (Dyrness, Spoto, & Thompson, 2003).Additionally, roughly 500,000 individuals live in acutepoverty, meaning that they are one financial crisisaway from losing their housing (Flaming & Tepper,2006). In terms of youth, Los Angeles County hasover 10,000 homeless youth under the age of 18 (LosAngeles Homeless Services Authority, 2007).Although generally an invisible population, the mag-nitude of these numbers reflects the urgency ofaddressing this issue.


Finding a place tosleep at night, andif it's safe was hard.And then eating.Those were the twomajor things I wor-ried about. I wouldgo to my friend'shouse and he wouldbring me a sand-wich or something,but I would have towait all day.

-- Eddie, 18 yearsold, Latino, former

street youth

THE PHRASE 'HOMELESS YOUTH' IS ALL-ENCOMPASSING in that it includes youth living in shel-ters, on the streets, and at group homes; couch surfers;and those doubled up with other families. Althoughthe term is inclusive, how homeless youth experienceresidential instability often varies. For example, youthliving on the street without a guardian likely haveexperiences and needs that differ from families livingdoubled up in an apartment. Since policymakers andresearchers define and categorize homeless youth indifferent ways, not all federal agencies utilize thesame criteria to define homelessness when determin-ing eligibility for services. Educational policies tendto focus on the current residence of the young personas the basis for defining the student's homeless situa-tion. Another approach considers the relationship theyouth has to family or social service agencies. Takentogether, the two approaches demonstrate the com-plexity and diversity of the population as well as thechallenges policymakers face when creating appropri-ate educational policies.

RESIDENTIAL STATUS

The McKinney-Vento Homeless AssistanceAct (42 U.S.C. §§11431; 42 U.S.C. §§11434A) frameshow federal, state and local policymakers understandand respond to homelessness. Based on McKinney-Vento, a homeless individual is someone without afixed, regular place to stay; lacks an adequate night-time residence; lives in a welfare hotel, transitional

Defining Homeless Youth 5

III: DEFINING HOMELESS YOUTH


living program or place without regular sleepingaccommodations; or lives in a shared residence withother persons due to the loss of one's housing or eco-nomic hardship. The Act is meant to provide generaleducational assurances for homeless youth and offer abasic level of stability.

The federal definition of homelessness isinclusive. Youth that do not have a fixed, regular andadequate residence include street youth, people inshelters, families in hotels, couch surfers and familiesliving doubled up. This approach captures the multi-ple locations where homeless youth seek refuge.

CATEGORIES BASED ON RESIDENTIAL STATUS

Shelter youth: Youth under the age of 18 residing in emergency (short-term) or long-term shelter for homeless adolescents. This includes young people who are with or without their family.

Disconnected youth: Youth under the age of 18 living with their family or on their own in a car, abandoned building, campsite or place not suitable for nighttime residence.

Hotels/motels: Families living in a hotel or motel due to economic hardship.The hotels or motels generally lack a kitchen and a public bathroom is shared by tenants.

Couch surfers: Youth that sleep on a different friend's or extended family member's couch or floor each night.

Doubled up: Families that move in with another family due to economic hardship. The crowded environment only affords a semi-stable situation; if there is a dispute or one family experiences a financial crisis, all residents potentially end up without a home.

Street youth: Youth who seek refuge in high-risk, nontraditional locations, such as under bridges or in abandoned buildings. They are generallydisconnected from services for homeless youth.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN YOUTH AND FAMILY

The relationship youth have with their familyor social service agencies is another way thatresearchers and practitioners categorize homelessyouth. This approach does not capture the residentiallocations. However, researchers use this approach todifferentiate how homeless youth interact with theirfamily.

By delineating the definitional approaches inthis manner, we do not intend to suggest that no over-lap exists among categories. Someone who might fallunder the category of a throwaway youth may also becouch surfing, or an unaccompanied youth may haverecently been accompanied. Homeless youth fre-quently have a residential history that includes transi-tioning between multiple residential experiences andcategories. Thus, the fluidity of these terms makes itdifficult to generalize about what types of educationalsupport systems are needed.

CATEGORIES BASED ON RELATIONSHIP TO FAMILY

Accompanied youth: Individuals who are under 18 and live with a parent or guardian in an unstable environment.

Unaccompanied youth: "Young people under the age of 18, who are living apart from their parents or legal guardians in unstable or inadequate living situations" (The National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty, 2004, p. 4)

Throwaway youth: A young person who was asked to leave home by a parent or other adult in the household and prevented from returning home.

Systems youth: Young people who have been involved in government systems, such as juvenile justice and foster care, due to abuse, neglect, incarceration, or family homelessness.

Defining Homeless Youth 7


REVISED TYPOLOGY OF HOMELESS YOUTH

While the above categorizations are helpful,they do not fully capture the experiences and situa-tions of the homeless adolescents we interviewed. Assuch, we offer a provisional typology that merges thelocation of homeless youth and their relationship tofamily or social services. The assumption is that poli-cymakers and practitioners need to be cognizant ofthe location and family dynamics when developingeducational policies.

TYPOLOGY OF HOMELESS YOUTH

1. Those who live with an adult guardian in an unstable, but secure, environment (shelter, storage room).

2. Those who live with an adult guardian in a semi-stable, but potentially dan-gerous environment (hotel, motel).

3. Those who are unaccompanied, live in an emergency youth shelter, and are transitioning into foster care for the first time or have run away from a foster care placement.

4. Those who are unaccompanied and live in long-term group homes as a foster care placement, but have a recent history of homelessness.

