Trade and Religious Boundaries in the Medieval Maghrib

UC BerkeleyUC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations

TitleTrade and Religious Boundaries in the Medieval Maghrib: Genoese Merchants, their Products, and Islamic Law

Permalinkhttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6px5817r

AuthorPattison, Joel S

Publication Date2019 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation

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TradeandReligiousBoundariesintheMedievalMaghrib:GenoeseMerchants,theirProducts,andIslamicLaw

by

JoelS.Pattison

Adissertationsubmittedinpartialsatisfactionofthe

requirementsforthedegreeof

DoctorofPhilosophyin

History

and

MedievalStudies

inthe

GraduateDivision

ofthe

UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley

CommitteeinCharge:

ProfessorMaureenC.Miller,ChairProfessorGeoffreyKoziolProfessorLaurentMayaliProfessorHusseinFancy

Summer2019

Copyright©2019JoelPattisonAllrightsreserved

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Abstract

TradeandReligiousBoundariesintheMedievalMaghrib:GenoeseMerchants,theirProducts,andIslamicLaw

by

JoelS.Pattison

DoctorofPhilosophyinHistory

UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley

ProfessorMaureenC.Miller,Chair

BydeployingItaliannotarialevidencealongsideIslamiclegalsourcesandArabicliteraryevidence,thisdissertationshowsthattherelationshipbetweenmedievalGenoaandtheMaghribdevelopedundertheinfluenceofIslamiclegalnormsgoverningtradebetweenMuslimsandChristians.Genoawasapowerfulandwealthymedievalcity,atthecenteroftheeconomicexpansionofEuropeduringtheMiddleAges,whoseassetsincludedafar-flungseriesofcolonies,enclaves,andlegalprivilegesfromLondontoIran.Thecity'srelationshipwiththeMuslimworldwascrucialinestablishingGenoaasatradehub.BothMuslimlegalexpertsandChristianmerchantsfavoredinstitutionsthatregulatedandlimitedinteractionsbetweenChristiansandMuslimsintheportcitiesofTunis,Bijāya,andCeutaduringthethirteenthcentury.HistoriesofChristian-MuslimrelationsinthemedievalMediterraneanhavelongfocusedonmulti-confessionalsocietiessuchasIberia,Sicily,orthevariousChristianandMuslimpolitiesoftheEasternMediterranean.TheIntroductiondiscussestheGenoesepresenceintheMaghribinlightoftheexistingliteratureonalterity,conflict,andco-existence,andarguesfortherelevanceofnon-stateactorssuchasmerchantsandreligiousscholarsindefiningChristian-Musliminteractions.ChapterOnediscussesthevariedsourcebasesavailabletoinvestigatetherelationship,fromLatinnotarialdocumentsproducedinmedievalGenoa,tochronicleevidence,tomerchantmanuals.Genoesenotarialsourceswereoverwhelminglyconcernedwithrecordingsales,legalactions,andsoon,butcanbereadinaggregatetounderstandGenoeseinvestmentpreferences,reactionstoevents,andsociallivesregardingtheMaghribtrade.AvailableArabicsourcesincludelate-medievalfatwācompilations,chronicleevidence,andletters.Whilethesesourcesarenotalwaysinexplicitdialoguewitheachother,theycanbeusedtoanswersimilarquestions:whatweretheimportantitemsintrade?Wheredidtradetakeplace?Whocontrolledthetermsoftrade?ChapterTworeviewsthemajorpoliticalandeconomichistoryoftheMaghribandGenoaduringthethirteenthcentury.Overthisperiod,thepoliticalunityoftheMaghribwaslostastheAlmohadempirecollapsed,withlocalrulersestablishingavarietyofdifferent

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regimesintheportcitiesoftheregion.Genoesemerchantsthusfacedthechallengeofnegotiatingtermsoftradeandsettlementinachangingpoliticalenvironment,andwerenotabovetakingadvantagetoraidorevencontemplateoutrightconquestwhenconditionsseemedright.Nonetheless,relationshipsbetweenMaghribicitiesandGenoawereresilientandsurvivedviolentdisruptions,withtheMaghribaccountingforasignificantproportionofallGenoeseforeigninvestmentbeforethe1260sandtheopeningoftheBlackSeatrade.InChapterThree,thedissertationturnstothephysicalandconceptualspacesinwhichtradetookplace,withparticularemphasisonthefondaco,thesuq,andthecustoms-house(diwān).MuslimlegalexpertsandChristianmerchantsalikefavoredlimitingexchangetocertainzoneswheretransactionscouldbewitnessed,goodsprotected,andtranslationservicesmadeavailable.AnotherimportantimpetuscamefromMuslimjurists'desiretolimitChristianinteractionswithMuslimsincertainspaces,suchasthecitymarket,basedontheirassumedviolationsofIslamiclegalnormsgoverningthesaleandmanufactureofcertainitems.ChapterFouroffersananalysisofthepeopleandsocialgroupswhowereactiveintheMaghribtrade,showinghowthecategoryof"merchant"infactobscurestheverywiderangeofGenoesesocietythatwasinvolvedinbothtradeandtravel,includingartisans,legalprofessionals,sailors,andservants,menandwomen.Furthermore,freeMaghribiMuslimsandJewswerealsopresentinGenoaalongsideasizeableslavepopulation,andtheiractivitieswerenotlimitedtolarge-scaletrade,butincludedsmallloans,laborintheport,andransomingslaves.ChapterFiveexploresthematerialaspectoftrade,byreviewingwhatphysicalobjectschangedhandsandwhysomeitemscreatedmoreproblemsthanothers.Goodssuchaswine,wineby-products,andcertaintextilesgaverisetoconcernsamongMuslimreligiouselitesaboutimpurity,andledtoadiscourseaboutnecessity,publicutility,andprivacyintheconsumptionofpotentiallysuspectcommoditiesand"Christian"products.ComparisonwithGenoesenotarialdocumentssuggeststhatmanymaterialconcernsthatappearinthefatwās(porklard,creamoftartar,wine)werewellrepresentedintheMaghribtrade.MedievalGenoahaslongbeenunderstoodasacapitalistorproto-capitalistsocietycharacterizedbymerchantentrepreneurs,individualists,andpragmatistswhoestablishedinstitutionsthatbecameinfluentialinthemoderneconomy.ThedissertationshowshowtheGenoesetradediasporainfactfunctionedwithinanddependedonreligiouslegalprinciplesgoverningtradeacrossreligiousboundaries,andhighlightstheimportanceofmaterialcultureinunderstandinghowthoseboundarieswereconstructed.

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TableofContentsTableofContents. . . . . . . . iListofChartsandTables. . . . . . . . . iiNoteonTranscription. . . . . . . . . iiiWeights,Measures,andCurrency. . . . . . . ivAbbreviationsforFrequentlyCitedWorks. . . . . . vAcknowledgements. . . . . . . . . viiIntroduction. . . . . . . . . . 1ChapterOne:SourcesandMethods. . . . . . . 17ChapterTwo:GenoaandtheMaghribintheThirteenthCentury . . 44ChapterThree:SitesofExchange,SettlementandWorshipintheMedievalMaghrib . . . . . . . . . . . 83ChapterFour:TheDemographicsofTradeandTravelBetweenGenoaandtheMaghrib . . . . . . . . . . 114ChapterFive:MajorItemsofGenoeseCommerceandtheirReceptioninIslamicLaw . . . . . . . . . . 142Conclusion:PragmatismandBoundaries . . . . . 168 BibliographyandWorksCited . . . . . . 172Appendices . . . . . . . . . . 200

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ListofChartsandTablesTableOne:"GenoeseTradefromtheCartularyofGiovanniScriba,1154-1164". 59TableTwo:"GenoeseOverseasTradein1251-1260" . . . . 71-72TableThree:"GenoeseInvestmentsin1285" . . . . . 80TableFour:"GenoeseInvestmentsin1291" . . . . .. 80TableFive:"GenoeseFamiliesActiveintheMaghribTrade,1203-1289" . 118AppendixA:"NotariesandCartulariesUsedinthisStudy" . . . 200AppendixB:"GenoeseNotarialDocumentsfortheMaghribbyType" . . 201AppendixC:"CommendaContractsbyNamedCommodity,1200-1300." , 202

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NoteonTranscriptionTorenderArabictextinLatinscript,IhavereliedonthestandardsestablishedbytheInternationalJournalofMiddleEasternStudies(IJMES).However,well-knownnames,suchasthoseoftribesanddynasties,havebeengivenintheirconventionalEnglishequivalents;thus"Almohads"andnotal-muwaḥḥidūn.Citiesandplacenameshavegenerallybeengivenintheirmodernversions,asinCeutainsteadofSabta.PropernamesinLatinGenoesesourcesappearintheirmodernItalianequivalents;thusIoannes=Giovanni,Willelmus=Guglielmo,etc.Unlessotherwisenoted,alltranslationsfromLatin,Arabic,andotherlanguagesaremyown.AlldatesaregivenintheCommonEra(CE)unlessspeciallynoted.

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Weights,Measures,andCurrency

MedievalGenoeseandMaghribisusedarangeofcurrencies,weights,andmeasurestorecordtransactions.ThemostcommonunitofcurrencyinmysourceswastheGenoeselira,which,likemanyEuropeancurrenciesafterCharlemagne'sreforms,theoreticallycorrespondedtoaweightinsilver.Eachlirawascomposedof20soldi,whichinturnwascomposedof12denari:240denarithusmadeupeachlira.Theliraandsoldowere,untilthelatethirteenthcentury,unitsofaccountonly:from1138,theGenoesemintmainlyproduceddenariandgrossi(4denaricoins).Althoughagoldcurrency(thegenovino)begantobemintedin1252,mosttransactionscontinuedtousetheliraastheunitofaccount.Unlessotherwisenoted,the£signreferstoGenoeselire.Othercurrencies,suchasthe"besant,"arediscussedwhentheyfirstappearinthemaintext.Genoaalsouseditsownsetofweightsandmeasures.Formostunitsofsolidmass(drygoods),theGenoesepound(libbra)wasroughlyequivalentto316g.Arotolowasapoundandahalf(472.15g),and100rotolimadeupacantaro(47.6496kg).Certaindryitems,suchasgrain,weremeasuredbyvolume:oneminawasequivalentto116l.Liquidsweregenerallymeasuredinbarili,atermwhosevaluefluctuatedovertime,butin1300wasequaltoaround47.65litres.Finally,themeçaroliaormezzarolawasequivalenttotwobarrili,or91.48l.ThefollowingchartisadaptedfromQuentinDooselaere'sCommercialAgreementsandSocialDynamicsinMedievalGenoa(2009),215.ItismeanttogiveanindicationofaveragepricesandincomesinGenoeselireduringthelatetwelfthandthirteenthcentury:1150-1225IncomeandPricesinLire Wagesofoarsman(persailing

season)3–5

Wagesofcaptain(persailingseason)

10–12

Annualwagesforservantwomen 2–4(+food)1226-1300IncomeandPricesinLire PriceofaMule 8–12 Priceofayear'ssupplyoffood 2.5 Priceofacanna(2.5meters)of

Englishcloth1.5–3

PietroRocca,PesiemisureantichediGenovaedelGenovesato:studi(Genoa,1871),103-105;CornelioDesimoni,TavoledescrittivedellemonetedellaZeccadiGenovadal1139al1814(Genoa:Tip.delR.IstitutoSordo-Muti,1890);GiuseppeLunardi,LemonetedellaRepubblicadiGenova(Genova:EditorediStefano,1975).

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AbbreviationsforFrequentlyCitedWorks

Annales: Belgrano,LuigiandCesareImperialediSant'Angelo,eds.Annales Ianuenses.5vols.Fontiperlastoriad'Italia:secoliXIIeXIII(no.11- 14bis).Rome:IstitutoStoricoItaliano,1890-1929.

Aprosio: Aprosio,Sergio,ed.Vocabolarioligure:storico-bibliograficosec.X-XX.

Pt.1:2vols.,Savona:Sabatelli,2002. ASG: ArchiviodiStatodiGenova ASLSP: AttidellaSocietàLigurediStoriaPatria

Battifoglio: Battifoglio,Pietro,andGeoPistarino.NotaigenovesiinOltremare:Atti

rogatiaTunisidaPietroBattifoglio(1288-1289)Genova:Universitàdi Genova,Istitutodimedievistica,1986.

Dubitabilia: JohnTolan,ed.RamondePenyafort'sResponsestoquestions

concerningrelationsbetweenChristiansandSaracens:critical editionandtranslation.2012.https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal- 00761257.

EI2/3: EncyclopediaofIslam,Second/ThirdEdition.

Lanfranco: Lanfranco,HilmarCKrueger,R.LReynolds,andSocietàLiguredi

StoriaPatria.Lanfranco1202-1226.Genova:SocietàLigurediStoria Patria,1951.

GiovannideGuiberto:GiovannidiGuiberto,MargaretWinslow(Hall)Cole,Societàliguredi storiapatria,andArchiviodiStatodiGenova.GiovannidiGuiberto (1200-1211)R.DeputazionedistoriapatriaperlaLiguria,1939.

LibriIurium: DinoPuncuh,AntonellaRovere,etal.ILibriIuriumdellaRepubblicadi

Genova.6vols.Rome:Ministeroperibeniculturalieambientali, 1992-2002.

Martino: MartinusSaonensis.IlcartulariodelnotaioMartino.EditedbyDino

Puncuh.Genova:Societàliguredistoriapatria,1974. Fatāwaal-Burzulī: al-Burzulī,Abu-'l-QāsimIbn-Aḥmad.Fatāwaal-Burzuli:Jām'aMasā'il

al-Ahkāmla-manazalaminal-qadāyabi-al-muftīnwa-l-hukkām,7 vols.,editedbyMuhammadal-HabibHila.Beirut:Dāral-Gharbal- Islāmi,2002.

vi

al-Miʿyār: al-Wansharīsī,AḥmadibnYaḥyá.al-Miʻyāral-muʻribwa-al-jāmiʻal- mughribʻanfatāwáahlIfrīqīyahwa-al-Andaluswa-al-Maghrib,edited byMuḥammadḤajjī,13vols.Rabāt:Wizāratal-Awqāfwa-alShuʼūnal- Islāmīyahlil-Mamlakahal-Maghribīyah,1981.

al-Idrīsī: al-Idrīsī , Muhammad. Opus geographicum, sive: “Liber ad eorum

delectationem qui terras peragrare studeant”, edited by E. Cerulli, A. Bombaci, et al. 9 vols. Naples: Brill, 1970.

MGH: MonumentaGermaniaeHistorica UbertoI/II: Giovanni, Antonella Rovere, and Marco Castiglia. Il cartolare di

“Uberto” I: atti del notaio Giovanni, Savona (1213-1214). Savona: Società savonese di storia patria, 2013.

Ilcartolaredi“Uberto”II:attidelnotaioGuglielmo :Savona(1241-

1215).Savona:Societàsavonesedistoriapatria,2010.

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Acknowledgements Icouldnothavecompletedthisdissertationwithoutthesupportofdozensofindividualsandmanyinstitutions.FouryearsofForeignLanguageandAreaStudiesFellowships(2013-2016)allowedmetostudyclassicalArabicand,eventually,accessincreasinglycomplextexts.MyinitialtriptotheGenoesearchiveswasmadepossiblebytheUCBerkeleyHistoryDepartment'sDissertationResearchFellowshipinSpring2017,afive-monthstaythatwasunexpectedlyandhappilyextendedbyaFulbrightAwardinItaly,2017-2018.Atthesametime,IbenefitedfromagenerousMediterraneanRegionalResearchGrantfromtheCouncilofAmericanOverseasResearchCenters(CAORC)inSummer2017,whichfundedtripstoarchivesandlibrariesinMorocco,Tunisia,andinItaly.Finally,theUCBerkeleyDissertationCompletionFellowshipallowedmetofinishwritinginSummer2019. Alongtheway,IbenefitedfromtheadviceandmentoringofmanycolleaguesinHistoryandMedievalStudiesatBerkeleyandbeyond.MaureenMillerprovidedunfailingsupportformyprojectatallstages,puttingmeincontactwithherItaliancolleaguesinGenoaandMilan,andnurturingmygrowinginterestinGenoesehistoryandnotarialculture.GeoffreyKoziolofferedincisivecommentaryonmywriting,andcontinuallypushedmetothinkmoreambitiouslyandexpansively.HusseinFancyattheUniversityofMichigangenerouslyagreedtoserveonmydissertationcommitteeremotely,andhelpedmegroundmyresearchinthebroaderfieldofMuslim-ChristianrelationsintheWesternMediterranean.MariaMavroudigavemeandothergraduatestudentsacrucialintroductiontoArabicpaleographyandcodicology,whileEmilyGottreichgavemeacriticalperspectiveontheMaghribanditshistoriography,bothmedievalandmodern.RowanDorinatStanfordreadearlydraftsofmydissertationandprovidedimportantfeedback. Overseas,IenjoyedthefriendshipandadviceofseveralcolleaguesinGenoa,suchasAntonioMusarraandDeniseBezzina,whohelpedmetonavigatetherichesoftheGenoeseStateArchivesandkindlysharedtheirresearchwithme.IwasalsoabletorelyonthehelpofthestaffattheSocietàLigurediStoriaPatria,anditsdirectorAntonellaRovere,duringmyFulbrightYearinItaly.InMorocco,thestaffoftheQarawiyyīnLibraryatFez,theAmericanLegationinTangier,andtheNationalLibraryinRabatallmadesureIhadaccesstotheresourcesIneededduringmytoo-briefvisits.AllenFromherzandtheAmericanInstituteforMaghribStudiesgavemeanimportantopportunitytosharemyresearchinprogressataconferenceontheḤafṣidsinTunisin2018,whileparticipantsintheCaliforniaMedievalHistorySeminarprovidedwelcomefeedbackandcommentaryonacompletechapterinMay2019. Finally,Icouldneverhavebroughtthisprojecttocompletionwithouttheloveandsupportofmyfamily,whotoleratedandevenencouragedmultiplemonologuesonmyresearchatChristmasandThanksgivingovertheyears.IalsoowethankstomyfellowgraduatestudentsinHistoryatUCBerkeley,mypatienthousematesoffouryears,andmyfriends,scatteredacrossthecountryandtheworld,whoaretoomanytonamebutwhoallhelpedmecrossthefinishline.Oneisoftentemptedtofeelaloneandisolatedwhencompletingamajorworkofresearchandwriting,particularlywhenworkingoverseas,butIwasfortunatenevertolosethesenseofcommunityandsupportthatthepeopleaboveprovidedme.

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INTRODUCTION Aroundtheyear1140,theAndalusīMuslimgeographerAbūʿAbdAllāhMuḥammadb.AbīBakral-Zuhrīwroteadescriptionoftheworld,intheformofacommentaryonaseriesofregionalmapstakenfromearliergeographers.Itwasacolorfultext,filledwithpersonalanecdotes,andal-Zuhrīpaidcarefulattentiontothewonders(ʿajāʾib)thattravelerscouldexpecttosee.ComingatlengthtoadescriptionofGenoa,heofferedaninterestingobservation: JanwaisoneofthegreatestofthecitiesoftheByzantines(al-rūm)andFranks(al- ifranj).ThepeopleofthiscityaretheQurayshoftheByzantines.Ithasbeensaidof them,thattheyare[descendedfrom]ChristianArabsoriginally,fromthechildrenof Jabālab.al-Ayham,whoconvertedtoChristianityinSyria.Theyareapeoplewhodo notphysicallyresembletheByzantines,formostoftheByzantinesareblond, whereasthese[theGenoese]havebrownhairanddarkeyes,andtheyhaveaquiline noses. ThereforetheyarecalledArabs,andtheyareapeopleofmerchantsonthe sea,fromSyriatoal-Andalus.Andtheyhavegreatskillonthesea.1WhattomakeofthistalelinkingGenoawithearlyIslamichistory?Itishardnottoreaditasamarkofrespect,albeitaback-handedone.Forone,QurāyshwasthetribeoftheProphetMuḥammadhimself,mastersofMeccaandprominentmerchantsinthesixthcentury.AlthoughtheirleadersatfirstbitterlyresistedthemessageofIslam,aftertheProphet'svictorythetribe'sdescendantsretainedgreatprestigeintheMuslimworld.Awell-knownhadīthoftheProphetstatedthatallfuturecaliphsweretobemembersoftheQurāyshtribe,asindeedwerethefour"rightlyguided"caliphs,theirUmayyadsuccessors,andtheʿAbbāsidswhocameafterthem.2TocalltheGenoesetheQurāyshoftheByzantinesthusimpliedahighhonor,butperhapsalsostubbornness.Moreover,theconnotationisonlystrengthenedbyal-Zuhrī'scomparisontoadifferentArabtribe,theBānuGhassān,whoweremostlyChristiansatthetimeoftheProphet,andtotheirleader,Jabālab.al-Ayham,whowasfamousforhavingrenouncedIslamandreturnedtoChristianityratherthanfacepunishmentforhiscrimesatthehandsofthecaliphʿUmar(r.634-644).3Sucha

1"madīnatjanwawahiyaminʾaʿẓammudunal-rūmwa-lifranj,waʾahlhadhihial-madīnahumqurayshal-rūm,yuqālʿanhuminnaʾaṣlihimminal-ʿarabal-mutanaṣṣiraminʾawlādJabalbinal-Ayhamal-ghassānīaladhītanaṣṣarafīal-shām.Wa-humqawmlāyashbuhumal-rūmfīkhilqatihim.Li-annaal-rūmal-ghālibʿalayhimal-shuqrawa-haʾulaʾqawmsumrduʿj,shummal-ʿaranīn.Falidhālikqīlainnahumminal-ʿarab,wahumqawmtujjārfīal-baḥrminbilādal-shāmilabilādal-andalus.wa-lahumshiddafīal-baḥr.""Kitābal-juʿrāfiyya:Mappemondeducalifeal-Ma’mūnreproduiteparFazārī(IIIe/IXes.)rééditéeetcommentéeparZuhrī(VIe/XIIes.),"ed.MuhammadHadj-Sadok,Bulletind'ÉtudesOrientales21(1968),230.2W.M.Watt,“Ḳuraysh,”in:EncyclopaediaofIslam,SecondEdition,ed.P.Bearman,Th.Bianquis,C.E.Bosworth,E.vanDonzel,W.P.Heinrichs.[HereaftercitedasEI2].3PhilipK.Hitti,ed.andtrans.,"TheoriginsoftheIslamicstate:beingatranslationfromtheArabic,accompaniedwithannotations,geographicandhistoricnotesoftheKitâbfitûhal-buldânofal-

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genealogywouldmaketheGenoesedescendantsofapostates.Finally,wehavetheracializeddescriptionoftheGenoese:differentfromtheirneighbors,morecloselyresembling"Arabs."Wouldthisobservationonracehaverungtruetoal-Zuhrī'scontemporaries?TheArabicphrase"aquilinenoses"(shummal-ʿarānīn)infactcansometimeshavethemetaphoricalmeaning"proud"or"haughty,"lendingafurthershadeofnuancetoal-Zuhrī'sanecdote.4Didal-ZuhrīanticipatetheassociationofGenoawithpride,superbia,twocenturiesbeforePetrarch'sfamousinvocation,inthe1350s,ofthecitythatwas"proudofitsmenanditswalls"?5 Whereverhecamebyit,al-Zuhrī'stheoryofGenoa'sethnogenesisultimatelywasnotinfluential.Hismorefamouscontemporary,al-Idrīsī(1100-1166)writinginSicilyatthecourtofRogerII(r.1130-1154)madenomentionofGenoa'soriginsinhisKitābnuzhatal-mushtāqfī-ikhtirāqal-afāq("BookofPleasantDiversionforOneWhoSeekstoTravel"),choosingtofocusmoreonGenoa'simposingwarfleetandthetenacityofitsmerchants.6Al-Zuhrī'stextwasrelativelypopularinthelatemedievalperiodandwaswidelycitedbyothergeographers,butnoneofthemrepeatedhisclaimsaboutGenoa.7ThegeographerIbnSaʿīdal-Maghribī(d.1286),whomadeuseofal-Zuhrī'stext,simplynotedGenoa'simpressivestoneharbor,itsfleets,anditswarswithVenice.8Fortheirpart,Genoa'sownmedievalhistoriansJacopodaVarazzeandJacopoDoriaagreedontheircity'soriginsinpre-Romantimes,andpreferredtodebatetheexactprovenanceofthenameGenua:whetheritderivedfromthegodJanus,fromtheLatingenus("knee"),orsomethingelse.9 Nonetheless,al-Zuhrī'sfancifulanecdoteisworthconsideringforhowitdescribesthenatureofmedievalGenoa'srelationshipwithIslam,andwiththeMuslimWestinparticular.AnyreaderfamiliarwithGenoa'smedieval(ormodern)reputationwillnotbesurprisedtofindthenodstoitsmerchantfleet,theimportanceofthesea.Butthenotionof

Imâmabu-lAbbâsAhmadibn-Jâbiral-Balâdhuri"StudiesinHistory,EconomicsandPublicLaw,LXVIII(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1916)I,208-209.4EdwardLane,Arabic-EnglishLexicon(London:S.LanePool,1863-1893)5:2029;IbnManẓūr,Lisānal-ʿArab,editedbyʿAliShīrī(Beirut:DārIḥyaal-Turāthal-ʿArab,1988)vol9:185.5Petrarch'sGuidetotheHolyLand,ed.andtrans.TheodoreJ.CacheyJr.(NotreDame:UniversityofNotreDamePress,2002),93.6Al-Idrīsī,OpusGeographicum,649-650.7Al-Zuhrī'sGeographyexistsinatleastninemanuscriptsfromthelatemedievalandearlymodernperiod.FormoreonhisreceptionbylaterMaghribischolars,seeMuhammadHadj-Sadok,ed.,"Kitābal-juʿrāfiyya",7-91,andHalimaFerhat,"Al-Zuhri",EI28IbnSaʿīdal-Maghribī Kitābal-JughrāfiyyaV:2,(1/50)[https://web.archive.org/web/20120302123907/http://sh.rewayat2.com/boldan/Web/4097/001.htm9StephenEpstein,GenoaandtheGenoese958-1528(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1996),172-173.

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the"GenoeseasrenegadeArabs"cutstotheheartoftheparadoxesintherelationshipbetweentheGenoeseandtheMuslimsoftheWest:arelationshipdefinedbybothdistanceandfamiliarity,violenceandcommerce,oftenatthesametime.Merchantscouldturnpirateatthedropofahat,crusaderscouldsellweaponstotheirMuslimenemies.Itisalsoarelationshipwithfrustratinglacunaeandbafflingsilencesinthesourcebaseavailabletodescribeit.Al-ZuhrīwasanativeofAlmería,whichwitnessedaterriblesackatthehandsoftheGenoeseandCastiliansin1146,aneventhedoesnotmention.Meanwhile,theGenoesewhotradedandtraveledintheMaghribleftabundantrecordsoftheiractivityinthecity'sfamouscollectionofnotarialrecords,butrarelyreflectedatanylengthonthewaytheirlongcontactwithMaghribiorAndalusiMuslimsaffectedthem.NocomparablesourcebasehassurvivedintheMaghribitself,despitethewell-attestedexistenceofascribalandnotarialculturethere.10 Likeal-Zuhrī,inthisdissertationIhaveplacedpeopleandtheircomplexrelationshipstoreligioustraditionatthecenterofmyanalysis.BuildingonearlierstudiesthatprivilegedstatediplomacyorreligiousdiscourseindefiningtherelationshipbetweenEuropeandtheMaghrib,orbetweenChristianityandIslam,IreconstructtiesbetweenmedievalGenoaandtheMaghribthroughtheeyesofthosewhomostdefinedthemthroughthousandsofinteractionsovertime:themenandwomenwhotraveledbetweenLiguriaandtheMaghrib,whoinvestedmoneyintradeorwhoboughtcommoditiesthatcrossedtheMediterranean:merchants,sailors,slaves,diplomats,andclerics.IhavedonesobyplacingintoconversationawiderangeofsourcesproducedbymedievalGenoese,MaghribiMuslims,andothers,inavarietyofdifferentcontexts.Forthemostpart,thesearesourcesthat,thoughindividuallywellknown,haveonlyrarelybeenreadalongsideeachother:chiefly,thelegalactsofGenoesenotariesandthetraditionoffatwācompilationsbyMuslimjuristsoftheMālikīschooloflaw.Thereisofcourseaseriousinterpretivechallengeinvolvedinincorporatingsuchdifferenttexts,writtenforsuchdistinctpurposes,butreadingthesesourcestogetherallowsustoseenewconnectionsbetweenreligiousnormsandeconomicactivity,andtosituatelegaldiscourseinacontextoftradeandcommerce.Thus,thoughtheinquiryisdefinedinlargepartbygeographicandchronologicallimits—Genoa,theMaghrib,andthethirteenthcentury—thequestionsitraisesarerelevantbeyondtheimmediatescopeoftherelationshipinquestion,andcontributetoourevolvingunderstandingoftherelationshipbetweenreligiousvaluesandeconomicbehavior,andthechallengeofcross-culturaltradeintheMediterraneanworld. Inhis1994historyofmedievalGenoa,StevenA.EpsteinidentifiedGenoa'srelationshiptoIslamasfundamentallyimportant,asonlyalternatingviolenceagainstandcommercewithMuslimscouldexplainhowasmallRomanportcity,capitalofamountainousandunproductiveagriculturalregion,becameamercantilejuggernautbythetwelfthcentury:"IslamprovidestheMediterraneanscopeofGenoesehistory."11This

10PetraSijpestein,Fromal-AndalustoKhurasan:DocumentsfromtheMedievalMuslimWorld(Leiden:Brill,2007).Infactseveralnotarialformularies(wathāʾiq)dosurvivefromverylatefifteenth-centuryGranada;seeKathrynMiller,GuardiansofIslam:religiousauthorityandMuslimcommunitiesoflatemedievalSpain(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2008),85-89.11StevenA.Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,xvi.

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dependencehaslongbeenunderstoodinbotheconomicandideologicalterms.RobertoLopez,whodidmorethananyoneelsetoencouragethestudyofGenoesehistoryatAmericanuniversities,arguedin1937thatsuccessfulGenoesepiracyagainstMuslimtargetsintheeleventhcenturyprovidedtheinitialcapitalforitssubsequenteconomicdevelopment.12Fittingly,theearliestsurvivingGenoesenotarialcartulary,thatofGiovanniScriba,iswrittenpartlyonpaperrecycledfromanArabicchancerydocument;possiblyaFaṭīmidlettertotheGenoesecommune;theLatinactsarescribbledinbetweenthemassive,formalArabicscript.13Thecity'smedievalself-conception,too,dependedheavilyonarelationshipwithIslam:Genoa'salmosttwo-hundredyearurbanchroniclebeginswiththeFirstCrusade.Itsfirstauthor,thenoblemanCaffarodiRusticodiCaschifellone(c.1080-1166)deliberatelypresentedGenoaasachampionofChristendomagainstIslambothintheLevantandinal-Andalus,whilecrusadewouldremainatouchstoneoflaterGenoesechroniclersthroughouttheMiddleAges.14 Genoa'smedievalself-imagethrivedonitshostilitytoandintimacywithMuslims.GiovannaPettiBalbihasarguedthatthetwelfth-centurycommunepresenteditselftoitsregionalpartnersandrivalsas"boththeguarantorofthesafetyofChristendom,andprivilegedinterlocutorwiththeinfidel."15AgreementssignedwithProvençalcitiespromisedGenoeseaidagainstMuslimpiracywhileofferingProvençalmerchantsthechancetotradewiththeMuslimsundertheGenoesebanner.MeanwhileatRoncagliain1158,thecommune'sambassadorsprotestedtotheemperorFrederickBarbarossa(r.1158-1190)thattheywereexemptfromanyobligationotherthanfealtyand"theprotectionofthecoastsagainstbarbarians."16Soimportantwasthisidea,PettiBalbiargues,thatthecommunechosenottoincorporateitsmanytreatieswithMuslimrulersintotheofficiallysanctionedLibriIuriumproducedinthethirteenthcentury,sincethetreaties'formalguaranteesofpeaceandcommercecontrastedawkwardlywiththenotionofGenoaasdefenderofChristendomatsea.17 Mutualdependencebetweencommerceandviolence,hostilityandintimacyatalllevelsofsocietyhasbecomeathemeofrecenthistoriographyonthemedieval

12RobertoLopez,"Auxoriginesducapitalismegénois,"Annalesd'histoireéconomiqueetsociale9:47(September30,1937,429-454.13MicheleAmari,"NuovericordiarabicisulastoriadiGenova,8:FrammentidiundiplomaarabicoritrovatinelleschededelnotaioGiovanniScribadiGenoa,AttidellaSocietàLigurediStoriaPatria5(1867),633-4.14SeeforinstanceAntonioMusarra,InPartibusUltramaris:IGenovesi,laCrociataelaTerrasanta(secc.XII-XIII))(Rome:2017),649-658.15GiovannaPettiBalbi,"GenovaeilMediterraneooccidentaleneisecoliXI-XII"inComuniememoriastoric:AlleoriginidelcomunediGenova(Attidelconvegnodistudi,Genova24-26settembre2001),(Genova2002)503-526.16AnnalesVol.1,50.17PettiBalbi,"GenovaeilMediterraneo,"511-512.

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Mediterranean,andparticularlyofcross-cultural,andinter-religious,contactandexchange.Thenewscholarshipstressesnotsomuchthecontrastbetween"conflictandcoexistence,"orantagonisticrhetoricandpragmaticorpeacefulsocialrelations,astheinterdependenceofattitudespreviouslyreadasfundamentallyopposed.HenceDavidNirenberg's1996studyofreligiousminoritiesinFranceandAragon,CommunitiesofViolence,whichargued,amongotherthings,thatsomeanti-JewishdiscourseservedtodefineandevenlegitimatethepresenceofJewsinChristiansociety.18HusseinFancy's2015MercenaryMediterraneanexaminedtheroleofMuslimmercenaries(jenets)inIberianChristianarmiesduringthelaterMiddleAges,andarguedthatfarfromsubvertingreligiousnormsofantagonismbetweenChristianityandIslam,suchbehavioractuallydependedonthemandreinforcedthem.MuslimsoldierstakingservicewithChristiankingssawthemselvesascontinuingthepracticeofjihād,whereasChristianrulers,particularlythekingsofAragon,exploitedthenon-Christiansoldiersintheiremployaspartoftheirownimperialpropaganda,drawingonalongtraditionofmilitaryslavery.19TurningbacktoGenoa,PettiBalbiarguedtherewasnorealoppositionbetweenGenoa'scrusadingimpulsesanditsmercantileinterests,andthatitwasimpossibletotellwhethertradingbyGenoesemerchantsprecededorfollowedraidsandorganizedviolenceintheWesternMediterranean.20 ThisnewapproachtothecomplementarityofhostilityandintimacyamongthedifferentreligiousgroupsinthemedievalMediterraneanmaybereadaspartofabroaderinterestininter-religiousrelationsmoregenerally,particularlybetweenChristianityandIslam,overthelasttwentyyears.InterestintherelationshipbetweenmedievalChristianityandIslamisofcoursemucholderthanthis,andtheworkofearliergenerationsofscholarscontinuestobeimportant;butthepaceandvarietyofpublicationshasacceleratedinrecentdecades.21HistoriansinEuropeandtheUnitedStateshaveturnedtheirattention

18DavidNirenberg,Communitiesofviolence:persecutionofminoritiesintheMiddleAges(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1996).19HusseinFancy,ThemercenaryMediterranean:sovereignty,religion,andviolenceinthemedievalcrownofAragon(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,2016).20PettiBalbi,"GenovaeilMediterraneooccidentale,"4.21Generalizingslightly,manyoftheearliertreatmentsofChristian-Muslimrelationswereconcernedwithideasorimagesofthereligiousotheratapan-Christian(oftenLatinChristian)orpan-Islamiclevel.SeeforinstanceNormanDaniel,IslamandtheWest:TheMakingofanImage(Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversityPress,1962);R.W.Southern,WesternViewsofIslamintheMiddleAges(Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,1962);BenjaminKedar,CrusadeandMission:EuropeanapproachestowardtheMuslims(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1984).StudiesofmedievalMuslimattitudestoChristianshavealsoappeared,albeitmorerecently:see,amongothers,MahmoudAyoub,"TheIslamicContextofMuslim-Christianrelations,"inConversionandcontinuity:indigenousChristiancommunitiesinIslamiclands,eighthtoeighteenthcenturieseds.MichaelGerversandRamziJibranBikhazi(Toronto:PontificalInstituteofMediaevalStudies,1990);andacollectionofessayseditedbyRobertHoyland,MuslimsandothersinearlyIslamicsociety(Ashgate:2004).

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bothtodiscourseandlivedexperience,interrogatingregionalandchronologicaldifferences,andmovingbeyondgeneralizationsabout"Islam"or"Christianity."Theireffortshavebornefruitonseveralfronts.TheBrillseriesChristian-MuslimRelations:aBibliographicalHistory,begunin2009,currentlyrunstothirteenhugevolumes,coveringtheperiodfrom600to1800CE,withmorevolumestocome.ProducedunderthedirectionofDavidThomasattheUniversityofBirmingham,theseriesprovidesbibliographicalinformationonmajormedievalandearlymodernauthorsinawiderangeoflanguagesandliterarygenres,whoseworkstouchonChristian-Muslimrelations,alongsideinterpretiveessaysfromcontemporaryscholarsofreligioushistory.22Oneofthese,JohnTolan,attheUniversityofNantes,isalsothedirectoroftheEU-fundedRELMIN:"TheLegalStatusofReligiousMinoritiesintheEuro-MediterraneanWorld,"begunin2010,whichhasnotonlypublishededitionsoflateantiqueandmedievaltextsinLatin,Arabic,andvernacularlanguagesources,buthasalsosponsoreddozensofbooksandarticlesbyEuropean,American,andMiddleEasternscholarsonavarietyofsubjectsconnectedtolegaltreatmentofreligiousminorities.23Inthelastdecadealone,wehaveseenstudiesofmedievalLatintranslationsoftheQurʾān(2009),dietarylawsanddiscoursesofidentityinJudaism,ChristianityandIslam(2011),andthevariablesstatusofdhimmisintheMuslimWest(2013),amongmanyotherstudiesofreligiousdifferenceintheMiddleAges.24 Theintenseinterestininter-religiousconflictandexchangehasdevelopedinthecontextofanotherthrivingfieldofmedievalhistory:Mediterraneanstudies.Alsoasubjectofinquirywithverydeeprootsintwentieth-centurysocio-economichistory,inrecentyearsthemedievalMediterraneanhascometobeunderstoodintermsthatfitwellwithafocusoncross-culturalexchange,including"connectivity,""networks,""movement,"and"communication."25MedievalMediterraneanhistoryhasprovenusefultothinkwithforhistorians,sociologists,andeconomistsalike,particularlythosechallengingearlier,Eurocentricapproachestohistory,whichviewedmacro-historicaldevelopmentssuchascapitalism,globalization,andcolonialismasessentiallynorthwesternEuropean

22Christian-MuslimRelations:aBibliographicalHistoryed.DavidThomasetal.,13vols(Leiden,Brill:2009-2019);forausefulsourcebook,seeJarbelRodriguez(ed.),MuslimandChristiancontactintheMiddleAges:areader(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2015).23http://www.cn-telma.fr//relmin/index/24ThomasBurman,ReadingtheQur'āninLatinChristendom,1140-1560(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvania,2009),DavidFreidenreich,ForeignersandtheirFood:ConstructingOthernessinJewish,Christian,andIslamicLaw(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2011),MaribelFierroandJohnTolan(eds),TheLegalStatusofḎimmisintheIslamicWest(Second/Eighth-Ninth/FifteenthCenturies)(Turnhout:Brepols,2013).25SeediscussioninPeregrineHordenandNicholasPurcell,Thecorruptingsea:astudyofMediterraneanhistory(Oxford:BlackwellPress,2001);BrianCatlosandSharonKinoshita(eds),CanWeTalkMediterranean?:ConversationsonanEmergingFieldinMedievalandEarlyModernStudies(Palgrave:Macmillan,2017);DamienCoulon,ChristophePicard,DominiqueValérian(eds),EspacesetRéseauxenMéditerranée,VIe-XVIesiècle,2vols(Paris:ÉditionsBouchène,2007-2010).