5. Those who live, or have lived for a significant period of time, with or without a guardian on the street and may be in the care of a shelter or agency.

6. Those who are doubled up with a parent or guardian in another person's home for an extended period of time.

7. Those who couch surf without an adult in a different person's home from night to night.

FEDERAL LEVEL

THE MCKINNEY-VENTO HOMELESS ASSISTANCEACT is the main federal legislation that pertains tohomelessness in general, and education of homelessyouth in particular. In 1990, the Act was expanded inthree areas: removing barriers to attending school forhomeless students; encouraging interagency collabo-ration to promote student success; and, prohibitingthe segregation of homeless students from the gener-al population of students. Since the introduction ofMcKinney-Vento there has been a steady rise in thepercentage of homeless youth enrolled in school from52% in 1994, to 73% in 1997, to 84% in 2003 (WilderResearch, 2003). While youth are enrolling in schoolsat a higher rate, they still continue to face multipleeducational barriers.

Although the McKinney-Vento Act impactsthe way that state governments view homeless youthand education, it is primarily a federal mandate moni-tored by the U.S. Department of Education.Therefore, the state governments are required to takethe general mandates and definitions from the federalgovernment and find practical ways to enact them.Although the legislation is far from perfect, it is thefirst federal act that provides homeless youth with aright to an equal education akin to their housed coun-terparts. In doing so, the legislation tries to eliminateeducational barriers, such as geographic proximity to aschool site as a requirement for attendance.

IV: FEDERAL, STATE, AND LOCAL POLICIES

Federal, State, and Local Policies 9


STATE LEVEL

The McKinney-Vento Act mandates that stateor local policymakers change laws or policies that hin-der the opportunity for homeless students to attendschool. McKinney-Vento funds are distributed by thestate to school districts in an attempt to improve theirability to meet federal mandates. The Act stems from

MCKINNEY-VENTO HOMELESS ASSISTANCE ACT

The McKinney-Vento Act provides several provisions to improve the edu-cational services for homeless youth. This legislation is designed to promote edu-cational stability for homeless youth, including the following protections:

Students in homeless situations may remain in their school of origin for the entire time they are homeless, regardless of their residential mobility.

The school district arranges transportation for homeless youth that remain at their school of origin, but move outside the school boundaries as a result of residential instability.

Homeless youth can enroll without delay, even if they lack the necessary documentation or immunization records.

Unaccompanied homeless youth can be enrolled without a parent or legal guardian.

School districts are mandated to hire and train a homeless liaison to coordi-nate services for homeless youth and ensure that schools are in compliance with federal and state mandates.

The school or district provides homeless youth with uniforms, backpacks and supplies that may be 'required' for school attendance, but that students may not have access to as a result of their residential instability.

Districts are required to review and change policies or practices that inhibit the educational participation of homeless youth.

Homeless youth can not be segregated from their peers solely as a result of their residential status.

the position that homeless youth are adequatelyserved when they are mainstreamed into publicschools. Underlying the McKinney-Vento Act is theassumption that the educational experiences andneeds of homeless students are similar to that of otherlow-income students, thus the best way to servehomeless youth is to ensure that they are able toattend school and then provide them with the sameservices as low-income students. To be sure, enablinghomeless youth to enroll in and receive transportationto school is important, but this only begins to addresstheir educational needs.

LOCAL LEVEL

The McKinney-Vento Act requires that eachschool district assign a homeless liaison to monitor theimplementation of the federal mandates. Frequently,the district liaison has multiple responsibilities; serv-ing as a homeless liaison fulfills one of those duties.The liaison distributes the funding received by thestate and trains school site staff. The liaison resolvesissues that may arise if a school, parent or advocateraises a concern about the enrollment or transporta-tion of homeless youth.

Over the last several years, a few shelters havetried to open quasi-schools in collaboration with pub-lic schools, but in general, these schools have beenquite small - fewer than 10 students - and temporary.These classrooms were designed to provide short-term support to youth that were in crisis. The originalgoal was to stabilize the youth before transitioning toa public school, under the assumption that even ashort educational stay would be beneficial. In order tosucceed, however, the shelter needs to partner with alocal public school district to hire a fully credentialedteacher who may only work at the shelter part-time.Since the programs focus on getting the students backinto the rhythm of school and identifying academic

Federal, State, and Local Policies 11

People should knowthat I'm not a badperson and thathomeless kids aren'tbad people. We'restruggling with ourissues just like every-one else, you know.

-- Jackie, 14 yearsold, Latina, long-

term group home

concerns before they transition to a typical schoolenvironment, the shelter staff often find that provid-ing basic services is difficult enough. The additionallegal and bureaucratic burden on the staff is over-whelming and beyond their responsibilities. Giventhe underlying philosophy of McKinney-Vento thatmainstreaming is optimal, the creation of separatebut equal facilities is anathema. Funding for such anundertaking is sparse and hard to find. The result isthat although such schools exist, they are rare.

When a homeless student enrolls it takes us on average about 48hours to get everything together to make an enrollment decision.I mean we have to drop everything we are doing and focus on get-ting necessary information. Yes, homeless youth can enroll withless documentation, but we still need certain bits of information tomake an informed decision, we can't just guess if the student hasan IEP or belongs in certain math class.

-- Diploma Project Advisor


THE EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES OF HOME-LESS YOUTH, with the exception of a few studies (i.e.Quint, 1994; Finley, 2003; Julianelle & Foscarinis,2003; Ferguson & Xie, 2008), have rarely been thefocus of research. The vast majority of studies onhomeless youth have focused on the physical or psy-chological aspects of homelessness from a medicalperspective. Although education was not the primaryfocus, statistical data on school attendance and expe-riences were collected by previous researchers.

Approximately 40% of homeless adults do nothave a high school diploma and less than 2% have apostsecondary degree (Tepper, 2004). Homelessyouth have comparatively lower literacy rates andmore frequent suspensions from school (Thompson etal., 2004). Nearly two-thirds of homeless youth inhigh school are not proficient in math and English(National Center for Homeless Education, 2007).Homeless youth are more likely to score significantlybelow grade level, repeat grades, and have poor atten-dance compared to their housed peers (Rafferty &Shinn, 1991).

Over half of homeless students report theyhave been suspended four or more times for infrac-tions such as being tardy, not wearing the proper uni-form and accumulating excessive absences (Cardenas,2005). All of these factors, of course, could be seen asan inevitable consequence of being homeless.Homeless students are more likely to drop out orattend an alternative school than their peers, and over30% report having unruly behavior in school that

Research on the Educational Experiences 13

V: RESEARCH ON THE EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES OF HOMELESS YOUTH


resulted in educational problems (Kurtz, Jarvis &Kurtz, 1991).

Average daily attendance is 74% for homelessstudents as compared to 89% for their housed peers;however, the disparity is greater for high school stu-dents with daily attendance of only 51% for homelessstudents as compared to 84% for the general popula-tion of high school students (Rafferty & Rollins,1989). Transitioning between schools and districts iscommon for homeless youth. Students miss an aver-age of five days each time they change schools(Rafferty & Rollins, 1989).

Some researchers have compared homelessyouth with other low-income students. For instance,Rafferty, Shinn and Weitzman (2004) examined theschool experiences and academic achievement of ado-lescents in families who experienced homelessnessand those whose families were housed but receivedpublic assistance. Measures taken after the homelessstudents were re-housed showed both groups highlyvalued school and were similar in cognitive abilities.Formerly homeless students had a higher rate ofschool mobility, were more likely to repeat the samegrade, and mothers reported worse school experi-ences. Homelessness was associated with furtherdeclines in achievement during the period of maximalresidential disruption, but had no effects five yearslater. These youth had lower postsecondary educa-tional aspirations and scored poorly on standardizedtests of academic achievement. The findings are con-sistent with other studies of homeless youth in highereducation (Rafferty et al., 2004).

Homelessness doesnot define who I amand it doesn't definemy daughter either.I made a bad deci-sion in a relation-ship, that's whywe're in this situa-tion, that's not whowe are as people.We don't defineourselves based onwhere we live.

--Ida, AfricanAmerican, family

shelter

What We Found 15

THIS PROJECT WAS DESIGNED TO UNDERSTANDTHE EXPERIENCES of homeless youth and the educa-tional barriers they face. We interviewed 123 youth inLos Angeles County who were identified by schoolsand social service agencies as homeless. The majori-ty of interviews with youth were conducted in publicschools, at youth shelters and group homes, and dur-ing after school programs. The average age was 16with 53% male, 44% female and 3% identified astransgendered. The majority of youth were Latino(39%), African American (36%), or Biracial (16%), withthe remaining youth either Caucasian (5%) or AsianAmerican (3%).

The residential location of the youth varied.Youth described a residential history with transitionsbetween different categories of homelessness. Ingeneral, youth were able to identify a specific event orseries of events that led to their residential instability.These events included the death of a parent, familyconflict, incarceration of a guardian and an economiccrisis. A few youth reported being homeless theirentire life. The table following describes the locationof youth when interviewed, as well as their residentialhistory. Each column identifies the number of youthinterviewed in each category.

VI: WHAT WE FOUND

Living on the streetsmade me who Iam. It was badwhen I was goingthrough it. That'show I found out Iwas transgenderand not a gay boy. Imean it just helpedme find out who Iam.

--Eugene, 17 yearsold, African

American, emer-gency youth shelter

The interviews and observations revealedstructural barriers preventing homeless students fromachieving academic success. The youth who partici-pated in the study identified aspects of their lives thatinfluence how they perceive and participate in theeducational system. Below we discuss the three over-arching themes that emerged from the interviews.

PATTERNS OF SCHOOLING

Participation in high school. The youth rarelyenrolled in the same high school from 9th through12th grades. The frequent transition between schoolswas correlated with the stability of their living envi-ronments. Higher stability (transitional living pro-grams or living doubled up) was associated with atten-dance at fewer schools; lower stability (emergencyshelters or couch surfing) was associated with atten-dance at more schools.

Many youth failed several high school classes


Current Residence*History of

Residence**Total

Shelter 6 18 24

Hotel or Motel 18 6 24

Emergency youthshelter

24 7 31

Long-term grouphome

16 2 18

Streets or car 0 16 16

Doubled up 11 11 22

Couch surfing 6 6 12

* This column identifies how many youth lived in each category at the time of the interview.** This column identifies how many youth had a history of living in each category, but had

transitioned to either a different category of homelessness or recently located stable housing.

and did not have enough credits to graduate from highschool in four years. Youth who received a 'D' in arequired class were generally satisfied that they wouldnot have to take the class again. The primary goal wasto pass the required classes needed to earn a diploma.Some youth did not attend school on a regular basis;5% had dropped out of school entirely and severalmore stated that they skipped school at least once aweek. Youth who were out of school for an extendedperiod of time were frequently interested in gettingback into school. Nearly 10% of homeless youthreceived special education services. The services pro-vided ranged from an hour appointment with aresource specialist to attendance at a self-containedhigh school.