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phenomenarootedintheearlymodernperiod.26Merchantshaveoftenbeenatthecenteroftheseanalyses:crossingoceans,connectingdisparatesocieties,borrowingculturalandtechnicalknowledgefromeachother,andcontributingtoacommonMediterraneanculture.MonumentalsourcebasessuchastheCairoGenizaortheGenoesenotarialcartularieshavebeenexploredtoilluminatemerchantmentalities,culture,andinstitutions,whoseconnectionstomodernformsoforganizingtradeandlaborarestillvigorouslydisputed.27 Giventhesepowerfulcurrentsinscholarship,onemightexpectGenoa'srelationshipwiththeMuslimWesttohavereceivedagreatdealofattention.Afterall,theGenoeseStateArchiveboastsoneofthelargestcollectionsofmedievaldocumentsfromtheentiremedievalperiod,muchofwhichconcernsmerchantsandtheiroverseastrade,plentyofwhichtookplaceontheMuslim-ruledshoresofthesouthernandwesternMediterranean.YetwhiletheGenoesearchiveshavebeenwell-knownsincethenineteenthcentury,severalfactorshaveledhistorianstoprioritizeotherinterpretivestrategies.GenoesehistorianshavelongrecognizedtheimportanceoftheMaghribandal-Andalusfortheircity'seconomicdevelopment,butmostforeignstudentsofGenoaanditsoverseastradeinthemedievalperiodhavetendedtofocustheirattentionontheEasternMediterranean,ontheCrusaderstatesofthetwelfthcentury,andlater,ontheGenoesecoloniesintheAegeanandBlackSea,withMichelBalard'smagisterialstudy,LaRomanieGénoiseaparticularlyimportantmilestone.28ComparedwiththemassofstudiesontheEast,Genoa'sWesternMediterraneanactivitieshaveonlybeguntoreceivesustainedinterestinthelastfewdecades.AgreatdealofscholarlyattentiontoMediterraneantrade,particularlythatof 26JanetAbu-Lughod,BeforeEuropeanhegemony:theworldsystemA.D.1250-1350(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1989).27OnemajorpointofcontentionininstitutionaleconomichistoryisthedistinctionbetweentheorganizationoftheJewishmerchantsoftheCairoGenizaandtheirlaterItalian(mainlyGenoese)counterparts.AvnerGreif,aStanfordeconomist,arguedthattheGenoesereliedon"public-order"enforcementtoestablishtrust:courts,litigation,etc,whereastheirGenizapredecessorsreliedon"private-order"enforcement:consensus,reputation,familyties,etc.GreifwentsofarastocredittheGenoese"publicorder"withcreatingpathwaystomoderneconomicinstitutions;seeAvnerGreif,InstitutionsandthePathwaytotheModernEconomy:LessonsfromMedievalTrade(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2006).However,JessicaGoldberg'sstudyoftheCairoGenizachallengedthisnarrativebyshowinghowthoroughlylitigioustheCairoGenizamerchantswere,andhowdeeplyfamiliarwithstatepowerandcourtsalongside"private-order"mechanisms,thusreducingthedifferencesbetweentheGenizamerchantsandmedievalEuropean;seeJessicaGoldberg,TradeandinstitutionsinthemedievalMediterranean:thegenizamerchantsandtheirbusinessworld(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2012).28MichelBalard,LaRomanieGénoise:(XIIe-débutduXVesiècle)2vols.(Rome,ÉcoleFrançaisedeRome,1978).ThestudywasalsopublishedinGenoainthesameyearbytheSocietàLigurediStoriaPatria,whichistheeditionIhaveconsultedhere.Balard'sworkontheBlackSeawasanticipatedbytheworkoftheRomanianhistorianGheorgheBrătianu,RecherchessurlecommercegénoisdanslaMerNoireau13esiècle(PhDdissertation,UniversityofParis,1929).OtherimportantexamplesoftheEasternfocusincludePhilipP.Argenti,TheoccupationofChiosbytheGenoeseandtheiradministrationoftheisland,1346-1566(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1958).

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LatinChristianmerchants,hasbeenviewedthroughaprismofcolonialism,andGenoa'scoloniesintheEastwerebiggerandmoreimportant,particularlyintheLaterMiddleAges,thanitswesterninterests.Meanwhile,historiansofinter-religiousrelationshavenaturallytendedtogravitatetosocietieswhereChristians,Muslims,andJewslivedalongsideeachotherinsizeablenumbers:placesliketheIberianpeninsula,NormanandHohenstaufenSicily,andtheEasternMediterranean.29GenoaitselfwasneverpartoftheMuslimworld,andalthoughIwillarguethatithaditsownpersistentresidentMuslimpopulationthroughoutthethirteenthcentury,thescopeofinteractionsbetweenChristiansandMuslimshasappearedmorelimitedtherethanelsewhere. AnyanalysisoftheGenoa-MaghribrelationshipmustalsotakeintoaccountthepersistentlegacyofcolonialistscholarshipontheMaghrib.MuchoftheearlyFrenchacademicinterestintheMaghribwasconductedwithovertcolonialistintent.Totakeonlyoneexample,LouisdeMas-Latrie'smassive1867editionofLatinandArabictreatydocumentswasproducedtoshowthedeephistoryofEuropean"commerce"intheregion,andthustopresenttheFrenchoccupationofAlgeriaasacontinuationofpriortrends,the"spiritofgoodfaithandtolerancethatreignedonbothsides."30Frenchinterestin"explaining"andthuscontrollingMaghribisocietyhasalsobeenadducedastheimpetusbehindscholarlyeditionsofIbnKhaldūnandmanyothermedievalauthors,wellintothetwentiethcentury.31EvenafterthecountriesoftheMaghribgainedtheirindependenceinthe1950sand60s,earlierscholarshipcontinueditsholdovermedievalists.Inaninfluential1970essay,theMoroccanhistorianAbdallahLarouilamentedthepersistenttendencytoimaginetheMaghribasanobjectofforeigndomination,aplacewhere"civilization"wascontinuallybeingimposedbyoutsideactors,whetherRoman,Arab,orFrench;heproposedthetimeoftheBerberempiresfromthetenthtothirteenthcenturiesasaperiodinwhich"theMaghribceasedtobeanobjectwhenitrecognizeditselfinanideological,religiousmovement."32Writingdecadeslater,RamziRouighicritiquedthepersistenceofcolonialscholarshipintheparadigmofthe"Mediterraneanofrelations,"wherebyscholarsprioritizedtheMaghrib'sconnectionswithexternal(mainlyEuropean)forcesandnetworksattheexpenseofitsowninternaldevelopment.Whilehe 29TotakeonlyafewrecentexamplesfromItalianhistory,AlexMetcalfe'srecentwork,TheMuslimsofMedievalItaly(Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversityPress,2009)isconcernedentirelywithSicilyandSouthItaly,seealsoKarlaMallette,TheKingdomofSicily:ALiteraryHistory1110-1250(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2011);andStevenA.Epstein,PurityLost:transgressingboundariesintheeasternMediteranean,1000-1400(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,2007).30Mas-Latrie,Traitésdepaix,ii.31SeeAbdelmajidHannoum,"TranslationandtheColonialImaginary:IbnKhaldûnOrientalist"HistoryandTheory42(February2003),61-81;andPaulM.Love,"TheColonialPastsofMedievalTextsinNorthernAfrica:UsefulKnowledge,PublicationHistory,andPoliticalViolenceinColonialandPost-IndependenceAlgeria."445-463.32AbdallahLaroui,ThehistoryoftheMaghrib:aninterpretiveessay,trans.RalphMannheim,(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress1977),10.

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acknowledgedthevalueofhistorianslikeRobertBrunschvigandHadyRogerIdris,henotedthattheytendedto"Europeanize"theevidenceforMaghribihistory.33Therefore,anyhistoricalproject,suchasmyown,thattakes"relations"asitssubjectmustreckonwiththewaysthatthisparadigmhasgrown,atleastinpart,outofcolonialistscholarship.Howthen,havehistoriansofGenoaandtheMaghribfitintothesebroaderpatternsinregionalandtransregionalMediterraneanhistory?GenoaandtheMaghrib:Markets,Colonies,Diaspora,Empire?Broadlyspeaking,scholarshipontheGenoa-Maghribrelationshiphasdependedontheabundantnotarialevidence,supplementedbysurvivingtreatydocumentsandLatinnarrativesources.Giventhenatureofthesesources,muchearlyscholarshipwasconcernedwithmarkets,commodities,andtheflowofinvestmentsandtradeacrosstheMediterranean.ThecartularyofGiovanniScribarevealsanalreadywell-establishedtradewiththeMaghribinthe1150s,andtogetherwiththeothertwelfth-centurycartulariescontributedtoagreaterunderstandingofhowtheMaghribfitintowiderMediterraneanpatternsofexchange.HilmarKruegerwasanimportantearlyexemplaroftheseinvestigations,inhis1932dissertationandhissubsequentwork,whichwasgreatlyaidedbythepublicationofmostofthetwelfth-centurycartulariesbythe1970s.34WorkingfromthesepublishedsourcesandinthemanyunpublishedcartulariesattheArchiviodiStato,GenoesehistorianscontinuedtoexploreaspectsoftheGenoa-Maghribrelationshipthroughthelensofeconomicanddiplomatichistory,publishinganumberofarticlesonspecificevents,oronparticularaspectsoftheMaghribtrade,suchasRaffaelediTucci'sexaminationofthemahonaofCeuta,RobertoLopez'sanalysisoftheAfricanwooltrade,andGeoPistarino'sbriefsynthesisofthemajordiplomaticrelationsbetweenGenoaandtheMaghrib.35Bythe1980s,aconsensushademergedthatthemid-twelfthcenturymarkedaturning-pointintherelationshipbetweenGenoaandIslamintheWest,fromanaggressive,predatoryphasecharacterizedbyraidingandorganizedviolence,asagainstMahdiyyain1087oratAlmeriaandTortosain1146-7,toamorepeaceful,commerce-drivenphaseafterthe1150sinwhichstabletraderelationspredominated—coincidentallythedecadewhennotarialrecordsbegin—whichlastedthroughtheendof 33RamziRouighi,"AMediterraneanofRelationsfortheMedievalMaghrib:HistoriographyinQuestion,"al-Masāq29:3(2017),201-220.34HilmarC.Krueger,ThecommercialrelationsbetweenGenoaandnorthwestAfricaintheTwelfthcentury,(PhDdissertation,UniversityofWisconsin-Madison,1932),idem,"WaresofExchangeinTwelfth-CenturyGenoese-AfricanTrade,"Speculum12(1937),57-70,idem,"TheGenoeseExportationofNorthernClothstoMediterraneanPorts,TwelfthCentury,"Revuebelgedephilologieetd'histoire65:4(1987),722-750.35RaffaelediTucci,"DocumentiineditisullaspedizioneesullamahonadeiGenovesiaCeuta,1234-1237,"AttidellaSocietàLigurediStoriaPatria64(1935),273-342;R.S.Lopez,"L'originedellapecoramerina"inSuegiùperlastoriadiGenova(Genoa:Istitutodipaleografiaestoriamedievale,1975),GeoPistarino"Genovael'IslamnelMediterraneoOccidentale(secoliXII-XIII),"AnuariodeEstudiosMedievales10(1980),189-205.

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themedievalperiod.36TheMaghribinturnbecameanimportantGenoesemarket,rankingbehindonlytheLevantintermsofvolumeofinvestments,andwasparticularlyimportantasa"marketofsubstitution":asafedestinationforGenoesecapitalwhenEasterndestinationsbecamedifficulttoaccess.However,aftertheTreatyofNymphaeumin1261,GenoesemerchantsincreasinglyturnedtheirattentiontotheAegeanandBlackSea,andtheMaghriblostmuchofitsattraction,thoughitneverfadedentirelyfromview.37 Beyondeconomicandpoliticalhistory,scholarsalsogrewinterestedinthesociallivesofGenoesemerchantsoverseas,andthenatureofMuslim-ChristiancontactintheportcitiesoftheMaghrib.RobertoLopez'sinfluential1938ColonieGenovesiwasthefirstmajorworktotaketheGenoesesettlementsoverseasasitsmaintheme,viewingtheGenoesecommunitiesinCeuta,Bijāya,Tunisandelsewhereaspartofacoherent"colonial"system.LopezproposedamodelorblueprintforGenoesesettlement,whichconsistedofbothphysicalspace—amerchantquarter,warehouse(s)orfondaco,ovens,baths—andlegalrights,suchasaccesstofamiliarweightsandmeasures,reducedtariffs,andevenextraterritorialjurisdiction.ThismodelwasthenrepeatedwhereverpossiblearoundtheMediterranean,toprovidemerchantswithastablebaseofoperationsforpenetrationintointeriormarkets.38AlthoughwrittentoaccountforGenoesehistory,Lopez'smodelwasalsoinfluentialinworkonLatinmerchantsinthelaterMiddleAgesmorebroadly.Inparticular,thelanguageof"colony"temptedsomehistorianstomakeexplicitcomparisonswiththeEuropeanempiresofthenineteenthortwentiethcenturies,particularlyintheEasternMediterranean.39 Beginninginthe1980s,alivelydebatedevelopedaboutthevalueoftheparadigmof"colony"or"colonialism"inamedievalMediterraneancontext,withcritics,includingscholarsofmedievalGenoa,contendingthattheconceptualbaggageofthetermreduceditsvaluefordescribingthewiderangeoflegalandeconomiccontextsinwhichLatinmerchantsfoundthemselves.40AvarietyofstudiesonGenoeseandVenetianmerchantcommunitiesoverseashighlightedhowtightlycontrolledmanywerebylocalauthorities,

36BiancaGari,"GenovaeiportiislamicidelMediterraneooccidentale,secoliXI-XIII"inLaStoriadeiGenovesi:AttidelConvegnodiStudisuiCetiDirigentiNelleIstituzionidellaRepubblicadiGenovaGenovavolXII(Genoa:Associazionenobiliareligure,1992),345-353;GiovannaPettiBalbi,"GenovaeilMediterraneooccidentaleneisecoliXI-XII",inComuniememoriastorica:alleoriginidelComunediGenova:attidelConvegnodistudi,Genova,24-26settembre2001(Genoa:SLSP,2002).37SeeDominiqueValérian,"Gênes,l'Afriqueetl'Orient:leMaghrebalmohadedanslapolitiquegénoiseenMéditerranée,"inDamienCoulon,CatherineOtton-Freux,PaulePagès,DominiqueValérian(eds.),Cheminsd'outre-merétudesd'histoiresurlaMéditerranéemédiévaleoffertesàMichelBalard(Paris:PublicationsdelaSorbonne,2004),827-837.38Lopez,StoriedellecoloniegenovesinelMediterraneo(Bologna:Zanichelli,1938).39SeeforinstanceNikolaosOikonomides,Hommesd'ffairesgrecsetlatinsaConstantinople(XIII-XVesiècles)(Montreal:Institutd'étudesmédiévalesAlbert-le-Grand:J.Vrin,1977),RobertBartlett,TheMakingofEurope(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1993),188-190.40SeeMichelBalardandAlainDucellier,ColoniserauMoyenAge,(Paris:A.Colin,1995).

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especiallyinEgyptandintherestoftheMuslimworld,orhowimpermanent,dominatedastheywerebytransientmenwhodidnotformlastingfamilybondsinthecitieswheretheylived.41In1993GeoPistarinoproposedadifferentwayofunderstandingtheGenoesesettlementsoverseas,thistimeasavast,looselyconnectedcommonwealth,muchlikethebranchesofamultinationalcompany.42 Atstakeinthisdebatewastherelationshipbetweenforeignmerchantsandtheirneighborsfromhostsocieties:thepermeabilityoflinguistic,religious,andculturalboundaries,andthequestionofpower:didresidentLatinmerchantsrepresentorenforceexploitativeorone-sidedtraderelations?In2004,OliviaConstable'sHousingtheStrangermadeadecisivecontributiontothefield,bydemonstratingtheevolutionoftheinstitutionofthepandocheion/funduq/fondacoinByzantine,Islamic,andLatinChristiancontextsovertheentireMiddleAges.HerbookshowedhowthechallengeofwelcomingandcontrollingforeignmerchantswascommontoallMediterraneansocieties,whoborrowedandadaptedinstitutionalformsfromeachotheroverthecourseoftheMiddleAges.TurningparticularlytotheEuropeansettlementsintheMaghrib,Constablesuggestedthatthefondacosthererepresented"coloniesbeforecolonialism."43Thefondacowasdesignedtomakeforeignmerchantsfeelathome,tominimize,infact,theirexposuretothehostcountryanditspeople.Constable'sworkmarkedamajoradvanceinanotherimportantsense,sinceshemadeextensiveuseofArabicandGreektexts,andsheincludedseveralobservationstakenfromIslamiclegalliteratureinconjunctionwiththemorewell-knownEuropeansources.44 RecentscholarshipontheMaghribanditsrelationshipwithEuropeanmerchantsreflectstheconcernsofConstable'swork,andagreaterawarenessofArabicsources,manyofwhichwerenewlyaccessibleduetoseveralscholarlyinitiativesinbothEuropeandMorocco.45Inparticular,scholarshavepaidadditionalattentiontoIslamiclawinstructuringoverseastrade,partofabroaderinterestinlegalhistoryandreligiousminorities.InadditiontoanimportantstudyofBougie(Bijāya)inthemedievalperiod,DominiqueValérianpublishedaseriesofarticlesonthesocialandjudicialstatusofEuropeanmerchantsintheMaghrib,askinghowtheyfitintoexistingIslamiclegalcategoriesfornon-Muslims,andquestioningtheextentoftheirinter-culturalrelationswith

41DavidJacobypublishedextensivelyonthequestionofLatinmerchantcommunitiesandtheirrelationswithhostsocieties.SeeforinstanceD.Jacoby,“LesItaliensenEgypteauxXIIetXIIIesiècles:ducomptoiralacolonie?”inBalardandDucellier,ColoniserauMoyenAge,76-89.42GeoPistarino,LaCapitaledelMediterraneo:Genovanelmedioevo,(Bordighera:IstitutoInternazionaledistudiliguri,1993),83.43OliviaConstable,HousingthestrangerintheMediterraneanworldlodging,trade,andtravelinlateantiquityandtheMiddleAges(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2004),103.44Ibid,72-73,115-116.45SeesourcediscussioninChapterOne.

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Maghribis.46Temptedbyadifferentmoderncomparison,ValériansuggestedthattheexperienceofGenoeseandotherLatinmerchantswas"closetothemodernideaoftheexpat,asitisusedtodescribeWesternerssentabroad."47OtherrecentscholarshiphasexaminedtheMaghrib'stieswithEuropeandtheplaceofmerchantsinthatrelationshipthroughdiplomaticcorrespondence,andthequestionofthereceptionofcertainChristiangoodsinIslamiclaw.48 Genoesesources,particularlynotarialevidence,haveprovendecisiveininvestigationsofthecommercial,social,andculturaltiesbetweentheMaghribandEurope.YetfewmajorworkshavecenteredthediscussionaroundthespecificallyGenoeserelationshipwiththeMaghrib,insteaddeployingGenoeseevidenceintandemwithPisan,Catalan,French,andVenetiansourcestodiscusstraderelationsbetweentheregionandEuropeasawhole.ThemajorexceptionshavecomefromtwoFrenchhistorians,GeorgesJehelandPhilippeGourdin,whohaveapproachedtheissuefromquitedifferentangles.Ina1993book,JeheltookashissubjectGenoa'sengagementwiththeentireWesternMediterraneaninthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies,musteringanimpressiveamountofevidencefromdozensofunpublishedcartularies,aswellaspublisheddiplomaticsources,narrativehistories,andsomeMaghribisourcesintranslation.49Jehel'soverarchingargumentwasthattheGenoesehadindeedattemptedtoestablishan"empire"intheWest,muchastheyeventuallysucceededindoingintheAegeanandBlackSea,characterizedbyoutrightconquest,extra-territorialrights,andenclaveslikethoseofChios,Pera,Caffa,andFamagusta.However,heargued,theyhadfailedtoachievethesegoalsduetoresistancebothfromMaghribirulersandcompetitionfromotherEuropeantradingnations.Hefollowedthisupwithseveralarticlesonsimilarthemes,addressingthepresenceofMaghribiMuslimsandJewsinGenoaandthelinguisticinfluenceofArabiconGenoese

46DominiqueValérian,Bougie:portmaghrébin(Rome:ÉcoleFrançaisedeRome,2006),idem,"Lesmarchandslatinsdanslesportsmusulmansméditerranéens:uneminoritéconfinéedansdesespacescommunautaires?"RevuedesmondesmusulmansetdelaMéditerranée107-110(2005),437-458.SeealsoPhilippeGourdin,"Lesmarchandsétrangersont-ilsunstatutdedhimmi?ÀproposdequelquesstatutsdemarchandsétrangersdanslespayschrétiensetmusulmansdeMéditerranéeoccidentaleauXIIIsiècle",inMichelBalardandAlainDucellier,eds.,MigrationsetDiasporasMéditerranéennes(Xe-XVIeSiècles)(Paris:ÉditionsdelaSorbonne,2015),435-456.SeealsotheessayscollectedinJohnTolanandMaribelFierroeds.,ThelegalstatusofDimmī-sintheIslamicwest:(second,eighth-ninth,fifteenthcenturies)(Brepols:Brill,2013).47Valérian,"Lesmarchandslatinsdanslesportsmusulmans,"215.48TravisBruce,"Commercialconflictresolutionacrossthereligiousdivideinthethirteenth-centuryMediterranean,"MediterraneanHistoricalReview30:1(2015),19-38;LeorHalevi,"ChristianImpurityVersusEconomicNecessity:AFifteenth-CenturyFatwaonEuropeanPaper"Speculum83:4(2008),917-345.49GeorgesJehel,LesGénoisenMediterranéeoccidentale(finXIème-débutXIVèmesiècle):ébauched'unestratégiepourunempire(Amiens:Centred'histoiredessociétés,UniversitédePicardie,1993).

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vernacular,amongmanyothers.50Bycontrast,PhilippeGourdinhasfocusedmuchofhisattentiononthelateMiddleAges,conducting,incollaborationwithMoniqueLongerstay,anextensivetextualandarchaeologicalstudyoftheoriginsoftheGenoesecoral-fishingsettlementontheTunisianislandofTabarkainthefifteenthcentury.51Gourdinhasalsoengagedextensivelywiththe"colonization"paradigmforthemedievalMaghriband,whilehepaidtributetotheresearchinEuropeanarchivesconductedbyJehel,Dufourcqandothers,criticizedtheirtendencytooverstatetheinfluenceanddominationofEuropeantradeandtoviewtheMaghribasapassiverecipientofcapitalistinvestmentbyEuropeans,aplacewhereEuropeans"opened"marketsandestablishedcommercialsupremacy.Rather,heinsists,weshouldrecognizetheagencyoftheAlmoravids,theAlmohadsandtheirsuccessors,whoconsciouslychosetoattractandsponsorEuropeantrade;andtheextenttowhichEuropeanmerchantsandmercenariesactuallystrengthenedMaghribirulers'powerandabilitytocommandresources.Theserulersactedfollowingthewell-establishedtraditionintheIslamicworldofemployingcertainethnicandreligiousgroupsforspecific,technicalpurposes:inthiscase,militaryaid,customsrevenue,andnavalresources.52 Gourdin'sworkoffersanimportantcorrectivetothetemptationtoseetheGenoa-Maghribtradeasoneofdominationorcolonialism.However,hisanalysisstillfavors"state"actorsliketheAlmohadorḤafṣidcaliphsasthemajorprotagonistsontheMaghribisideoftherelationship.LeftoutoftheanalysisareotheractorsinMaghribisocieties.Indeed,whileGourdinstressesthelongpedigreeofMuslimdynastiesemployingforeigners,hearguesthatthiswasdonealmostindefianceofIslamiclegaldiscourse,specificallyofMālikīconcernsabouttradewithnon-Muslims,citingindefenseofthisclaimthefamousfatwāofal-Māzarī(d.1141)againsttradewithSicily.53SuchaclaimrisksreducingacomplexdiscoursewithintheMālikītraditionabouttradeandcommercialcontactwithnon-Muslimstoablanketbanontraveltotradewiththeinfidel.YetasrecentscholarshipontheMālikīdiscourseintheMaghribandal-Andalushasshown,therewasnosuchban,andMālikījuristsadoptedarangeofattitudestotravelandtradewithChristiansthat

50SeeforinstanceJehel,"JewsandMuslimsinMedievalGenoa:FromtheTwelfthtotheFourteenthCentury,"MediterraneanHistoricalReview10:1/2(1995),120-132;idem,"Taride,Mahone,Torcimanus.Vocablesd'originearabeusitésdanslesarchivesgénoisesmédiévales"inJean-MichelMoutonandClémentOnimus(eds.),DeBagdadàDamas:EtudesprésentéesenmémoiredeDominiqueSourdel(Paris:Droz,2018),117-126.51PhilippeGourdinandMoniqueLongerstay,Tabarka:histoireetarchéologied'unprésideespagnoletd'uncomptoirgénoisenterreafricaine(XVe-XVIIIesiècle)(Rome:ÉcoleFrançaisedeRome,2008)52Idem,"L'EuropeméditerranéenneetleMaghrebauXIIIesiècle:desrelationsentreégauxoudesrapportsdedépendance?"Mésogeios.Méditerranée7(2000),113-125;idem,"PouruneréévaluationdesphénomènesdecolonisationenMéditerranéeoccidentaleetauMaghrebpendantleMoyenAgeetledébutdestempsmodernes,"Cheminsd'outre-merétudesd'histoiresurlaMéditerranéemédiévaleoffertesàMichelBalard(Paris,ÉditionsdelaSorbonne,2004),411-423,accessedonlineathttps://books.openedition.org/psorbonne/3958#ftn1953Gourdin,"Pouruneréévaluation,"https://books.openedition.org/psorbonne/3958#ftn19.

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dependedonlocalconditionsandopportunities.54LeorHaleviandJocelynHendricksonhavedrawnourattentiontojusthownuancedattitudestowardscontactwithChristiansandChristiangoodscouldbeamongMālikījuristsinthefifteenthcenturyinparticular,withimportantexaminationsofseveralindividualfatwasonChristianpaperandtheresponsibilityofMuslimstomigrate,respectively.55AnumberofSpanish,Moroccan,American,andFrenchhistorianshaveexploredvariousthemesinmedievalMālikīlegalliterature,producingarticlesonthewinetrade,therightsofdhimmis,andtherelationshipbetweentheʿulamāandthestateintheAlmohadandpost-Almohadperiods,amongmanyothertopics.56Manyofthesehistorians,suchasMaribelFierro,havealsocontributedtoamorepositivere-evaluationofthelegacyoftheAlmohads,previouslycastasruthlessfundamentalistsinsomescholarship,andhaveshownhowimportantwereAlmohadtieswithEuropeduringthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies.57Giventheincreasedavailabilityofthisliterature,isitnotpossibletoreadtheIslamiclegalliteratureoncontactwithforeignersalongsidetheactionsofMaghribirulers?Canwecatchaglimpse,howeverimperfectly,ofrelationsbetweentheGenoeseandMaghribiMuslimsatalocal,granularlevel? Inthisdissertation,IhavesoughttobuildontheimportantworkalreadydonebyhistoriansofmedievalGenoaandtheMaghrib,analyzingtherelationshipbycombiningacarefulstudyoftheGenoesenotarialevidencewithareadingoftheMālikīlegaldiscourseoncontactandtradewithnon-Muslims,andwiththeadditionalaidofnarrativeanddocumentarysourcesinArabicandLatin.Ihavechosenthethirteenthcenturyasthetimeframeforseveralreasons.Forone,itallowsmetobringthegreatestdiversityofsourcestobearonthequestion,correspondingasitdoesnotonlywithabundantunpublishedGenoesenotarialcartularies,butalsowithseveralsurvivingGenoa-Tunistreatiesandthecity'sannualchronicle,whichendedin1294,aswellasseveralnear-contemporaryMaghribinarrativehistories.MuchofthescholarshipontheearlyphaseoftheGenoa-Maghribrelationshipstillreliesonthepublishednotarialcartularies,especiallythosecoveringtheperiod1154–1226.ExpandingthechronologicalfocusallowedmetoseethechangingfaceoftradeandinvestmentduringacriticalmomentinMaghribihistory:thefragmentationoftheAlmohadempireandtheriseofcompetingdynasties,aswellasthereassertionofcertainformsofIslamiclegalliterature:thefatwācompilation. 54Seeamongothers,SarahDavisSecord,"MuslimsinNormanSicily:TheEvidenceofImāmal-Māzarī'sFatwās,"MediterraneanStudies16(2007),46-66.55LeorHalevi,"ChristianImpurityVersusEconomicNecessity:AFifteenth-CenturyFatwaonEuropeanPaper"Speculum83:4(2008);JocelynHendrickson,TheIslamicobligationtoemigrateal-Wansharisi'sAsnaal-matajirreconsidered(PhDdissertation,EmoryUniversity,2008).56ManyofthesewerecollectedandpublishedbyMaribelFierroandJohnTolanintheeditedvolumeondhimmismentionedabove;seeTolanandFierro(eds),Thelegalstatusofdimmī-s.57SeeMaribelFierro,PatriceCressier,andLuisMolina(eds.),Losalmohades:problemasyperspectivas(Madrid:Consejosuperiordeinvestigacionescientificas,2005).SeealsoAmiraK.Bennison,"ReligiousMinoritiesundertheAlmohads:AnIntroduction"JournalofMedievalIberianStudies2(2010),143-154;andAllenFromehrz,TheAlmohads:RiseofanIslamicEmprie(London:Tauris,2010).

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Whenreadintandem,Iargue,theLatinandArabicsourcesrevealthebreadthandscaleoftheencounterbetweentwodifferentsocieties.Obscuredbythehistoricalcategoryof"merchant,"GenoeseandotherLiguriansofvastlydifferentbackgroundstradedandtraveledintheMaghrib,andMaghribiMuslimsandJewsinturnwereapermanentfeatureoflifeinGenoaitself.Furthermore,theMālikīlegalliteraturesuggestshowdeeplyrelationsbetweenChristiansandMuslimswerestructuredbytheconcernsofreligiouselites—bothMuslimandChristian—topreserveboundaries,bothphysicalandconceptual,whilecertaincommoditiesthatchangedhandsbetweenChristiansandMuslimscreatedproblemsforreligiouselites,butalsoprovidedopportunitiestodefineandre-definewhattheboundarieswere.ChapterOutline InChapterOne,Iwillreviewthediversebodyofsourcematerial,inLatinandArabic,thatIhaveusedtomakemyargument,fromGenoesenotarialevidencetoIslamiclegalliterature.InChapterTwo,IdiscussthehistoricalframeworkofGenoesecommercialexpansionintheWesternMediterraneanduringthethirteenthcentury,itsintersectionwiththecollapseoftheAlmohadempire,andthevarietyoflocalsolutionsputinplacetomanageMuslim-Christianrelations.DespitethedensityofGenoesesettlementincertainMaghribicities,andtheintensityoftrade,IarguethatthecommunehadlittleinthewayofacoherentpolicyfortheWesternMediterraneanasawhole.Instead,thecommunemostlyreactedtolocalopportunitiesandchallengesonanadhocbasis,withmuchoftheimportantdecisionsdrivenbyindividualsorlocalclustersofGenoesemerchantslivingintheMaghrib. Inthesubsequentchapters,thediscussiontakesamorethematicapproachtounderstandingGenoa-Maghribties.ChapterThreeexaminestheimportanceofspaceinstructuringChristian-Muslimrelationsbothintheoryandpractice:howbothGenoeseandMaghribiscreatedincentivestoencouragebusinesstransactionstotakeplaceinsanctionedzones—thediwān,thefondaco—whilediscouragingtheminothers,likethecity'smarketplaces.TheimpulseofreligiouselitestocontainandcontrolMuslim-Christianinteractionworkedintandemwiththedesireofmerchantsforpredictable,easy-to-understandinstitutionsandzones.InChapterFour,Ilookathowpeoplemovedthroughthesespaces,sketchingaprosopographyofGenoesetrade,travel,andinvestmentintheMaghribinthethirteenthcentury.Todothis,IreviewthepresenceandpracticesofdifferentGenoesesocialgroupsintheMaghribtrade,andshowhowwidespreadinvestmentwasacrossallsocialclasses,beforechangingperspectivestoanalyzetheevidencefortheMaghribipopulationinGenoaitself.Theseweremainlytheenslavedorcaptives,butthepopulationalsoincludedfreelaborers,educatedscribes,andpassingmerchants,whohadarangeofrelationshipswitheachotherandwiththeGenoese.Throughthisanalysis,Ishowhowthecatch-allterm"merchant"infactobscuresagreatdiversityofprofessionalandsocialbackgrounds.InChapterFive,IreviewthecommoditiesthatdominatedtheGenoa-Maghribtrade,suchasgrain,textiles,wine,andoil,andlookathowimportantthedetailsoftheirproductionandsaleweretoMaghribijuristsandGenoesemerchantsalike,placingfatwāsindirectconversationwithGenoesenotarialdocuments,showinghowconcernsabouttheproductionandsaleofspecificcommodities

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gavereligiouselitesthechancetofurtherdefinereligiousboundariesandthelimitsofacceptableexchange.Finally,Iconcludewithabriefreflectionontheimportanceofreligiouslegaldiscourseinstructuringcross-culturaltraderelationshipsinthemedievalMediterranean,andthenecessityofreadingthisdiscoursealongsidedocumentaryevidencetogetasenseofwhatwaspossible,orimaginedtobepossible,whenMuslimstradedwithChristiansinthemedievalMediterranean.

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CHAPTERONE:SOURCESANDMETHODSPerhapsthemostsignificantchallengeinisolatingtheGenoa-Maghribrelationshipasasubjectofhistoricalinquiryistheframingofthequestionitself:medievalGenoesesimplydidnotexplicitlyreflectmuchontheirrelationswiththeMaghribperse,whetherinthenarrativesourcesorintheabundantnotarialevidence.Likewise,theirMaghribicounterpartsrarelywroteexplicitlyaboutGenoaitself.Exceptionsexist,ofcourse:thefivebilateraltreatiesthatsurvivefromthethirteenthcentury,andtheoccasionalMaghribiorAndalusigeographer,chroniclerorchanceryscribewhohadoccasiontomentionthecityoritsinhabitants,suchastheobservationbyal-Zuhrīthatbeganthelastchapter.Nonetheless,inmostcases,therelationshipmustbereconstructedindirectly,throughaclosereadingofmanydifferenttypesoftext,whoseauthorshadsignificantlydifferentpurposesthatmustbeproperlyaccountedfor. ThischapterintroducesthesourcesandmethodologyIhaveusedtobridgethegapbetweenmyhistoricalprojectandtheaimsofthemedievalauthorswhosetextsIhaveused,beginningwiththeGenoesenotarialevidence,andendingwiththeMālikīlegalliteratureofthelatemedievalperiod.LatinSourcesNotarialActs:ABriefIntroductionandTypology Genoa'snotarialcartulariesareatreasure-troveofinformationaboutthesocietyandeconomyofamedievalMediterraneanportcity.TheyhaveplayedandcontinuetoplayamajorroleinourunderstandingofthemedievalEuropeanandMediterraneaneconomy,andhavecapturedtheimaginationofgenerationsofhistoriansandeconomists,fromtheearlytwentiethcenturytothepresent.1Eachcartularyconsistsofaseriesoffoliosonwhichanotaryrecordedhisacts,eachintheformofaroughdraft,knownasanimbreviatura.2Eachimbreviaturarecordedtheessentialinformation,inadditiontothedate,witnesses,andlocation.AsAntonellaRoverehasshown,theseimbreviaturehadlegalstandingontheirown,buttheactualformaldocument—thefaircopyormundum—couldbeproducedseparatelyattherequestofthepartiesinvolved,afactthatthenotarywould

1See,amongmanyothers,AdolfSchaube,HandelsgeschichtederromanischenVölkerdesMittelmeergebietsbiszumEndederKreuzzüge(Munich:R.Oldenbourg,1906),283-287;R.LopezandIrvingW.Raymond,Medievaltradeinthemediterraneanworld:illustrativedocuments(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1955),157-229;ErikBach,LaCitédeGênesauXIIesiècle(Kobenhavn:Gyldendalskeboghandel,1955),appendices(unpaginated);DavidAbulafia,TheTwoItalies:economicrelationsbetweentheNormankingdomofSicilyandthenortherncommunes(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1977),217-254;MichelBalard,LaRomaniegénoise:(XIIe-débutduXVesiècle),Vol2:599-642(Genoa:SLSP,1978).2FromtheLatininbreviare:"tobrieflydescribe":INBREVIARE,duCange,etal.,Glossariummediaeetinfimaelatinitatis,éd.augm.,Niort:L.Favre,1883-1887,t.4,col.317c.http://ducange.enc.sorbonne.fr/INBREVIARE.