Awareness of rights. Youth were not consistentlyprovided transportation, supplies or uniforms.Although the federal law requires immediate enroll-ment of homeless youth, the process of transferringbetween schools varies from as little as two days tomore than a week. The individuals we intervieweddid not challenge the school when enrollment wasdenied. A few students discussed repeated absencesfrom school because they did not have the proper uni-form or transportation. Few students were aware thatthe school had a responsibility to provide these servic-es.

School staff faced challenges in enrolling andverifying the number of homeless youth at the schoolsites. There was not an individual whose sole respon-sibility was to work with homeless youth. At theschools with the largest population of homeless youthan attendance and/or dropout counselor was typicallyassigned. The district liaison trained the counselor,but homeless youth was but one of several groups ofstudents assigned to the counselor. The caseloadswere so large that school sites could do little morethan crisis management. In particular, high schools

What We Found 17

We have problemsenrolling studentsand homeless stu-dents that don'thave their immu-nization records.The school nursealways sends themback to us and sayswe can't enrollt hem w i thou ti m m u n i z a t i o nrecords. Usua l l ywe're able to enrollthe student, butthe nurse justmakes a difficultprocess that muchmore difficult.

-- Pupil Servicesand Attendance

Counselor

that served a high-density of homeless youth had adifficult time identifying, enrolling and supportingthis segment of the student body.

INFLUENCE OF SOCIAL NETWORKS ON EDUCATION

The homeless youth interviewed had varyinglevels of social support networks. The networksincluded family, shelter staff, teachers, friends andmentors. Youth discussed how these relationshipsimpacted their daily routines and emotional stability,which influenced their participation in school. Inaddition, youth identified relationships that directlyimpacted their education both positively and nega-tively.

Family. Youth described a variety of family for-mations. Nearly 15% of youth lived with both biolog-ical parents and an additional 4% lived with a parentand stepparent. The majority of youth either livedwith one biological parent (27%) or neither parent(53%). The youth in single parent households weretypically headed by mothers. A few youth lived withfamily friends or extended family members. Lessthan 10% reported having a parent with a collegedegree or trade school certification. They stated thattheir parents wanted them to graduate from highschool, but they rarely spoke to their parents aboutgrades, extra-curricular activities or postsecondaryeducation. In some situations the youth were encour-aged to seek employment immediately after gradua-tion to contribute to the family income. For thosewho were disconnected from their families, their rela-tionship with their parents usually required a highlevel of emotional energy and time such that he or shewas unable to fully participate in school.

Group home staff. The youth living in long-term group homes are generally under the supervisionof the foster care system. Many of the youth have a


I couldn’t go toschool because I wasconstantly movingand my mom was ondrugs and all hermoney went todrugs.

-- Samuel, 15 yearsold, Hispanic, couch

surfer

My dad is gettingout jail in the spring,but I'm not going togo live with him.The last time I livedwith him we gotinto an argumentand he punched mein the face. My nosewas bleeding badand everything andhe was yelling at meto clean myself up.After that I knew Icouldn't stay withhim anymore. I justdon't want to getcaught up in thatmess again.

-- Angela, 19 yearsold, Latina, doubled

up

history of homelessness. The group homes hire staffthat serve administrative, supervision and mentoringfunctions. The staff provides transportation to schooland assists during the enrollment process. Youth liv-ing in group homes may have access to a tutor or staffmay serve in that role. These youth may or may nothave contact with their parents; however, the relation-ships are generally plagued with conflict and dysfunc-tion. Youth rarely reported a close relationship withgroup home staff and frequently experienced conflictwith staff that enforced rules.

Shelter staff. Youth in emergency youth shel-ters were less likely to develop a lasting or trustingrelationship with staff. These youth may only stay atthe shelter for a few weeks until they reunited withtheir family, their social worker located a permanentplacement, or the youth returned to the streets. Youthliving in a shelter with their family had sporadic con-tact with the shelter staff; however, some sites provid-ed a space for volunteer tutors to assist with home-work.

Youth interested in college did not typicallyspeak with shelter staff about their goals or aspira-tions. Some shelters provided educational support fortheir residents by recruiting volunteers to assist withhomework or by establishing a mandatory study time.The primary role of the staff was to meet the youths'basic needs, enforce the shelter rules and assist youthwith basic educational issues (i.e. transportation toschool and enrollment.) Youth in shelters rarely had arelationship with a staff member that offered specificeducational guidance or the opportunity to discusspostsecondary aspirations.

Teachers and school site personnel. The majorityof the homeless youth interviewed attended large,overcrowded, multi-track high schools. While home-less adolescents had at least five classes, fewer than15% of students identified a close relationship with a

What We Found 19

I like the staff atthe other shelterbetter than thepeople here . Imean here theydon't listen to you,and they don't careabout you. Sowhen they don'tlisten to me I startgetting all loud andstuff to get theirattention, but thenI just get in trouble.At the other place Ididn't need toscream and cussall the time causethe staff would lis-ten and talk to me. -- Jo Anne, 14 years

old, emergencyyouth shelter

teacher that involved speaking outside of the classperiod or about personal concerns they had thataffected their educational participation. Some youthhad superficial relationships with their teachers (e.g.they spoke with teachers about assignments or saidhello in the hallway), but most teachers did not havethe time to serve as mentors. Further, many of thehomeless youth did not feel comfortable speaking totheir teachers about their living situations or postsec-ondary aspirations. Some youth were concerned thatthe school might contact a social worker and theywould be separated from their family if anyonelearned about their living conditions. Other youth didnot feel school staff cared about them and thoughtexpressing vulnerability was a waste of time becausethey did not believe a teacher could help.

Friends. Youth frequently identified friends,but often had a difficult time naming a 'best' friend.Most friends either were casual acquaintances or hada negative impact on their education. The youthspoke with their friends about day-to-day activities,but rarely discussed educational aspirations. Someyouth had friends that engaged in illegal activities andother behaviors that drew the student away fromschool. Many youth could not identify a peer thatthey had know for and extended period of time andtrusted.

The rate of mobility influenced the youth’sability to develop friendships. On some occasions thetransition to a new school offered the student a saferenvironment and the opportunity to build a social net-work that supported them academically. More often,the youth who moved frequently were unable toestablish relationships with teachers or friends thatencouraged consistent participation in school. Theseyouth did not expect to remain at the school longenough to invest in relationships.


Most of my friendsare gang related.When we hang outwe usually just, youknow, gang bang. Ican't really say muchmore than that. Idon't have anyfriends that aren't inthe gang. I don'ttrust people thataren't in my gang. -- Angela, 15 years

old, Latina, emer-gency youth shelter

Extracurricular activities. Involvement inextracurricular activities was low. Over 75% of youthstated that they were not involved in any extracurric-ular activities. Less than 10% were involved in sports,band or other activities. Approximately 10% attendeda homework support program, which generally assist-ed youth for one hour after school with assignments.In general, youth involved in extracurricular activitiesidentified a coach or mentor who encouraged partici-pation in school. The programs provided a safe placefor students and volunteers that assisted with home-work. Encouraging students to complete a highschool diploma was the primary academic focus.

PERCEPTIONS OF EDUCATION AND FUTUREASPIRATIONS

Role of secondary education. The majority ofyouth had a difficult time connecting their high schoolcourses with future goals. Youth understood theimportance of graduating from high school if theywanted to attend college. However, the daily materi-al presented in class was more difficult to connectwith their goals. Boredom in school was a commontopic during interviews. High school was somethingthat was to be endured, but rarely did they enjoy orfully engage in class. A handful of youth clearly iden-tified graduation from high school and postsecondaryeducation as a path to future stability. They workedwith a high school counselor or a mentor to develop aneducational plan. These youth attended school regu-larly and strived to do well in class.

Goals and aspirations. The majority of youthidentified educational goals and career aspirations.Goals ranged from getting a GED to a Ph.D., but mostfell into the category of wanting to graduate from highschool and then go on to college. Although virtuallyall youth desired careers that require higher educa-tion, they usually focused on the immediate goal of

What We Found 21

I don't have friends.Friends are justpeople who wantsomething fromyou; it's always at radeoff . Mostpeople just want touse you anyway.So why h a v efriends?

-- Shaunisha, 17years old, Biracial,emergency youth

shelter

graduating from high school. Many, if they reach thisgoal, will be the first in their family to earn a diploma.

College preparation. The majority of studentsnearing graduation had not taken college entranceexams. They knew there was an application processto get into college, but most were unaware of dead-lines and requirements. Several youth nearing gradu-ation had not identified the college they planned toattend. In addition, many youth did not know how tofile financial aid forms. The assumption many youthmade was that preparing for and applying to collegewere activities that happened near the end of theirsenior year or after graduation.

Differentiating between a trade school and aprivate research university was difficult for mostyouth. A common assumption was that the require-ments were the same at each institution. Paying fortuition was a concern expressed by virtually all theyouth that desired to attend college. Family incomequalified all of the youth for financial support fromthe federal government, state grants and institutionalscholarships or grants. However, many youth identi-fied financial need as an educational barrier.

SUMMARY OF CHALLENGES

Before moving on to a discussion of the chal-lenges that homeless experience, two points stand outfrom the data presented here. First, the temporarynature of the living situations in which these adoles-cents find themselves can not be emphasized enough.The unstable and chaotic nature of homelessness hasa substantial adverse affect on a student's educational,emotional and social well-being. While some youthwere able to maintain their social ties and keep upwith their education, far too many homeless youth hadtheir aspirations and relationships derailed.


I want to go to col-lege, but when I thinkabout my future Ialways see it as turn-ing out bad. Youknow, like somethingbad is going to hap-pen to me or to mymom. I've just cometo expect bad stuffto happen to us.

-- Aaron, 15 yearsold, African

American, singleroom occupancy

Man, I feel lonelyeveryday, there's justdifferent types oflonely. It's like friendlonely, family lonely,girlfriend lonely…and then just lonelyperiod, you know? Ifeel like there issomething missingbut I don't knowwhat it is.

-- Eddie, 18 yearsold, Latino, former

street youth

Second, being homeless was a stigma.Students did not want individuals to know that theywere homeless and did not want teachers to treatthem in any way different from other students. If any-thing, the students in this study largely wanted toremain invisible, even if that invisibility further mar-ginalized them. There were no homeless clubs in theschools we visited and the vast majority of teachers,counselors and administrators were unaware who washomeless and who was not. Shelters where youngpeople visited were largely void of educational servic-es and struggled simply to provide lodging and food.The result was that these youth ended up in a self-perpetuating cycle from which they all too frequentlydid not escape. These students missed classes or, onoccasion, years of schooling because they were con-stantly on the move. The importance of school fell bythe wayside as they searched for housing or personalstability. The ability to form friendships, peer groups,or relationships with adults was made that much moredifficult.