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subsequentlyrecordinthemarginbesidetheimbreviaturaitself,notingwhichindividualhadaskedforit.3Occasionally,thenotarywouldneedtoreturntoadocumenttonotetheconclusionorvoidingofacontract,usuallybycrossingouttheactinquestionandwriting"voidedbyconsentoftheparties"(cassatavoluntatepartium).A"cartulary"then,wasanimmensebookofimbreviatureproducedbyanotaryovermonthsoryearsofwork,andeachimbreviaturarepresentedaformallegaldocument,bearingthenotary'spublicafides.Cartulariescouldconsistofuptothreehundredpaperfolios,normallywithwritingoneachside,andeachfoliocontaininguptosixdifferentacts,dependingontheirlengthandcomplexity.Althoughsomecartulariescontainrelativelystraightforward,chronologicalrecordsbyasinglenotaryoveraperiodoftime,othercartularieseventuallycametoincludetheworksofseveraldifferentnotaries,whomighthaveworkeddecadesapart.Todaythecartulariesareclassifiedbynumberinsteadofbynotary.4 TheGenoeseArchiviodiStatonotonlypreservestheearliestextantnotarialcartularyinallofEurope—CartularyNo.1,thatofGiovanniScriba(1154-1164)—butitalsocontainsanalmostcontinuouscollectionofcartulariesforeveryyearfrom1179onwards,fortherestoftheMiddleAgesandintotheEarlyModernperiod.Therearecurrently1,236cartulariesorfilze(collectionsofindependentfolios)from1154to1500,including113cartulariesfromthethirteenthcenturyalone.Theseareparticularlypreciousgiventhefactthatnocompletecartulariessurvivefromtwooftheothermajormaritimerepublics-PisaandVenice–fromthethirteenthcentury.5Althoughthisimmensesourcebasehasbeenknowntoprofessionalhistorianssincethenineteenthcentury,itwasnotuntilthetwentiethcenturythatGenoeseandforeignscholarsbegantosystematicallypublishtheworkoftheearliestnotaries,suchasGiovanniScriba(1154-1164),ObertoScribadeMercato,(1186-1190)andLanfranco(1202-1226).Atpresent,theworkoftheallofthetwelfth-centurynotarieshasbeenpublishedinfull.6Thepublicationprocessis

3FromtheLatinmundus/a/um:"clean,pure."SeeAntonellaRovere,"Aspettitecnicidellaprofessionenotarile:ilmodellogenovese,”Laproduzionescrittatecnicaescientificianelmedioevo:libroedocumenttrascuoleeprofessioni:AttidelConvegnointernazionaledistudiodell’AssociazioneitalianadeiPaleografieDiplomatisti(Salerno,28-30Settembre2009),301-335.4Inthemedievalandearlymodernperiods,cartularieswereclassifiedbythenotarytowhomtheywereattributed,afactstillreflectedontheirbindings,mostofwhichdatetothelateseventeenthcentury.However,inthetwentiethcentury,GenoesescholarsGiorgioCostamagnaandMarcoBolognamadeaninventoryofnumerousfragmentsofacts,addedthemtothecartularies,andre-classifiedthecartulariesbynumberinsteadofname,asystemthatprevailstothisday.Currently300cartularieshavebeenfullycatalogued,upto1447.SeeGiorgioCostamagna,Cartolarinotarili(1-149):inventario(Rome:Ministerodell'Interno,1956)vii-xxiii,andMarcoBologna,Cartolarinotariligenovesi(150-299)(Rome:Ministerodell'Interno,1990),11-22.5SandroMacchiavelloandAntonellaRovere,"TheWrittenSources,"ACompaniontoMedievalGenoa,42-47.6Thedistinctionbetweencartularyandnotaryiscrucialandnotalwaysadequatelymade.Forinstance,theworkofGiovannideGuiberto(1201-1211)waspublishedintwovolumesin1939-1940,butincorporatesmaterialtakenfromtwocartularies,Nos.6and7.SeeAppendixOne.

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ongoing,withparticularinterestbeinggiveninrecentdecadestotherecordsofGenoesenotariesoverseas,withfourteenvolumesintheseriesNotaiGenovesiinOltremarepublishedbytheUniversityofGenoaintheCollanaStoriadiFontieStudiunderthedirectionofGeoPistarinoandLauraBalletto.7Still,atpresentthevastmajorityofthecartulariesremainunpublished,tosaynothingofthemanyfragmentsofcartulariesandfilze,rangingfromindividualfoliostoseveraldozen,thathavebeenattributedtovariousnotariesfromthethirteenthcenturyonward,cataloguedastheNotaiIgnoti.8 TheseunpublishednotarialcartulariesandfragmentsconstitutethemostimportantevidenceforGenoa'srelationshipwiththeMaghrib.TogetherwiththeavailablepublishedcartulariesforLanfranco(1202-1226)andGiovannideGuiberto(1201-1211)theyformabodyofevidencecoveringtheentiretyofthethirteenthcentury.Giventheimmensityofthepotentialsourcebase,anelementofrandomnessisimpossibletoavoid:thereisnowayofknowinginadvancehow"representative"ofGenoesesocietyeachnotary'sdocumentsmaybe.Earlyinmyresearch,Istruckabalancebetweenprioritizingthecompleteworksofseveralindividualnotaries,andalsochoosingaselectionofyearstointerrogateinfull,afterthemodelestablishedbyRobertoLopezinhis1935studyoftherecordsforMarch1253.9Afulllistofthenotariesconsulted,theiryearsofactivity,andthecartulariesinwhichtheirworkssurvivemaybefoundintheAppendix.Typology: Mynotarialsourcebaseconsistsof1,851separateactsacross39cartularies,producedby16notariesactivebetween1200and1300inGenoa,Savona,andTunis,allofwhichrecordtrade,travel,orinvestmentbetweenLiguriaandtheMaghrib.Aslegalacts,mostofthesefallintooneofseveralcategoriesortypes,eachofwhichtendstousethesameLatinphrasesandlegallanguage.InthefollowingsectionIbrieflyexplainthecharacteristicsofthemostcommontypesofacts.10

7LauraBalletto,"StoriaMedievale"inGiovanniAssereto,ed.,TraipalazzidiViaBalbi:StoriadellaFacoltàdilettereetfilosofiadell'UniversitàdegliStudidiGenova(Genoa:SocietàLigurediStoriaPatria,2003),455-522.8MarcoBologna,ed.,NotaiIgnoti:frammentinotarilimedioevali(Rome:Ministeroperibeniculturalieambientali,1988).9RobertoLopez,"L'attivitàeconomicadiGenovanelmarzo1253secondogliattinotarilideltempo"ASLP64(1935),163-270.10Indoingso,IhaveprimarilyfollowedtheconventionsestablishedbyGiorgioCostamagnainhishandbookforGenoesenotarialacts;seeGiorgioCostamagnaandDavideDebernardi,Corsodiscritturenotarilimedievaligenovesi,(Genova:SocietàLigurediStoriaPatria,2017).

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CommendaandSocietasThecommenda,oraccomendatio,wasthemostcommoninstrumentofGenoeseoverseastradeinthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies.KnownelsewhereinEuropeasacollegantiaorcompagnia,thecommendahasremainedatthecenterofanalysesoftheCommercialRevolutionsincetheearlytwentiethcentury.11Thelegalandinstitutionaloriginsofthecommendaremainunclear;theearliestsurvivingexamples,fromlateeleventh-centuryVenice,revealanalreadywell-establishedform.Inaninfluential1977article,JohnPryordiscussedpossibleinfluencesonthecommenda,rangingfromthesocietas("partnership")ofRomanlaw,toByzantinechreokoinonia,totheqirādofIslamiclawandtheJewishʿisqā.PryorconcludedthatthelateRomansocietaswasthemostlikelyoriginofthecommenda,althoughthereweresignificantdifferencesthatprobablyreflectedtheinfluenceoftheqirād.12 Whateveritsorigins,atGenoathecommendatooktheformofacontractinwhichastationaryinvestor(commendator)orgroupofinvestorsgaveaspecificsumofmoneyoritsequivalentvalueingoodstoatravelingpartner(tractator).Intheso-called"unilateralcommenda,"thetractatorpromisedtotakethecapitalentrustedtohimandtradewithit,returningthecapitalandprofittothecommendatorinexchangeforashareoftheprofit:usually,butnotalways,one-quarteroftheeventualprofit.Acommendawasusuallywrittenoutasaformalstatementbythetravelingpartner:"I,N,confirmtoyou,N,thatIhavereceivedfromyouthesumX,"etc.Thetwopartieswouldmostoftenagreeinadvanceonadestinationforthecapital,oratleastaprimarydestination,andthiswouldbeincludedinthelanguageofthecontract.Insomecases,thestationarypartnergavesignificantleewaytothetravelingpartnertocontinuehisactivitiesafterreachingtheagreed-uponprimarydestination:forexample,atravelingpartnermightagreetotraveltoCeuta,"andfromthere,whereverGodwillbestguideme"(SeptametindequoDeusmihimeliusadministraverit).13SomecommendadispensedevenwiththeprimarydestinationandgavethetravelingpartnercompletefreedomtotradewherevertheysawfitoncetheydepartedGenoa(quoDeusmihiadministraveritpostquamexportuIanueexiero):suchlanguagebecameincreasinglycommoninthelatethirteenthcentury.14 11Literatureonthecommendaisvast.FortheGenoesecontext,seeMarioChiaudano,ContratticommercialigenovesidelsecoloXII(Turin:FratelliBocca,1925);HilmarC.Krueger,"GenoeseMerchants,TheirAssociationsandInvestments,1155-1230"inStudiinonorediAmintoreFanfani(Milan:Giuffrè,1962),413-426;andGiorgioCostamagnaandDavideDebernardi,Corsodiscritturenotarilimedievaligenovesi,(Genova:SocietàLigurediStoriaPatria,2017),89-90.ForthebroaderimportanceofthesecontractsinMediterraneancommerce,RobertoLopezandIrvingRaymond's1955MedievalTradeintheMediterraneanWorld(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1955,reprintedin2001)isstillanexcellentreferencepoint.12JohnPryor,"TheOriginsoftheCommendaContract"Speculum52:1(1977),5-37.13SeeforinstanceASGNotaiAntichi27(BartolomeodeFornari)10v.14AntonioMusarra,InpartibusUltramaris:igenovesi,lacrociata,elaTerrasanta(Rome:IstitutoStoricoItalianoperilMedioEvo,2017),518-519.

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Commendacontractsdidnotnormallyincludetimelimits,andinthecaseofvoyagestotheMaghribortheLevant,itcouldbeayearorseveralbeforethecommendatorreceivedanyreturnonhisorherinvestment,ascourtcasesfromSavonamakeclear.15Travelingmerchantsoftenspenttimebeforetheirvoyagecollectingcapitalfrommultiplesources,andmighthaveasmanyasadozenseparatecommendacontractswiththeirinvestors.Takingthisintoaccount,individualcommendacontractsusuallyspecifiedthatanycapitalwouldbe"tradedtogetherwiththerestofthepropertyIcarry"(sicutexaliisrebusquasporto...expenderedebeo). Thecommendawasaversatileinstrument,whichmadeitpossibletopoolresourcesandspreadrisk,givingjuniormerchantsachancetotradeandprofitfromthecapitalofothers.SomecommentatorsonRomanlawsuchasAccursiusandAzoviewedthecommendawithunease,consideringtheunequaldivisionofliabilityandprofittobeusurious,butcanonlawyersinthethirteenthcenturycametojustifytheinstrument.UnliketheRomansocietas,inacommendaliabilityandprofitwerenotevenlydistributed:thestationarypartnerretainedallliabilityforloss.CanonistssuchasAlexanderofAlexandriaandPanormitanuseventuallysettledontheconventionthatacommendareallywasapartnership(societas)mixingcapitalandlabor,oneinwhichthestationarypartner,becausetheyretainedultimateownershipofthecapital,couldbearallliabilityforloss,butwhichalsojustifiedtheirtakingmoreoftheprofit.16 Inadditiontothe"unilateral"commendaoflaborandcapitaldescribedabove,Genoesealsomadeuseofa"bilateral"commenda,whichwasmostoftendescribedasasocietas.Inthisarrangement,whichwasmuchclosertotheidealRomansocietas,bothpartiescontributedcapitaltothepartnershipforadesignatedprofit-makingpurpose—suchastrade—andsplittheprofitsandlossesequally,althoughtheactuallaborwasentrustedtooneoftheparties,asintheunilateralcommenda.Takentogether,thecommendaandsocietascontractsmakeup1,180of1,851separateactsinthisstudy:almost64%ofthetotal.17Loans,SeaLoans,andExchanges Anotherimportantinstrumentofoverseastradewasthesealoanorexchange,thecambiummarittimum.IntheGenoeseversionofthiscontract,aborroweracceptedanamountofmoneyinGenoeselireoritsequivalentvalueincommodities,forwhichheundertooktopayanagreedamountinaspecificcurrencyatacertainport,"uponthesafearrival"(sanaeunte)ofhisship.Inthetwelfthcenturytheseloanschargedinterestopenlyinthesamecurrencythattheloansweremade,withthejustificationthattherisksofseabornetradejustifiedit.However,afterGregoryIXexplicitlycondemnedthesealoanasusuriousinthe1237decretalNaviganti,merchantsusedcurrencyexchangeasawayto

15SeediscussionbelowinChapterFive,143-4.16Pryor,"TheOriginsoftheCommenda,"17-18.17SeeAppendixB.

22

avoidtheappearanceofusury.18FortradewiththeMaghrib,mostexchangesconsistedofaninitialloaninGenoesesilvercurrency,toberepaidineithersilverorgold"besants":either"besantsofmigliaresi"or"goldbesants"(bisantiosdemiiaresis/bisantiosauri)inaMaghribiport.19Throughoutthethirteenthcentury,theusualrateofexchangewasbetweenfourandfourandone-halfbesantsperGenoeselira.Tofurthercomplicatematters,bythe1250s,theGenoesewerenotonlymintingtheirowngoldcurrency,thegenovino,butalsocounterfeitMaghribibesants,yetthecambiummarittimumcontinuedtobeusedtoexchangetheoldsilverlirewithMaghribicurrency.20 Besidessealoansandexchanges,othersmallerloansoccasionallyrevealtradeortravelintheMaghrib.Someofthesemightbeconsideredsealoansinreverse;astheywereshort-termloanscontractedinGenoathatspecifiedrepaymentinGenoawhenashiparrivedinportfromagivendestination,likelyrepresentingadecisiontoborrowagainstanexpectedprofitfrompropertyorcapitalenroutetoGenoa.Anothertypeofloanwastheso-called"loaninprovisions"(mutuumdepanatica).Thesewereloansmadeexplicitlytofinancecorsairactivitybyprivateindividualsonbehalfofthecommune.Investorshelpedtooutfitashipinexchangeforashareoftheexpectedplunder,withdifferentprofitmarginsfordifferentdestinations,includingthecoastoftheMaghrib.21Aswithotherfinancialinstruments,thesevarioustypesofloansoftenobscureasmuchastheyreveal;nonetheless,theyprovideawindowintotheexpectedvalueoftradingandraidingintheMaghrib,particularlywhenreadalongsidethecommendaandsocietatesmentionedabove.

18CostamagnaandDebernardi,Corsodiscritture,88.Commoninterest-maskingtechniquesincludeddeliberatevagueness,suchasindicatingtot("somuch")fortheloanreceived,oroutrightdeceit,inwhichtheborrowerclaimedtooweahigheramountthanhadactuallybeengiven.Theliteratureonmerchants'interactionwithanti-usurylawsisenormous.Forageneraloverview,seeRaymondDeRoover,"TheScholastics,Usury,andForeignExchange"TheBusinessHistoryReview41:3(1967),257-271,andJ.H.Munro,TheMedievalOriginsoftheFinancialRevolution:Usury,«Rentes»andNegotiability,TheInternationalHistoryReview,25(2003),505-576.ForabroaderdiscussionseeKathrynReyerson,"CommerceandCommunications,"CambridgeMedievalHistoryofEuropevol5(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1999),50-70.19Multiplecurrencieswerereferredtoas"besants"inmedievalEurope,butthetermmainlyreferredtothegolddīnārmintedbyIslamicgovernmentsintheEasternMediterranean,andbasedonthelateRomansolidus.InGenoesesources,thesegolddinarswerereferredtoas"Saracenbesants"(bisantiossarracenales)andmainlyusedintheLevantTrade.Bycontrast,the"migliarese"referredtoadistinctivesquaresilverdirhamcoinmintedbytheAlmohadsintheMaghribduringthemid-twelfthcentury.A"besantofmigliaresi"(bisantiusmiiarensium)wasaunitofaccountequivalenttothedīnārdarāhim("dinārofdirhams"),worthtenmigliaresieach.SeePesceandFelloni,Lemonetegenovesi,341,andPeterSpufford,MoneyandItsUseinMedievalEurope(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1988),172-173,400.20Spufford,MoneyanditsUse,173-174.21DeniseBezzina,ArtigianiaGenovaneisecoliXII-XIII(Florence:UniversityofFlorencePress,2015),128-129.

23

ShipRentals AllLiguriantradetotheMaghribreliedonshipownershiporrental,andseveraltypesofdocumentsrevealdetailsofthearrangementsbetweenmerchants,shipowners,andcaptains.Asapillarofthemedievaleconomy,shippingwascloselyregulatedatGenoa.TheearliestsurvivingregulationsforshipsappearintheearlyfourteenthcenturywiththeStatutesofPera(1303-1306)andtheLiberGazarie(1339).BothtextsreflectedGenoa'sgrowingeconomicinterestsintheAegeanandtheBlackSea,buttheyincorporatedearliermaterial,andhavebeentakenbyhistorianstorepresentthirteenth-centurypractice,oratleastthenormsthatgovernedit.22Thelawscoverednotonlytherentalandpurchaseofships,butalsotheirprovisioning,equipment,andpersonnel. Genoeseshippinghasbeenthesubjectofmuchstudyoverthecourseofthetwentiethcentury,inparticularintheLevantandBlackSeatrade.23Thenaulum,ornaulisatio,wastheclassicinstrumentforshiprentals,anditfollowedaclearsetofconventions.Ashipcaptainorowner(princepsorpatronus)addressedaconsortiumofmerchants,promisingtoprovideashipingoodcondition,withallitsnecessaryequipmentandcrew,foravoyagetoaparticulardestination,oftenspecifyingtheportsofcallontheway.Themerchants,fortheirpart,agreedtoloadacertainamountofgoodsontotheshipbytheagreed-upondeparturetime,payingbyweightormeetinganoverallpricefortheentirevoyage. FromtheperspectiveoftheMaghribtrade,suchcontractsareusefulforseveralreasons.TheynameawiderangeofshipsthattookpartintheMaghribtrade,fromswiftoaredgalleys(galee/sagitte)tocapacioussailingvessels(bucius,navis).OnecontractrevealsthattheParadisusMagnus,themassiveflagshipofLouisIX's1248crusade,carryingonehundredsailors,marines,andcrossbowmen,wassubsequentlyusedintheGenoa-TunistradebymerchantsoftheDoria,SpinolaandVivaldifamilies.24Someactsgointogreatdetaildescribingtheshipequipment(sartia):masts,spars,rigging,anchors,andsoforth.Otheractsareusefulfortheirdetaileddescriptionofthemerchants'cargoandfreightchargesforcotton,cloth,wine,andothergoods.ThefifteendifferentnaulumcontractsinthisstudyofferanimportantglimpseintothelogisticsoftradeandtraveltotheMaghribthatothernotarialsourcesdonotoftenprovide.

22VincenzoPromis,ed.,StatutidellacoloniagenovesediPera(Torino:Bocca,1870),GiovanniForcheri,NavienavigazioneaGenovanelTrecento:ilLiberGazarie(Bordighera:Istitutointernazionaledistudiliguri,1974).23GheorgheBrătianu,RecherchessurlecommercegénoisdanslaMerNoireau13esiècle,(PhDdissertation,UniversityofParis,1929).MichelBalard,LaRomaniegénoise,533-587;DavidJacoby,Byzantium,LatinRomaniaandtheMediterranean(Ashgate:Variorum,2001);LauraBalletto,Genova,Mediterraneo,MarNero:(secc.XIII-XV)(Genova:CivicoIstitutoColumbiano,1976);JohnPryor,Shipping,Technology,andWar:StudiesinthemaritimehistoryoftheMediterranean,649-1571(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1988).24ASGNotaiAntichi27(BartolomeoFornari)208v.SeealsoEugeneByrne,GenoeseShipping(1930),110-111.

24

SalesandPurchases Alongsidetheactsmostexplicitlyconcernedwithoverseastradementionedabove,contractsofsalesandpurchase(venditioetemptio)alsopreservevaluableinformationaboutthecommoditiesandpeopleinvolvedinGenoa'stradewiththeMaghrib.ManysalesofMaghribigoods,especiallyofwool,hides,andwax,survive,especiallyfromthe1250s,whenGenoesemerchantssoldMaghribiwooltoavarietyoflocalspinners,weavers,andtextilemerchants.25Conversely,somecontractsrecordpurchasesofgoodsatGenoaorelsewhereandpromisestopayintheMaghrib,orpurchasesofpropertyandcommoditiesheldintheMaghrib.SalesofrightsandfinancialinstrumentsarealsocommonintheMaghribtrade;merchantssoldtheirsharesofaship'scargospace(loca)ortheirrightstorevenues(iura,privilegia)derivingfromMaghribisources,suchaslegalclaimsagainstotherGenoesemerchantsorlocalgovernments.ThelattergrouphasbeenparticularlyimportantinreconstructingtheaftermathofeventsliketheCeutaexpeditionof1234-5.26 Humanbeingswereyetanotherfrequentobjectofexchange,asmedievalGenoesewereinfamouslyactiveintheMediterraneanslavetrade,thoughfarfromalone.27Inthethirteenthcentury,manyoftheseslaveswereMuslimsfromtheMaghriboral-Andalus,andtheseveraldozenactsofsaleorpurchaserecordingtheirorigins,names,gender,andphysicaldescriptionsofferagrimbutimportantwindownotonlyintoGenoeserelationshipswiththeMaghrib,butalsototheMuslimpopulationofGenoa.Hostage-taking,captivity,andslaverywereessentialfeaturesofmedievalChristian-Muslimrelations,thoughslaverywasnotnecessarilyapermanentconditioninGenoaorelsewhere,andsomeslavescouldhopeforransomeitherbytheirrelativesorbycharitableco-religionists.28Althoughmuchlesscommonthansales,actsofemancipationrevealcomplexrelationshipsbetweenGenoesefamilies,Maghribislaves,andfreeMaghribiswhoactedasredeemersandintermediaries.CourtCasesandPublicActs AlthoughmostsurvivingGenoesenotarialactsconcerntransactionsbetweenindividualsorgroups,theoccasionalactofpublicgovernancealsosurvivesboundupwiththeseprivateacts,andcanbehighlyusefulforwhattheyrevealabouttheassumptionsandattitudesunderlyingtradeandtravel.Mostpublicactsarerecordsrelatingtocourtcases 25Lopez,"Leoriginidell'artedellaLana,"Studisull'economiagenovesenelmedioevo(Torino:Erasmo,1970),65-181.26SeediscussioninChapterTwo,69.27HannahBarker,EgyptianandItalianMerchantsintheBlackSeaSlaveTrade,1260-1500(PhDdissertation,ColumbiaUniversity,2014).28CamiloGomez-Rivas,"TheRansomIndustryandtheExpectationofRefugeontheWesternMediterraneanMuslim-ChristianFrontier,1085-1350"inTheArticulationofPowerinMedievalIberiaandtheMaghrib;BritishAcademy,ed.AmiraK.Bennison(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2014),217-232.

25

andthemostimportantcollectionofthesewasproducedinSavonaatthebeginningofthethirteenthcenturybyMartino,whoservedasofficialnotaryofthecommunalgovernment(scribacommunis).Thismeantthathewaspresentatcourtcases(cause)heardbythetwojudgesonbehalfofthecity'spodestàbetween1203and1206.TheseactswereeditedandpublishedbyDinoPuncuhin1974inatwo-volumeset.29 Overaperiodoftwenty-sevenmonths,Martinotranscribedpartsofover487differentcourtcases,fromdisputesoverinheritancesandpropertyrights,tocriminalprosecutions.HisactsincludeseveralcourtcasesrelatedtotradeandtravelintheMaghrib.Eachcourtcaseconsistedofseveraldistinctphases,eachofwhichproducedadifferenttypeofpublicdocument,fromtheinitiationofthecase,tothegatheringofevidence,tothegrantingofdelays(forwitnessesawayonbusiness),todepositions,andfinally,toverdictsandsettlements.Althoughnoteverystageofeverycourtcasesurvives—manyoftheverdictsaremissing—thecollectionisaninvaluablerecordofjudicialprocedureandsocialrelationsinaLiguriancitycloselytiedtoGenoaandtooverseastrade.30Ofparticularinteresttothehistoryofoverseastradearepositiones,aformoftestimonyandevidence-gatheringbeforeajudgeinwhichbothpartieshadthechancetogivetheirversionoftheeventsunderdispute,andtorespondtotheiradversary'snarrativeasitunfolded,aformofcross-interrogationusuallyrecordedbyMartinowithasimple"Agreed"or"Disagreed"(credit/noncredit).31 AlthoughMartino'scartularypreservesbyfarthemostpublicactsofanycartularyincludedinthisstudy,othernotariesalsooccasionallyservedthecourts,andsuchactswereincludedwiththoseofaprivatenature.Martino'scontemporaryatGenoa,GiovannidiGuibertodraftedseveralactsbelongingtovariousphasesofcauseheardatGenoabetweenOctober1200andMay1201,includingtwodisputesovertradetotheMaghrib.PietroBattifoglio,whooperatedatTunisbetween1288and1289,wascalledupontorecordadisputeandjudgmentrenderedbytheGenoeseconsul,BaliannoEmbrono,andhiscouncilofadvisors(consilium).32 Publicactsbynotaries,thoughfewinnumber,arehighlysuggestiveoftheconventionsandpracticesgoverningoverseastrade,andofrelationshipsbetweenmerchantsandinvestors.Thus,theyhaveanimportanceoutofproportiontotheir 29DinoPuncuh,IlcartolariodiMartinodiSavona,1203-1206,2vols,(Genoa:SocietàLigurediStoriaPatria,1974).30SeediscussionbyAntonioSchioppa,"GiustiziacivileenotariatonelprimoDuecentocomunale:ilcasodiSavona,1203-1206"StudiMedievaliseries3V55:1(2014),1-24.31AndreaSchioppahasnotedthatMartino'scartularyrepresentstheearliestsurvivingexampleofthistypeofinterrogationinItaly.Subsequently,thepracticebecamestandard,andwasthesubjectoflegalcommentaryandtheorizationbyauthoritieslikeRoffredodaBenevento,UbertodaBobbio,andGuillaumeDurand.Italsoappearsasastandardpracticeinthelatethirteenth-centuryStatutesofPera,which,intheabsenceofearlierGenoesestatutes,havebeenunderstoodtobeindicativeoflegalprocedureatGenoaitselfinthethirteenthcentury.SeeV.Promis,IStatutidiPera,576;S.Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,68-70.32GeoPistarino(ed.),NotaiGenovesiinOltremare:AttiRogatiaTunisdaPietroBattifoglio(Genoa:IstitutodiMedievistica,1986),85-6(doc57).(hereafter:Battifoglio).

26

frequencyinthewrittenrecord.DisputesovercommendafortheMaghribtraderevealthecomplexlogisticalarrangementsthatoverseastravelrequired:theprovisioningofships,payingforcrew,findingcargoandpassengers,makingbusinessdecisionsindistantports,anddealingwiththethreatofpiracyandshipwreck.Onamorebasiclevel,theyallowustopiecetogether(contested)narrativesoftravel,misfortune,ordeceitagainstwhichtoreadthedeceptivelystraightforwardlanguageofcontracts.TheyprovideausefulcorrectivetothetemptationtoreadthecommendaorsocietascontractsassimplerecordsoftravelandinvestmentfromAtoB.OtherInstrumentsTheinstrumentsmentionedaboverepresentthemostcommonnotarialacts,butmanyothertypesofactareincludedinthisstudy,toonumeroustogothrougheachatlength.Genoesemighthaverecoursetoanotarytorecordanon-legaldisputeorcomplaint,ashappenedonseveraloccasionsin1289atTunis,wherethenotaryPietroBattifogliowascalledupontorecordanumberofseparatedisturbancesattheGenoesefondaco,aswellascomplaintsbytheGenoeseconsulofmaltreatmentbytheTunisianauthorities;ineachcasethe"act,"althoughwitnessedanddatedlikeanyotherinstrument,appearsverymuchlikeanarrativeofevents.33ApprenticeshipcontractsforserviceintheMaghribarealsoavaluablesourceofevidence,particularlyaboutnon-elitesintheMaghribtrade.34Weavers,tanners,shoemakers,physicians,anddomesticservantsallmadecontractsforlimitedtermsofserviceandworkintheGenoesesettlementsoftheMaghrib. Anotherimportantbuthighlyvariableinstrumentwasthemandatumorprocuratio:theappointmentofalegalproxytoperformastatedaction.Peoplecouldnotbeeverywhereatonceandfrequentlyreliedontrustedcolleagues,familymembers,andprofessionalmediatorstorepresenttheirinterestsintheirabsence.Proxiescouldbecalledupontodoalmostanything:fromdeliveringorreceivingmoneyorgoodstosellingthem,representingsomeoneinalegalproceeding,ordischargingorcollectingdebts.SuchintermediariesperformedacrucialroleinmedievalMediterraneantrade,whetherinGenoa,theMaghrib,orelsewhere.35Almostequallyvariableinscopewasthereceiptorquittance;essentially,thiswasconfirmationthatadebthadbeendischarged;thecreditorformallydeclaredthemselves"paidandquit"(solutumetquietum).Suchdebtsvariedenormously,butparticularlyinterestingarequittancesforreceiptofcommendaprofits;theseallowustoglimpsethe(possible)conclusionofearliercontractsforoverseastrade,asforexampleinApril1248,whenJacoba,wifeofGiovanniSpinola,gavequittancetoBalduinodeQuartoforacommendaforCeutathatshehadmadewithhislatefather.

33SeeforinstanceBattifoglio,5,38,99(docs1,57,68.)34DeniseBezzinahasrecentlymadeanimportantstudyofapprenticeshipandservicecontractsforartisansandcraftsmenatGenoa;seeBezzina,ArtigianiaGenovaneisecoliXII-XIII(Florence:UniversityofFlorencePress,2015)35SeeKathrynReyerson'sstudy,TheArtoftheDeal:IntermediariesofTradeinMedievalMontpellier(Leiden:Brill,2001).

27

Jacoba'sprofitforherinvestmentamountedto£155sinsilkandcloth(façollis).36Othermiscellaneousdocumentsincludesworntestimoniesandaffidavits,promisestoactasguarantorforthedebtsofathirdparty,andlastwillsandtestaments,agenrethatStevenA.EpsteinhasexploredatsomelengthforwhatitcanrevealaboutmedievalGenoeseprioritiesandconcernsattheendsoftheirlives.37 Takenasawhole,thenotarialevidencefromGenoaishighlydiverse.ReadingthecartulariesforconnectionstotheMaghrib,oneisinevitablydrawnmainlytoseveraltypesofacts,especiallythoseexplicitlyconnectedwithoverseastrade:thecommenda,societas,loan,shiprental,sales,purchases,andothers.YetsignsofGenoa'srelationshipwiththeMaghribappearinallsortsofacts,evenwhenonemightleastexpectthem,anditisimportanttobearinmindtheubiquityandversatilityofnotariesinmedievalGenoaanditssettlementsoverseas.LatinNarrativeSourcesInadditiontothenotarialrecords,severalimportantnarrativeandlegalsourcesfromGenoaandelsewherehelpilluminatethepatternsoftheGenoa-Maghribrelationshipovertime.Broadlyspeaking,theycanbedividedintoprescriptiveanddescriptivetexts.Overthecourseofthethirteenthcentury,severalbilateraltreatiesinLatinandArabicwereproducedtostructureanddefinetherelationshipsbetweenGenoaandvariousMaghribirulers,particularlytheḤafṣiddynastyinTunis.Mostofthesetreatieswereidentified,transcribedandprintedinthenineteenthcenturybyMicheleAmariandLouisdeMas-Latrie,whoseeditionsremainessentialpointsofreference.38Likeothermedievalcommunes,Genoapreservedcopiesofitsprivileges,treaties,andotherpublicdocuments;overthecourseofthethirteenthcenturyseveralcollectionsweremade,beginningin1229.DinoPuncuhandAntonellaRoverehaveeditedandpublishedtheseinathree-volumeseries,theLibriIuriumdellaRepubblicadiGenova.39Alreadymentionedabove,the1303-1306lawcodesknownastheStatutesofPerawereproducedfortheGenoesecolonythere,

36ASGNotaiAntichi26-II(BartolomeodeFornari),58v.37StevenA.Epstein,WillsandWealthinMedievalGenoa(Cambridge,Mass:CambridgeUniversityPress,1985)38MicheleAmari,DiplomiArabi,LouisdeMas-Latrie,Traitésdepaix.SubsequentresearchatGenoahasidentifiedtreatylanguagethatescapedthenoticeoftheseearlierscholars.SeeforexampleGiovannaPettiBalbi,"Iltrattatodel1343traGenovaeTunisi,"Unacittàeilsuomare:GenovanelMedioevo(Bologna:CLUEB,1991),200-222.Inaddition,FredericBaudenhasproposedasomewhatdifferentreadingoftwoearlyGenoesetreatieswiththeBanūGhanīyarulersofMallorca(in1181and1188)includedinAmariandMas-Latrie.SeeFrédéricBauden,"DuetrattatidipaceconclusineldodicesimosecolotraiBanūĠāniya,SignoridelleIsoleBaleari,eilComunediGenova,"DocumentosymanuscritosárabesdelOccidentemusulmánmedieval(Madrid:ConsejoSuperiordeInvestigacionesCientıficas,2010),33-86.39DinoPuncuh,AntonellaRovere,etal.,eds.,ILibriIuriumdellaRepubblicadiGenova,3vols.andintroduction,(Genoa:SocietàLigurediStoriaPatria:1992-2011).

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butarewidelyunderstoodtoreproducethirteenth-centurymaterialfromGenoaitself;thistoohasbeeneditedandprintedbyVincenzoPromisin1870.40 Turningtodescriptivesources,byfarthemostimportantisGenoa'surbanchronicle,mostcommonlyknownastheAnnalesIanuenses.Begunin1099bythenoblemanCaffaroduringtheFirstCrusade,theAnnaleswereupdatedmoreorlesscontinuouslyuntilthedeathofthelastchronicler,JacopoDoria,in1294,andweretheearliestsecularchronicleinItalianhistory.41FollowingCaffaro'sdecisiontopresenthishistorytothecommuneforapprovalin1152,theAnnalesbecametheofficialrecordofthecommune'shistory.Sometimeswrittenbyasingleauthor,sometimesbyacommitteeofscribes,theyreflectedthe"official"cityviewofitsexternalrelations,disputes,andinternaltumults.ThechronicleisaninvaluablesourceformanyofthedramaticeventsthatpunctuatedtheGenoa-Maghribrelationshipduringthethirteenthcentury:theCeutaexpeditionof1234-5,variousactsofpiracy,theTunisCrusadeof1270.Itsurvivesinthreemanuscripts,andwaseditedandpublishedinfivevolumesbetween1890and1926bytheIstitutoStoricoItaliano.42 TheGenoeseliteraryanddocumentaryevidenceformsthecoreofmymaterial.Nonetheless,sourcesproducedbyotherLatinChristiansoccasionallyshedlightonthetermsoftheGenoa-Maghribrelationship,andprovidevaluablecontextfortheLigurianandMaghribievidence.Duringthethirteenthcentury,thepapacywaskeentopromoteChristianitywithintheMaghrib,andseveralpopescorrespondedwithMaghribirulers;manyofthesepapallettershavesurvivedinvariouseditions.43Inaddition,thenewlyestablishedmendicantorderswereactiveintheMaghribfromtheearly1220s,where

40VincenzoPromis,ed.,IStatutidellacoloniagenovesediPera(Bocca:1870).41FormoreonCaffaroandthetraditionofGenoesecivicannals,seeGiovannaPettiBalbi,Caffaroelacronachisticagenovese(Genoa:Tilgher,1982);JohnDotson,"TheGenoeseCivicAnnals:CaffaroandhisContinuators"inSharonDale,AlisonWilliamsLewin,andDuaneOsheim,eds.,ChroniclingHistory:ChroniclersandHistoriansinMedievalandRenaissanceItaly(UniversityPark:PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,2007),55-85.SeealsodiscussioninSandraMacchiavelloandAntonellaRovere,"TheWrittenSources,"inCarrieBeneš,ed.,ACompaniontoMedievalGenoa(Leiden:Brill,2018),36-39.42SeeLuigiTommassoBelgrano,CesareImperialediSant'Angelo,eds.,AnnaliGenovesideCaffaroeisuoicontinuatori,daMXCIXaMCCXCIIIFontiperlaStoriad'Italiav11-14bis(Rome:IstitutoStoricoItaliano:1890-1926).TheAnnalesalsoappearintheMonumentaGermaniaeHistorica:MGHSS18,1-356.DespitetheirimportanceforGenoese,Italian,andMediterraneanhistory,theAnnaleshaveonlyrecentlybeguntoattractseriousattentionfromAnglophonescholars,withJonathanPhillipsandMartinHallhavingrecentlytranslatedCaffaro'sportionoftheannals(roughly1099-1160).SeeJonathanPhillipsandMartinHall,eds.,Caffaro,Genoaandthetwelfth-centurycrusades(Farnham,Surrey:Ashgate,2013).43ClaraMaillard,LespapesetleMaghrebauxXIIIèmeetXIVèmesiècles:étudedeslettrespontificalesde1199à1419(Turnhout:Brepols,2014).

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severalfoundmartyrdom,asrecordedinthelatefourteenth-centuryFranciscanChronicleoftheTwentyFourGenerals.44 Anothervaluableandrecentlyeditedecclesiasticalsourceisa1234letterwrittenbytheDominicansandFranciscansatTunis,addressedtoRamondePeñafort,thefamouscanonistandchaplainofPopeGregoryIX(1227-1241).Intheletter,themendicantsposedfortyquestionsrelatingtotheirministrytotheChristiansofTunis,raisingissuesrelatedtothesacraments,sinandpenance,andtherelationsbetweenMuslimsandvariousChristiangroups,includingtheGenoese.Thepapalresponsestotheirqueries,giveninJanuary1235,survive,andthecombinedtextofquestionsandanswerswassubsequentlyre-copiedinseveralpenitentialhandbooksfromthelatethirteenthcenturyandlater.In2012,JohnTolanproducedacriticaleditionofthisletter,knownasthe"ResponsestoquestionsconcerningrelationsbetweenChristiansandSaracens"(Responsionesaddubitabiliacircacommunicationemchristianorumcumsarracenis).45 SeveralcontemporarychroniclesorhistoriesfromtheLatinChristianMediterraneancontainatleastpassingobservationsorreflectionsontheGenoeseandtheirrelationswiththeMaghrib,toomanytomentionbynamehere.AfewexamplesworthmentioningincludethreefromGenoa'srivalsintheWesternMediterranean.RamonMuntaner'sCrónica,composedinValenciabetween1325-1328,withitsvividifratherone-sidedportraitofGenoeseperfidy,providesanengagingperspectivefromaCatalanmercenary.46TheanonymousCronacaPisana,amid-fourteenthcenturyhistoryofPisato1295,alsoincludessomematerialontheMaghrib.47Finally,GiovanniVillani'sFlorentinechronicle,theNuovaCronica,containsimportantreflections—albeitatagreaterchronologicaldistancethaneithertheCatalanorPisantexts—onItalianmerchantsoperatingintheMaghrib.48Other,brieferorlessimmediatelypertinentsourceswillbecitedastheybecomerelevantatparticularpointsinmyanalysis.

44RecentlytranslatedintoEnglish:ChronicleoftheTwenty-FourGeneralsoftheOrderoftheFriarsMinor,trans.NoelMuscatOFM(Malta:FranciscanCommunications,2010).45JohnTolan,"RamondePenyafort'sResponsestoquestionsconcerningrelationsbetweenChristiansandSaracens:criticaleditionandtranslation"HAL2012.(HereaftercitedasTolan,Dubitabilia).FormoreonthisletterandonDominicanpresenceintheMaghrib,seeJ.Tolan,“TakingGratiantoAfrica:RaymonddePenyafort’slegaladvicetotheDominicansandFranciscansinTunis”,inA.Husain&K.Fleming,eds.,AFaithfulSea:TheReligiousCulturesoftheMediterranean,1200–1700(Oxford:OneWorld,2007),46-64.46CrónicadeRamonMuntaner,ed.VincentEscartí,2vols.,(Valencia:Inst.AlfonselMagnànim,DiputaciódeValència,1999).47Thistextremainsuneditedtothisday,andIhavereliedinsteadonexcerptspublishedbyE.Cristiani,"GliavvenimentipisanidelperiodoUgolinianoinunacronacainedita,"BolletinoStoricoPisano26(1957),3-55;27(1958),56-104.48GiovanniVillani,NuovaCronaca:edizionecriticaacuradiGiuseppePorta,2ndedition,3vols.(Parma:FondazionePietroBembo,2007).

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ThelongtraditionofmedievalmercantilemanualsorzibaldoniproducedinTuscanyandFlorenceprovidesafinalpieceofevidencefortheGenoa-Maghribrelationship.Broadlyspeaking,thesewerebooksproducedbyandformerchantsbetweenthelatethirteenthandfifteenthcenturies,usuallyinthevernacular.Theircontentsvariedenormously,buttypicallyincludedinformationonports,customsduties,currencyexchange,travelandcommodityprices,andmuchelse.Theexactcharacteristicsofthisgenrearestilldebated,withmanydifferenttextsclaimedaspartofthistradition:ithasbeenproposed,forinstance,thattheDevisementduMonde(c.1300)beganlifeasMarcoPolo'spersonalmercantilemanual,beforereceivingamoreliterarytreatmentatthehandsofRustichellodaPisainaGenoesedungeon.49Howevertheyaredefined,themanualshavebecomeincreasinglyimportantinourunderstandingofmedievalmercantileandbankingculture.50 ManymanualswerepublishedoverthecourseofthetwentiethcenturybyItalianandAmericanresearchers,whoseeditionsIhaveconsultedhere;ofparticularvalueisA.Evans'1936editionofPegolotti'sPraticadellaMercatura,andJohnDotson'stranslationoftheZibaldonedaCanal,bothproducedinthemid-fourteenthcentury,althoughtheyincludeagreatdealofthirteenth-centurymaterial.51ItisworthnotingthatfewGenoeseexamplesofthisgenrehavesurvived,despitewhatStevenA.Epsteinreferredtoasthe"Genoeseloveofsystem"reflectedinsuchencyclopedicworksasJacopodaVaragine'sLegendaAureaorGiovanniBalbi'sLatindictionary,theCatholicon.52Thus,themanualsaremostlyusefulforunderstandingthegeneralexpectationsheldbyotherItalianmerchantsoperatingintheMaghrib.TheextenttowhichmedievalGenoesewouldhaveagreedordisagreedwiththeir 49SeeF.Borlandi,"alleoriginidellibrodiMarcoPolo",StudiinonorediA.Fanfani(Milan:Dott.Giuffrè,1962),108-147,andRiccardoMassano,"MarcoPolo,"inVittoreBrancaetal.,Dizionariocriticodellaletteraturaitaliana,vol.3(Turin:Unionetipograficoeditricetorinese,1986),489-494.50SeediscussioninMarkusDenzel,Jean-ClaudeHocquet,andHaraldWitthöft,(ed),KaufmannsbücherundHandelspraktikenvomSpätmittelalterbiszumbeginnenden20.Jahrhundert,(Stuttgart:FranzSteinerVerlag,2002),particularlythecontributionbyPeterSpufford,"LateMedievalMerchants'Notebooks:AProject.TheirPotentialfortheHistoryofBanking,"47-62.51JohnE.Dotson,MerchantCultureinFourteenthCenturyVenice:theZibaldonedaCanal(Binghamton,NewYork:CenterforMedievalandRenaissanceStudies:1994),FrancescoBalducciPegolotti,LaPraticadellaMercatura,ed.AllanEvans,(Cambridge:MedievalAcademyofAmerica,1936).ForalistofpublishededitionsseeJosephF.Stanley,"NegotiatingTrade:MerchantManualsandCross-CulturalExchangeintheMedievalMediterranean,"Frontiers:TheInterdisciplinaryJournalofStudyAbroad30(2018),102-112.52Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,163-164.OnepossibleexplanationforthisabsenceistherelativelylatedevelopmentofvernacularliteratureatGenoa.TheearliestmajorGenoese-languagetextisthepoetrycollectionbytheAnonimoGenovese,compiledaround1300,whileLatincontinuedtobeoverwhelmingfavoredforbothliteraryandnotarialwritingthroughouttherestoftheMiddleAges.Asapredominantlyvernaculargenre,thezibaldonimayhaveheldlessappealinamercantilesocietythatprizedLatin.TheCodexCumanicus,anearlyfourteenth-centuryLatin-Persian-KipchackglossaryproducedinGenoa,hassometimesbeenincludedinthepratiche/zibaldonetradition,butthisseemstobestretchingthedefinitionofthegenre.SeeJosephF.Stanley,"NegotiatingTrade:MerchantManualsandCross-CulturalExchangeintheMedievalMediterranean,"104.

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rivals'characterizationofMaghribiportsisdifficulttoknowforcertain,althoughsomeassertions—suchasthewidespreaduseofimporttaxfarmingbytheḤafṣids—arecorroboratedthroughGenoesenotarialevidence.53 ArabicSources:IslamicLawandHistory-WritingintheMaghribLiketheirGenoesecounterparts,MaghribiMuslimsdidnotoftenwriteexplicitlyonthesubjectoftheirrelationshipswithChristianmerchants,muchlesstheGenoeseinparticular.However,thereareimportantelementsofseveraldistinctliterarytraditionsthatcanshedlightbothonhowthisrelationshipwasconceivedandhowitfunctionedinpractice.Thefirst,andrelativelymostaccessibletypeofsourceishistoricalwritingbyMaghribiauthorsinthethirteenthandfourteenthcenturies,usuallyfollowingthefateofoneormoredynasties,suchastheAlmoravids,Almohads,andtheirsuccessorsacrosstheMaghrib.54ManyofthesehavebeeneditedandpublishedseveraltimesinArabic,andoccasionallytranslatedintoEuropeanlanguages.AnothersourcebaseisalimitedbuthighlyusefulbodyofArabicchancerydocumentsfromthethirteenthcentury.Thesesurviveinseveralcollections(someofwhichhavebeenpublished)bothintheMaghribitselfandinvariousEuropeanarchives,especiallythoseofPisaandtheCrownofAragon.55Finally,therearemajorcompilationsoffatwāsbytwolatemedievalMaghribiMuslimjuristsoftheMālikīmadhhab(schooloflegalreasoning),theTunisianAbū-l-Qāsimal-Balawīal-Tunisīal-Burzulī(d.1438)andtheMoroccanscholarAḥmadal-Wansharīsī(d.1508).ThesecontainthousandsoffatwāsfromtheprecedingfivecenturiesoftheMālikītraditioninal-AndalusandtheMaghrib,includingdozensthatdealexplicitlywiththeplaceofChristianmerchantsandtheirproductsintheIslamicsocietyoftheMaghrib.Aswillbeshown,thesesourcesmustbeapproachedwithcaution,buttheyremainaprecioussourceforunderstandinghowanevolvingtraditionofIslamiclegalreasoningposedandansweredquestionsaboutChristianmerchantsliketheGenoeseandtheirinteractionswithMaghribiMuslims. Bythethirteenthcentury,history-writingwasawell-developedliterarygenreintheMaghrib.TherewereseveraldistinctstylesofhistoricalwritingwithinthebroaderArab-Islamicliterarytradition,includingbiographies—originallypropheticbiography—(sīra),

53SeediscussioninChapterFive,162-166.54SeeMohammedBenchekroun,LavieintellectuellesouslesmérinidesetlesWattāsides(Rabat:Impr.MohammedVculturelleetuniversitaire,1974),andMayaShatzmiller,L'historiographiemérinide:IbnKhaldūnetsescontemporains(Leiden:Brill,1982).55MicheleAmaripublishedtheArabicdiplomaticcorrespondencewithPisaandFlorenceinthe1863;IDiplomiarabidelR.ArchivioFiorentino.TestooriginaleconlatraduzioneletteraleeillustrazionediM.Amari(Florence:LeMonnier,1863).TheAragoneseCartasÁrabeswereinturneditedandpublishedinthe1940s;MaximilianoAlarcónySantón,LosDocumentosÁrabesDiplomáticosdelArchivodelaCoronadeAragón(Madrid:E.Maestre,1940).

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accountsofmilitaryconquests(futūh),universalhistories,andlater,urbanchronicles.56Inadditiontothese,reflectionsonhistoryandreportsofevents(khabar)wereastandardfeatureinmanyotherliterarygenres,suchastravelwritingofMaghribiauthorslikethefamousIbnBattuta(1304-1369)oral-Tijānī(fl.1306-1309),orintheearliergeographicalworkoftheSabtischolaral-Idrīsī(1100-1166).Collectivebiographiesandhistoricalreportsalsopresentedhistoryasatooltocommemoratethedeedsofspecificgroupsofpeoplesuchasatribalorethnicgroup,asintheanonymous1312"BookoftheBoastsoftheBerbers"(KitābMafākhiral-Barbar),orreligiousscholars,asinthecaseofQādiʿIyyad'smid-twelfth-centurybiographyofninegenerationsofprominentMālikīscholars,"OrganizingthefacultiesandrevealingthemethodsfordiscoveringthesignsoftheschoolofMālik"(Kitābal-madārikwataqrībal-masālikli-maʿrifataʿlāmmadhhabMālik.57 However,whileallofthesesourcesshouldbeconsideredpartofthehistoriographicaltraditionofthemedievalMaghrib,itisthelatemedievaldynastichistoriesthataremostimportantforreconstructingGenoa-Maghribrelations,especiallyatthelevelofhighpoliticsanddiplomacy.Thesewerenarrativesframedaroundthedeedsofaparticularrulingdynastyorgroupofdynasties,withspecialentriesforeachrulerdetailingtheirappointmentstooffice,theirmajordiplomaticandmilitaryinitiatives,andtheimportanteventsoftheirreigns.AsaresultofthepoliticalfragmentationthatfollowedthedeclineoftheAlmohaddynastyinthe1220s,multiplesuccessordynastiescompetedwithoneanotheracrosstheMaghrib,eachoneattractingitsownchroniclersfromtheranksoftheliteraryelitesthatoperatedatcourt.Accountstendedtoglorifytheruler'sfamilyandorigins,butauthorswerenotaboveofferingcriticismwhentheyfeltitwarranted.58Afullaccountevenofthesedynastichistoriesisbeyondthescopeofthisdissertation,butitisusefultohighlightthecontributionoffourauthorswhoseworksprovidevaluableMaghribicounterpointstoGenoeseandotherLatinChristiannarrativesofcommerceandconflictintheMaghrib. ThefirstisAbū-lʿAbbāsAḥmadb.MuḥammadIbnʿIdhārīal-Marrākushī,knownasIbnʿIdhārī(fl.1310s).PossiblyofAndalusianorigin,IbnʿIdhārīwasbornatMarrakeshandlivedduringtheearlydecadesoftheMarīnids,whohaddefeatedandkilledthelastAlmohadcaliphin1269andwentontoruleMoroccountil1465.IbnʿIdhārīeventuallysettledatFez,theMarīnidcapital,wherehecompiledamassivehistory,"theBookoftheAmazingStoryoftheHistoryoftheKingsofal-AndalusandtheMaghrib"(Kitābal-Bayānal-mughribfīakhbārmulūkal-Andaluswa-l-Maghrib,usuallyreferredtoasthe 56ForanintroductiontoIslamichistory-writing,seeChaseRobinson,IslamicHistoriography(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2004),aswellasthesurveybyTarifKhalidi,ArabicHistoricalThoughtintheClassicalPeriod(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2004).57CamiloGomez-Rivas,"QāḍīʿIyyād,"inOussamaArabi,SusanSpectorsky,andDavidPowers,eds.,Islamiclegalthought:acompendiumofMuslimjurists(Leidein:Brill,2013),323-338.58MayaShatzmiller,L'Historiographiemérinide:IbnKhaldūnetsescontemporains(Leiden:Brill,1982).ThedynastiesthatruledintheMaghribaftertheIslamicConquest(around700)allproduceddynastichistories,thoughmosthavenotsurvived,andmuchofourknowledgeoftheearlyIslamicperiodintheMaghribdependsonAndalusiorEasternauthors,oronlaterMaghribiaccounts.SeealsoJamilAbun-Nasr,AHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1987),26-75.

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Bayānal-mughrib).59AnadmireroftheAlmohads,IbnʿIdhārīdidnotcovertheruleoftheirMarīnidsuccessors,butratherdividedhisworkintothreedistinctvolumes.ThefirstcoveredtheperiodfromtheIslamicconquestofEgypt(641)totheAlmohadcaptureofMahdiyyain1205;thesecondcoveredthehistoryofal-AndalusfromtheIslamicconquest(711)toarrivaloftheAlmoravids(1086).ThethirdvolumecontainedthehistoryoftheAlmoravidsandAlmohads,uptotheconquestofMarrakeshin1269,withfrequentdigressionsonregionaldynastiesinAndalusiaandIfrīqiya.Thisthirdvolumecametolightinthe1960sandhassincebeeneditedandpublishedmultipletimes.60Despiteitsstillfragmentarynature,itisthemostvaluablepartofthewholeworkforunderstandingtherelationshipbetweenGenoaandtheMaghribinthethirteenthcentury,sinceitincludesalongaccountoftheGenoesesiegeofCeutain1235,purportedlytakenfromnow-vanishedSabtisources.61 IbnʿIdhārī'snear-contemporarywastheFezscholarAbū-l-ḤassanAlīb.Muḥammadb.Aḥmadb.ʿUmar,otherwiseknownasIbnAbīZarʿ(fl.1310-1320),towhomistraditionallyattributedthehistoryknownasthe"EntertainingCompanionfortheGardenofPagesonReportsoftheKingsofMoroccoandtheHistoryofFez"(Al-anīsal-muṭribbi-rawḍal-qirṭāsfīakhbārmulūkal-Maghribwa-taʾrīkhmadīnatFās,abbreviatedtoRawḍal-qirṭās).62Asthenamesuggests,thisisacombinationofadynastichistoryofthevariousdynastieswhoruledMorocco,fromtheeighthcenturytotheauthor'sowntime,andalsoachronicleofthecityofFez,includingabundantdescriptionsofitstopographyandinhabitants.IbnAbīZarʿwasapartisanoftheMarīnids.AlthoughhischronicleomitsmuchofthedetailprovidedbyIbnʿIdhārīonthelaterAlmohads,theRawdal-qirṭāshastheadvantageoftakingthedetailednarrativeintothefourteenthcenturyandthroughthereignsofthefirstMarīnidsultans.HealsorecordstheGenoeseattackonCeuta,albeitmorebrieflythanIbnʿIdhārīandmoreimportantly,heisoursolewitnessfortheGenoeseembassytotheMarīnidcourtatTazūtain1292.63

59Theexactdimensionsandscopeofthisworkarestillbeingestablished,withnewfragmentsrepeatedlycomingtolightandbeingpublishedforthefirsttimebetweenthe1930sand1980sinSpainandMorocco.JuanMartosQuesada,IbnʿIdhārīal-Marrākushī,EI3(2016),idem,"LalaborhistoriográficadeIbnʿIdhārī"AnaqueldeEstudiosÁrabes20(2009),117–30.60IhavecitedithereintheeditionbyMuhammadIbrahiKattani(ed),al-Bayānal-mughribfīakhbāral-Andaluswa-al-Maghrib:qismal-Muwaḥḥidīn(Beirut:Daral-Gharbal-Islamı,1985).61TheCeutaepisodewasknownalreadytothenineteenth-centuryOrientalistMicheleAmarifromamanuscriptfragmentheldatCopenhagen(MSCopenhagen,DanishRoyalLibrary76),nowknowntobelongtotheBayānal-Mughrib.Amariincludedatranscriptioninhis"NuoviRicordiArabicisullastoriadiGenova"AttiSocietàLigurediStoriaPatriaVFasc.IV(Genoa:TipograficadelR.IstitutoSordo-Muti,1873),551-633.62Thereissomecontroversyoverthisattribution,seeAhmedSiraj,L'imagedelaTingitane.L'historiographiearabemédiévaleetl’Antiquiténord-africaine(Rome:ÉcoleFrançaisedeRome,1995),45-46.63Thereisstillnodefinitivecriticaleditionofthetext;Ihaveusedthe1972Rabatedition.IbnAbīZarʿ,Al-Anīsal-Muṭribbi-rawḍal-qirtās(Rabat:1972).AmbrosioHuici-MirandahastranslatedthetextintoSpanish;seeA.Huici-Miranda,Rawdal-qirtas(Valencia:Nacher,1964).

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Theothermajorcenterofnarrativehistory-writinginthelatemedievalMaghribwasinIfrīqiya,underthepatronageoftheḤafṣiddynasty.Here,wefacearathermoreseriousproblemofperspective,sincevirtuallyallofourinformationaboutthirteenth-centuryIfrīqiyacomesfrommuchlatersources:theworksofthepolymathIbnQunfudh(d.1407)andal-Zarkashi(fl1472)datetoroughly150and200yearsaftertheḤafṣidscametopower,respectively.64However,themostimportantsourceforhistoryinIfrīqiyaisundoubtedlyIbnKhaldūn(1332-1406),oneofthegreatestmedievalIslamichistorians,andthesubjectofmuchfascinationbothtoscholarsandtothegeneralpublicfromthenineteenthcenturytothepresent,whohavevariouslyportrayedhimasanArabMachiavelli,the"fatherofsociology,"aproto-MarxistorevenalibertarianprecursortotheReaganrevolutionintheUnitedStates.65BorninTunis,IbnKhaldūnledahighlyperipateticlife,workingatthecourtsofFez,Granada,andTunisbeforemigratingtoEgyptlaterinlife.Hewastheauthorofthe"BookofLessons"(Kitābal-ʿIbār),aworldhistorywithspecialfocusontheMaghribanditsrulingdynasties,buthisfamerestsmainlyonhislengthyintroductiontothiswork,whichcirculatedseparatelyduringhislifetimeandafterwardsastheMuqadimma,andhasbeentranslatedintoseverallanguages.66Completedin1377duringaperiodofself-imposedexileattheQalaʿaibnSalāmainmodern-dayAlgeria,theMuqadimmaisageneralreflectiononhumansociety,andthepatternsofhistory,whichhasattractedparticularattentionforitscyclicaltheoryoftribalgovernments,andthecontrastbetweenurbanandrurallifeandvalues.HecriticizesearlierMuslimhistoriansforuncriticallyrepeatingeachother'stextswithoutindependentlyinvestigatingtheirclaims,althoughhehimselfdidnotgenerallytakehisownadvice,relyingheavilyinhisKitābal-ʿIbāronearlierhistoriesliketheRawdal-qirṭāsdespitetheirinaccuracies.67ForthepurposesofunderstandingtheGenoa-Maghribrelationship,boththeMuqadimmaandtheKitābal-ʿIbārareuseful;theformerforitsin-depthreflectionson

64IbnQunfudh,al-FārisiyyafīMabādiʾal-dawlaal-ḥafṣiya,ed.ʿAbdal-MajīdTurkīandMuhammadal-ShadhilıNayfar(Tunis:Dāral-Tunisiyyali-l-Nashr,1968);al-Zarkashi,Tārīkhal-dawlataynal-Muwaḥḥidīyawa-al-Ḥafṣīyaed.MuhammadMāḍūr,(Tunis:al-Maktabahal-ʻAtıqah,1966).65TheliteratureonIbnKhaldūnandhisreceptionisvast.Forabriefintroductiontohowhehasbeeninterpretedovertime,seeMuhsinMahdi,IbnKhaldūn'sPhilosophyofHistory:AStudyinthePhilosophicFoundationoftheScienceofCulture(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1964);MohammedTalbi,IbnKhaldūnetl'Histoire(Tunis:Maisontunisiennedel'édition,1973),AzizAzmeh,IbnKhaldūninmodernscholarship:astudyinorientalism(London:ThirdWorldCenterforResearchandPublishing,1981);MichaelBrett,IbnKhaldūnandtheMedievalMaghrib(Aldershot:AshgatePublishing,1999),andAbdessalemCheddadi,IbnKhaldûn:l'hommeetlethéoriciendelacivilisation(Paris:Gallimard,2006).Recently,twoEnglish-languagebiographiesofIbnKhaldūnhavere-emphasizedhisSufi,mysticalinclinations:AllenFromherz'sIbnKhaldūn:LifeandTimes(Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversityPress,2011),andRobertIrwin'sIbnKhaldūn:anIntellectualHistory(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,2018).66The1958translationbyFranzRosenthalremainsessential;FransRosenthal,TheMuqaddimah:anintroductiontohistory,3vols.,(NewYork:Bollingen,1958,reprinted1967).67SeediscussionbyMohammedTalbi,"IbnKhaldūn,"EI2.Consultedonlineon19April2019.

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thevariousadministrativebodiesandpersonnelthatstructuredrelationswithforeigners—thecustomsoffice,thecourt,etc.—aswellasthevaluesoftheeliteswhoranthem,andthelatterfortheinformationitprovidesonthedetailsofthirteenth-centuryḤafṣidruleinTunis,althoughweshouldtakeintoaccountIbnKhaldūn'sbiasesasasupporterofthecentralregimeatTunis.68ChanceryDocuments DiplomaticandadministrativedocumentsproducedbythechanceriesofvariousMaghribidynastiesprovideavitalpointofcomparisonwiththenarrativeevidenceofthedeedsofcaliphs,sultans,andtheirofficialsinthedynastichistories.AllmedievalMuslimdynastiesplacedgreatimportanceontheworkoftheirchanceryscribes(kuttāb)whowerechargedwithcreatingofficialcorrespondenceinagood,literaryArabicstyle(adāb).TheAlmohadsinparticulartookacloseinterestintheirchancery,recruitingscribesfromtheranksofthereligiouselites,andmanyoftheirletterswerelaterpreservedintheMaghribasexamplesofgoodprosestyle,andhavebeencollectedandeditedseveraltimesinthetwentiethcentury.69TheAlmohads,theirregionalgovernors,andtheirsuccessorsacrosstheMaghribalsocarriedonanactivediplomaticcorrespondencewithseveralEuropeancitiesandmonarchsandmanyoftheselettershavebeencollectedandpublished.In1863,MicheleAmarieditedandtranslatedacollectionof46ArabicletterssenttoPisaorFlorencefromMuslimrulersacrosstheMediterranean,includingmanyfromtheAlmohadcaliphs,theirgovernors,andtheḤafṣidsinTunis.70AnimportantcollectionofMaghribidiplomaticcorrespondencefromaslightlylaterperiod(1250-1430)ispreservedintheCartasÁrabesoftheArchiveoftheCrownofAragon,whichwaseditedandpublishedin1940byMaximilianoA.AlarcónySantónandRamónGarcíadeLinares,andisalso

68RamziRouighihasarguedthatIbnKhaldūnandhiscontemporarieswerepartisansof"emirism":anideologypromotingacentralized,Tunis-basedḤafṣidrégimeoverandagainstlocalattemptsatautonomybyIfrīqiyancitiesorrivalḤafṣidfamilymembersinBijāyaorConstantine,andcautionsusagainstanunproblematicreadingof"regional"or"Ifrīqiyan"politicalidentity.SeediscussioninR.Rouighi,TheMakingofaMediterraneanEmirate:IfrīqiyaanditsAndalusis,1200-1400(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2011),1-15.69AhmadʿAzzāwī,Rasāʾilmuwaḥḥidiyya:MajmūʿaJadīda(al-Qunaytira:ManshūratKulliyatal-Ādābwa-l-ʿUlūmal-insāniyyabi-l-Qunaytira,1995).70MicheleAmari,IdiplomiarabidelR.archiviofiorentinotestooriginaleconlatraduzioneletteraleeillustrazioni(Florence:LeMonnier,1863).Someofhistranslationshavebeenchallengedmorerecently,seeMohammedOuerfelli“PersonneldiplomatiqueetmodalitésdesnégociationsentrelacommunedePiseetlesÉtatsduMaghrib(1133–1397)”LesrelationsdiplomatiquesauMoyenAge(Paris:PublicationsdelaSorbonne,2011),119-132;andTravisBruce,"CommercialConflictResolutionacrosstheReligiousDivideintheThirteenthCenturyMediterranean,"MediterraneanHistoricalReview30:1(2015),19-38.However,theyremainthebestavailabletreatmentsofthecorpusoflettersasawhole,andIhaveusedAmari'seditionhere.

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availableonline.71 Unfortunately,noArabiclettersfromtheMaghribspecificallyaddressedtotheGenoesecommunesurvivefromthethirteenthcentury.Nonetheless,thecollectionsofchancerydocumentsarestillusefulforreconstructingtheGenoa-Maghribrelationship,fortwomainreasons.First,MaghribirulersoccasionallyhadreasontoinvoketheirrelationswiththeGenoesewhencorrespondingwiththeircommercialandstrategicrivals,andsecond,thedocumentaryevidenceallowsustosituatetheGenoeseevidencewithinawiderframeworkofMediterraneantradeanddiplomacy.IslamicLegalLiterature:FatwasandtheHisbaThediscourseofIslamiclegalscholarsinthelatemedievalMaghriboffersavitalcounterpointtothedynastichistoriesandofficial,"state"-sanctionedcorrespondenceofMaghribirulersdiscussedabove.Bythethirteenthcentury,severalwell-establishedtraditionsoflegalliteratureexistedwithinIslam,connectedwiththeresponsibilitiesofreligiousexperts—thefuqaha,sg.faqīh—toofferguidancetothefaithful.TheprinciplesofIslamiclegalreasoningvarieddependingontheschooloflaw(madhhab,pl.madhāhib),butmostofthemdependedoninterpretationoftheQurʾan,hadīth(sayingsanddeedsoftheProphetMuhammadandhisCompanions),consensus(ijmaʿ)andformallegalreasoningbyanalogy(qiyās).72SunniMuslimscouldchoosebetweenfourmajormadhāhib:theMāliki,Hanafi,Shafi'i,andHanbali,eachofwhichtookitsnamefromaneponymousfounderwholivedduringtheformativeeraofIslamiclaw,roughly700-950.WithintheMaghribandal-Andalus,theMālikīschool,namedforthesecond/eighthcenturyscholarMālikb.Anas(d.797)becamedominantbythemid-eleventhcenturyCE,itsinfluenceradiatingoutwardsfrommajorcentersofscholarshipatCordoba,Fez,andQayrawān.73It

71MaximilianoA.AlarcónySantónandRamónGarcíadeLinares,ed.andtrans.,LosDocumentosÁrabesDiplomáticosdelArchivodelaCoronadeAragón(Madrid:ImprentadeEstanislaoMaestre,1940).ThiseditionincludedonlydocumentsinArabic;howeverseveralLatindocumentsproducedatthebehestofMaghribirulersareconsideredpartoftheCartasÁrabescollection,includinganimportantactbyaGenoesenotaryatTunisin1308.SeediscussionbyRoserSalicruiLluch,"'Cartasarabes'enromanceconservadasenelArchivodelaCoronadeAragon"EstudiosdeFronteraVII:Islamycristiandad,siglosXII-XVI:homenajeaMaríaJesúsViguera(Jaén:DiputaciondeJaen,CulturayDeportes,2010),819-837.72ForabriefintroductiontothemethodsanddevelopmentofIslamiclawintheformativeperiod,seeWaelHallaq,TheOriginsandEvolutionofIslamicLaw(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity,2011);andLenaSalaymeh,BeginningsofIslamicLaw:lateantiqueIslamicatelegaltraditions(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2019).FortheMālikīschoolinparticular,seeYasīnDutton,OriginsofIslamicLaw:theQur'an,theMuwatta'andMadinanAmal(NewYork:Routledge,2013).73OtherimportanttraditionsofIslamiclawexistedintheMaghribpriortotheeleventhcentury,notablytheIsmāʿīlijurisprudenceoftheFatimidsinearlytenth-centuryIfrīqiya,butbythelateeleventhcenturytheyweremarginalizedbythedominantMālikīschool.SeeShainoolJiwa,"GovernanceandPluralismundertheFatimids(909-996CE)"inTheShi'iWorld:Pathwaysin

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wasfromtheranksoftheselegalscholarsthatrulerswouldselectajudge(qāḍī)foreachcity. Mālikīscholarslearnedtheprinciplesofjurisprudencethroughlongstudyatthehandsofestablishedauthorities,andthroughengagementwithmajortextsthatlayatthecoreoftheMālikitradition,includingtheworkofMālikhimself—theMuwaṭṭaʿ—aswellashisdisciples,theirdisciples,andlatercommentatorsonthem.74Abasicdistinctionarosebetweenthe"roots"and"branches"ofIslamiclaw.Textsthataddressedtheprinciplesoflawandlegalreasoningwereconsideredtobelongtothe"roots"(usūlal-fiqh),whereasthe"branches"(furuʿal-fiqh)includedtextsthataddressedappliedorcaselaw:legalmanuals,collectionsofdecisions,anddiscussionsofrules.SuchmanualsallowedscholarstounderstandhowtheMālikīmadhhabfunctionedinpractice,bycollectingthecases(nawāzil,sg.nāzila)broughtbeforethegreatjuristsofthepast,andexplaininghowtheycametotheirdecisions.Scholarswerenormallysupposedtodefertoprecedentthroughconformitytotheacceptedteachingsofrecognizedauthorities,apracticereferredtoastaqlīd,whereasindependentlegalreasoning—ijtihād—wastheprovinceoftruemastersalone.75Thecompilationsoffatawāornawāzil(thetermswereusedalmostinterchangeably)helpedfillthisneedforreliableprecedent. Technically,afatwāwasa"non-bindingadvisoryopinion"issuedbyareligiousauthority,themuftī,inresponsetoaquerybyaquestioner,themustaftī.76Asconceivedbythethirteenth-centuryMālikījuristal-Qarāfī,itwasnotinitselfajudgment(hukm)butwas,rather,intendedtobeinformative(khabarī).77Thepracticeofquestionandanswer,oristiftāʾ,derivedultimatelyfromprecedentsetintheQurʾān,inwhichtheearlyMuslim TraditionandModernity,eds.FarhadDaftary,AmynB.Sajoo,andShainulJiwa(London:I.B.Tauris,2015),111-130.74YasinDutton,OriginsofIslamicLaw:theQur'an,theMuwatta'andMadinanʿAmal(Routledge,2013);13-52.WaelHallaq,AHistoryofIslamiclegaltheories(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2009),125-161.75Inthepast,taqlīdwasinterpretedinapejorativesensebyOrientalistscholarsofIslam,tomean"unthinkingadherence"topreviousdecisions,andwasevenextendedtodescribeanentireeraofIslamiclegalscholarshipaftertheformativeperiod,theso-called"closingofthedoorsofIjtihād,"(seeJosephSchacht,IntroductiontoIslamicLaw,1964,70-71).However,morerecently,historiansofIslamiclawhavepointedoutnotonlythecontinationofijtihādinthepost-classicalperiodanduptothepresent,butalsotheconsiderablescopeforindependentreasoningthatexistedwithintheparadigmoftaqlīd.SeeWaelHallaq,"WastheGateofIjtihadClosed?"InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies16(1984),3-41;MohammedFadel,"TheSocialLogicofTaqlīdandtheRiseoftheMukhtaṣar"IslamicLawandSociety(1996),193-233.76MuhammadMasud,BrinckleyMessick,DavidPowers,"Muftis,Fatwas,andIslamicLegalInterpretation,"inIslamicLegalInterpretation:MuftisandtheirFatwas(Cambridge,Mass:HarvardUniversityPress,1996),3-4.77SeeShihābAl-DīnAhmadb.IdrīsAl-QarāfīAl-Mālikī,andMohammadH.Fadel.TheCriterionforDistinguishingLegalOpinionsfromJudicialRulingsandtheAdministrativeActsofJudgesandRulers.(NewHaven;London:YaleUniversityPress,2017),60-61.

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communityapproachedtheProphetwithquestions,towhichGodrespondedbyrevealingaverse(āya).AftertheProphet'sdeath,hisCompanionsassumedhisrole,andontheirdeathstheresponsibilitypassedtothefuqahā.Inmanywaysthiswasahighlyopensocialorprofessionalclass:asAḥmadal-Wansharīsiputit,"anyonewhoislearnedandwhosereligioussentimentsarerecognizedmayissuefatwas."78QuestionscouldbeposedbyanyMuslim,butwerealsofrequentlyusedbythestate-appointedqāḍī,whomightconsultamuftiinadifficultcasebroughtbeforethem.AsMuhammadMasud,BrinckleyMessick,andDavidPowershavepointedout,thismeantthatthefatwācouldbeapowerfultoolofpoliticalcriticism.Thiswasparticularlytruewhenthemuftīwasaskedtoruleonaquestionconcerningthepublicsphere,suchaslicitandillicitcurrency,taxextortion,orothermisbehaviorbystateofficials.79 AlthoughindividualfatwassurvivefromtheUmayyadperiod(661-750),theybegantobeconsciouslycollectedbeginninginthe950s,andbytheendoftheMiddleAgesthereweredozensofcollectionsineachmajormadhhab.80Initially,collectionsfocusedonthelegaloutputofasingleprominentmuftī.IntheMālikīschool,theseincludedthetwoCordobanjuristsIbnSahl(d.1093)andIbnRushdal-Jadd,grandfatherofthefamousphilosopher,(d.1126),aswellastheSabtijuristandqāḍī,ʿIyyadb.Mūsa(d.1149).ThiscompilationmovementwasencouragedbytheAlmoravidBerbers,whopresentedthemselvesaschampionsofMālikīorthodoxyandjurisprudenceagainstSufism,Shi'ism,andlocalheterodoxtraditions,andsubsequentlydrewsupportfromtheMālikifuqahainal-AndalusandMorocco.81Compilationstendedtobeorganizedthematically,withquestionsdividedintowell-establishedsubjectareas,suchasworshipandritualpurity,socialrelations,commercialtransactions,propertyrights,andreligiousobligationssuchasholywarfare(jihād),pilgrimage(hajj),andcharity(zakat).Casesweretypicallyintroducedinthepassivevoice:"Hewasasked"(suʾila),followedbytherelevantdetailsofthecase,andthenthemuftī'sresponse:"Theanswer"(al-jawāb). ThelateAlmoravidperiodalsosawtheproductionofseveralimportantmanualsforthemarket-inspector,ormuḥtasib,suchastheMálagajuristal-Ṣaqati's"BookoftheHisba"(KitābfīĀdābal-ḥisba)andtheSevillejuristIbnʿAbdūn's(d.1135)"EpistleontheOfficeofJudgeandMarketInspector."82Liketheqāḍī,thiswasastate-appointedofficial,chargedwithenforcingIslamiclawinthemarketplace,includingregulatingfairweightsandmeasuresandestablishingthepurityoffood,althoughhisdutiestypicallyextendedtoamoregeneralinjunctiontoupholdtheḥisba:"commandingtherightandforbiddingthe 78QuotedinMasud,Brinckley,andPowers,eds.,IslamicLegalInterpretation,8.79Ibid,9.80Ibid,9-10.81SeeDelfinaSerrano,"JudicialPluralismunderthe'Berberempires'(lastquarterofthe11thcenturyC.E.-firsthalfofthe13thcenturyC.E.)"Bulletind'étudesorientalesLXIII(2015),243-274.82ForageneraltreatmentofAndalusianmuḥtasibmanualsandtheirconnectiontothebroaderMālikītradition,seeA.GarciaSanJuan,"LaOrganizacióndelosOficiosenAl-AndalusatravésdelosManualesdeHisba"Historia,InstitucionesDocumentos24(1997),201-233.

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wrong,"includingpunishingpublicdrunkenness,andensuringthatprayerwasrespected.Evenincitieswheretherewasnoformalappointmentofthemuḥtasib,suchasTunis,thefunctionoftheḥisbawascarriedoutbyotherofficials,includingjudges(quḍda,sg.qāḍī)andtherecognizedheadsofprofessions(umanāʾ,sg.amīn)suchasmasons,millers,greengrocers,andsoon.83 TheAlmohads,whosucceededtheAlmoravidsinthemid-twelfthcentury,hadanuneasyrelationshipwiththeMālikīfuqaha,sincetheirmovementrestedontheinfallibilityoftheirfounder,theMahdiIbnTūmart,andtheirreligiousideologywasablendofrationalismandMahdismthatrequiredtheactiveengagementofthecaliphindoctrinalmatters.OneoftheirpointsofcriticismwastheAlmoravidrelianceontaqlīdandfuruʿal-fiqh,whichtheyallegedhadtakentheplaceofindependent,rationallegalthought.SomeMālikījuristsledrebellionsagainsttheAlmohads,suchasʿIyyadb.Mūsa,whileothersresistedmoreindirectly,suchasbyrefusingtorefercapitalcasestoMarrakeshasorderedbythecaliphs.AsMaribelFierrohaswritten,attheheartofthiscontestwasastrugglefor"caliphalauthorityoverideologyanddoctrine":whetherthecaliphorthejuristswouldhavetherighttosaywhatthelawwas.84TheAlmohadswentsofarastobantheproductionofnewfatwācompilations,andthecaliphʿAbdal-Muʾmin(1130-1160)mayhaveevencontemplatedburningMālikītextsatMarrakesh.85Nonetheless,despitetensions,theAlmohadscouldnotandprobablydidnotwishtoentirelydisplacetheolderMālikifuqaha,andwhentheregimebegantocrumbleinthe1220s,thereligiousscholarsreassertedthemselvesunderthesuccessordynastiesthattookpoweracrosstheMaghribandal-Andalus,andthecompilationoffatwāscontinued. TwoenormousfatwācompilationsinthefifteenthcenturyreflecttheimportanceanddepthofthisliterarytraditionasitdevelopedintheMaghribandal-Andalus,andhaveprovidedimportantmaterialformyanalysisoftheMaghribiencounterwithGenoesemerchants.Intheearlyfifteenthcentury,theQayrawanijuristAbū-lQāsimb.Aḥmadal-Burzuli(c.1339-1438)wasawell-respectedmuftīinTunis,wherehewasaprolificteacherandimāmoftheZaytunamosque.Intheearlyfifteenthcentury,al-Burzulicompileda

83Formoreontheḥisba,seeMichaelCook,CommandingRightandForbiddingWronginIslamicThought(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2010).ForthedevolutionofthisdutytovariousofficersinlatemedievalTunis,seeMouniraChapoutot-Remadi,"Tunis,"inGrandesvillesméditerranéennesdumondemusulmanmédiéval,ed.Jean-ClaudeGarcin(Rome:ÉcoleFrançaisedeRome,2000),250-254.84MaribelFierro,"TheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushd's'Bidāyatal-Mujtahid"JournalofIslamicStudies,10:3(September1999),226-248.85DelfinaSerrano,"JudicialPluralism,"258-259.MaribelFierrohaspointedoutthattheanti-MālikītendenciesoftheAlmohadshavebeenexaggerated,includingbytheirimmediatesuccessors,aspartofaprogramof"de-Almohadisation"anddelegitimationinthelatethirteenthandfourteenthcenturies,whichcanmakeitdifficulttotakedescriptionsofAlmohadbehavioratfacevalue.Nonetheless,thelackofexistingAlmohad-erafatwācompilationsandsurvivingAlmohad-eratextsarelargelyconsistentwithanattitudeofhostilityorcontemptforseveralaspectsoftheMālikītraditionasitexistedinthetwelfthcentury.Fierro,"TheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphs,"241-243.