To be sure, the situation for many homelessyouth is not hopeless. However, if effective strategiesthat provide homeless students with educational andresidential stability are not implemented, then educa-tion will become irrelevant and the avenues out ofpoverty will be foreclosed. These strategies need totake into consideration the mobile nature of thehomeless experience and the social stigma that exists.

What We Found 23

I don’t know what to do. I go to school and I’m working and, Imean, I am doing good things, but I got no home.

-- Carlos, 19 years old, Latino, emergency youth shelter


DURING EACH INTERVIEW WE ASKED YOUTH TODESCRIBE THE BARRIERS they felt impacted their edu-cational performance. At the conclusion of the inter-view, we gave the interviewee an opportunity to rec-ommend changes to the educational process thatwould improve their ability to participate. The fol-lowing is a list of the most frequent responses:

PAT T E R N S O F SC H O O L I N G

Frequent absences from school. The reasons for missing were directly associated with the youth's residential status. Sporadic attendance negative-ly influenced their educational success.

High mobility rates. Residential instability influ-enced the youth’s participation in education and the stability of relationships.

Limited access to required supplies and materials.Interviewees did not consistently have nece-ssary supplies, backpacks, uniforms, and trans-portation.

Inadequate homework space. Youth had limited space to complete their homework.

INFLUENCE OF SOCIAL NETWORKS ON EDUCATION

Lack of educational guidance. The students did not have educational mentors or a relationship with someone who had graduated from college. As a result, youth had a limited understanding of postsecondary requirements, application processes, and funding options.

VII: CHALLENGES IDENTIFIED BY YOUTH

Violence in neighborhoods and schools. Gang, drug and criminal activity were common in the neighborhoods and schools where homeless youth attend.

Substance abuse and addiction. A few youth had drug and alcohol issues. More often, youth discussed the substance abuse of family mem-bers that contributed to residential instability.

Strained family or personal relationships. Residential instability negatively impacted stu-dents' ability to form and maintain relationships.

PERCEPTIONS OF EDUCATION AND FUTUREASPIRATIONS

Disconnect between daily choices and long-term aspirations. Immediate needs and desires took precedence over long-term planning.

Vague goals without structure. The interviewees had general career and educational goals; how-ever, they were unaware of the steps required to achieve their goals.

Internalized Low Expectations. Youth internalizedlow aspirations when they were surrounded byfriends and family who perceived few career andeducational opportunities were possible.

The few youth that were able to cope effec-tively with the stresses of homelessness usually partic-ipated in multiple support networks. The majority ofyouth were unable to foster positive relationships thathindered them as they transitioned to adulthood.Educational support services were problematic forhomeless youth in shelters. While some sheltersoffered tutoring and/or mentoring, these programsworked sporadically and did not always allow studentsto form long-standing relationships with adult men-tors.

Challenges Identified 25

I'm not saying it'sbad, but I wouldwant a home whereI could take a show-er and, you know,brush my teeth in areal sink. Actuallyflush the toilet, youknow. I would wantat least an apart-ment, I'm not askingfor a big mansion, atleast a small apart-ment.

-- Esther, 14 yearsold, Latina, living in

a storage room

THE MCKINNEY-VENTO ACT HAS DONE AGREAT DEAL to minimize barriers to school enrollmentfor homeless youth. One difficulty in serving home-less students is that many wish to remain invisible toteachers, school administrators and other students.Further, teachers or counselors are generally unawareof how someone who is homeless experiences life out-side of school. Obviously, school staff members cannot address a problem if they are unaware that oneexists. The six recommendations below focus onways that educators and policymakers might improveservice implementation for homeless youth.

PROVIDE GREATER FISCAL AND PERSONNEL SUPPORTTO SCHOOLS AND SCHOOL DISTRICTS TO ENFORCE THE

PROVISIONS IN MCKINNEY-VENTO.

As with any policy, changes over time may bein order if the stated goals of the policy have not beenachieved. Over half of the school districts nationwidereport that transportation barriers still exist for home-less youth (National Center for Homeless Education,2007). Many school sites require proof of residencyand immunization records before parents can registertheir children (Mawhinney-Rhoads & Stahler, 2006).Only 26 states submit complete data on homelessyouth to the federal government (National Center forHomeless Education, 2007). In 1990, three years afterthe Act was first passed, 40% of states fully complied(Helm, 1993). Over 15 years later, the nation hastaken a small step forward with nearly half of thestates in compliance.

Although McKinney-Vento does not resolve


VIII: STRATEGIES FOR IMPROVING EDUCATIONAL SERVICES FOR HOMELESS YOUTH

Strategies for Improving Educational Services 27

all of the educational barriers for homeless youth, itsprimary purpose is to ensure access to school.Implementing the basic protections of McKinney-Vento is a long overdue first step toward providinghomeless youth an adequate education. In order forcompliance to be achieved, increased funding will beneeded to enable the school sites to develop the pro-grams and partnerships recommended below.

ASSIGN A FULL-TIME COUNSELOR DEDICATED TOMEETING THE EDUCATIONAL NEEDS OF HOMELESS

STUDENTS AT SCHOOLS WITH LARGE POPULATIONS OF

HOMELESS YOUTH.

The sheer number of homeless students atschools in the most impoverished neighborhoodsimpacts resource distribution. Schools may have inexcess of 300 identified homeless youth and over 90%of the remaining students qualifying for free andreduced lunch. Generally, these schools take a reac-tive approach. If a student has a severe attendanceissue, which may not be identified until the studenthas missed several weeks of school, the attendancecounselor sets up a meeting with the student andguardian. If the student is failing, a dropout counselormay contact the family. Homeless youth, who gener-ally have a difficult time with attendance and grades,typically do not know who to contact when they needhelp with school. The counselors may not identifythe problem until the youth has moved out of the areaand no longer is able to attend the school.

By hiring a full-time counselor the schoolswith a large number of homeless youth could take aproactive role in meeting the needs of homeless stu-dents, rather than a reactive or unaware posture. Astudent who is doubled-up may have different educa-tional needs than a student living in a shelter. Theschool staff and administrators should not expect uni-form approaches to be adequate nor should they

assume the issues homeless youth experience are thesame as other low-income students. A counselor ded-icated to serving homeless youth at these schoolscould help locate educational resources for the family,work with the student to develop short and long-termeducational plans and serve as a liaison between theschool, district, family and social service programs.

CREATE AND SUSTAIN PARTNERSHIPS BETWEENSCHOOLS, SCHOOL DISTRICTS AND SHELTERS OR OTHERAGENCIES THAT SERVE HOMELESS YOUTH.

School and shelter staff work diligently toserve homeless youth; however, their efforts might beimproved through collaboration rather than isolation.School sites are generally unaware of the services pro-vided by community programs and the communityprograms are largely unaware of the educationalprocess, specifically as it pertains to higher education.Through the development of partnerships, the schoolwill be able to identify services that are being dupli-cated and, more importantly, those that are needed.While collaborative programming will help the aca-demic preparation of homeless students, it also allowshomeless students to acquire social and cultural capi-tal. Consequently, collaborative programming has thepotential to improve homeless students' self-efficacyrelated to education. Collaboration could take manyforms including site visits to the various social welfareprograms and planning regular meetings to discussissues concerning service implementation. In addi-tion, the schools may host a series of trainings toinform staff of social service opportunities and proce-dures.

Education and learning are now seen as activ-ities that occur in and out of the classroom, duringschool and when school is not in session. Granted,schools remain critically important and simply gettinghomeless youth to the school itself remains problem-


My teacher askedme what he coulddo to help me,‘cause I'm like fail-ing his class. And Iwas just likethere's nothingyou can do. Iknow he wants tohelp me, but I toldhim I need to takecare of myself andmy situation rightnow.

-- Jo Anne, 14years old, Latina,emergency youth

shelter


atic. Rather than a disjuncture between the shelterand the school we are suggesting that a closer relation-ship needs to be built and maintained. School person-nel, by and large, do not know those students who arehomeless, and they know even less about the placeswhere many youth reside. Shelter and group homestaff may know the schools where students in theirarea attend, but they do not have the educationaltraining to create an environment of learning. Onestrategy will be to create a sustained relationship forsocial service programs and educational organizationsinsofar as they function in the best interests of theadolescent.

PROVIDE YOUTH WITH ACCESS TO A MENTOR WHOSTAYS WITH THE STUDENT THROUGHOUT HIGH

SCHOOL.

Homeless youth are typically unattached to anadult whose primary concern is their educational wel-fare. The purpose of McKinney-Vento is to create astable educational environment for students, but thatgoal has been in large part unsuccessful. Sporadicattendance and high mobility rates have conse-quences for young learners, including abysmal gradu-ation rates. Mentoring is one strategy that has thepotential to ameliorate many of the challenges home-less youth face. The mentor can identify the individ-ual needs and ensure the student receives resourcesnecessary to succeed in school. As the youth movesbetween different residences, the mentor can be a sta-ble source of educational guidance.

Requiring schools to locate, train and pay amentor for each homeless student in a large urban areais beyond reason. However, mentoring programs runby community agencies and universities already exist.These programs already serve highly mobile popula-tions and can share best practices based upon theirexperiences. Developing lasting relationships

It gives you morebarriers, becauseinstead of worry-ing about school,you worry aboutyour life, youworry about whatyou ‘re gonna dothe next morn-ing, when you gohome how yougonna l i ve , howyou gonna sleep,how you gonnaeat, how yougonna survive.

-- LaTisha, 17years old, AfricanAmerican, family

shelter

between mentors and mentees is challenging whenthe youth move frequently. School districts shouldcollaborate with established programs to increasecapacity and share best practices.

ESTABLISH PROGRAMS THAT FACILITATE ACCESS TOFINANCIAL AID AND POSTSECONDARY EDUCATION.

In January of 2007, the U.S. House ofRepresentatives passed the College Access andOpportunity Act. This act allows unaccompaniedhomeless youth to be considered independent stu-dents upon verification of their living situation by aMcKinney-Vento school district liaison, a shelterdirector, transitional shelter, or independent livingprogram. This bill has the potential to improve home-less students' access to financial aid by allowing themto apply for financial aid directly (National Associationon Education for Homeless Children and Youth,2006). The main issue with this policy is that home-less students that do not reside in shelters will beunlikely to have contact with a school district liaisonor shelter staff.

The College Access and Opportunity Acthelps homeless students gain access to financial aid.However, it does not address other issues that mightimprove success, such as school stability and academ-ic support programs. Furthermore, in previousresearch we found that many low-income studentsrequire assistance navigating the financial aid and col-lege application process. Homeless youth are noexception.

The first step is publicizing this information atthe local level. Many families are unaware of the newlaw, how funds are distributed, or which studentsqualify. Second, students will need support filling outthe applications and negotiating the financial aid sys-tem. This support can be given either at the school or



through community partnerships. Finally, communi-ty organizations can assist with the transition betweenhigh school and postsecondary institutions.

DEVELOP CHARTER SCHOOLS TARGETED TOWARDDROPOUT PREVENTION AND THAT OFFER A RESIDEN-TIAL COMPONENT.