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generalcollectionoffatwasissuedbyMālikījuristsinIfrīqiya,al-Andalus,andtheMaghribovertheprecedingsixcenturies,the"CollectionofQuestionsandJudgmentshandeddownbytheJudgmentsofQāḍīs,Muftīs,andJudges"(Jāmiʿal-masāʾilli-mannazalminal-qaḍāyābi-l-muftīnwa-l-hukkam),whichwasknownastheFatāwaal-Burzulī.86Thisworkwashighlyinfluential,circulatingwidelywithintheMaghrib,andsurvivesinmultiplemanuscriptcopies.Itwasalsoanessentialsourcefortheworkofalaterjurist,Abū-lʿAbbasAḥmadal-Wansharīsī(d.1508).87 Borninmodern-dayAlgeria,al-WansharīsīwasajuristandscholarwhomadehishomeinFezfrom1470,whereheobtainedaprestigiousteachingpositionandeventuallybecamechiefmuftīofthecity.Hewasaprolificwriter,authoringanumberoftreatisesonspecificpointsoflaw,butheismostfamousforhisownfatwācompilation,whichheentitledal-Miʿyāral-Muʿribwa’l-jāmiʿal-mughribʿanfatāwīʿulamāʾIfrīqiyāwa’l-Andaluswa’l-Maghrib("ClearMeasureandtheExtraordinaryCollectionoftheJudicialOpinionsoftheScholarsofIfrīqiya,al-Andalus,andtheMaghrib").88Thejuristbeganhisworkinthemid-1480s,makinguseofseveralprivatelibrariesinFez,wherehecollectedseveraloldmanuscriptsandfragmentsinthecourtyardofhishome,sortingthroughthemandmakingselectionsfortranscription.Thefinalresultwasacollectionofupto6000fatwās89insixparts(sifr),whichal-Wansharīsīcompletedin1496buttowhichhemadesubsequentadditionsuntilhisdeathin1508,insertingsomeofhisownfatwāsandopinions.90TheworkprovedenormouslyinfluentialamongMālikīlegalscholars,andexistsindozensofmanuscriptsallovertheMaghribandinSpain.FirstprintedasalithographinFezin1896-7,itwasre-printedin1981bytheMoroccanMinistryofEducation.91 Takentogether,thecompilationsofal-Burzulīandal-WansharīsīrepresentamajormonumentofMālikījurisprudence,andpreservepreciousinformationaboutthesociety,economy,andintellectuallifeofthemedievalMaghrib.Theyhavebeenextensively"mined"byhistorianseagertodrawconclusionsabouttopicsasvariedasinheritancelaw,water

86Muḥammadal-Ḥabībal-Hīla,ed.,Jāmiʿal-masāʾilli-mannazalminal-qaḍāyābi-l-muftīnwa-l-hukkam,7vols(Beirut:Dāral-Gharbal-Islāmī,2002)87FranciscoVidal-Castro,"al-Burzuli,"EI3.88DavidS.Powers,"Aḥmadal-Wansharīsī,"inOussamaArabi,SusanSpectorsky,andDavidPowerseds.,Islamiclegalthought:acompendiumofMuslimjurists(Leidein:Brill,2013),375-400.Foralistofal-Wansharīsī'sworks,seeFranciscoVidal-Castro,"LasobrasdeAḥmadal-Wanšarīsī(m.914/1508):inventarioanalítico"Anaqueldeestudiosarabes3(1992),73-111.89Thenumberoffatwāsisuncertain,sinceWansharīsīdidnotnumberthefatwāshimself,andsometimesincludedfragmentsoffatwāsinsideothers.DavidPowersestimatedthetotalataround5000,whereasJocelynHendricksonputthefigureatnearer6000.SeeDavidS.Powers,"Aḥmadal-Wansharīsī,"andJocelynHendrickson,TheIslamicobligationtoemigrateal-Wansharisi'sAsnal-matājirreconsidered,PhDdissertation(EmoryUniversity,2008),18.90Vidal-Castro,ElMi'yardeal-Wanšarīsī(m.914/1508)II:contenido,220-223.91idem,El-MiyārI:fuentes,manoscritos,ediciones,traducciones,336-347.

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rights,andChristian-Muslimrelations,andindividualfatwāsrelevanttotheseconcernshavebeentranslatedintoavarietyoflanguages.92However,theyarealsocomplexsourcesandmustbeapproachedwithcare.Foronething,thecompilersofthesecollectionsweremostlyinterestedininstructingtheirreadersinthemethodologyandreasoningofappliedlaw.Consequently,thedetailsofeachcaseornāzilawererelevantonlyfortheirjuridicalvalue,andtheauthorstranscribingthemusuallyremovedmaterialtheydeemedunnecessary,suchasnamesandplaces:aprocessknownas"strippingaway"(tajrīd).Thismakesitdifficulttopindownindividualfatwāswithanygreaterprecisionthanthelifetimeofthejuristtowhomtheyareattributed. Anotherproblemisoneofinterpretation,context,andauthorialintent.Eachcollectionreflectstheeditorialdiscretionandintellectualcommitmentsofitscompiler.Al-Wansharīsīhimselftellsusthathedeliberatelyomitted"manyresponsesoflawandmanyjudgmentsconcerningwhatisnotnecessaryforqādī-sorjudges."93Neitheral-Wansharīsīoral-Burzulīgaveprecisedefinitionsofwhattheirselectioncriteriawere,leavingsubsequentscholarstoproposerationales;DavidPowerssuggestedthatal-WansharīsīwasmotivatedtowritebytheimpendingcollapseofNaṣridruleinGranada,whereMuslimsfacedtheprospectoflifeunderChristiandomination.94Whenmakingtheirdecisions,thecompilerswereeffectivelyre-definingwhattheMālikītraditionwasforaspecificpurpose,raisingthequestionofhowrepresentativeofearlieropiniontheirworkstrulywere.Theworkofeditingcouldincludealteringoromittingtexttakenfromearlierfatwas,sometimeswithoutacknowledgingtheirauthors.95JocelynHendricksonhasarguedthatitisverydifficulttoseparateal-Wansharīsī'spresentationofMālikīdiscourseonMuslimslivingunderChristiandominationfromtheimmediatecontextofMoroccoin1500,wherePortugueseoccupationofthecoastandthepresenceofAndalusianrefugeescreatedanatmosphereofuncertaintyovertherightsandresponsibilitiesofMuslimsunderChristianrule.96 Nonetheless,whilewecantakeneithertheMiʿyārnortheFatāwaasneutralindicatorsofMālikītradition,itispossibletoexpandourreadingofthembeyondthecontextoflatefifteenth-centuryMoroccoandearlyfifteenth-centuryTunis,respectively,andtodrawbroaderconclusionsaboutlegaldiscourseandsociallifeinthemedievalMaghrib.Foronething,theMālikītraditionwaswell-establishedby1400,andbothcollectionswerehighlysyncretic,incorporatingnumerousfatwāsbyestablished 92VincentLagardèrehastranslatedexcerptsorsummariesofseveralhundredfatwāsintoFrench;VincentLagardère,HistoireetsociétéenoccidentmusulmanauMoyenAge:analyseduMiʻyārdʼal-Wanšarīsī(Madrid:CasadeVelázquez,1999)93"wataraktuajwībakathīraminal-fiqhwa-l-ahkām,mimmālātuḍṭurailayhīal-quḍḍatwa-l-hukkām."Wansharīsi,al-Miʿyār12:395.94Powers,"Aḥmadal-Wansharīsī",379.95WiegersandKoningsveld,"TheIslamicStatuteoftheMudejarsinthelightofanewsource,"Al-Qanṭara17:1(1996),19-58.96Hendrickson,TheIslamicObligationtoEmigrate,174-175.

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authoritiesthatalsoexistedinpriorcollections,datingbacktotheeleventhcentury.Whilebothcompilersintroducednewfatwāsauthoredbytheircontemporariesorbythemselves,theycouldnotsimplydispensewiththeimportantdecisionsofearlierfamousmuftīs,anymorethanamodernAmericantextbookonconstitutionallawcouldsimplyavoidcitingMarburyvsMadisonorBrownv.BoardofEducation,nomattertheideologicalcommitmentsofitsauthors.ItispossibletogetasenseofwhatdozensofdifferentMālikījuriststhoughtwasimportantorworthdiscussingaboutcertainissues,includingthequestionofChristian-Musliminteractions,or,attheveryleast,whatgenerationsofscholarsfoundworthyofpreservationaboutthesediscussions.Aswithanylegaldiscourse,thetraditionwascontested:bothal-Wansharīsīandal-Burzulīpreserveseveralinstancesofconflictingfatwāsissuedforthesamecase.97Doubtless,too,untoldthousandsoffatwāsissuedbymedievalMaghribijuristshavesimplybeenlost—al-Burzulīalonewasallegedbyastudenttohaveonceissuedonethousandinasingleday—butasenseofthetraditionasawholehassurvived.98AnindividualfatwāonChristian-Muslimrelationsmaybehighlyshapedbytheexactcontextinwhichitwasproduced—UmayyadSeville,ḤafṣidTunis,etc.—buttakenintheirdozens,theyprovideaglimpseintohowChristian-MuslimrelationsdevelopedwithintheMālikītradition.Providedthatweusethefatwāswiththisinmind,theyprovideahighlysuggestivecounterpointtothemoreaccessibleArabicmaterial—thenarrativehistories,thechancerydocuments—thathavemostoftenbeenusedtogivetheMaghribiperspectiveonChristiantradeandtravelintheMaghrib. ConclusionThescaleanddiversityofoursourcebaseformedievaltradeintheMaghribisimposing.AsInotedabove,medievalGenoeserarelywroteexplicitlyonthesubjectoftheireconomic,social,andculturalrelationshipwiththeMaghrib,andmedievalMaghribiauthorsinturnrarelyreflectedatlengthonmedievalGenoa.Nonetheless,importantpointsofconvergenceemergewhenthesedisparatesourcesareconsultedtogether.FatwāsoninspectionproceduresforliquidstakeonnewmeaningwhenconfrontedwithItalianmanualswarningChristianmerchantsabouttryingtoimportoilatthecustomsintheMaghrib.IbnKhaldūn'sreflectionsonthemoralrepercussionsofprofitingfromthewinetradecanbecomparedwithevidencethattheGenoeseownedthewinetaxfarmatTunis.ItmayappeareasiertoreconstructlikelypatternsofexchangeandmovementfromtheGenoesenotarialsources;theyseemmoretransactional,straightforwardthanthediscursivefatwāsorthechronicleevidence.Nonetheless,asIhavehintedhereandasshallbecomeclearerlater,thisappearancecanbedeceptive:thenotarialactscanalsorevealnegotiations,planning,disputes,relationships,evencontestednarratives.Likewise,theMālikīlegalliteraturerevealsthedeepengagement,bythefuqaha,inthedailylivesandlaborsofMaghribi 97OneparticularlyfamousexampleisthatoftheJewishsynagogueinTuwāt,forwhichal-WansharīsīcollectednofewerthaneightfatwāsrulingonthepermissibilityofitsdestructionbyMuslimsinthe1480s(fiveagainst,threeinfavor).SeeDavidPowers,"Ahmadal-Wansharisi(d.914/1509)"inIslamicLegalThought:ACompendiumofMuslimJurists,ed.O.Arabi,D.S.PowersandS.A.Spectorsky.(Leiden:Brill,2013),375-399.98citedinM.al-Hīla,introductiontoal-Burzuli,Fatāwa,34.

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Muslimsandtheirneighbors.Importantdifferencespersist,ofcourse,buttheyarenotinsurmountable.ThechapterstocomewilltaketwomajorapproachestotheGenoa-Maghribrelationship.Thefirstofthesewillbetoaggregateacriticalmassofgranular,detaileddocumentarysources—mainlynotarialdocumentsanddiplomaticmaterial—togetasenseofhowtherelationshipfunctioned:fromthespecifictothegeneral.Thesecondapproachrequiresbeginningatamoreabstractlevel,suchasChristian-Muslimrelations,orgeneraltraderegulationsinplaceacrosstheMaghrib,aboutwhichmedievalpeopledidwriteandtowhichwecanconnectthelikelycontoursofamorespecificGenoa-Maghribrelationship:fromthegeneraltothespecific,asitwere.Inthenextchapter,Iwillprovideanoverviewofthemajoreventsandtrendsthatdefinedthisrelationshipoverthecourseofthethirteenthcentury.

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CHAPTERTWO:GENOAANDTHEMAGHRIBINTHETHIRTEENTHCENTURY ComparedtoitsrivalsamongtheItalianmaritimerepublics,Genoa'searlymedievalhistoryisrelativelypoorlydocumented,includingitsrelationshipwiththeMaghrib.1PrevailingwindsandcurrentsinthewesternMediterraneangenerallymadetraveleasierfromnorthtosouth,butvirtuallyalltravelbetweenLiguriaandtheMaghribreliedonindirect,coastwisenavigationalongtheItalianpeninsulaandSicily,orviaCorsicaandSardinia,orviathecoastofSpainandProvence.2MuchoftheearlycontactsbetweenGenoaandtheMaghribinvolvedviolence.AFatimidfleetbasedinMahdiyyasackedGenoain935.Reportedly,theFatimidscarriedoffhundredsofslavesfromthecity,althoughlaterArabicsourcesalsomentionsilkandtextilesamongthebooty,afactthatBenjaminKedarsuggestedwasevidenceoflong-distancetradeandwealthaccumulationinGenoaeveninthemid-tenthcentury.3Intheeleventhcentury,theGenoesejoinedthePisansinseveraljointmilitarycampaignsagainstMuslimtargets,includingrepellinganattackonSardinia(1015-1016)andraidingthecityofMahdiyya(1087). Aftertheformationofthecommuneandthebeginningofthecity'surbanchroniclebyCaffaro(c.1080-1166),onecanmoreeasilyidentifythecommune'spoliticalactionsintheWesternMediterranean.AsGiovannaPettiBalbihasnoted,GenoesealliancesandtreatieswithProvençalcitiesrevealthecity'sself-conceptionasbothprotectorofChristendomagainstMuslimpiracyandguarantoroftradewithMuslimAfricaandSpain.4In1146and1147,aspartoftheSecondCrusade,thecommunelaunchedexpeditionsagainsttheMuslimcitiesofTortosaandAlmería,inconjunctionwithChristianIberianrulers.Althoughbothcitieswerecaptured,theexpeditionprovedcripplinglyexpensiveforthecommune,andmarkedthelastmajoroffensiveundertakenintheWestuntilthesiegeofCeutain1235(onwhichmorebelow.)Theyearsafter1150seemtorevealashifttomorepeacefulrelationswithMuslimrulersintheWesternMediterranean,basedonsafeaccesstomarkets.5

1ForVenice,thechronicleofJohntheDeacon(d.1008)providesdetailedinformationabouttenth-centurypoliticalstruggleswithinthelagoonaswellasrelationshipswithneighborsintheAdriatic;seeL.A.BertoandAntonyShugaar,ThepoliticalandsocialvocabularyofJohntheDeacon's"IstoriaVeneticorum"(Turnhout:Brepols,2013).ForearlymedievalAmalfi,seeArmandO.Citarella"TherelationsofAmalfiwiththeArabworldbeforethecrusades"Speculum42(1967),299-312.2JohnPryor,Geography,Technology,andWar:StudiesinthemaritimehistoryoftheMediterranean,649-1571(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1989),12-24.3Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,14;B.Kedar,"Unanuovafonteperl'incursionemusulmanadel934–935elesueimplicazioniperlastoriagenovese"inOrienteeOccidentetramedioevoedetàmoderna:studiinonorediGeoPistarino,ed.LauraBalletto(Genoa:1997),605-616.4SeeIntroduction,6-7.5PettiBalbi,"GenovaeilMediterraneooccidentaleneisecoliXI-XII,"inComuniememoriastorica:alleoriginidelComunediGenova:attidelConvegnodistudi,Genova,24-26settembre2001(Genoa:SLSP,2002),6.

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Inthischapter,IofferaninterpretiveoutlineoftheGenoa-Maghribrelationshipinthethirteenthcentury,byreviewingtheindependenthistoriesofbothGenoaandtheMaghrib,andfinallyintegratingthemtogether.BeginningwithasurveyofMaghribihistory,IshowhowthedisintegrationoftheAlmohadcaliphatecreatednewopportunitiesforpoliticalactionatthecityorregionallevel,bynewdynastiesofrulers,evenasthepoliticalideologyofthemovementremainedcompellingintothelatethirteenthcentury.MovingontoGenoa'sinternalpoliticalandeconomicdevelopments,IshowhowthecontingenciesofwarandMediterraneanrivalriesledtosignificantyearlyfluctuationsinthefateofthecity'smerchantclass,evenaslong-termtrendstookshapeoverdecades.Finally,IcombinethenarrativestoofferasurveyoftheGenoa-MaghribrelationshipasseenthroughthelensoftreatiesandchroniclerswritinginbothGenoaandtheMaghrib,withparticularfocusontheeventsthatattractedthegreatestnarrativeinterest:theCeutaexpeditionof1234-5,andtheTuniscrusadeof1270.I.TheMaghribfrom1150–1300Inhisinfluential1970essayonMaghribihistory,theMoroccanhistorianAbdallahLarouientitledhischapteronthethirteenthcentury“thefailureoftheimperialidea.”6Thisideawas,inthefirstinstance,anAlmohadidea.TheAlmohadswereoriginallyacoalitionofMaṣmūdaBerbertribesadheringtothemessageofIbnTūmart,aMaṣmūdaholymanfromtheAnti-Atlasmountainsinsouth-centralMorocco.AlthoughtheybuiltontheadministrativeandurbanframeworkestablishedintheeleventhcenturybyapreviousBerbertribalconfederacy,theSanhajaAlmoravids,theAlmohadsnotonlyconqueredmoreterritorythantheirpredecessors,particularlyinIfrīqiya,butalsocreatedauniquerulingideologywithaspirationsforuniversalruleoverthecommunityofthefaithful:acaliphate.7

AccordingtoAlmohadsources,IbnTūmartspentyearsstudyinginCordoba,Syria,andIraq,whereheallegedlymetthegreattheologianal-Ghazāli(d.1111)inperson.AfterhisreturntotheMaghribinthe1110s,IbnTūmartdevelopedauniqueideology,asynthesisofmanypre-existingtrendsinIslamiclawandtheology,joiningSunnirationalismandmysticismtogetherwithShi’a-influencedmillenarianism,eventuallyproclaiminghimselftobetheMahdi,the“rightly-guidedone.”InspiredbytheexampleoftheProphetandhisCompanions,IbnTūmartinsistedontheabsoluteunityofGod— 6AbdallahLaroui,HistoryoftheMaghrib:AnInterpretiveEssay,trans.RalphManheim(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1977),201.7.ThesimilaritiesbetweentheAlmoravidandAlmohadmovementshasledsomehistoriansoftheMaghribtoviewthemaspartofacommon"Berberempire"frameworkdominantintheMaghribbetweentheeleventhandthirteenthcenturies:aconceptualframeworkestablishedinthefourteenthcenturybyIbnKhaldūn.BothmovementsbeganascallsformoralreformamongBerbertribalgroups,beforegrowingintoarmedconquest,territorialexpansion,and,eventually,centralizedstateadministration.SeeJamilAbun-Nasr,AHistoryoftheMaghrib,76-143;MohammedKably,HistoireduMaroc:réactualisationetsynthèse(Rabat:Institutroyalpourlarecherche,2012),162-186.AnexcellentoverviewinEnglishcanbefoundinAmiraK.Bennison,TheAlmoravidandAlmohadEmpires(Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversityPress,2016),62-117.

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tawḥīd—andreferredtohisfollowersasmuwaḥḥidūn(“themonotheists”/theAlmohads).Furthermore,asMahdi,IbnTūmartclaimedtherighttoactastheultimate—andinfallible—interpreterofIslamiclaw,independentlyofthewell-establishedlegalschools,suchasMālikism,whichinhisviewhadbecomeossifiedandformalisticundertheAlmoravids,whomhealsodenouncedfortheirallegedanthropomorphisttendenciesandreligiouslaxness.FromhisfortressatTinmālintheAtlasMountains,IbnTūmartandhisfollowerslaunchedarelentlesspropagandacampaignagainsttheAlmoravidsultansatMarrakesh,thecampaignescalatingtoanarmeduprisingthatsurvivedandevengrewafterIbnTūmart’sdeathin1130.8

Fromitsinception,theAlmohadmovementmodeleditselfontheexampleoftheearlyMuslimcommunityundertheProphetandhissuccessors.9IbnTūmartestablishedaseriesofgoverningcouncilsbasedonacarefulhierarchyofBerbertribes.Afterhisdeath,theAlmohadsheikhschoseʿAbdal-Muʾmin(r.1130–1163)ashissuccessor(khalifa/"caliph")tocarryontherevolution.RelyingonthemilitaryeffectivenessoftheMaṣmudaBerbersandtheirallies,theAlmohadsconqueredvirtuallytheentiretyoftheMaghrib,fromtheAtlanticCoasttoTripoli,andbythelate1140shadexpandedtheirdominionintoal-Andalus.TheyexpelledtheNormansfromIfrīqiya,andassumedthemantleofjihādagainsttheIberianChristiankingdoms.TheyalsocameintoconflictwiththeMālikīʿulamāofthecities,someofwhomrefusedtoaccepttheMahdismoftheAlmohadmovement.10Nonetheless,bythemid-1150s,theirregimewasfirmlyinplaceacrosstheMuslimWest. TheAlmohadsandtheirlegacyhavebeenhighlycontestedinhistoricalscholarshipacrossSpainandtheMaghrib,especiallythemeaningofAlmohadtawḥīdanditsconsequencesforthetreatmentofreligiousminoritiesanddissenters.MariaRosaMenocalblamedthe“fanatic”AlmohadsandtheirAlmoravidprecursorsforthecollapseofthetolerant,urbaneconvivenciashesawexpressedineleventh-centuryal-Andalus.11OlderaccountsoftheperiodimplicitlyorexplicitlyblamedtheBerbersforimposingapuritanical,austere,andintolerantversionofIslamuponthemoresophisticated,intellectualversionsupposedlypracticedinIfrīqiyaandespeciallyinal-Andalus.However, 8MaribelFierro,"TheMahdiIbnTumartandal-Andalus:theconstructionofAlmohadlegitimacy"inidem,TheAlmohadrevolution,PartThree(Farnham:Variorum,2012),1-20;JamilAbun-Nasr,AHistoryoftheMaghrebintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1987),76-143;AllenFromherz,TheAlmohads:theriseofanIslamicempire(London;NewYork:I.B.Tauris,2012),60-69;MercedesGarcía-Arenal,MessianismandPuritanicalReform:MahdīsoftheMuslimWest(Leiden:Brill,2006),157-192.9García-Arenal,MessianismandPuritanicalReform,182-192;Laroui,HistoryoftheMaghrib,179.10OnefamousexampleofthisresistancewastheqāḍiʿIyyādofCeuta,whobrieflyledthecity’srevoltagainstAlmohadrulein1149beforebeingarrestedandsentintoexileatMarrakesh.SeeCamiloGomez-Rivas,“QāḍīʿIyāḍ”,inArabi,Powers,andSpectorsky,IslamicLegalThought:ACompendiumofMuslimJurists(Leiden:Brill,2013),323-338.11MariaRosaMenocal,TheOrnamentoftheWorld:HowMuslims,Jews,andChristianscreatedacultureoftoleranceinmedievalSpain(Boston:Little,2003),49.

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recentscholarshiphasseriouslycalledthisnarrativeintoquestion.AllenFromherznotedthehighlyliterate,intellectualcultureofIslamiclearningamongtheBerbereliteofIbnTūmart’sday,andpointedoutthatAlmohadsourcesframedtheMahdi’sinitialtraveltotheEastastheresultofhisoutrageovertheburningofal-Ghazāli’smasterwork,“TheRevivaloftheReligiousSciences,”inal-Andalus.12

Somethirteenth-centuryArabicsources,fromboththeMaghribandtheEast,doallegethattheAlmohadsabrogatedthedhimmapactbywhichJewsandChristianscouldliveunderMuslimprotection.AccordingtotheMoroccanhistorianal-Marrakushi,whowroteinEgyptinthefirstquarterofthethirteenthcentury,theAlmohadsbegantheirrulebyrequiringJewishandChristianpopulationsundertheircontroltoconverttoIslam,flee,orfacemassexecution.13However,asAmiraBennisonhaspointedout,therealtargetsofAlmohadpropagandaweremostlyotherMuslims:especiallytheBerberAlmoravids,andthe“un-Islamic”behaviorsassociatedwiththem,suchasmaleveiling,andsupposedly“anthropomorphist”tendenciesintheirpracticeofIslam.ShearguesthatAlmohadtawḥīdrequiredsubmissionandobediencetotheruleofthecaliph-imām,butthismaynothaveextendedasfarasreligiousconversionofdhimmis:“actionagainstnon-Muslimshadanimportantsymbolicrolebutdidnotneedtobeenacted.”14Bennisondoesnotdenytheoccasionaluseorthreatofforcedconversion,exile,andmassacrebyAlmohadconquerorsagainstChristians,Jews,andAlmoravids,especiallyincasesofactiveresistancetoAlmohadconquestatMarrakeshorTunis,buttheseepisodesmainlyreflectarhetoricalstanceassociatedwithaperiodofinitialconquest:thereislittleevidenceoflaterAlmohadattemptstoimposeconversion,death,orexileonsubjectdhimmipopulations,suggestingthattheempirewasinfactruninaccordancewithacceptedMuslimprecedentsonprotectedminoritypopulations.15 Despitetheirrevolutionaryideology,theAlmohadsrepresentedacontinuationandstrengtheningofseveralpriortrendsinthesocio-economichistoryoftheMaghrib.Theseincludedthegrowingimportanceofpastoralismandlong-distancetrade,aswellasthedependenceofcentralstatesonanalliancebetweentribalconfederationsandurbanélites.Reflectingavastspacewithahighlydiversetopography,themedievalMaghribieconomywasbasedonagricultureinzonesofhighrainfallorgoodirrigation,andpastoralisminthedesertsandmountains.OneofthemajorpointsofcontentioninmedievalMaghribihistoriographyistheeffectofnomadicimmigrationfromtheEastonthebalancebetween 12Fromherz,“NorthAfricaandtheTwelfth-centuryRenaissance:ChristianEuropeandtheAlmohadIslamicEmpire,”IslamandMuslim-ChristianRelations20:1(2010),46.13CitedinRogerleTourneau,TheAlmohadMovementintheTwelfthandThirteenthCenturies,(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1969),57.14Inmakingthisargument,BennisonfollowstheexampleproposedbyFredDonnerfortheearlyIslamiccommunity,inwhichthe“believers”(muʾminūn)mentionedinMuslimsourcesincludingtheQur’ānitselfdidnotnecessarilyneedtoreferto“Muslims,”butcouldalsobemonotheists—JewsorChristians—whoacceptedtheleadershipandsuperiorityoftheProphet.AmiraK.Bennison,"Almohadtawḥīdanditsimplicationsforreligiousdifference,"JournalofMedievalIberianStudies2(2010),209.15Bennison,"Almohadtawḥīd,"202.

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cultivationandpastoralism,especiallyintheeasternMaghrib.TheRomanprovinceofAfricaProconsularis(modern-dayTunisiaandeasternAlgeria)whichbecametheArabicIfrīqiyawasafamouslyproductiveagriculturalzone,astateofaffairsthatcontinuedwellintotheIslamicperiod.However,inthemid-eleventhcenturytwoArabtribes,theBanuHilālandtheBanuSulaym,enteredIfrīqiyafromEgypt.Theyweresubsequentlyblamed,bothbycontemporaryMaghribiauthorsandlaterFrenchcolonialhistorians,forthedeclineofagricultureinIfrīqiyaandelsewhereintheMaghrib.SubsequentscholarshavechallengedtheassumptionthattheHilalianmigrationwasasdestructiveaspreviouslythought;nonetheless,ageneralconsensusholdsthatbetweentheeleventhandthirteenthcenturies,the“centerofgravity”ofagriculturalproductionshiftedwithintheMaghribfromeasttowest,withnorthernMoroccobecomingmoreimportantthanIfrīqiya,whilenomadicorsemi-nomadicpastoralismincreasedinimportanceacrosstheregion.16 ExploitingamixtureofagriculturalandpastoralresourceswascrucialinestablishingpoliticalpowerintheMaghrib.HowevertherevenueoftheMaghribirulingdynastiesalsodependedheavilyontheirabilitytocontrolandtaxtrade.LiketheirAlmoravidpredecessors,theAlmohadscontrolledalucrativetrans-Saharantrade,particularlyingold,salt,andslaves.WithgoodaccesstoWestAfricangold,theymintedahigh-qualitydinārandadistinctivesquaresilverdirham,widelyusedintheWesternMediterranean,andpresidedoverincreasingurbanization,particularlyininlandMorocco,wheretheyexpandedthecitiesofMarrakeshandFez,importantmarketsandalsocentersofIslamiclearning.17 TheAlmohadswerealsohighlyactiveintheMediterraneaninbothtradeandwarfare.Theyappointedadmirals,expandingonanexistingnetworkofnavalarsenalsacrosstheMaghribicoast,andalsosignedtradeagreementswithGenoa,Pisa,andotherEuropeanmercantilecities.AlmohadrulecoincidedwiththegrowingimportanceofEuropeanseapowerintheWesternMediterranean,buttheAlmohadswelcomedEuropeanmerchantcommunitiesintotheportsofCeuta,Bougie,andTunis,citieswhichbecamethe

16SeediscussionbyRonaldMessier,"Rereadingmedievalsourcesthroughmultidisciplinaryglasses,"inMichelleGallandKennethPerkins,eds.,TheMaghribinQuestion:EssaysinHistoryandHistoriography(Austin:UniversityofTexasPress,2010),174-178.FordiscussionoftheHilalianinvasionsonthepoliticalandeconomicstructureofIfrīqiyainparticular,seeJulienPoncet,"Lemythedela'catastrophe'hilalienne,"Annales.Histoire,SciencesSociales22:5(1967),1099-1120;MichaelBrett,"TheWayoftheNomad,"BulletinoftheSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudies,UniversityofLondon58:2(1995),251-269.RecentlyMatthewKinghasarguedthatmuchofthedeclineinagriculturalproductioninIfrīqiya,andthecollapseoftheZiriddynastyinparticular,canbetracedtopersistentdroughtsinthemid-twelfthcentury,ratherthantheHilalianinvasions.SeeMatthewKing,"TheNormanKingdomofAfricaandtheMedievalMediterranean"(PhDdissertation,UniversityofMinnesota,2018),311-322,344-355.17AmiraBennison,TheAlmoravidandAlmohadEmpires(Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversityPress,2016),192-226;MayaShatzmiller,“Islamandthe‘GreatDivergence’:TheCaseoftheMoroccanMarīnidEmpire,1269–1465CE,"inTheArticulationofPowerinMedievalIberiaandtheMaghrib:ProceedingsoftheBritishAcademy,ed.AmiraK.Bennison(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2014),25-46;SaidEnnahid,PoliticaleconomyandsettlementsystemsofmedievalnorthernMorocco:anarchaeological-historicalapproach(Oxford:Archaeopress,2002).

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basesforEuropeancommercialactivityintheMaghrib.Taxesandimpostsontradewereacrucialfinancialresourceforthecentralgovernment,forwhichruraltaxationremaineddifficultandpoliticallycontentious.AdministratorsandcustomsofficialsinMaghribiportcitiesconsequentlypromotedseabornetradeandenjoyedcloserelationshipswiththeirEuropeancounterparts.18TravisBrucehasshownhowtheAlmohadcustomsofficialsatTunisattemptedtoresolvetradedisputesandlimitinstancesofpiracy,byappealingtothehonorandbusinessreputationsoftheirPisancolleagues,addressingthemasfriendsandurgingthemtoreturntoTunistotrade(andtosettletheirdebtstolocalmerchants).19 Attheheightoftheirpowerandprestigeinthelatetwelfthandearlythirteenthcenturies,theAlmohadcaliphsdominatedthesouthwesternMediterranean.WithintheMuslimworld,theirclaimtothecaliphaterepresentedaseriousideologicalchallengetothesultanswhoruledinthenameoftheAbbasidcaliphsinBaghdad.TheAlmohadscompetedwithSaladinandhisAyyubiddynastyforinfluencewithintheMediterraneanbasin,skirmishingwithEgyptianandTurkishtroopsinTripolitaniainthe1180s.DuringtheThirdCrusade,SaladinevensentanembassytoMarrakeshaskingfornavalassistanceagainsttheChristianfleet;hisletterhassurvivedintwodifferentversionsinEgyptianandSyriansources,inadditiontoanaccountoftheembassyitself,whichwasapparentlyunsuccessful.20ButAlmohadprestigewasnotlimitedtotheMuslimworld,noreventotheMediterranean.InhisChronicaMajora,theEnglishchroniclerMatthewParis(1200-1259)famouslyallegedthatKingJohn(c.1199–1216)sentanembassytotheAlmohadsultanAl-Nāsir(r.1199-1213)inwhichheofferedtoconverttoIslaminexchangeforAlmohadmilitarysupportagainsthisdomesticandforeignenemies.Whiletheoffertoconvertwasalmostcertainlyinvented—MatthewdespisedJohnandwasprobablytryingtoexaggeratehisperfidy—thepossibilityofanEnglishembassytoMarrakeshshouldnotbediscounted:theAlmohadsconductedanactivediplomacywithIberianmonarchsandItaliancity-states.21Indeed,inthelatetwelfthandearlythirteenthcenturies,theMiramolin—asthe

18DavidAbulafia,“ChristianMerchantsintheAlmohadcities,”JournalofMedievalIberianStudies2(2010),251-257.19TravisBruce,“Commercialconflictresolutionacrossthereligiousdivideinthethirteenth-centuryMediterranean,"MediterraneanHistoricalReview30:1(2015):19-38.20Interestingly,thetwoletterspreservemarkedlydifferentattitudestotheAlmohads.Intheformer,theAlmohadisaddressedbyhiscaliphaltitle,“CommanderoftheFaithful”,andheispraisedforthesizeandpowerofhisfleet–evenhalfofhisshipswouldsufficetoblocktheCrusaders.Inthelatter,heissimplyaskedtohelpsupporthisfellowMuslims,andnomentionismadeofhisclaimstobethecaliph.SeeAmarS.Baadj,Saladin,theAlmohads,andtheBanūGhāniya:TheContestforNorthAfrica(12thand13thcenturies)(Leiden:Brill,2015),146-148.21SeeIlanShoval,KingJohn'sdelegationtotheAlmohadcourt(1212):medievalinterreligiousinteractionsandmodernhistoriography(Turnhout:Brepols,2016);FabioLópezLázaro"TheRiseandGlobalSignificanceoftheFirst'West':TheMedievalIslamicMaghrib,"JournalofWorldHistory224:2(2013),259-307.

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AlmohadcaliphwasknowninLatin—becameasrepresentativeofIslamasthe"GrandTurk"wouldbefourhundredyearslater.22DeclineandFragmentation OneofthepillarsofAlmohadlegitimacywasacommitmenttojihād,whichprimarilymeantcampaigningagainstIberianChristianstodefendal-Andalus.Despitesomesuccesses,notablyattheBattleofAlarcosin1195,theAlmohadssufferedacatastrophicdefeatatLasNavasdeTolosainJuly1212againstthecombinedarmiesofCastile,Portugal,Navarre,andAragon.Thislosswasfollowedbytheprematuredeathofthecaliphal-Nāṣirin1213,andtheaccessionofhisten-year-oldsonal-Mustanṣir(d.1224),whichusheredinachaoticpowerstrugglewithintherulingMuʾminidfamily,eachbackedbydifferentfactionswithintheAlmohadelite.DespitetheimportanceofLasNavasforAl-Andalus,itwasreallytheresultingpowervacuumatMarrakeshthatprovokedthemaincrisisofAlmohadrule.23

AsAlmohadrulefaltered,localgovernorsandBerbertribesintheMaghrib“begantoreconsidertheiroptions,”asAmiraBennisonputit.24There-considerationacceleratedinthelate1220s,asthelackofaclearchoiceforcaliphcoincidedwithamajorideologicalcrisis.In1229,thecaliphal-Maʿmūn(1226-1232)formallydeniedthatIbnTūmartwastheMahdi,therebyrejectingacentraltenetoftheoriginalAlmohadmovement.ThisgavethegovernorofIfrīqiya,AbūZakariyā’,adescendantofoneofIbnTūmart’sclosestfollowers,AbūḤafṣʿUmaral-Ḥintati,anexcusetodeclarehisindependencefromMarrakesh,andhisadherencetothetrueAlmohaddoctrine.25Althoughsubsequentcaliphsretractedal-Maʿmun’sdenial,thedamagewasdone,andIfrīqiyafellawayfromAlmohadcontrol,becomingthebaseofthenewḤafṣiddynasty.AmbitiouslocalgovernorsinAl-Andalustoobrokefree,withIbnHuddeclaringindependenceinMurciain1228.Meanwhile,ChristianIberianmonarchspushedintotheGuadalquivirvalleyandValenciainthe1230sand1240s,eventuallyleavingonlyGranadainMuslimhands.SeveralAlmohadclaimantssoughtaidfromChristianmercenariesandrulers;otherclaimantstookrefugeinChristian

22AllenFromherz,TheNearWest:MedievalNorthAfrica,LatinEuropeandtheMediterraneanintheSecondAxialAge(Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversityPress,2017),18-19.23AmiraK.Bennison,TheAlmoravidandAlmohadEmpires,114-115.24Ibid,114.25Al-MaʿmunmayhaveactedthustoattractsupportfrommoreconservativeMālikīelementsinal-Andalus,whohadbeenskepticalofAlmohadMahdism.However,itisinterestingtonotethatthesameedictproclaimedthatonlyJesusChristhadtherighttobecalledtheMahdi:thesamecaliphwasalsohighlyreliantonChristianmercenaries,andwentasfaraspermittingtheconstructionofachurchfortheiruseinMarrakesh.SeeBennison,TheAlmoravidandAlmohadEmpires,116.