While it remains important to continue toenroll homeless youth in local public schools, somehomeless youth might benefit from alternative educa-tional environments, just as thousands of other chil-dren do. There has been a surge in the number ofcharter schools that serve students as an alternative tothe traditional public school system. In 1990, therewere no states that approved charter schools (Renzulli& Roscigno, 2005). Currently, there are more than4,000 charter schools serving over one million stu-dents (Center for Education Reform, 2007). We arenot suggesting that all homeless youth ought to besent to a charter school. However, we also reject theassumption that mainstreaming all homeless youth isthe only educational structure that is in their bestinterests. In the past a few schools were created forhomeless youth with low expectations and an exclu-sionary model that limited their educational attain-ment. We are not suggesting a return to an ineffec-tive, archaic model. The past failings were based onpoor pedagogy and design, but do not justify rejectingthe possibility of designing new programs. Multipleeducational experiments are being conducted for dif-ferent types of students so that their needs might bebest met. The possible benefits of charter schoolsdesigned to meet the needs of homeless studentsshould not be discounted as an opportunity toimprove educational opportunities for a disenfran-chised group.

The residential option offers the most vulner-able of this at-risk population a basic level of stability.

I don’t think it isgood for a home-less person to gostraight from beinghomeless to a pub-lic high schoolbecause it willshow and if thekids at the highschool find outthey will tease you.

--Christopher, 19years old, AfricanAmerican, couch

surfer

Unaccompanied youth without a safe, stable resi-dence may benefit from an educational setting thatoffers housing. For example, high school studentswho work towards a diploma need to earn specificcredits to graduate. Highly mobile youth frequentlytransition between schools, which impacts theirgrades and ability to earn required credits. Further,unaccompanied youth rarely have a space to completetheir homework and frequently are absent from schoolas a result of their living situation. For these youth, aresidential option at a structured school setting maybe the change that enables them to complete theirdiploma.

Obviously these recommendations are inter-related, and when combined they help to providecomprehensive educational support to homelessyouth. Future educational policies that address thediversity of the homeless youth population will betterbe able to meet their unique needs.


I haven't been to school in a year. I don't think I need to goback. All you need to survive is people skills and commonsense. Maybe after I get an apartment I'll get my GED, but goback to regular high school… no way.

-- Jane, 16 years old, White, emergency youth shelter

THE MCKINNEY-VETO HOMELESS ASSISTANCEACT strives to remove barriers to enrollment andincrease the percentage of homeless youth that attendschool. McKinney-Vento has been successful to a cer-tain degree; however, it is now time to address theissues beyond enrollment. While schools and districtshave a better sense of the number of homeless youthand the schools where they attend — albeit sporadi-cally — solutions on how to help these students haveremained elusive. Based on our findings, we suggestthat the policy conversation turn towards addressingspecific educational needs. Such a task requires agreat deal of effort on behalf of multiple communities(e.g. educators, legislatures, shelters, and communityagencies). The alternative is that today's homelessyouth will become tomorrow's homeless adults. Toprevent youth from being trapped in a cycle of home-lessness an educational intervention is necessary.

One obvious problem is that homeless youthare poorly educated — most do not graduate fromhigh school and few go on to study at a postsecondaryinstitution. If society is to break the cycle of home-lessness, then educational leaders need to come toterms with the challenges that homeless youth faceand figure out ways to have the educational systemsupport them. The creation of alternative education-al opportunities, mentoring programs, and closerworking relationships between shelters and schoolswarrants greater public discussion on federal, state,and local levels. Currently, the educational system is

CONCLUSION 33

IX: CONCLUSION: MOVING BEYOND MCKINNEY-VENTO


either irrelevant or hostile to the daily needs of home-less youth. To create the change needed to improveeducational services requires a move beyond simplygetting students enrolled in school and toward a focuson how to best serve the overall educational needs ofhomeless students.

School is very important to me. I want to be a personal stylist ora neurologist. My mom has always stressed education. She grad-uated from college and she wants me to go to USC because shealways wanted to go there but couldn't afford it. My mom doeseverything she can to make sure I'm prepared for school. Eventhough we're homeless and in a shelter right now she makes surethat I do my homework, and that I have a way to get to school.I really want to get a scholarship to college ‘cause it would reallyhelp my mom out and be a way to pay her back.

-- Carolina, 14 years old, Biracial, family shelter

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Acknowledgements

We would like to thank our colleagues for theirinsights that contributed to this monograph: ShirleyAbrams, Zoë Corwin, Mona Desai, Kristin Ferguson, SusanFinley, Daniel Flaming, Lisa Foster, Paul Freese, SusanRabinovitz, Melissa Schoonmaker, Paul Tepper, andJennifer Wolch. In addition, we worked with several youthorganizations and schools that gave us access to the stu-dents they have dedicated their lives to support. We appre-ciate their efforts to improve the lives of young people andfor the support of our project. Finally, we extend a thankyou to all the youth who opened their lives up to us.

The Center could not function without theassistance of Diane Flores and Monica Raad.Undergraduate student workers Ashley Hill and VanessaCorral were integral to publishing the monograph. Weappreciate their time and energy.

CENTER FOR HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSISRossier School of Education

University of Southern California701 Waite Phillips Hall

Los Angeles, CA 90089-4037

(213) 740-7218www.usc.edu/dept/chepa

Transitions to Adulthood for Homeless Adolescents · led by Director, William G. Tierney, and Associate Director, Adrianna Kezar. The Center was established to engage the postsecondary-education

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