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courtsinAragonandCastille,someevenchoosingtoembraceChristianityinexchangeformilitaryandfinancialsupport.26

Bythe1240s,effectiveAlmohadauthoritywasrestrictedtosouthernMorocco,asnewdynastiesconsolidatedpowerinthenorth(theMarīnids:ZenataBerbersbasedinFez),thecentralMaghrib(theZayyanids,inTilimsān)andinIfrīqiyatotheEast(theḤafṣids,basedinTunis).ThelastAlmohadcaliph,AbūDabbus,waskilledinbattlein1269,whentheMarīnidsconqueredMarrakesh;theirleadertookthetitleamīral-muslimīn(“commanderoftheMuslims”)todistinguishhisrulefromthecaliphalclaimsofthedefeatedAlmohads.27Yetdespitethedemiseofthecaliphate,theAlmohadidealremainedimportantthroughoutthethirteenthcentury,andbeyond.ThiswasespeciallytruefortheTunisianḤafṣids,whodefinedthemselvesasthetruesuccessorsoftheAlmohads,evenclaimingthecaliphaltitlein1249.IntheportcityofCeuta,theBanuʿAzafifamilyruledsemi-autonomouslyfrom1250–1320,yetthecitystillmadeaformalsubmissiontoMarrakesheventhoughitspeopleclaimedtherighttoappointtheirownrulers.28Evenastheirabilitytocontrolregionalpoliticswaned,thelaterAlmohadcaliphscontinuedtomakeformalappointments—taqādim—andtoaddressletterstoregionalgovernors,andtheirchanceryremainedamodelforsubsequentscribesandsecretariesinMorocco,whopreservedtheappointmentlettersasgoodmodelsofformalArabicaddressandstatecraft.29 Thus,attheendofthethirteenthcenturytheMaghribwaspoliticallydividedintothreemajorzoneswhosebordersroughlycorrespondedtothemodernbordersofMorocco,Algeria,andTunisia.Threenewdynastiescompetedforoverallhegemonyacrossthisspace.Inadditiontothesestates,centeredonFez,Tilimsān,andTunis,anumberofsmallercitiesachievedahighdegreeofautonomyundertheruleoflocalelites,asinCeutaandBijāya,whiletribalconfederationsremainedpowerfulenoughtoresistcentralgovernmentsthroughouttheregion.30Anotherimportant,thoughsmaller,socialgroupconsistedofAndalusiémigrés.ManyeliteAndalusifamiliesfledtheChristianconquestsofSeville,Valencia,CordobaandothergreatAndalusiancities,seekingrefugeandemploymentatthecourtsofMaghribirulers,oftenwithgreatsuccess,asinthecaseofIbn

26HusseinFancy,"TheLastAlmohads:UniversalSovereigntybetweenNorthAfricaandtheCrownofAragon,"MedievalEncounters19:1-2(2013),102-136;Bennison,TheAlmoravidandAlmohadEmpires,115-117.27Laroui,TheHistoryoftheMaghrib,205.28HalimaFerhat,Sabtadesoriginesauxivèmesiècle(Rabat:Ministèredesaffairesculturelles,1993),234.29Thesetaqādimexistinamanuscript—MS4752—datingtobetweentheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturyheldattheHasaniyaLibraryinRabat.SeePascalBuresiandHichamelAllaouiGouvernerl’empire:lanominationdesfonctionnairesprovinciauxdansl’empirealmohade(Maghrib,1224-1269)(Madrid:CasadeVelázquez,2013),87-88.30Ferhat,Sabtadesorigines,213-214.

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Khaldūn’sfamily,oral-Qabturi,secretaryoftheBanūʿAzafiinthelatethirteenthcentury.31RamziRouighihasarguedthattheseAndalusishadadecisiveimpactonadministrationinthecitiesofIfrīqiya,inparticular.Takingadvantageofthesedivisions,EuropeanrulersactivelyintervenedintheinternalpoliticsoftheMaghrib,signingtradetreatieswithindividualMaghribirulers—particularlywiththeḤafṣidsinTunis—butalsooccasionallylaunchingarmedexpeditionsagainstthem,suchasbriefoccupationofRabatin1260byAlfonsoX,andfamouslyinLouisIXofFrance’sCrusadeagainstTunisin1270.AlthoughLouis’Crusadeendedinfailureandhisowndeathfromdysentery,thesubsequenttreatybetweenhissuccessorPhiliptheBoldandtheḤafṣidcaliphal-Mustansirentrenched,ratherthandiminished,theEuropeanpresenceinIfrīqiya.MerchantsfromacrossthenorthernMediterraneanestablishedcommunitiesintheportcitiesoftheMaghrib,andthousandsofmainlyCatalanandProvencalmercenariesarrivedtoserveinthearmiesofMaghribirulers.Bothmerchantsandmercenarieswerefollowedbyrepresentativesofthemendicantorders.32Itwasnotwithoutreason,then,thatthepapacyviewedtheMaghribwithgreatinterest,hopingtopromotetheexpansionofChristianitythroughouttheregion.33Raresuccesses—theconversionsofafewAlmohadpretenders—didlittletodiscouragetheChristian“dreamofconversion”inthethirteenthcenturyfortheregionasawhole.However,theperiodwasalsonotablefortheresurgenceofMālikīorthodoxyamongtheʿulamainthemajorcitiesoftheMaghrib,whoagainbegantocompilecollectionsoffatwastofurtherdefineandrefinethelaw.Thus,whiletheimperialambitionsandrulingstyleoftheAlmohadscontinuedtoexertapowerfulpullontheirsuccessordynasties,theirdistinctiveideologicalbackgrounddidnotexercisethesameattractionforthecustodiansofIslamiclawwhocameafterthem,andwhowouldshapeMaghribisocietyandcultureforcenturiestocome.II.GenoaintheThirteenthCentury ThelatethirteenthcenturymarkedthezenithofmedievalGenoeseprosperityandinfluence.Whenthecenturybegan,thecitywasalreadyamajornavalandmercantilepower,butbytheyear1300,GenoahadutterlydefeateditsmainwesternrivalPisaandbrokenintoseveralnewmarketsintheBlackSea,theAegean,andnorthernEurope.In 31TheimportanceandimpactoftheseAndalusiémigrésiscontentious:AbdallahLarouithoughtthattheywereresponsibleforimportingamoresecular,lessreligiousattitudetostatecraftandpolicy.RamziRouighicreditedthemwithacentralizinginfluenceinIfrīqiya,wheretheypromotedtheauthorityoftheḤafṣidcourtatTunisagainstlocalpoliticalactorssuchastribesandsemi-autonomouscities.SeeLaroui,TheHistoryoftheMaghrib,210-213;andRouighi,TheMakingofaMediterraneanEmirate,109-111.32OnthephenomenonofChristianmercenariesservingintheMaghrib,seeSimonBarton,"TraitorstotheFaith?ChristianMercenariesinal-AndalusandtheMaghreb,c.1100–1300"inMedievalSpain:Culture,ConflictandCoexistenceStudiesinHonourofAngusMacKay(London:PalgraveMacmillan,2002),andMichaelLower,"ThepapacyandChristianmercenariesofthirteenth-centuryNorthAfrica"Speculum89(2014),601-631.33ClaraMaillard,LespapesetleMaghreb,209-266.

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1293,thecitychronicler,JacopoDoriainterruptedhisaccountoftheyear’seventstopresentapanoramicviewofGenoa’sglory:“LetposterityknowthatinthesetimesthecityofGenoawasglitteringwithrichesandthegreatesthonor.”34Henotedthecity’sterritorialdominionoverLiguria,fromMonacointhewesttoPonteCorvointheeast,andthearmedgalleys—betweenfiftyandseventy—thatthecity’smerchantswerecapableofassemblinginatimeofalmostyearlywarfare.Finally,henotedthecity’srevenuesfromcustomsandexciseduties,mostofwhichweresoldatauction(incalega)toitselites.In1293,thecollectaonimportsandexports—4denariiperlira—wassoldfor£49,000,amassivesumwhichledStevenA.EpsteintoestimatetheannualvalueoftradeatGenoaataround£2,940,000.35AccordingtoRobertoLopez,thevalueofGenoesetradewasevenhigher—closerto£4million—tentimestherevenueoftheFrenchCrowninthesameyear.36Regardlessoftheactualamount,thewealthandpowerofGenoawereobvioustoitsinhabitantsandtoobservers,notwithstandingacenturyofinternaldiscordandexternalwarfare.TheprosperityofbothGenoa’smerchantfamiliesanditsurbanworkingclassfluctuatedgreatlyfromyeartoyear,inaccordancewiththechancesofwar,crusade,andpoliticalunrest,buttheessentialstrengthoftheGenoesemercantileandshippingeconomyremainedwell-establishedthroughouttheperiod. LikemanyothercitiesinnorthernItaly,Genoabeganthethirteenthcenturyunderanaristocraticcommune,ruledbyanelectedpodestàfromoutsidethecity.The1190shadwitnesseddisastrousinfightingbetweennoblefactions,andaforeignpodestàwasexpectedtoprovideneutral,impartialgovernmentinthebestinterestsofthecity,assisted,from1196,byeightrectorschosenfromthenobility.37In1239,facedwithexternalthreatsfromLombardy,thepodestàappointedtwo“captainsofthepeople”fromamongthelocalleadingfamilies.Theseoffices—thoseofpodestà,captains,andrectors—providedtheframeworkforGenoa’sgovernmentformuchofthethirteenthcentury.Nonetheless,thecitycontinuedtoberivenbyviolentfeudingbetweennoblefamiliesandtheirpartisans,drivenbothbybroaderpoliticalcommitments—GuelfsandGhibellines—andbymoreprosaicrivalriesandhatreds.AsStevenA.Epsteinsuggests,thecityeliteswerecapableof

34“Cognoscatautemposteritasventura,quodhistemporibuscivitasIanuedivitiisethonoremaximocoruscabat.”JacopoDoria,AnnalesVol.5,172.35Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,182.36Lopez,SuegiùperlastoriadiGenova(Genova:UniversitàdiGenova,Istitutodipaleografiaestoriamedievale,1975),45.37Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,88-89.ForanexcellentEnglishoverviewofGenoesemedievalhistory,seeCarrieBeneš,ed.,ACompaniontoMedievalGenoa(Leiden:Brill,2018).MajorsurveysofmedievalGenoa'spoliticalhistoryinthemedievalperiodhavebeenproducedbyanumberofGenoesehistorians:seeforinstanceTeofiloDeNegriStoriadiGenova(Milan:A.Martello,1986),seealsothecollectionofessaysbyGiovannaPettiBalbi:UnaCittàeilsuoMare:GenovanelMedioevo(Bologna:CLUEB,1991),aswellastheshortpopularhistorybyAntonioMusarra,Genovaeilmarenelmedioevo(Bologna:ilMulino,2015).Moreperiod-specificstudiesremainuseful,suchasJacquesHeers'studyofthelatemedievalcity:GênesauXVesiècle.Activitééconomiqueetproblèmessociaux(Paris:S.E.V.P.E.N,1961).

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collaborationwhenfacedwithseriousexternalthreats,butrelativepeaceandprosperityabroadtendedtohighlightandexacerbatelocalgrievances.38 AdramaticrevolutionininternalGenoesepoliticstookplacein1257withthepopulargovernmentofGuglielmoBoccanegra,oneofaseriesofrisingsbythepopoloinItaliancitiesduringthemid-thirteenthcentury.39InJanuary1257,ariotbrokeoutasthepodestàwasleavingthecity,whichrapidlygrewintoapopularuprisingagainstthecommune.TherebelselectedthenobleGuglielmoBoccanegraascaptainofthepeopleforaten-yearterm.Althoughthepopulargovernmentonlylastedfiveyearsbeforeitwasoverthrown,ithadlastingconsequencesforGenoesecommunallife.Boccanegralaunchedanambitiouspublicworkscampaign,includinganexpansionoftheharbormoleandtheconstructionofacommunalpalace,thepalazzodiS.Giorgio,toemphasizethecommune’sindependencefromthemagnates,whowereaccustomedtohostingthecitygovernmentintheirprivatepalaces.Healsobroughttheconsulsofthecraftandartisanguildsintocitygovernment,securingtheirconsentandsignaturesforseveralmajoractsofforeignpolicy,suchasthefatefulTreatyofNymphaeumin1261.40

Jealousoftheirinfluenceincitygovernment,someofGenoa’snoblesroseagainstBoccanegrain1262,killedhisbrotherinstreetfightingandconvincedhimtoleaveoffice.Afterfurtheraristocraticinfighting,aformaldyarchywasestablishedin1270,inwhichObertoDoriaandObertoSpinolaservedasco-captainsofthepeople,representingtwoofthecity’smostpowerfulnoblefamilies,whilecontinuingtoappointapodestàtoadministerjustice.Thiscooperationbetweenpowerfulfamiliesensuredameasureofpeaceamongthenoblealberghianddespitesporadicresistancethesystemendureduntil1291,whenthecaptainsresignedinfavorofanotherforeignpodestà.Theendofthethirteenthcenturysawthereturnofcivilstrife,asworseningrivalriesbetweenGhibellineandGuelffamiliessetthestagefortheterriblecivilwarsoftheearlyfourteenthcentury.

Genoa’sinternalpoliticalstrugglesweredeeplyinformedandinfluencedbyexternalthreatsandopportunities,connectedbothwithitsterritorialambitionswithinItalyanditsforeigntrade.LikemanyothernorthernItaliancities,Genoaattemptedtoimposecontroloveritsimmediatehinterland,bringingpowerfulruralaristocratsandsmallerLigurianportcitiestoheel.Inaddition,thecitycouldnotavoidbeingcaughtupinthegreatstrugglebetweentheHohenstaufenandthepapacyduringthefirsthalfofthecentury.Despitefiercelocaldivisions,thecitylargelyfavoredtheGuelfcauseagainstFrederickII,particularlyduringthepontificateoftheGenoesepopeInnocentIV(1243-1254),born

38Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,108-110.39ForadiscussionofpopularrisingsinnorthernItaliancities,seeJean-ClaudeMaireVigueur,Cavaliersetcitoyens:guerre,conflitsetsociétédansl'Italiecommunale,XIIe-XIIIesiècles(Paris:Éditionsdel'Écoledeshautesétudesensciencessociales,2003);andGiulianoMilani,"Controilcomunedeimilites.Trent'annididibattitisuiregimidiPopolo"inIcomunidiJean-ClaudeMaireVigueured.MariaTeresaCaciorgna,SandroCarocci,AndreaZorzi(Rome,2014),235-258.ForGenoaandtherisingof1257,seeGiovannaPettiBalbi,Governarelacittà:pratichesocialielinguaggipoliticiaGenovainetàmedievale(Firenze:FirenzeUniversityPress,2007),107-111.40Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,148-149.

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SinibaldoFieschi.41AfterthedemiseoftheHohenstaufen,however,thecitychangedcourse.TheSpinolaandDoriawerebothGhibellinesupporters,andundertheirauthorityGenoaopposedCharlesofAnjou'sruleinSicily,althoughthecitymaintainedthegoodrelationswithhisbrotherLouisIXestablishedinthe1240s,andcontributedthousandsofmenanddozensofshipsforhisfinalcrusadeagainstTunis.42

AccesstoandcontrolofforeignmarketswasalsoadrivingforceinGenoa’sMediterranean-widepolicyduringthethirteenthcentury.Leadersofadeeplymercantilesociety,Genoeseeliteswereacutelysensitivetochangingmarketconditionsandnewthreats.WhileGenoesemerchantscouldintheoryoperateinallMediterraneanmarkets,theypreferredtotradewheretheycouldsecurethemostfavorabletreatyconditionsandprivileges;asJeffreyMinerandStefanStantchevputit,“monopolistichegemonywastheultimategoal.”43Treatiesandtraderightshadthustoberepeatedlynegotiatedandre-negotiatedwithmonarchsandcitygovernmentsacrosstheMediterranean,ascommunalgovernmentssoughtthemostadvantageoustermspossibleforthecity’smerchants.However,perhapsthemostconsequentialaspectofthiscommercialmindsetwasthecity’sferociousrivalrywithPisaandVenice,itstwomaintradecompetitors.AddingtoPisaandGenoa’smercantilerivalrywastheirtraditionalidentificationwiththeGhibellineandGuelfcauses,respectively;thoughthisenmitycontinuedevenduringtheperiodofGhibellineruleatGenoa.Genoafoughtseveraldestructivewarswiththesetwocitiesandtheirallies.DespiteaserioussetbackagainstPisaandVeniceinthewarofStSabas(1256-58),thecenturyclosedwithtwomajortriumphs.GenoaachievedacrushingvictoryoverPisaattheBattleofMeloria(1284),inwhichthePisanfleetwasvirtuallyannihilated,andthenseriouslychallengedVenice’sdominancewithavictoryintheWarofCurzola(1298).44Alongsidecommunallyorganizedandfundedfleetsandarmies,thecityalsoencouragedprivatecitizenstopreyonenemyshipping,andGenoa’schroniclersgleefullyrecordedinstancesofsuccessfulcorsairactivitybytheircompatriots,relishingthedetailsofnavalcombatandtheprizesgained.45 Whiletheseaanditsriches–tradeandplunder–overwhelminglyshapedGenoa’seconomyandsocietythroughoutthethirteenthcentury,therewereseveralimportant 41Itisnotable,however,thatseveralprominentGenoeseservedFrederickIIasadmirals,includingHenry,CountofMalta,AnsaldodeMariandNiccoloSpinola.SeediscussionbyDavidAbulafia,"HenryCountofMaltaandhisMediterraneanActivities,1203-30"inMedievalMalta:StudiesonMaltaBeforetheKnights,ed.J.Luttrell(London,1975),104-125.42MichaelLower,TheTunisCrusadeof1270(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2018),78-79.43MinerandStantchev,“TheGenoeseEconomy,”CompaniontoMedievalGenoa,408.44Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,182-183;andAntonioMusarra,1284:LabattagliadellaMeloria(Roma:Laterza,2018),153-206.45Formoreonstate-sanctionedpiracyinthemedievalMediterranean,seeEnricoBasso,"PirateriaeguerradicorsanelMediterraneo:l'osservatoriogenovese"inIlgovernodell’economia.ItaliaePenisolaibericanelbassoMedioevo,ed.LorenzoTanziniandSergioTognetti(Roma:Viella,2014),205-288.

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developmentsinthestructureofitsoverseasconnections.PerhapsthemostimportantofthesewasGenoa’sentryintothelucrativeBlackSeatradeandinternalByzantinemarketsaftertheTreatyofNymphaeumof1261,orchestratedbyGuglielmoBoccanegra’spopulargovernment.HavingbeenvirtuallyexcludedfromConstantinoplebytheirVenetianrivalsduringtheLatinEmpire(1204-1261),theGenoeseofferedtheByzantineemperorMichaelVIIIPalaeologos(r.1261-1282)navalassistancein1261,securinginexchangefavorabletradeconditionsthroughouttheempire.MajorGenoesesettlementsinPeraandCaffawereestablishedsoonafter,and“Romania”becameafavoreddestinationofGenoesecapitalandmerchantsfromthe1260sonward.Partlyasaresult,theMaghribdeclinedmarkedlyasadestinationforGenoesecapitalafterthe1260s.

Exploitingthesenewopportunities,bythelatethirteenthcenturytheGenoesewerehighlyactiveintheBlackSeacarryingtrade,especiallyingrain,salt,andslaves.Inparticular,theywerenotoriousasthemainsuppliersofslavestoMamlukEgypt.46ThegrowingimportanceoftheBlackSeatradewasreflectedinnewcityofficesandregulationsaimedatcontrollingit;theso-calledOfficiumGazarie,activefrom1314-1315,andtheStatutesofPera,fromaround1310.47AstringofsurvivingnotarialcartulariesfromGenoa’seasternbasesinCyprus,Cilicia,Pera,andCaffarevealathrivingEasterntradeinthelastdecadesofthethirteenthcentury.However,thecity’smerchantswerealsobeginningtoseeknewopportunitiesintheWest,withGenoesegalleysestablishingaregularconvoyalongtheAtlanticCoasttoFlandersfrom1277andEnglandfrom1278,buildingonthecity’slong-standinginvolvementinthenorthernEuropeanwooltradeviatheChampagneclothfairs.48

LikeJacopoDoria,manymodernhistorianshavetendedtoseethisperiodofGenoeseeconomichistoryasoneofindividualentrepreneurship,socialmobility,andrisk-taking,the“heroicageofthemerchant.”49Thisattitudeissometimescontrastedwithamorecautiousattitudeamongmerchantsinthefourteenthcenturyandlater,whentradecametobedominatedbyelitefamilies,whoprioritizedstablereturnsoninvestmentandincreasinglyshiftedcapitalintofinanceratherthandirectparticipationinoverseastrade.50Muchdebatehascenteredaroundjusthow"capitalist"onecanunderstandGenoesesocietytohavebeeninthethirteenthcentury,andtheextenttowhichGenoesetradewas"exploitative"oreven"colonial"incertainareas,suchasSicily,orsimplyreactiveand

46HannahBarker,EgyptianandItalianMerchantsintheBlackSeaSlaveTrade,1260-1500(PhDdissertation,Columbia:2014),352-414.47VitoVitaleandAmedeoGiannini,Lefontideldirittomarittimoitaliano(Genoa:AccademiadiMarinaMercantile,1951),13-15.48MinerandStantchev,“TheGenoeseEconomy,”408-409.49Epstein,“BusinessCyclesandtheSenseofTimeinMedievalGenoa”TheBusinessHistoryReview62:2(1988),260.50Kedar,MerchantsinCrisis,VanDooselaere,CommercialAgreementsandSocialDynamicsinMedievalGenoa(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2009)7-9.

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opportunistic.51AsJeffreyMinerandThomasStantchevhavenoted,muchofthedisagreementisabouthowtointerpretthefactsofGenoeseeconomiclifeinrelationtobroadernarrativesaboutthe"riseofcapitalism/riseoftheWest."52Sociologistsandeconomists,particularlythoseassociatedwiththe"newinstitutionaleconomics,"havealsojoinedthedebate,askingseveralrelatedquestions:didtheGenoesereallyorganizetradeandinvestmentdifferentlyfromtheearlierMediterraneanmerchants,suchastheMaghribiJewishmerchantsoftheeleventhcentury?Weretheyrational,profit-maximizinginvestors,orweretheirbusinessdecisionsequally–orindeedmostly–informedbysocialneedsandpoliticalaimsratherthanpureeconomicself-interest?53 GiventhelargerstakesoftheeconomichistoryofGenoaforEuropeanandMediterraneanhistory,itisperhapslesssurprisingthatthequotidianlivesoftheGenoesethemselvesinthisperiodofeconomicgrowthandpoliticalinstabilityhavereceivedrelativelylessattention,particularlythenon-elite.54Recentscholarshiphasbeguntorectifythis,withDeniseBezzina'sstudyontheGenoeseartisanclasshighlightingthegeographicalmobilityandinvestmentactivityoftheGenoeseworkingclassduringthethirteenthcentury.55IthasbeennotedthatguildswereslowertodevelopatGenoathanelsewhereinnorthernItaly,andthishasbeentiedtotheappealanddistortingnatureofoverseascommerce,whichmayhaveincentivizedindividualtradeandinvestmentstrategiesandmadeithardertoenforceprofessionalcodes.56However,despiteinternal 51AswithmosttwentiethcenturyscholarshipinEnglishonGenoa,thisowesmuchtotheworkofRobertoLopez,whoviewedGenoaasessentiallycapitalistandexploitative,seeLopez,Coloniegenovesi(Bologna,1938).Inthe1970s,DavidAbulafiaalsosawGenoese(andPisan)penetrationoftheSicilianinternaleconomyasfundamentallyexploitative:developednortherncitiesre-orientingtheisland'seconomyaroundprimaryproduction(ofwheat)andconsumptionoffinishedgoods,heavilyforeshadowingthemoderneconomicdisparitiesbetweensouthernandnorthernItaly,seeD.Abulafia,ThetwoItalies:economicrelationsbetweentheNormankingdomofSicilyandthenortherncommunes(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1977).However,StephanR.EpsteinchallengedthischaracterizationofthelatemedievalSicilianeconomy,seeEpstein,"ThetextileindustryandtheforeignclothtradeinlatemedievalSicily(1300–1500):a“colonialrelationship”?JournalofMedievalHistory15:2(1989),141-183.52Seetheirdiscussionin"TheGenoeseEconomy,"inCarrieBeneš,,ed.,ACompaniontoMedievalGenoa(Brill:2018),398-420.53Fortheformer,seeAvnerGreif,InstitutionsandthePathtotheModernEconomy,(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2007),butalsoJessicaGoldberg'scritiqueofhisargumentinTradeandInstitutionsintheMedievalMediterranean(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2012),ForananalysisofthesocialbondsandfamilystrategiesshapingoverseastradeinmedievalGenoa,seeQuentinvanDooselaere,CommercialAgreementsandSocialDynamicsinMedievalGenoa,208-214.54Foranimportantexception,seeStevenA.Epstein'sstudyonwillsandcharity;WillsandwealthinmedievalGenoa,1150-1250(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1984).55Bezzina,ArtigianiaGenovaneisecoliXII-XIII(Firenze:FirenzeUniversityPress,2015).56Bezzina,"SocialLandscapes,"CMG,174-175;vanDooselaere,CommercialAgreements,89-91.

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divisions,thecity'spopolodidhaveasenseofcommonidentity,andtheirinvolvementintheregimeofGuglielmoBoccanegramarkedawatershedmomentinthecity'spoliticalhistory.Thus,Genoa'sevolvingrelationshipwiththeMaghribthustookplaceagainstthebackdropofeconomicexpansionanddomesticpoliticalturmoilthatwasdominated,butnotexclusivelycontrolled,byamercantileelite.III.GenoaandtheMaghribWhenthethirteenthcenturybegan,GenoaandtheMaghribhadalreadybeentradingwithoneanotherforatleastfiftyyears,andlikelyforconsiderablylonger.57FormaltreatyrelationswiththeAlmohadswereestablishedby1154,duringthereignofthefirstcaliph,ʿAbdal-Muʾmin,whomtheGenoesechroniclerCaffarorememberedastheleaderof"abarbarianpeoplecalledtheMasmūda"(barbaragensquaevocabaturMussemutorum).58Treatieswererenewedwithsucceedingcaliphsin1161,1191,and1208.Althoughthetextsofthesetreatiesdonotsurvive,thenoticesgivenintheAnnalessuggestthattheGenoesewereongoodtermswiththecaliphs;the1161embassywas"receivedwithgreathonorinallthelandsoftheAlmohads,"andthetreaty,whichwastobevalidforfifteenyears,gavetheGenoesetherighttotradethroughoutthecaliphateonthesameterms—namely,paymentofaneightpercenttax—withtheexceptionofBijāya,wheretheywouldpaytenpercent.59Furthermore,thetreatiesshowanevolvingGenoeserecognitionorunderstandingofAlmohadpoliticalpropaganda,withGenoa'stradingpartnerchangingfromthebarbaragensof1154tothe"kingoftheAlmohads"(rexMoadimorum)in1161,totheMiramolinusof1191and1208.60 ThecartularyofGiovanniScriba(1154-1164)revealsathrivingGenoesecommercewiththeMaghrib,with73contractsforNorthAfricandestinations,worth6,103lire–about29%ofthetotalvalueofallGenoesetradeintheMediterranean.BijāyaandCeutawerethetwomaindestinations,followedbyOranandTunis,buttheGenoesealsowentfurtherwest,tradingin"Garbo"61andontheAtlanticCoastofMoroccoatSalé,anewcityfoundedbytheAlmohads.OneofthefirstrecordedinvestorsatSaléwasOttobuonoNuvolone,theambassadorin1161.62Genoesemerchantsalsoventuredinlandonatleast

57TheGenoesehadalmostcertainlyestablishedsomekindofcontactwiththeAlmoravidspriortothe1140s,althoughnoGenoese-Maghribitreatyhassurvivedfromtheperiod.TreatiessignedinJuly1138withthecitiesofMarseille,Fréjus,andHyèresrevealGenoa'splantoseekpeacefromthe"SarracenisregisMurrochi."SeeLibriIuriumVol.1,docs.15-17.58AnnalesVol.1,39.59"peromnesterraseorumMoadimorumcummagnohonorereceptusfuit"AnnalesVol.1,62.60AnnalesVol.1,39,62;Vol2.41,110.61Forthevarioususesofthisgeographicaldescriptor,seediscussioninChapterThree,96..62Krueger,"GenoeseTradewithNorthwestAfricaintheTwelfthCentury,"Speculum8:3(1933),381.

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someoccasions,reachingTilimsāninthecentralMaghribin1179.63Ingeneral,however,thewesterncoastofMoroccoandthecentralMaghribweremorepopularthanIfrīqiyainthemid-to-latetwelfthcentury.64Bythe1190s,northernEuropeanvisitorsnotedtheimportanceofCeutafortheGenoeseandPisansespecially.65TableOne:“GenoeseTradefromtheCartularyofGiovanniScriba,1155-1164”

WesternMediterranean

Italy EasternMediterranean

NumberofContracts

NorthAfrica 73 Sicily 84 Alexandria 58Spain 17 Sardinia 14 Syria 34SouthernFrance 17 Salerno 9 ByzantineEmpire 20 Centraland

NorthernItaly

9

Total 107 116 112ValueoftheContractsinGenoeseLire

NorthAfrica 6,103 Sicily 6,689 Alexandria 9,031 Syria 10,075 ByzantineEmpire 2,007 Total 21,113“Sources:S.Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,p.58;seealsoD.Abulafia,TheTwoItalies,p.99,derivedfromBach,LacitédeGênes,p.51. Inthe1220s,withAlmohadpowerincreasinglycontestedacrosstheMaghrib,signsofnewrelationshipsemergeinthechronicleevidence.Aconvolutedscandalin1223servestohighlightthechangingnatureofGenoese–Maghribitrade.Inthatyear,Abū-lAlāb.Yūsuf(BulaulatotheGenoese),theAlmohadgovernorofTunis,entrustedasizeablesumofmoneytoaGenoesemerchant,RainaldoArchanto,whowastosailtoSpain,takingalargegroupofMuslimpassengersalongwithhim.However,duetoaleak,theshipputintoMarseilleforrepairs,andwhileitwasinport,certaincitizensofMarseilleinsinuatedthat 63Ibid,383.64ThismayhavebeenduetotheprecariousnatureofAlmohadcontrolinIfrīqiyafromthemid-1180s,especiallyduringtheinvasionbytheAlmoravidBanūGhaniyaofMallorca.TheBanūGhaniyamaintainedanAlmoravidsuccessorstateintheBalearicislandsuntiltheearlythirteenthcentury,andmadeasustainedattempttoreconquertheMaghrib,conqueringseveralcitiesinIfriqiyainthe1180s.TheproblemwiththistheoryisthatBijāyaremainedanimportantcenterforGenoesetradethroughoutthisperiod,despitethefactofitsconquestbytheBanūGhaniyain1184.SeediscussioninAmarS.Baadj,Saladin,theAlmohadsandtheBanūGhaniya,74-85.65MGHSSRerumGermanicarumNS5:NarratioItinerisNavalisadTerramSanctam,195.

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RainaldointendedtomurderandrobhisMuslimpassengers,who,fearingfortheirlives,appealedtotheMilanese-bornpodestà,Carlevario,forprotection.Reactingtothethreat,thepodestàimprisonedRainaldoafterthelattermadearashattemptatescape.TheGenoesecommuneprotested,andopenednegotiationswithMarseille,offeringto"hand[Rainaldo]totheElmiremimenimtobepunished"(magnificoregiElmiremimenimfideliterducerentpuniendum).66WhentheMarseillaisrefusedtoreleaseRainaldo,theGenoeseambassadorsreturnedhomewiththeconvictionthatthetreatybetweenGenoaandMarseillehadbeenviolated.Consequently,theGenoesecommunegrantedtherighttoengageinanti-Marseillepiracy(licentiaoffendendi)toagroupofcitizensofVentimiglia,whopromptlyattackedandseizedashipbelongingtoaMarseillaisambassadorintheportofTunisitself.67Nottobeoutdonebythisstate-sanctionedactofpiracy,Rainaldo'srelativesinGenoaambushedCarlevarioashewasreturningtoMilanaftercompletinghistermofofficeaspodestà,takinghimcaptive. Atthispoint,adispute(orrumoreddispute)betweenaGenoesecaptainandhisMuslimpassengerswasthreateningtoescalateintoawarbetweenMarseilleandGenoa,alsoinvolvingpiracyinTunis.Furthermore,Abū-lAlāwasangryattherumorsofGenoesetreacheryinMarseille,andattheattackthathadtakenplaceinhisharbor:

BothbecauseoftheaccusationthattheMarseillaislegatehadodiouslymadeagainstRainaldoandthemenofGenoa,andbecauseoftheshipthatthemenofVentimigliahadcaptured,theGenoesewerebeingtreatedverypoorlyandunjustlybySeidBulaulathekingofTunis.68

Mindfulofthedanger,thecommune'sgoverningcouncilprevailedonGenoa'spodestàtoresolvethesituationbydiplomacy.AftermakingpeacewiththeMarseillais,whoapparently"recognizedthattheywereatfault,"69theGenoesedispatchedtwoembassiestotheMaghrib.ThefirstwenttoTunis,wheretheambassadorssmoothedthingsoverwiththegovernor,arrangingfortherestitutionofthegoodsplunderedbythepiratesfromVentimiglia,andformalizinganewtreaty"withthepurchaseofafondaco,bath,andoven."

66AnnalesVol.2,190.GeorgesJehelthoughtthattheGenoesemeantthe"sultanofTunis"(i.e.:Abū-lAlā/Bulaula)nottheAlmohadcaliph,here.However,thatinterpretationdoesn'taccountfortheuseofthecaliphaltitle,especiallysinceAbū-lAlāisearlierreferredtoas"lordofTunis"(dominustunexis).GeorgesJehel,LesGénoisenOccident,64.Abū-lAlāhadinfactbeenappointeddirectlybyMarrakeshin1222;hissonAbūZaydwasthelastnon-ḤafṣidgovernorofTunis.Brunschvig,LaBerberieOrientale,18.67AnnalesVol.2,191.68"CumigiturIanuensestumpropteraccusationemquamodiosefeceratlegatusMassiliensisdeRainaldoethominibusIanue,tumpropternavemquamceperantVictimilienses,adSeidBulauleregeTunesismaleetindebitetractarentur"Ibid,191.69"suumcognoscentesdelictum",Ibid,191.

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ThesecondembassywenttoMarrakeshtore-establishpeace(proreformationepacis)withthe"kingofMorocco."70 Whatisstrikinghereisnotonlytheoriginal(alleged)crime,butthelengthstowhichtheGenoesecommunewaswillingtogotoresolveit.Rainaldo'smissionhadbeentotransportacargobelongingtoahighAlmohadofficial,andtheGenoesecommunewasatonepointofferingtohandhimovertothecaliphforpunishment.YetwhenthesituationescalatedtopiracyintheharborofTunisandthreatenedthesecurityofGenoesetradethere,thecommunehadtodealwithboththeregionalpower—Abū-lAlā,whoenjoyedapromotionfromdominustorexwithinthespaceofasinglechronicleentry—andthecaliphateinMarrakesh.Fromnowon,effectivenegotiationsandtreatyagreementsbetweenGenoeseandMaghribiswouldtakeplaceatamorelocallevel,inthecitiesofTunis,Bougie,orCeuta.ThepoliticalunityoftheMaghribundertheAlmohadswasatanend,withimportantconsequencesfortheGenoesesettlementsintheportcitiesoftheregion,astheybecamecentersorsatellitesofnewregimes. Ceutaandthe"YearofGenoa":Trade,ViolenceandOpportunism,1234-1235.In1234and1235aseriesofdramaticeventsrockedtheGenoesetradediasporainnorthernMoroccoandtheWesternMediterranean,beforefinallycapturingtheattentionofthecommunalgovernmentitself.WhatbeganasadisputebetweentheGenoeseofCeutaandthemastersofCeutaledtoaviolentpurgeoftheGenoesequarter,whosesurvivorsinstigatedapunitiveexpeditionofalmostonehundredships,thelargestGenoesefleetforalmostacentury.Besiegedbythisimposingforce,theSabtileadershipcametoterms,pledgingtopayacertainsumorsetofsumstotheGenoesemerchantsincompensationfortheirearlierlosses,afinancialarrangementreferredtobycontemporaryGenoesenotariesasamahona/madona,probablyderivingfromtheArabicmaʿūna("assistance.")71ThisdramaticandconvolutedhistoryreceivedsustainedattentionfrombothGenoeseandMoroccanchroniclers,whoseaccountsdifferfromoneanotherinmanyparticularsbutconfirmageneralnarrative.TheepisodeisworthcloseexaminationinthecontextofGenoesesettlementandtradeintheMaghribasawhole. Attheoutsetofthe1230s,thepoliticalsituationinnorthernMoroccoandal-Andaluswasinturmoil.AsthemostimportantportontheMediterraneancoastofMorocco,CeutaplayedapivotalroleinthestruggleforcontroloverthestraitsofGibraltar.TheAlmohads,weakenedbyinternaldiscordbutstillcommandingformidableresourcesinsouthernMorocco,facedamajorrevoltinal-AndalusledbyIbnHud,whobecameeffectiverulerofMurciain1230.TheAlmohadcaliphal-Maʾmūnmovedtore-establishthedynasty's

70Ibid,153.71ContemporaryArabicsourcesdonotusethistermtorefertothepayment;preferringtheterms"agreed-uponsumofmoney"(IbnʿIdhāri:al-Bayānal-Mughrib:Qismal-Muwaḥidīn:351),orsimplyprovidethepaymentamount(IbnAbīZarʿ,Rawdal-Qirṭās:276).However,sincenoalternativeetymologyhasbeenconvincinglyproposed,thereisnogoodreasontodismisstheconsensusviewoftheword'sorigins.SeeG.B.Pellegrini,"l'elementoarabonellelingueneolatine,"inL'Occidenteel'Islam(Spoleto:CentroItalianodiStudisull'altomedioevo:1965),697-790.

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authorityoverMurcia,buthewasbetrayedbyhisbrother,whohadbeenleftinchargeofCeutaandthenortherncoast.Al-MaʾmūnattemptedtobesiegeCeuta,butlackingafleet,hisattackwasineffective.Thecaliphwasforcedtoabandonthesiege,andreturnedtothesouthtoputdownyetanotherrevoltatMarrakesh,ledbyhisnephew,anddiedshortlythereafter,in1232.IbnHudplacedhisowntrustedsubordinate,al-Gasati,inchargeofCeuta. TheGenoesewereheavilyinvolvedinthisdrama,asthecity'sannalsreveal.AccordingtoBartolomeoScriba,theyear1231sawIbnHud"appointhimselfastheMiramomoninus"72,confiscateGenoesegoodsandmerchantsinMurciaandDenia,andfinallyseizecontrolofCeuta.Seekingredressfortheselosses,thecommunearmedtengalleysandfivesupportships,whichitsenttoCeutainJune,underthecommandofCarboneMalocelloandNicolinoSpinola,"topunishtheprideofthatSaracen."TheGenoeseenvoyswereinfactwelcomedtothecity,"receivedwithhonorandwithdecorum,"andaquickboutofdiplomacysoothedanyruffledfeathers.Inconcludinga"honorablepeaceandapraiseworthyagreement"(pacemhonorabilemetconventionemlaudabilem)withGenoa,IbnHudorhisrepresentativeagreedtoindemnifytheGenoesetothevalueofeightthousandbesants.Asafurthertokenofhisesteem,IbnHudpurchased"amostexcellenthorse,coveredinaclothofgoldandshodinsilver,"andpresenteditasagifttothecityofGenoa,whereitwasledintriumphthroughthecity.73 However,thepeopleofCeutawerenomerepassivespectatorstothesedeliberationsbetweenexternalpowers.Thecity'smerchantswerepowerfulandwell-organized,andtheysoontookmattersintotheirownhands.WhenIbnHudbegantosufferdifficultiesinal-Andalus,thecityrevoltedagainsthimtoo,andthistime,itspeoplechoseanofficialfromthediwānorcustoms-house,Abū-l-ʿAbbāsal-Yanashti,astheirleader.ProbablyanAndalusioriginally,al-Yanashtioccupiedasomewhatambiguousposition–IbnʿIdhārireferredtohimsimplyasthe"master"(ṣāḥib)ofthecity–buthealsostruckhisowncoinage,movedagainstlocalenemies,andpersecutedthepoetIbnTalhaforimpiety,andbehavedmuchlikeanindependentruler.74HalimaFerhatinterpretedtheruleofal-Yanashtī,whichlastedfrom1232-1236,asmarkingaperiodofoutrightindependenceforCeuta,whileCharlesEmanuelDufourcqmadeanexplicitcomparisonbetweenCeuta'smerchanteliteandthatoftheItalianmaritimerepublics,suchasGenoa,wheremerchantelitescontrolledcitygovernment.75TheGenoesesourcesaresilentonthisinternalrevolutionatCeuta,althoughtheynotethataseparateembassyheadedbyJacopode 72"fecitseMiramamoninus":thiswasthestandardLatinrenditionoftheArabiccaliphaltitle,amīral-muʾminīn.AnnalesVol.3,56.73"optimusequus...cohopertusoptimopannoaureoetferratusclaponisargenteis"AnnalesVol.3,57.74IbnʿIdhāri:al-Bayānal-Mughrib:Qismal-Muwaḥidīn:350;HalimaFerhat,SabtadesoriginesauXIVèmesiècle(Rabat:Ministèredesaffairesculturelles,1993),214.75HalimaFerhat,Sabtadesorigines,214,CharlesEmanuelDufourcq,"LaquestiondeCeutaauXIIIsiecle,"Hespéris,ArchivesBerbèresetBulletindel'InstitutdesHautesEtudesMarocaines,42(Paris,1955),87.

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Marinowassenttothecityin1233,probablytocometotermswithal-Yanashti'sgovernment.76 Itwasduringal-Yanashti'sfour-yearreignasmasterofCeutathatitsrelationswithGenoareallybrokedown.However,theactual—andliteral—sparkwasprovidedbyanobscuregroupofChristiansoldiersknownintheGenoesesourcesasCalcurini,probablyCatalanmercenariesoperatingoutoftheportofCollioure,whobegantothreatenCeutainthesummerof1234.77TheGenoesechroniclerrecordedtheinitialdisasterattheharborofCeuta:

Inthatyear,aroundthefeastofSaintBartholomew,rumorsbegantospreadfromtheregionofCeuta,thattheCalcurinicrusaders(crucesignati)werearrivingwithagreatarmytobesiegeandsackthecityofCeuta.TheGenoese,however,whowereinthatcitywithmanyships,andwithgreatquantitiesofgoodsandcoin,weregreatlyafraid.TheyfearedthelossoftheirlivesandpropertyshouldthelandbetakenbytheCalcurini,buttheyalsofearedtofightagainstChristiansbearingthesignofthecross.ButsincetheseCalcurinihadalreadyseizedcertainshipsbelongingtotheGenoese,andalsocertainpeople,suchasGuglielmodeNegriandBalduinoSpione,theGenoesewhowereatCeutapreparedtenoftheirbiggestandbestshipstogooutagainstthem.ButtheseCalcurinihadgoodwordswiththem,andreturnedGuglielmoandBalduinoandotherGenoesetheyhaddetained,andthustheGenoesestoodofftooneside.Butinthemeantime,theCalcuriniplacedthemselvesbeforethewind,andsetalightalittleoldshipthattheyhadcaptured,andsetitsailingintothemiddleoftheGenoeseshipstoburnthem.Ourmen,seeingthattheycouldnotescapetheflames,andabandoningallthattheyhadinCeuta,includingthemanyGenoesewhowerestillthere,fledtoMallorcawiththeirships.78

76DufourcqspeculatedthatCeuta'sindependencein1232hadbeen"bought"fromtheGenoesefleet,whichcouldhaveprotectedthecityfromIbnHud.However,whilepossible,thisassertionfindsnosupportintheGenoeseevidence,andignoresthegoodrelationsestablishedbetweenIbnHudandGenoain1231;Dufourcq,"LaquestiondeCeuta,"87.77Theidentityofthesesoldiershasbeenasubjectofdebateforyears,withvariousorigins—Al-Andalus,Castille,Portugal—beingadvanced.However,recentresearchfirmlysuggeststheirCatalanbackground.SeePierreVincentClaverie,"PourenfiniraveclesCalcurini"AnuariodeEstudiosMedievales48:2(2018),615-638.78"EodemquippeannoinfestivitatesanctiBartholomeiapostoli[August1234]insonueruntrumoresdepartibusSepte;quodCalcurinicrucesignaticummaximoexercituveneruntadobsidionemSeptecausacapiendilocumipsumethomines.Ianuensesveroquierantinpartibusipsiscummultisnavibusetcummaximaquantitatebizantiorummerciumatquererum,timorecommotisunt.Timebantenimamissionempersonarumetrerum,siterraipsacapereturperpredictosCalcurinos.Itemtimebantpugnarecontrachristianoscrucesignatos.SetquiaipsiCalcuriniiamceperantapudCadesumetinstrictuquasdamnavesIanuensiumetquosdamexhominibusIanue,videlicetWillelmumdeNigronoetBalduinumSpionum,IanuensesquierrantapudSeptammunierunt10demaioribusetmelioribusnavibuscausaeundieisobviam.SetipsiCalcurinibonaverbahabuerunt,etreddederuntdictumWilielmumdeNigronoetaliosIanuenesequoshabebant;etsicIanuensesstabantabunaparte;ettandemipsiCalcuriniseposueruntsupra

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HavingsurprisedanddispersedtheGenoeseflotilla,theCalcuriniseizedanotherGenoeseshipandburnedmanyothers.Meanwhile,thoseGenoesewhohadfledtoMallorcaformedahastycouncilofwar,whichdecidedtoarmtwoshipsandsixhundredmentoreturntoCeuta,"forthedefenseofthatcountryanditspossessions"(addefensionemipsiusterreetrerurm).Fromthispoint,eventsmovedveryswiftly.TheMallorcacouncildispatchedanotherfourshipstoGenoa,whiletwomorewenttoTunis.Atthesametime,thepodestàofGenoahadapparentlyreceivedlettersfromal-Yanashti,"askingforhelpandpromisingtopayhalformoreoftheexpenses."79Agreeingtothisrequest,thecityhurriedlyraisedmoneybysellingthesaltgabelle,armed18galleys,anddispatchedthemtoCeutaunderthecommandofLanfrancoSpinolaandothers.Againatthesametime,theGenoeseforceofsixhundredarmedmenhadlandednearCeuta,andmarchedtothecityonfoot.80WhentheGenoeseforceshadassembled,theleaders"petitionedthesultanforthemoneyhehadpromised,andalsoforrestitutionforthedamagesinflictedbytheCalcurini."81Inthatsense,theGenoesewereonfamiliarground:askingforcompensationforlosses,justastheyhaddonein1231withIbnHud. Uptothispoint,theGenoesesourcesprovideouronlyaccountofwhathappened.Howevertheearlyfourteenth-centuryMoroccanchroniclerIbnʿIdhāritakesupthestorywiththearrivaloftheGenoeseforcesatCeuta,anditisinstructivetocomparehisaccountwiththatoftheGenoese.IbnʿIdhāriwasnotinterestedinthedisputebetweentheGenoeseandtheCalcurini.Inhisnarrative,theGenoeseaimedatoutrightconquestofthecity:

Agreatnumber[ofGenoese]gatheredtogetheratthecustomshouseandlayinwaitthere,seekingandhopingtoseizecontrolofitbycunning,butGodthwartedtheirattemptatdeception,andtheygavethemselvesaway.Andwhenitsmasteral-Yanashtiheardofit,hewrotetotheneighboringtribes,thoseunderthejurisdictionofthecity,andinformedthemofthesematters.Andheorderedthemtocometohim,andtoarrivewiththewholebodyoftheirtroopsuponanappointedday;furthermore,heconcealedhisplanfromthegeneralpublic.82

AlthoughtheGenoeseannalistassertsthatthepurposeoftheembassywastoseekredressfortheirlosses,hetooacknowledgesthatthesultan"fearedthegreatpoweroftheGenoeseandsentfortheBerbers."83TheBerbertribesofthesurroundingareasdulyarrivedinthe ventum,etposueruntigneminunaparvanaviveteriquamhabebantetquamceperant,eteamimpellebantsupernavibusetlignisIanuensium,uteascomburerent."AnnalesVol.3,72-73.79"receptislitterisasoldanoSeptequodmitteretursibisuccursus,etipsefaceretmedietatemexpensarumetetiamampliumadvoluntatempotestatisetcommunisIanue,"Ibid,73.80Ibid,74.81Ibid,74.82IbnʿIdhāri:al-Bayānal-Mughrib:Qismal-Muwaḥidīn:350.83AnnalesVol.3,74.

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city,andbothMoroccanandGenoesesourcesagreethatabattlebrokeoutinthestreetsofCeutaandintheGenoesequarter.AccordingtheAnnals,thefighteruptedspontaneously:

WhenalmosttheentirecitywasfulloftheseBerbers,somepeoplefromtheshipscametoblows(adrixam)withsomeSaracens,andthuseveryonecalledeachothertoarms.Andabattlebegan,andtheSaracensrantothefondacosandhouses,settingthemablaze,andmanypeoplediedthereandwereslain,andaverygreatquantityofGenoesegoodsandmerchandisewaslost.84

Incontrast,IbnʿIdhāripresentsthebattleasmoreofacleverlyarrangedtrap,inwhichtheGenoeseinsidethecitywerecaughtbytheBerbertroopswhohadarrivedenmasseatthecitygates,andwerethencutdownwheretheystood:

TheChristiansweretotallyslainonthatday,cutcompletelytopieces,andtheswordsandspearsruledthemateveryturn,andthosewhoescapedthecarnagethrewthemselvesintothesea...andtheirgoodswereseizedfromtheirfondacos,andfireconsumedtheirwaresandtheirweapons.TheBerbers,thecommonpeople,andthesailorsandothersseizedallofwhatwasinthefondacos—whatevertheflamesdidnotconsume—andeveryhandkeptwhatitseized,whateveritfound,andeveryoneofthatnation[oftheGenoese]whowasonhisshiprealizedthatdeathhaddescendeduponthemall,sotheycastofffromtheharboratCeuta,andfled,crying"flee!flee!"85

ItisnoteworthythatIbnʿIdhāriincludesseveraldistinctgroupswhoparticipatedintheattack:notonlythelocalBerberwarriors,butalsothe"commonpeopleandthesailors"(as-sawqawaghuzātal-baḥr),suggestingthatvariouselementsofthecity'spopulaceactedasonetothrowouttheGenoese,orperhapsexploitedthechaostograbwhattheycould.86 InthewakeoftheBerberattackandpillagingofthefondacos,theMoroccanandGenoeseaccountsagaindiverge.IbnʿIdhāripresentsthemostcoherentnarrative;inhistelling,thesurvivorsofthesiege"camebacktotheirbrethren,andinformedthem"(waṣaluilaikhwānihimʿalamahum)ofwhathadhappened.These"brethren"thenassembledafleetofaroundonehundredships,withwhichtheyreturnedtoCeutatobesiegeit,buildingmangonels(al-majānīq)toattackthewalls.87Despitetheirimposingforce,theGenoesefailedtotakethecity,andinsteadmadepeacewiththepeopleofCeuta,whointurnagreed 84"etcumquasitotacivitasSepteplenaessetipsisbarbaris,quidamexgaleotisgalearumdeveneruntadrixamcumquibusdamSarracenis,etsicomnesclamaveruntadarma.Etfuitpreliuminceptum,etcucurreruntSarraceniadfondicos,etposueruntigneminipsisfundicisetdomibus,etsicquamplureshincindemortuisuntetinterfecti,etmaximaquantitasrerumIanuensiumcombustaestetdeperdita."AnnalesVol.3,74.85IbnʿIdhāri,al-Bayān:350.86Ibid,350.87Ibid,350.

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topaycompensationforthelossessufferedatthefondacos.IbnʿIdhārigoesontoaffirmthatal-Yanashtididindeedpaythem"fromthemoneybelongingtothetreasury"(minmālal-makhzan),whereupontheGenoesesailedaway.Heconcludesthestorybynotingthat"theyearofGenoa,was,forthepeopleofCeuta,veryfamous,anditismentionedintheirhistories,andittookplaceintheyear633[1235CE.]"88Theendofthesiegewasbrieflynotedbyanotherearlyfourteenth-centurychroniclefromFez,theRawdal-QirtāsofIbnAbīZarʿ.Recordingtheimportanteventsoftheyear,IbnAbīZarʿdescribestheendofa"terriblesiegeandatightblockade,withmangonelsandseveralothermachinesofwar."89IbnAbīZarʿistheonlychroniclertoprovideanumberforthe"fixedsum"mentionedbyIbnʿIdhāri:400,000dinars.Somemodernhistorianshavethoughtthisanexaggeration,althoughitshouldbenotedthatthechroniclerdoesnotspecifywhethergoldorsilverwaspaid.90 IncontrasttotheMoroccanaccounts,theGenoeseversionofeventsismuchlongerandmoreconvoluted.Thedestructionofthefondacosisgivenundertheentryfor1234,whereasthepunitiveexpeditionappearsin1235.However,theGenoesestoryaddsanotherstageofabortivediplomacybeforethenavalblockadeandsiege.Afterbeginningtheentryfor1235withtheusuallistofcommunalofficersforthatyear,theauthortakesupthestoryagaininthemiddleofanembassytoCeuta,duringwhich"thesultandetained[theGenoeseambassadors]withwords,andforalongtimeledthemonbydeceptions,"whichledinturntoyetanotherembassy,headedbyCarboneMalocello.Thenewambassadoracteddecisively:

Whenheperceivedthatthesultanwasunwillingtoofferanythingofwhathehadpromised,bythecommonagreementoftheadmiralsandcaptainsandtheotherGenoesewhowereinCeuta,manfullymadeaformalstatementofdefiance(vivavocediffidavit)tothesultanandhismen,onGoodFriday[April6,1235].91

ThusitwasonlyafterdiplomacyhadfailedthattheGenoesepreparedforwar.Accordingtotheannalist,thisefforttookplaceinseverallocations.First,CarboneMalocellowassenttoSeville"torecruitandpayforsoldiersforthesiegeofCeuta,"amissioninterruptedbyhisdeath.AtthesametimethecommuneofGenoa,havingheardoftheplansforasiege,dispatchedreinforcements.Bythispoint,plansbothathomeandintheexpeditionaryforcehadshiftedtooutrightconquest:

88Ibid,351.89Rawdal-Qirtās,276.90Mas-Latrieproposed4,000dinars,whereasHalimaFerhatthoughtthat40,000dinarswasmostlikely.Ferhat,Sabtadesorigines,217.91"etcumvideretetperciperetquodipsesoldanusnichilvelquasinichilfacerevelletdehisquefacerepromiseratetdebebat,devoluntatealiorumadmiratorumetcapitaneorumetconsciliiIanuensiumquierantinipsispartibusSepte,insanctodieVenerisdictumsoldanumethominessuosvivavoceviriliterdiffidavit."AnnalesVol.3,74-75.

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[Thecommune]senteverythingthatwasrequestedfortheexpedition,exceptforsoldiers.Butifonlytherehadbeensoldiers,thentheGenoesewhowerealreadythereonthelandwouldhavecomedownwiththesesoldiers,andbesiegedthecityfromtheland[aswellasthesea],and,asitseemedtoallpresent,theywouldhavecapturedit.92

Lackingtherequisiteforces,theGenoeseinsteadcontentedthemselveswithablockadeconsistingofover120ships,andacontinuousnavalartillerybarrage,untilfinallytheSabtiscametoterms,signingatreaty"withthegreatesthonortoGenoa."93Finally,theexpeditionreturnedhometoGenoa,arrivingonDecember13,1235.Theprecisetermsofthetreatyarenotrecorded,buttheannalistseemstohaveconsidereditaworthyconclusiontothestory,sincehesubsequentlyturnshisattentiontoeventsinLiguria. NotarialevidencefromGenoafortheyears1235–40offersaglimpseintotheaftermathoftheseevents.ThenotaryBonvassallodeCassino,whoseactssurvivefrom1236–1252,wasespeciallyactiveinthe1230samongthosewhohadlostpropertyatCeuta.Severaltypesofactsreferbacktotheeventsoftheprevioustwoyears.Foronething,merchantshadtoaccounttotheirinvestorsandbusinesspartnersforfundstheyhadlostintheattackonCeuta;suchwasthecasewithGiovannitornator,whoadmittedtoBaldoinodeVindercioinApril1236thatthe£1615shehadacceptedfromhimtotaketotheLevant(Ultramare)hadinfactbeenlostatCeuta"inthefightbetweenChristiansandSaracens";thus,GiovanniformallyrenouncedhisrightsoverthemoneytoBaldoino,whomusthavehopedtorecoverithimself.94Giovannimadesimilardeclarationstoatleasttwootherpeopleinthenextweek. Clearly,thepaymentmadebyal-YanashtiandthegovernmentofCeutain1235didnotcoverallofthelossesincurredbyGenoa'smerchants.Instead,thereappeartohavebeenatleasttwogroupsofassetsorfundsthatemergedfromtheexpedition.Therewasthe"debtofthesultan"(debitumsoldani),butalsothe"mahonaofCeuta"(mahonasepte).Essentially,thesedebtsamountedtodozensofpromissorynotesentitlingindividualGenoesemerchantstocompensationbythegovernmentofCeuta.SuchclaimsthenenteredthelivelyGenoesemarketinfutures,rights,andrevenues,wheretheycouldbesoldandre-sold.ThusinApril1236,ObertodeCafarosoldhisshares,worth180besants,inthe"mahonaofCeuta,againsttheSaracensofCeutaandtheentiretyofCeuta,forthefightthattookplacebetweenChristiansandSaracens"toNicolosodeAldo,for£61.95Othermerchantswhohadsufferedlossesmademoredeterminedeffortstorecovertheirclaims,

92"omniaproquibusmiserunt,exceptismilitibuseisdeIanuepercommuneIanuemissafuerunt.Setsimilitesmissifuissent,Ianuensesquierantinexercituinterra,virilitercumipsismilitibusdescendissent,etcivitatemSepteobsedissentperterram,eteamsecundumquodabomnibusvidebatur,cepissent"AnnalesVol.3,75.93Ibid,75.94ASGNotaiAntichi17(BonvassallodeCassino):6v.95ASGNotaiAntichi17:6r.

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suchasthewealthymerchantUgoFornari,whoinMay1236appointedanotherwealthymerchant,EnricoBancherio,torecover"whatisowedtomefromthekingofCeuta,andthosebesantsthatIamtoreceivefromthemahonaofCeuta."96TheFornarifamilyhadinvestedheavilyintradewithCeutapriortotherixa,astheactsrecordedbyBartolomeodeFornarireveal.InSeptember1236,Ugo'ssonGuglielmocededseveralsharesinboththedebitumsoldaniandthemadonaseptetoseveraldifferentbusinesspartners,priortohisowntraveltoCeutaonbusiness.97 Al-Yanashti'sregimewasnottheonlydebtor,however.Theexpenseofhastilyraisingtheexpeditionaryfleetin1235seemstohaveledtheGenoesecommunetopromisepaymenttomanyofitssailorsandsoldiers,manyofwhomwerestillwaitingfortheirpaywelloverayearlater.BetweenSeptember1236andMarch1237,BartolomeodeFornarirecordedeightseparatecontractsinwhichmenappointedproxiestorecoverthesalariesowingtothemfortheirserviceonthegalleysthattookpartinthesiege;almostallofthemhadservedonshipsfurnishedbyLigurianporttownsandcommunitiesoutsideGenoa,suchasRecco,Chiavari,Ventimiglia,ValPolcevera.Thesemenprobablywantedtoreturntotheirhomes,andcouldnotwaitindefinitelyatGenoatorecovertheirsalariesinperson.Oneman,AlbarodaMoneglia,hadcometoGenoatoseekthesalaryowedtohisson,whohaddiedontheexpedition.98 Unfortunately,thesourcesdonotrevealhowsuccessfulindividualGenoesewereinrecoveringtheirlosses,norhowthemahonawasactuallycollectedormanaged:diditpayoutinyearlyinstallmentsfromacommonfund,orwasitlefttoindividualstopresstheirclaimsatCeuta?SomeGenoesecertainlyretainedtheirsharesforseveralyears.WhenAdalaxiadeVergionodiedinAugust1241,aninventoryofherestaterevealedherownershipofseveralfinancialinstruments,includingashareinthemahonaofCeuta,madein1238,for68besants.HadAdalaxiaheldontothisdocumentbecauseshewasreceivingayearlyincomefromhershare,orbecauseshehopedtocollectaone-offpaymentoneday?Itishardtoknowhowvaluabletheseclaimstrulywere.Furthermore,in1236thepeopleofCeutahadevictedal-YanashtiandrenewedtheirallegiancetotheAlmohadcaliphinMarrakesh,albeitunderagovernoroftheirownchoosing,wholikehispredecessorhadbeenacustomsofficial:wouldthisnewregimehavehonoredallthedebtsoftheprevious"kingofCeuta"? Ultimately,however,whatismoststrikingaboutthewholeaffairishowquicklythestatusquoreasserteditself.Therewasafight,amemorablesiege,somelostproperty,andanindeterminateamountofmoneychangedhands,butattheendofeverythingtheGenoesesimplyrebuilttheirquarterandcontinuedtotrade.AlongsidethetransfersandpurchasesofthemahonaandthedebitumsoldaniinMay1236arenewcontractsfortradingventuresinwine,cotton,andlacquerforCeuta,aswellaspaymentforconstructionofanewhousebythearsenalofCeuta,perhapsbuilttoreplaceonelostinthefirein

96"Totaquosreciperedebeoaregesepteetillosbesantiosquosreciperedebeoethabereinmadonasepte"ASGNotaiAntichi17(BonvassallodeCassino):24r.97ASGNotaiAntichi18/II(BartolomeodeFornari):150r.98ASGNotaiAntichi18/II(BartolomeodeFornari):155v,157v,158v,160v,165r.

69

1234.99DidtheGenoesewhoarrivedinCeutain1236andthesucceedingyearstreadmorecarefully,ortrademorediscreetly,orlivealongsidetheirMoroccanhostsmorefearfully,withtheknowledgeofwhathadhappened?Eventually,CeutawouldlosemuchofitsimportanceforGenoa,especiallyafter1250,asmerchantsfocusedtheirattentionelsewhere,butthisdeclinecannotbeattributedtotheeventsof1234-1235. Liketheirmedievalcounterparts,modernhistoriansofGenoa,Morocco,andtheMediterraneanhaveproposedstrikinglydifferentinterpretationsoftheepisode.ForsomeGenoesehistorians,themahonaofCeutafitsintoanarrativeofGenoesecolonialexpansion,prefiguringthelater,andmuchbetter-known,mahonasofChiosandCyprus,inwhichanumberofGenoeseshareholderssplittheprofits-andexpenses-ofmanagingtheRepublic'soverseaspossessions.In1994,StevenA.EpsteinreferredtothemahonaofCeutaas"afirstfruitofempire."100Othershavebeenmorecircumspect;suchasTeofilodeNegri,forexample,whoinhis800-pageStoriadiGenovanotedthattheGenoesehadcontemplatedtheoutrightconquestorsackofCeuta.Sincetheydidnotachievethis,hethought"thewholeexerciseshouldperhapsbeconsideredafailure."101Themostrecentin-depthstudyoftheGenoesenotarialsourcesforwhathappenedwasundertakeninthe1930sbyRaffaeledeTucci,whobyhisownadmissionhadexpectedtofindevidenceofanorganizedgroupofmerchants—themahonesi—whomanagedorexploitedtherevenuesfromCeuta.Instead,hefoundaconfusedmassofnotarialdocumentsfrom1236recordinganumberofindividualswithvaryingclaimstothemahonarevenue,whichsoonbecametradeablecommoditiesinthemselves,muchlikethesharesofthepublictaxessoldbythecommunetoraisemoney:thecompera.Summarizinghisfindings,deTucciobservedthat"themaonawasnothingmorethanamassofprivatecreditorsofforeignrulersfordamagestheyhadreceivedfromthem,whomthestatehadbackedupwithanarmedexpedition."102 FromtheMoroccanperspective,theGenoeseattackwasonemoreinastringofconflictsbetweeninvadingEuropeanChristiansandtheMuslimsoftheWest.FerhatnotedthattheGenoeseassaultmarked"thefirsttimethatanorganizedChristianforceattackedtheAfricanlittoral,"prefiguringlaterCastilianraidsonRabat(1260)andtheeventualPortugueseconquestofCeutaitselfin1415.103Attimes,thisassessmenthasescalatedtoawiderexplanationofthedifferencesinurbandevelopmentbetweentheMaghribandmedievalEurope,andtoanindictmentofthe"failures"oftheformer.InanalyzingtheimportanceofurbanmercantileelitesinboththeMaghribandWesternEurope,thesociologistEricMielantsgavetheCeutaexpeditionamajorroleinexplainingwhy

99ASGNotaiAntichi17(BonvassallodeCassino):20r.100Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,122.101DiNegri,StoriadiGenova,326.102RaffaelediTucci,“DocumentiIneditisullaSpedizioneesullaMahonadeiGenovesiaCeuta(1234-1237)"AttiLiguridiStoriaPatria64(1935),320.103Ferhat,Sabtadesorigines,217.

70

"independentcitystates"didnottakeshapeinNorthAfricaatthesametimeasinItaly.EchoingFerhat,heheraldedthegovernmentofal-Yanashtiasmarking"outrightindependence"forCeuta,butonethatcouldnotlastinthefaceofexternalaggressionbytheGenoese:"whenGenoafounditseconomicintereststhreatened,resistanceagainstthe120warshipsthatwererapidlysenttoCeuta'sharborwasfutile."MielantssawthispatternrepeatedatTripoliinthefourteenthcentury,andcitingearlierworkbyAbrahamUdovitchandMayaShatzmiller,presenteditasfurtherevidenceforthedisconnectbetweenMuslimmerchantelitesandpoliticalpower.AsShatzmillerputit:

Eitherbylackofpowerandmeansorbyconviction,theinabilityoftheIslamicpoliticalpowerstoactaggressivelyinthepursuitoftrade,explainswhyIslamicstatesontheshoresoftheMediterraneanfailedtodevelopamorevigorousandsophisticatedsystemofmaritimetrade,despitethefactthattheycouldeasilyhavedoneso,andwhy,fromtheeleventhcenturyonwards,theyrelinquishedcontrolandparticipationtotheItaliancities.104

Yetthisinterpretationishardtosquarewithboththechronicleandnotarialevidence.Afterall,theGenoesefailedtoconquerthecity,andal-Yanashti'sregimesurvivedthesiege,evenifitdidcrumblethenextyear—thankstoarevoltofthemercantileeliteandthecommonersofCeuta,itshouldbenoted.105MoroccanchroniclersnotedtheheroicresistanceoftheSabtistotheblockade,whereastheGenoesesourcesrevealnotaconcertedplanofconquest,butratheraseriesofdiplomaticmissionsaimingforfinancialcompensationthatonlyescalatedtowarafterconfusedfightingbetweenChristiansandMuslims,aswellasbetweenChristians.AsdeTucci'sresearchshowedinthe1930s,therewasnopowerfulmahonaofmerchantsmanagingtheresourcesofaforeigndominion,asatChiosandCyprusinthefourteenthcentury,onlyagroupofcreditorswithclaimstoreimbursementthatsomewereonlytoohappytoberidof. Howthen,shouldweunderstandthe"yearofGenoa"?TheMoroccansourcespresenttheepisodeasoneofattemptedandthwartedconquestleadingtoacompromise,whichitundoubtedlybecame,afteracertainpoint.Buttheeventsof1234-1235donoteasilyfitintoasimpleparadigmofreligiousconflictormedieval"gunboatdiplomacy."TheinitialsquabblewasbetweentwogroupsofChristians:theCatalanmercenariesorcrusaders,whoaimedatplunder,andtheGenoese,whowantedtodefendtheirtradinginterests.Evenafterthepillagingofthefondacos,Genoa'sambassadorCarboneMalocellodecidedtorecruittroopsforanattackonCeutainSeville:aMuslimcity.Furthermore,thesituationonlyreachedthispointafteryearsofdiplomacy.Between1231and1235atleastfourseparateGenoeseembassiesarementionedatCeuta,andthreetreatiesweresigned,in1231,1233,and1235.ClearlytheGenoeseweretryingtonegotiateandpreservetheirtradingrightsandprivilegesinacontextofpoliticalturmoil.AnotherstrikingaspectoftheconflictishowmuchagencyandinitiativeweredisplayedbytheGenoesecommunityat 104Mielants,TheOriginsofCapitalism,140-141,MayaShatzmiller,LabourintheMedievalIslamicWorld(Leiden:Brill,1994),45.105Ferhat,Sabtadesorigines,219-220.

71

CeutaandelsewhereintheWesternMediterranean–armingships,holdingcouncilsofwar,andlaunchingalandexpeditionofsixhundredmenin1234.Clearly,theGenoesesettlementatCeutamusthavebeenquitelargetohavebeenabletosupportsuchefforts.Bycontrast,thecommunalgovernmentappearstobehavedmostlyreactively,investingshipsandraisingmoneytosupporteffortsthatwerealreadyunderwayintheStraitsofGibraltar.AlthoughthechroniclerregretsthattheexpeditiondidnotcaptureCeutaintheend,theprocessbywhichtheGenoesecommunearrivedatitsfinalsiegeandblockadewasanythingbutstraightforward,anditsmacksofwoundedprideandindignationasmuchasofcalculated,commercialinterest.Ultimately,thestoryisoneofopportunisticviolence,claimsforreimbursement,andrevenge.AnelementofculturalorreligiousresentmentonthepartoftheSabtisagainstthewealthyGenoesemerchantquarterdoesseemlikelybut,again,ishardtoquantify,andinanycaseseemstohaveplayedlittleroleinthedecisionsofthesurvivorstocontinuetradingthereasbefore.TreatiesandNewRegimes,1236-1272.Theeventsof1235didnotmarktheendofGenoesetradeandsettlementatCeuta.Notarialevidenceindicatesthatthecommunitycontinuedtothriveintothe1250s,althoughtheredoesseemtohavebeenasharpdeclineafterthatpoint:from1260to1300,onlytwocontractsmentionCeuta.106Althoughnonehavenotsurvived,treatieswithCeutacontinuedtoberenewed.InacontractfromOctober1253,FedericodePredonoappointedtwobrothers,OpizinoandJacopoAdalardo,ashisproxiestorecoverthepriceofhisslave,whohadbeentakenbytheSabtigovernment,anddrewattentiontheinclusionofhisclaim"inthetreatyorpactthatwasmadebetweentheGenoesecommuneandthelordshipofCeuta."107However,fromthe1230s,GenoeseattentionbegantoshiftfromwesttoeastalongthecoastoftheMaghrib,asBijāyaandespeciallyTuniscametoattractanever-greatershareofthetrade.Thiswasespeciallytrueinthe1250s,asMichelBalardandAntonioMusarrahaveshown,althoughtherewerestillgreatfluctuationsonayearlybasis,asmerchantsrespondedtothreatsofwarandpiracy.TableTwo:GenoeseOverseasTradein1251-1262(byamountinlireandbypercentageoftotal)

106ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)30/II:151v,andidem,(GuglielmodiS.Giorgio)70:62v.SeediscussioninChapterThree,112.107"IntractatusiveconventionefactavelfactamintercommunemIanueetSegnoriaSepte",ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)29:241v.ThiscouldwellhavereflectedatreatywiththeBanūʿAzafi,alocalfamilyofreligiousscholarswhoruledCeutafrom1250,althoughthedateofthetreatyisnotgiven.SeeHalimaFerhat,Sabtadesorigines,230-234.

Destination 1251 1252 1253 1254 1255 1256 1257 1258 1259 1261 1262Oltremare 11351

42%1735667%

5066053%

1337851%

910465%

59411%

722828%

433354%

482740%

551.6%

390.3%

Romania 337112%

--

7451%

410.16%

--

--

--

--

--

501.46%

1191%

Bijāya 14045%

17847%

1409515%

335413%

2972%

3907%

271011%

180.02%

360.3%

169549%

299327%

72

Source:AntonioMusarra,InPartibusUltramaris:IGenovesi,LaCrociataelaTerrasanta,493-494;andMichelBalard,LesGénoisenRomanieentre1204et1261,489.Notethattotalpercentagesfor1257and1258rounddowntojustover99%;allotherpercentagesequal100%. ItisworthnotingthattheyearinwhichMaghribidestinationscapturedthehighestshareofthetotal(68%in1256)wasalsoanexceptionallylow-volumeyearforGenoesetradeasawhole:only5600lire.ThismayhavereflectedthedangeranduncertaintyfacingmerchantsattheoutbreakoftheWarofSt.Sabas,asconflictmadeeasterntrademuchriskier:investorsandseacaptainsmayhavepreferredtosticktotheWesternMediterranean,withtheMaghribactingasa"substitutionmarket,"asValérianwouldputit.108Yeteveninanexceptionallygoodyearfortrade(1253),Maghribidestinationsstillmadeup29%ofthetotal,andonly1258witnessedanear-completecollapseintheGenoa-Maghribtrade.109 AsGenoeseinterestshiftedtotheeasternMaghrib,thepoliticalframeworkoftraderelationschanged.BothTunisandBijāyawereunited,from1228,undertheḤafṣiddynasty.SurvivingLatintreatyevidencefromGenoahighlightstheimportanceofGenoese-Ḥafṣidrelations,withGenoa-Tunistreatiesformalizedin1236,1250,1272,and1287.110Thetreatiesconsistofmultipleclausesproposingmutualrespect,non-aggression,andcooperation,andalsorecordspecificobligationsandrights,mostlyfortheGenoesemerchantswhotradeatTunisorBijāya.GeorgesJehelgroupedtheseclausesintotwoseparateaspectsoftherelationship:amilitary/strategicpact,andcommercialrights.Theformergroupincludedclausesonnon-aggression,promisesnottoaidhostilethirdparties,andeventherightoftheḤafṣidstotemporarilymakeuseofGenoeseshipsduringan

108AntonioMusarra,LaguerradiSanSaba(Ospedalletto:Pacini,2009).109BalardandMusarra'sfiguresaretakenfromsurveysofnotarialevidence.Studiesofindividualnotariesoftenrevealexceptionsorcomplicationstogeneraltrends.Forinstance,astudybyLauraBallettooftheworkofthenotaryAntoniodeSigestroin1257and1258foundthattradetotheMaghribin1258wasvaluedat£404,not£80,anumberthatwouldraisetheMaghrib'stotalshareoftradeto5%for1258.SeeLauraBalletto,"FontinotariligenovesidelsecondoduecentoperlastoriadelregnolatinodiGerusalemme,"inIComuniItalianinelregnocrociatodiGerusalemme,ed.GabrielaAiraldi(Genoa:UniversitàdiGenova,IstitutodiMedievistica,1986),185-187.110MasLatrie,Traités,116-127.

Ceuta 309211%

12855%

37114%

323412%

7215%

1102%

1831%

--

--

--

--

Tunis 451717%

24059%

935910%

11764%

202815%

330559%

610024%

801%

235420%

--

363532%

Provence 308111%

116210%

74888%

8713%

9787%

3416%

19967%

198725%

211918%

58517%

9178%

Sicily 2511%

16136%

71007%

1981%

5894%

80014%

598624%

7229%

248421%

76222%

160214%

Yspania --

2641%

19382%

397615%

2152%

601%

10254%

75510%

1561%

2868%

195517%

Total 27067 25869 95096 26288 13932 5600 25228 7895 11976 3433 11260

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emergency.Thelattergroupspecifiedthetermsoftrade:customsduties,therighttoexportgrain,andsoforth.111 Severalclausesareworthhighlighting.Foronething,thetermsoftradeweretightlycontrolledbytheḤafṣidstate.TheGenoesewerepermittedtotradeatTunis,Bijāya,andwhereverelse"theyhavebeenaccustomedtousefortrade,"buttheywereforbiddentoenterotherareasunlessunderduress(suchasshipwreck).112Transactionsweretotakeplaceeitherinthecustoms-house(dugana)itself,orelseunderthesupervisionofofficiallylicensedtranslators(torcimanoscuriecognitos),and"theofficialsofthecourtmustnotpermitanySaracenwhoisnotalegallyrecognizedmerchanttobuyfromaGenoese."113AsJehelpointedout,thisclausedemonstratedtheḤafṣiddesireandabilitytocontrolthetermsoftrade,althoughitprobablyalsoreflectedaGenoesepreferenceforofficialguarantorsofatransaction'svalidity.114 Subsequenttreatiesreaffirmedthelanguageofthe1236document,repeatingseveralclausesverbatim.Inthe1236treaty,Genoese-Tunisiantradewasconceivedastakingplaceviaauction(incalega),althoughlatertreatiesmadeclearthatothertypesofsaleswerepossible(incalegaetextracalega),providedalicensedtranslatorwaspresent.The1250treatysawanewinsistencethatnomerchantbepermittedtohireaprivatetranslator,pleadedforareturnto"goodcustomandbehavior"amongthecity'slongshoremen(bastasietcalavi),andprovidedfortheduty-freesaleofgoldatTunisandBijāya.115Treatiessignedin1272and1287reiteratedthesegeneralterms,occasionallyaddingnewones,suchasthestipulationin1272thataGenoesemightsellashiptoaMuslimwithoutpayingtaxes.116 Thetreatieswerealsooccasionstoairparticulargrievances,asindeedtookplacein1287,whentheGenoeseambassadorsdemanded(andreceived)restitutionforaship

111GeorgesJehel,LesGénoisenOccident,66.112"Inaliisverolocisdedistrictusuo,nisiinillisinquibusnegociandicausauticonsueveruntIanuenses,nondediteislicenciamvendendivelapplicandinisinecessitateurgente"Mas-Latrie,Traités(Genoa-Tunis,1236),116.113"InsupertenenturofficiariicurienonpermitterealiquemSarracenumemereaIanuensi[qui]nonsitcognitusprolegalinegociatore."ibid,117.114DominiqueValérian,"Lesmarchandslatinsdanslesportsmusulmansméditerranéens:uneminoritédansdesespacecommunautaires?"RevuedesmondesmusulmansetdelaMéditerranée107(2005),437-458.115Mas-Latrie,(Genoa-Tunis,1250),119-120.SeeValérian,Bougie,portmaghrébin,221-228.116Thiswouldappeartobeanopendefianceoftheclearprohibitionbycanonlawsincethe1170sagainstChristianssellingstrategicmaterialstoMuslims,whichincludedarms,weapon,andtimberforgalleys,onpainofexcommunication.Thebanwaslaterexplicitlyextendedtoshipsandgalleysintheearlythirteenthcentury.SeeStantchev,SpiritualRationality:PapalEmbargoasCulturalPractice(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2014)45-49,58-60.

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plunderedintheharborofTunisbythePisans,worthalmost21,000besants.117Suchattacksbythirdparties,althoughnotmadebytheḤafṣidsthemselves,stillrequiredcompensation,sincetheyrepresentedafailuretoprovidesecurity,aviolationofthetreatylanguageguaranteeingsafetyinḤafṣidterritory.Inreturn,reciprocityclausesgaveTunisianmerchantswhohadbeenwrongedtheabilitytoseekredressatGenoa,asoccurredinJuly1251,when"Bocherius,SaracenandmerchantofTunis,"received£25incompensationforlosseshehadsufferedduetothepiratesofPortovenere.118 Inadditiontodefiningthenormativestructureofexchange,thetreatiesgiveusasenseofthepersonalitiesandbureaucraciesinvolvedincreatingties.ThesewillbefurtherexploredinChapterThree,butfornow,onemightsimplypointoutthatthesurvivingtreatieswereallnegotiatedinTunis,andprobablyinvolvedtheextensiveparticipationofḤafṣidgovernmentofficialsandthecity'slegalelite.119Thefirsttwotreatiesin1236and1250mentiononlytheḤafṣidrulerandtheambassadorofGenoa,butsubsequenttreatiesexpandthecastofcharacterssignificantly.In1272thenegotiationswereundertakenontheḤafṣidsideby"YahyaBenabdelMec,calledBolasem,headofthecustoms"(chaytumduganeTunexis)and"MoametYbenaliYbenabraym,qaḍīofTunis,"whilealistofMuslimwitnessesincluded"al-Qasim"and"BenAli,"withnofurtherqualifications.120Fifteenyearslater,otherofficialsnegotiatedanewtreatyonthecaliph'sbehalf.Theseincludedanewheadofcustoms,BenMaamet(IbnMuḥammad?),whoenjoyedatrulyimpressivelistofflatteringadjectives:"theelder,themoremagnificent,theexalted,thelofty,thepresent,thehonorable,thepure."121BenMaametwasassistedbyatranslator,AbramusSechelus,andthreeotherMuslimsservedaswitnesses:"YechaBenMaametBinibusaico,YechaeBolassemBeneissem,provisorofthecustomsofTunis,andYechaAdoloet."122Allthreeweredescribedas"religiousscholarsandjudges"(alfachinietarchadini),andlikely

117Mas-Latrie,(Genoa-Tunis1287),127-128.118ASGNotaiAntichi(MatteodePredono)31/I:154r.119TherewerecertainlyḤafṣidembassiestoGenoa,forexamplein1237,andḤafṣidambassadorspassedthroughthecityin1274ontheirwaytoFrance,thoughnoevidencesurvivesofanytreatytheynegotiated.Fortheformerembassy,seeAnnalesVol3,81;forthelatter,seediscussioninChapterFour,136.120Mas-Latrie,(Genoa-Tunis,1272),122-123.121"senexmagnificentior,magnificatus,altior,preferendus,honorabilis,purus,BenMaamet,"Mas-Latrie(Genoa-Tunis1287)127.122TheLatinterm"provisor"issomewhatobscureandill-defined:thoughelsewhereinEuropeitcoulddenoteanadministrativeorevenasacredrole(bishopsoccasionallyusedtheterm),withinItalyitmostoftenreferredtoanofficialwithacommunalgovernment,inanadministrativeorjudicialrole.SeeDuCange,"provisor,"http://ducange.enc.sorbonne.fr/PROVISOR.

75

representedacombinationofreligiousexperts—theqādīsandlearnedmen—andadministrativeofficialsintheḤafṣidregime.123 MultipleGenoesetookpartinthetreatynegotiationsandratification,includingexperiencedmerchantssuchasOpizinoAdalardo,andmerchant-notarieslikeLeonardodeSigenbaldo,buttheysometimesalsoinvolvedsecularclergyfromGenoa,andrepresentativesofthemendicantorders,asin1287.ThetreatyofthatyearalsosawthepresenceofnotonlyGenoesebutalsoforeigndignitaries,includingtwoVenetiansandtwoCatalans.EarliersourcesconfirmthatEuropean"nations"atTuniskeptclosewatchoneachother'sprivilegesandrelationswiththelocalauthorities,sotheirpresenceattheactualnegotiationsshouldnotsurpriseus.124 ThefragmentarynotarialcartularyofPietroBattifoglio(1288-1289)revealstheday-to-dayinteractionsbetweentheleadingTunisianauthoritiesandtheirGenoesecounterparts,concealedbythedeferentialattitudesandplatitudesofthetreatylanguage.Itwasarelationshipthatwasbothintimateandcontentious.Of133survivingacts,atleastsevenwerecomposedinthecustoms-houseitself,andanadditionalthreeweredrawnupintheprivatehomesoftheḤafṣidofficialswhohadchargeofthecustoms.InTunis,themostimportantofthesewasthefaqīhIbnMarwan(alfachinusBemMaroanno),head(mushrif)ofthecustoms,butalsoYusufRacadiandanotherfaqīh,"BoniacopoRacadiquidiciturBotaer)alsodescibedascustomsofficials,andBoadilBenIacopo,knowninLatinasthecadinus,eitherajudge(qādī)orpossiblyanofficialofthecaliph'scourt(qaʾid).125Officialinterpretersofthecustoms-house(turcimanosindugana)werepresentatthesemeetings,andoccasionallymoreseniorḤafṣidofficialsmadeanappearance:includingamannamedBunMaameto(AbūMuhammad?),"sheikhoftheAlmohadsofTunis"(sechaMoadinorumTunexis).126 However,PietroBattifoglio'sdocumentsalsoshowthattheseḤafṣidofficialsactedasascreenbetweentheGenoeseandthecaliphhimself,tothechagrinoftheGenoeseconsul,whoonMay1,1289arrivedatthepalaceandformallyprotestedathislackofaccesstothecaliph.127Themenofthecustoms-housewerealsofullypreparedandwillingtoenforcetheirrightstotollsandtogoodsthathadbeensold.ThiswasapparentlythecontextofanincidentonMay25,1289,inwhichthefaqīhBotaerarrivedwithanarmed 123Inthe1180s,Genoa'streatieswiththeBanūGhaniyarulersofMallorca—whichsurviveinArabicandLatin—refertotheMuslimamīrhimselfasafaqīh,orreligiousscholar.AmirBaadjarguedthatthisreflectedtheAlmoraviddynasty'sself-conceptionasorthodoxSunnischolars(asopposedtotheAlmohads),seeAmirBaadj,Saladin,theAlmohadsandtheBanūGhāniya:TheContestforNorthAfrica(12thand13thcenturies)(Leiden:Brill,2015),69.124Mas-Latrie,(Pisa-Tunis1229),31-32.125GeorgesJehelfavoredthelatterinterpretation.Seeidem,LesGénoisenMéditerrannéeOccidentale,104,n46.126Battifoglio126,(doc87).GeoPistarino,followingR.Brunschvig,readthisas"sheikhofthecity(al-medina)"butthetreatylanguageinMas-LatriesuggestsanAlmohadderivation.127Battifoglio126,(doc87).

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bandofmenatoneoftheGenoesefondacostoclaimacargoofoilthathadalreadybeensoldatthecustomsbyOpizinoPanzanno,aGenoesemerchant.TheGenoeseconsulprotestedvainlythatthecommunehadnotyetextracteditsowntollsfromtheimportedoilandappealedtotheauthorityofIbnMarwanasheadofthecustoms-house,onlytobetoldthatitwasIbnMarwanhimselfwhohadorderedtheoiltobetaken"byforceandagainstthewilloftheconsulorotherGenoese"(pervim,ultravoluntatemdictiBaliannietaliorumIanuensium).128Whilethisviolentexpropriationonbehalfofthepurchaserisuniqueinthenotarialregister,itishighlysuggestiveofthepowerofthecustomsofficetoenforcesalesandcontracts.TheCrusadeof1270 In1267,LouisIXofFranceformallytookthecrossforthesecondtime.Seriouspreparationsforembarkingoncrusadebeganin1269.Theeffortinvolvedthousandsofknightsandfootsoldiers,andreliedonclosecooperationwithLouis'brotherCharlesofAnjou,whohadrecentlymadehimselfkingofSicily,andPrinceEdward,heirtotheEnglishthrone.AswithhisfirstcrusadeagainstEgyptin1249,LouisreliedheavilyonGenoeseshipstotransporthisarmyfromtheportofAigues-Mortes:accordingtothecityannals,overtenthousandGenoesewereemployedinthefleet;theyelectedtwoconsulstorepresentthemasabody.129Originalplanscalledforthearmyandthefleettodeparttogetherinthespringof1270,buttheGenoesefleetarrivedlate;itwasearlyJulybeforethearmadagotunderway.AfterhaltingatCagliari,theleadersoftheCrusadeheldacouncilofwar,inwhichthekingrevealedthatTuniswastheirtarget;thefleetarrivedatCarthageonJuly18,andasiegebegan.However,theFrenchcrusadersquicklyfellpreytodysenteryandotherdiseasesinthebrutalsummerweather,whichclaimedthelifeoftheking'ssonTristan.ThekinghimselfsuccumbedonAugust25,1270.CharlesofAnjouarrivedjustafterhisbrother'sdeath.Heandthesurvivingcrusadersextractedamassivecashpaymentfromthecaliphal-Mustansir,alongwithhispromisetoallowtheunrestrictedpracticeofChristianityatTunis,inexchangefortheirpromisetodepart.130 LouisandCharles'decisiontotargetTunisin1270insteadofEgyptorSyriahasdividedhistorianssincethenineteenthcentury,whohavetendedtoascribeblame(orcredit)tooneortheotherofthebrothers.AsMichaelLowerhasrecentlyshown,manyoftheearlyanalysestendtoisolatereligiousgoalsorfinancialinterestsasexclusivemotivationsfortheCrusade;eitherpiousLouis'desiretoconverttheḤafṣidruler,orthedeeplyindebtedCharles'needtorecoverthetributethattheḤafṣidshadpaidtotheHohenstaufenrulersofSicily.Lowerarguesthatthebrotherslikelycollaboratedfromthebeginning:CharleswantedtoconsolidateAngevincontroloverthecentralMediterranean(andrepairhisfinances),whereas,inaschemeof"chillinggrandeur,"LouishopedtouseanAngevin-controlledSicilyandTunistogetherasabasefortheultimateattackonMamlūk 128Battifoglio,141(doc.97).129AnnalesVol.4,131-2.130Lower,TheTunisCrusade,134-140.

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EgyptandtheHolyLand.LouismayhavesincerelyhopedthattheḤafṣidscouldbeinducedtoconverttoChristianity,buthenevertookhiseyesofftheultimateprize:Jerusalem.131 Whateverthetruemotivationsforthecrusade,theGenoesesourcesrevealthatthedecisiontotargetTuniscameasashocktothecity,whosepeoplehadexpectedthefleettogodirectlytotheLevant:

WhenitwasannouncedinGenoa,thecitywasgreatlydistressed,andeveryonewasstruckwithamazement.Forithadbeenthecommonintentofallwisemen,totransportthearmyofthecrusadersandthekingofFranceforthedefenseoftheHolyLand,andtherecoveryoftheHolySepulcher...andthiswasacauseofgreatsorrow,foritwasknownnotonlytothewise,buttoeveryone,thatthisarmycouldprofitnothing,oralmostnothing,intheareaofTunis,norachieveanythingpraiseworthy,asindeedtheeventrevealed.132

Evenaccountingforthebenefitofhindsight,thereislittlereasontodoubtthesincerityofthechronicle'saccount.Certainlythearrivalofthecrusade,andoftenthousandoftheircompatriotscaughtthesizeableGenoesecommunityresidentatTuniscompletelyoffguard.Al-MustansirorderedthatalltheresidentGenoeseandtheirmerchandisebedetainedunderguard.However,thechroniclernoted,appreciatively,thatthiswasdonefortheirsafety,ratherthaninretribution:

[Themerchants]wereplacedinabeautifulpalace,andnoonewastoharmthem.Itwastheking'sintentionnottooffendbutrathertopreservethoseGenoesewhowerealreadyinthecity,forhebelievedthatitwasnotbytheircounsel,butratherbythatofothers,thatthearmyhadbeendivertedtoTunis.133

Despitehisdisapproval,thechroniclerrecordedwithpridethefeatsofarmsaccomplishedbytheGenoesesailorsinLouis'army,whocapturedacastleatCarthageandraisedtheflagoftheRepublicatopthebattlements.Nonetheless,thisheroicachievementcouldnotmasktheshabbinessofthewholeaffairintheeyesoftheannalist,particularlyintheaftermathofthecrusaders'departure.WhenamassivestormoffSicilywreckedmanyshipsand

131Lower,TheTunisCrusade,173;WilliamJordan,LouisIXandthechallengeoftheCrusade:astudyinrulership(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1979),214-220.132"postquamfuitinIanuanuntiatum,doluitIanuensiscivitasvehementer,acadmirationecommotisuntuniversi.Eratenimomniumsapientumcomunisintentio,quodregisFrancorumetcrucesignatorumexercitustransfretaredeberentprosubsidioterresancteacrecuperationedominicesepulture,quaminchristianorumobprobrium,adquoshereditarioiurespectat,irreverenterdetinentSarraceni.Ethecfuitcausadoloris,quianedumsapientibussedquasiomnibuspoteratessenotum,quodinpartibusTuneximnichilvelquasinichilproficerepoteratiamdictuxexercitus,nececiamlaudabilemsortirieffectumsicuteciamposteaaparuitexeventu."AnnalesVol.4,133-4.133AnnalesVol.4,132.

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drownedthousandsofGenoese,CharlesofAnjouclaimedtherightofsalvage—naufragium—indefianceofthetreatywithGenoa.134 MuslimaccountsofthisCrusadehavenotalwaysreceivedtheattentiontheydeserve,buttheyaddsomeinterestingnuancetothestoryofwhythecrusaderstargetedalargelyfriendlyMuslimcity.LiketheirChristiancounterparts,MuslimauthorsweresplitbetweenascribingreligiousandfinancialmotivestotheCrusaders,althoughmostofthemcametofavorthelatter.IbnQunfudh,writinginthefifteenthcentury,stressedthestrategicconnectionsandcloserelationshipbetweenEgyptandTunis,andhadnodoubtthatLouishadintendedtousethelatterasabasetoattacktheformer.135IbnKhaldūn,however,allegedthattheFrenchweretryingtorecoverthevalueofloanstheyhadmadetoacorruptḤafṣidofficial,Abbasal-Lulyani,whohadbeenarrestedandexecutedbyal-Mustansirinthe1260s.136 MichaelLower'saccountalsodrawsattentiontoafascinatingandpreviouslyneglectedsourcefortheTunisCrusade:aSyrianauthor,Quṭbal-dīnMūsab.Muḥammadal-Yunīnī,(1242-1326),who,likeIbnKhaldūn,allegedthatacommercialdisputeattheTunisiancustomswascentraltothecrusade.Accordingtoal-Yunīnī,certainFrenchmerchantshadtriedtopayforgoodswithcounterfeitcurrency.Ondiscoveringthiscrime,thecaliphhadasked,"WhoaretherichestoftheFranks?"WhenhewastoldthattheGenoesewerethewealthiest,hehadtheirgoodsandmoneyconfiscatedtopunishthecounterfeiters.Seekingrevenge,theGenoeseplottedwiththeFrenchtoattackTunis,andthefinalpaymentinAugust1270wasnothingmoreorlessthan"thereturnoftheGenoesemoney."137 Al-Yunīnī'saccountcannotquitebetakenatfacevalue;foronething,itisimpossibletoimaginethatsuchaconfiscationwouldgounmentionedandun-denouncedintheGenoeseannals,vigilantastheywereofslightstothecity'shonorandprofits.Nonetheless,thewillingnessofal-Yunīnīandotherstoreducethecrusade'sorigintoacommercialdisputeishighlysuggestive:itgivestheGenoeseamajor,evendeterminingrole,intheCrusade'sdecision-making,andisindicativeofhowpowerfultheywerefelttobeatTunisinthe1260s.Debasementofthesilvercurrency—thedirham/besant—wasbecominganotoriousprobleminIfrīqiyaafterthe1250s,muchofitblamedonEuropeanmerchantsimportingcounterfeitbesantsmintedathome,includingGenoa,whereimitationbesantswerebeingmintedby1253.Thecaliph,inanattempttoprovideacheapcurrencyforeverydaytransactions,introducedacoppercurrency,thehandus,butthistoowasrapidlydebased,leadingtoriotsinTunis.138AḤafṣidconcernaboutcounterfeitcurrencycouldexplainwhythe1272Genoa-Tunistreaty—whichotherwisestudiouslyavoidsmentionof 134Ibid,136-7.135IbnQunfudh, Al-Fārisiyyafīmabādiʾal-dawlaal-ḥafṣīya,ed.ʿAbdal-Majīdal-Turki(Tunis:Dāral-Tunisiyali-l-Nashr,1968),110-111. 136IbnKhaldūn,Kitābal-ʿIbārVol6:655-656;663-671.

137al-Yunīnī,Dhaylmirātal-zamānVol2(Hyderabad:Dairatu'l-Ma'arif-il-Osmania,1955),454-456.138Lower,TheTunisCrusade,168;PeterSpufford,MoneyandItsUse,172-173.

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anyrecentunpleasantnessandrepeatsearliertreatylanguage—includesanewclauseoncounterfeitcurrency:"noGenoeseshallbringmoneytoTunisunlessitbeofgoodfinesilver,andifanyshallbringit,thecustomsshallhavelicensetoreceiveandre-stampit."139 AswiththeCeutaexpeditionandmahona,itisdifficulttoidentifyanymajorchangesintheGenoa-TunisrelationshipduetotheCrusade,andtheindicationsarethatbothpartiessoughtaswiftreturntothestatusquo,whichwouldholdfortherestofthecentury.AlthoughTuniswouldlosemuchofitsimportanceforGenoesecapitalandmerchantsinthelatethirteenthcentury,thislikelyhadmoretodowiththeopeningoftheBlackSeaandAegeanthantoanylingeringTunisianbitternessoverthecrusade.NewHorizonsandChallenges Theyears1291–1292markaconvenientend-pointtothisdiscussionofGenoa-Maghribties.Nearlycoincidingwiththeendofthecity'scontinuouschronicletraditionin1294,theseyearswitnessedanumberofimportanteventsmarkingashiftinGenoa'soverseastradeandcommitments.140In1291,AcrefelltotheMamlūks,markingtheendoftheCrusaderkingdomintheHolyLand.Withthecity'sfall,GenoalostamajorprivilegedtradingzoneintheLevant,aswellasasymboliclinktothegreatcrusadesofthetwelfthcentury,whichplayedacriticalroleinthecity'sself-conception,evenifthecitywentontoformaflourishingtraderelationshipwiththeMamluksintheearlyfourteenthcentury.141Famously,thesameyearalsosawtheVivaldiexpedition,probablyaresponsetotheimpendingfallofAcre,inwhichthebrothersUgolinoandVandinoVivaldiequippedtwogalleysandlaunched"avoyagethatnoonehadeveryetattempted":tofindasearoutetoIndiabysailingaroundAfrica.LastseenofftheAtlanticcoastofsouthernMorocco,theshipsdisappearedfromhistory,thoughtheAnnalistnotedhopefullythattheymightyetreturn.142 Evenbeforethispoint,theoutlinesofGenoeseoverseastradewereshiftinginfavoroftheBlackSeatrade,strongerrelationswithEgypt,andexpansionintonorthernEurope. 139"aliquidIanuensisnonapportetmonetaminTunexiquenonsitdebonoargentofino;etsialiquisaportaret,velaportabit,liceatduganaipsamaccipereetincidere,etdeipsasuamfacerevoluntatem."Mas-Latrie(Genoa-Tunis,1272),123.140Althoughyearlyupdatesceasedin1294,GiorgioStella(d.1420)wroteacontinuationoftheAnnalesfrom1298tohisowntimeunderthetitleAnnalesGenuenses.SeeG.PettiBalbi(ed.)AnnalesGenuenses(Bologna:1975);idem,"GiorgioStellaegliAnnalesGenuenses"Miscellaneastoricaligure2(1961),123-215.141FortheimportanceofAcretoGenoesecommerceandself-image,seeAntonioMusarraAcri1291:lacadutadeglistaticrociati(Mulino,2017);idem,InpartibusUltramaris,649-654.ForGenoa'stiestotheMamluksultanate,seeP.N.Holt,EarlyMamlukDiplomacy,1260-1290:TreatiesofBaybarsandQalawūnwithChristianRulers(Leiden:Brill,1995),141-146;andHannahBarker,EgyptianandItalianMerchantsintheBlackSeaSlaveTrade,1260-1500(PhDdissertation,Columbia,2014),352-407.142"facerequoddamviagium,quodaliquidusquenuncfacereminimeattemptavit"AnnalesVol.5,124.Formoreontheexpedition,seeJillMoore,"TheExpeditionoftheBrothersVivaldi:New

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Asaresult,theMaghribbecamelessandlessimportantforGenoeseinvestment,drawnasitwastomoreattractiveopportunitieselsewhere.RecentanalysisofnotarialdocumentsbyAntonioMusarrahasconfirmedthistrendforthelastfifteenyearsofthethirteenthcentury,asthefollowingtwotablesshow:TableThree:GenoeseInvestmentsin1285Destination Investment

Total(lire)NumberofContracts

AverageperContract(lire)

Romania 3282l6s 16 205lConstantinople 8635l 1 8635lRomaniaandAlexandria

1151l 3 383l

Sicily 1026l 1 1026lMallorca 835l4s 5 167lCorsicaandSardinia 829l18s12d 3 276lNaples 720l14s 4 180lOltremare 156l 3 52lBijāyaandTunis 120l 2 60lUnspecified 20l 2 10lLocal(Liguria) 16l 2 8lProvence 10l 1 10lSource:AntonioMusarra,BenedettoZaccariaealcadutadiTripoli(1289):ledifesadiOutremertraragioniidealieopportunismo,inGliAnnalielaTerrasanta.AttidelSeminariodiStudio(Firenze,22febbraio2013),ed.A.Musarra.ReproducedinA.Musarra,InPartibusUltramaris,518.TableFour:GenoeseInvestmentsin1291accordingtotheActsofParentinodiQuinto,EnricoGuglielmoRosso,ManueleNiccolo"dePorta",andRollandoBelmostodiPegliDestination InvestmentTotal Numberof

ContractsAverageperContract

Sicily 3505l14s 28 125l1sMallorca 3262l13s11d 14 233lRomania 2184l3s7d 20 109l2sNaples 1351l 4 337l7sSardinia 1138l10s4d 11 103l5sUnspecified 897l11s 13 69lTunis 802l17s9d 5 160l5sSyria 425l7s10d 4 106l5sFrance 228l4s 1 228l4sSpain 217l4s 2 108l5sElba 29l10s 1 29l10sLocal(Riviera) 13l 2 6l5s

ArchivalEvidence,"inSpain,PortugalandtheAtlanticFrontierofMedievalEurope,ed.JoséJuanLopes-Portillo(Farnham:AshgateVariorum,2013),1-18.

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Source:AntonioMusarra,Inpartibusultramaris,521.Trade,travel,andsettlementintheMaghribneverdisappearedentirely,particularlyinIfrīqiya.143ThecitysignedanewtreatywiththeḤafṣidsin1343,andfragmentarynotarialevidencesurvivesfromaGenoesenotaryactiveatBijāyain1347.144Inthewest,GenoaalsocametotermswithMarīnidcontrolofMorocco.TheRawdal-qirṭāsrecordsthearrivalofaGenoeseembassyatTazoutain1292,althoughthepurposeoftheembassywasoflessinteresttothechroniclerthanadescriptionofthegiftthataccompaniedit:agoldentreewithsingingbirds.145SporadicviolencealsocontinuedtodefineGenoa'srelationshipwiththeregion;Genoeseshipsparticipatedinalarge-scaleraidonTunisandTripoliin1390,inconjunctionwithaFrenchfleet.146Inthelatefifteenthcentury,GenoeseinterestinIfrīqiyacontinuedandevenintensified,withtheestablishmentofacoral-fishingcolonyontheislandofTabarka.147ConclusionTheMaghribwasanimportanttradingpartnerforGenoathroughoutmuchofthethirteenthcentury.FromanearlyfocusonthewesternMaghribunderAlmohadrule,particularlyCeutaandtheAtlanticcoastofMorocco,Genoesemerchantsincreasinglycametoprefertheeastafterthe1240s,andIfrīqiyainparticular,astheḤafṣidsestablishedarelativelystableregimeatTunis.However,inapoliticalenvironmentthatcouldchangesignificantlyfromyeartoyear,theMaghribremainedanattractivesecondarymarket,especiallywhenwarorpiracythreatenedconnectionswiththeLevant.ThecollapseofunifiedAlmohadcontrolafterthe1220sofferednewopportunitiesanddangersforGenoesemerchantsandtheirMaghribipartners,aspoliticalactionanddiplomacyshiftedtoregionalpowercenters.Fortheirpart,thevariousactorswithinMaghribiportcities–localrulers,customsofficials,Berbertribes–cametodifferentarrangementswiththeGenoese,sometimesembracingthemasalliesandusefultax-payingmerchants,sometimesresistingthemasastrategicthreat.Upuntilthethirdquarterofthethirteenthcentury,theMaghribregularlyfeaturedasthesecond-mostimportantdestinationforGenoesecapital, 143ForanoverviewofGenoa'srelationshipwiththeMaghribinthelaterMiddleAges,seeGiovannaPettiBalbi,"GliinsediamentigenovesinelNord-Africadurantele'400",inMediterraneo,Mezzogiorno,Medioevo:StudiinonorediMariodelTreppovol1(Naples:Liguori,2000),121-137.144ASGNotaiAntichi(IanotusdeBerignano)275-II,48r-50v.145SeediscussioninChapterFive,142.146EliyahuAshtor,LevantTradeintheLaterMiddleAges(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1983),129-130.147PhilippeGourdin,Tabarka:Histoireetarchéologie,103-132;GiovannaPettiBalbi,"L’emiratohafsidediTunisi:contattiescambiconilmondocristiano(secc.XII-XVI),"inCesareAlzatiandLucianoVaccaro,eds.,Africa/Ifrīqiya:ilMaghrebnellastoriareligiosadiCristianesimoeIslam(VaticanCity:LibreriaEditriceVaticana,2016),335.

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behindtheLevant,withthe1250sanespeciallyactivedecade.However,withtheopeningofmoreenticingmarketsaftertheTreatyofNymphaeumin1261,Genoeseinterestsgraduallymovedelsewhere. Viewedasawhole,therelationshiprevealsbothremarkablestabilityandpersistentuncertainty.Ontheonehand,dramaticandviolentepisodessuchastheCeutaexpeditionortheTuniscrusadedonotseemtohavenegativelyaffectedtraderelationsbetweentheGenoeseandtheirMaghribipartners.Furthermore,conditionsforGenoesemerchantsneverapproachedlevelsofdominationorterritorialsovereigntythattheyachievedinthevariousquartersofLevantinecities,suchasAcre,Gibelet,orCaesareainthetwelfthcentury,orlaterinCaffa,Chios,andPerainthefourteenthcenturyandlater.Maghribirulersandtheirofficialsinthecustoms-houseweremorethancapableofcontrollingtheconditionsoftradeandsettlement.Ontheotherhand,conditionscouldanddidfluctuateonayearlybasis,andGenoesemerchantsdisplayedanopportunisticstreakintheMaghribastheydidelsewhereintheMediterranean,turningpirateortakingmilitaryactionontheirowninitiativewhenthechancepresenteditself.Thenextchapterexaminestheimportanceofspace,bothphysicalandconceptual,intheorganizationofGenoesetradeintheMaghribduringthethirteenthcentury.

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CHAPTERTHREE:SITESOFEXCHANGE,SETTLEMENT,ANDWORSHIPINTHEMEDIEVALMAGHRIBMerchantsandinvestorsthrivedonpredictability.Facedwithcertainirreducibleelementsofchance—badweather,shipwreck,pricefluctuations,warfare—medievalmerchantstriedtoestablishgroundrulestogoverntradewherevertheycould.Suchdesiresfindobviousexpressioninthemanyhundredsofsurvivingbilateraltreaties:mutualsecurityandnon-aggression,accesstofamiliarweightsandmeasures,stipulationsoncurrencyuse,andsoon.However,anotherimportantaspectofthisdriveforpredictabilitywasspatialandinstitutional:merchantswantedtoknowwheretheycouldsellandbuy,wheretheycouldrest,andsoon.Genoesediplomacyitselfwasstructuredaroundgainingaccesstospace;whatGiovannaPettiBalbicalled"thepolicyofthefondaco"(lapoliticadelfondaco).1 Inthischapter,IwillexploretheimportanceofthespacesinwhichGenoeseandMaghribiMuslimsinteracted.Thisincludesbothgeographicalspace-thecitiesofCeuta,Bijāya,andTunis-andconceptualspace--theinstitutionalsettings,suchasthefondaco,customs-house(diwān/dugana),andmarket(sūq)thatappearedineverymedievalMuslimportcity.Scholarshiponthemedievaleconomyhaslongstressedtheimportanceoftheinstitutionsthatstructuredtrade,settlementandexchange,butacloseexaminationoftheGenoesenotarialevidencerevealssomesurprisingnuances,whiletheArabicsourcesoftheMālikilegaltraditionrevealstheplaceoftheseinstitutionsinthetheoryandpracticeofIslamiclaw.ALandscapeofDesire:PossibilitiesandLimitationsofTradeontheMaghribicoast

InexaminingthemovementandactivitiesofGenoesemerchantsandtravelersintheMaghrib,itisimportanttoacknowledgethesizeandcomplexityoftheterritoryreferredtoherebythatname:“theMaghrib”stretchedfromtheSaharatotheMediterranean,fromthewesternborderofEgypttotheAtlanticOcean.UnderthepostalsystemestablishedbytheAlmohadsinthetwelfthcentury,ittookswiftriderstwenty-sixdaystotravelfromMarrakeshtoMurcia(southtonorth),andfortydaysfromMahdiainIfrīqiyatoGranada(easttowest).2Withinthisvastexpanse,theplacesinwhichtheGenoesemovedandoperatedwerefewandrelativelyfarbetween,accordingtoevidenceoverwhelminglylimitedtothecoastlinesandinparticulartothreelargeportcities:Ceuta,Bijāya,andTunis.WhileindividualGenoesetravelers,merchants,andambassadorsdidoccasionallyleavethecoastandventureintotheinterior,thevastmajorityoftheevidenceislimitedtothesefewpointsonthecoast.Ofthe1,851notarialactsanalyzedherefortheyears1200-1300,only32mentionlocationsintheMaghribbesidesthesethreeportcities.

1PettiBalbi,"GenovaeilMediterraneooccidentaleneisecoliXI-XII,"inComuniememoriastorica:alleoriginidelComunediGenova:attidelConvegnodistudi,Genova,24-26settembre2001(Genoa:SLSP,2002),6.2MohammedKably,HistoireduMaroc:réactualisationetsynthèse(Rabat:Institutroyaldelarecherche,2011),172.

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Thatsaid,thesecitieswereimportantnodesinanetworkofseaandlandroutesconnectingtheMaghrib,sub-SaharanAfrica,andtheMediterranean.Eachofthemprovidedaneconomicfocusfortheirhinterlandsandlinkstocitiesintheinterior.TheNorthAfricancoastlinecouldbetreacherousforships,andsea-bornetradenaturallycoalescedaroundarelativelysmallnumberofgoodnaturalharbors,whichalsosuitedtheinterestsofMaghribirulerslookingtotaxandprofitfromtrade.3Furthermore,theconcentrationofGenoeseandothermerchantsinthissmallnumberofportcitiesprovidesanopportunityforanin-depthexaminationofthetopographyoftradeandsettlementineachplace.CitieswerealsocrucialforMaghribigovernments,sincetheytendedtobeeasiertotaxthanoutlyingruralregionsandtribalgroups,andtheyhostedimportantreligiousinstitutionsessentialtotheruler’slegitimacy.4WhileCeuta,Bijāya,andTuniswereall“Maghribi”inageographicalsense,andsharedimportantculturalinstitutions,theyeachhadtheirownpoliticalandsocialidentity.Inthischapter,IwilltakeadvantageofthedetailedworkthathasbeenalreadybeendonebyMaghribiandEuropeanscholarsontheindividualcitiesinthislist.Additionally,basedonmyownanalysisoftheGenoesenotarialevidence,IwillproposeageneraltopographyoftheMaghribtradewithinGenoaandLiguriaitself.IdentifyingwhereGenoeseandotherLiguriansmadedecisionstoinvesttimeandmoneyintheMaghribrevealspatternsaboutwhocontrolledthetradeandhowdecisionsweremade.Ceuta:AMaghribiCity-State?Ceuta(Arabic:Sabta)hadadramatichistoryinthethirteenthcentury,illustratingtheopportunitiesandthreatsfacingtheportcitiesoftheMaghribintheaftermathofAlmohaddecline.5Bythetwelfthcentury,thecitywasalreadyprosperous:themostimportantportinwhatisnownorthernMorocco,withconnectionstothesouth,toal-AndalusandChristianEurope.ItalsoboastedanillustriousIslamicpedigree,producingsuchindividualsasQāḍiʿIyyādb.Mūsa(d.1149),aprolificlegalscholarandimamwhobrieflyassumedleadershipofthecityinarevoltagainsttheAlmohadsinthelate1140s.6AnotherlocalluminarywasthefamousscholarMuḥammadal-Idrīsī(c.1100-1165),thegeographerandcourtierofRogerIIofSicily(r.1130-1154).7Inthebookwrittentoaccompanyhisuniversalgeography,theKitābnuzhatal-mushtāqfī-ikhtirāqal-āfāq,al-Idrīsīpaintedadetailedpictureofthecityofhisbirth,perchedonanarrowpeninsulabetweentwolarge

3SeediscussioninJohnPryor,Geography,technology,andwar:studiesinthemaritimehistoryoftheMediterranean,649-1571(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1989),21-23.4JamilM.Abun-Nasr,AHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1987),18-19.6DavidPowers,SusanSpectorsky,andOussamaArab,eds.,IslamicLegalThought:ACompendiumofMuslimJurists(Leiden:Brill,2013),329.7S.MaqbūlAhmad,“Cartographyofal-Sharīfal-Idrīsī,”inHistoryofCartographyVol2BookOne,ed.J.B.HarleyandDavidWoodward(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1992),156–172.

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andverdantmountains,andblessedwithanaturalharbor,particularlyknownforitsplentifulfishing,andathrivingindustryincoral-processingforinternationaltrade.8Al-Idrīsīnamedsub-SaharanAfrica,particularlythekingdomofGhana,astheprincipalimporterofcoralfromCeuta,butbythemid-twelfthcenturyothertradingpartnerswerebecomingimportant,especiallyacrossthestraitsofGibraltar.9In1189,ananonymouscrusadertravelingtotheHolyLandfromFlandersdescribedthecityasacenter“forallChristianmerchantsdoingbusinessinAfrica;theGenoeseandPisansaboveall.”10SabtitraderswereactiveacrosstheMaghrib,andmanyofthecity’sreligiousscholarsweredrawnfromitsprosperousmerchantclass.11

IntheaftermathoftheAlmohaddefeatatLasNavasdeTolosain1212,theBerberdynasty’sholdonthecitiesofal-AndalusandnorthernMoroccobecameincreasinglytenuous.AtCeuta,themerchantclasstookadvantageofchronicinstabilityatMarrakeshinthe1220stoeffectivelytakeoverthecity.Anurbaneliteofmerchantsandreligiousscholars(fuqaha)initiallyralliedundertheleadershipofarichmerchantofAndalusianoriginsnamedal-Yanāshtī,whohadworkedinthecustoms-house(diwān)undertheAlmohadgovernors.RejectingtheauthorityoftheAlmohadcaliphs,al-Yanāshtiessentiallyactedasanautonomousemir.HemintedcurrencyinthenameofAbbasidcaliphsinBaghdad,describinghimselfonthecoinageasal-Muwaffaq—“theSuccessful”—andalsotookmilitaryactionagainsthislocalenemies.HisrégimeplayedakeyroleintheAlmohadpowerstrugglesofthelate1220sandearly1230s.However,hispolicyofautonomyeventuallyturnedhislocalsupportersagainsthimaftertheAlmohadssucceededinreconqueringSevilleandSijilmāsa,twoimportantdestinationsforthecity’smerchants.Ceuta'surbanélitechasedhimoutandformallysubmittedtotheAlmohads,requestingagovernorin1236.ButthenewAlmohadgovernorquicklycededeffectivepowertotheheadofthecustoms,IbnKhalaṣ,whofollowedhispredecessor’sfootstepsbymanagingthecity’sfortuneswithlittleoversightfromMarrakesh;eventransferringhisallegiancetotheḤafṣidsin1246,beforedying—perhapspoisoned—onanembassytoTunisin1249.Intheverynextyear,thepeopleofCeuta,includingthedock-workersandsailorsofitsmerchantfleet,roseagainsttheḤafṣidsandraisedAbū-l-Qāsimal-‘Azafī,thescionofaprestigiousfamilyofreligiousscholars,topower.12Althoughal-‘AzafiformallyrecognizedAlmohadauthority,thecitywasindependentinallbutname,andtheBanū‘Azafiwouldrulethecityuntil1320,survivingthefinalcollapseoftheAlmohadsin1269and 8Idrīsī,OpusGeographicum,528-529.9Ibid,529.10MGH,SSRerumGermanicum,N.S.5,Anonymous,NarratioItinerisnavalisadTerramSanctam,1189,19511HalimaFerhat,Sabtadesorigines,305.12Foradetailedaccountofthisperiodinthecity’shistory,seeHalimaFerhat,Sabtadesorigines,219-234,andZulikhaBenramdane,CeutaduXIIIèauXIVè:sièclesdeslumièresd'unevilleMarocaine(Mohammedia:UniversiteHassanII-Mohammedia,PublicationsdelaFacultedesLettresetdesSciencesHumaines,2003),86-94.

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maintainingaprecariousautonomyfromtheirMoroccansuccessordynasty,theMarīnids,whoruledfromFez.

ThevicissitudesofpoliticallifeinCeutainthethirteenthcenturyarethusessentialtounderstandingtheGenoesepresencethere.OfalltheMaghribiports,CeutacameclosesttoapproachingGenoa’sstatusasanindependentcity-statebalancingbetweenpotentiallyaggressiveexternalforces,withunstablecontroloveritsimmediatehinterland,atumultuouspoliticallife,internalclassconflictandanelitewhosewealthcamemainlyfromoverseastrade.13Asthegreatcitiesofal-AndalusfelltoChristianre-conquestinthe1230sand1240s,CeutawasalsoamajordestinationforAndalusirefugees,includingeconomicandreligiouselites,someofwhomfoundtheirwayintothecity’sgovernment.14Thecity'scoinageandsurvivinglettersfromtheurbangovernmentdescribeitasa"frontier":thaghr,aportalbetweenMuslimandChristianterritory.15Partlyasaresultofthisturbulentpoliticalclimate,CeutawasalsothetargetofGenoa’smostambitiouscommunaleffortintheMaghrib:the1235expedition,siegeandsubsequentmaonaofCeuta.16

AsnotedinChapterTwo,thisconfusingconflictprocededinseveraldiscretephasesofviolence,abortivediplomacy,andfurtherviolence,endinginanegotiatedsettlementandpaymentofdamages.MoroccanandGenoesechroniclersrememberedtheeventsverydifferently,ashavemodernhistorians,whohavebeentemptedtoreadtheevents,particularlythemaona,asafore-runneroffuture"colonial"endeavorsintheEasternMediterranean(ChiosandCyprus).Fornow,itsufficestosaythattheviolencedoesnotseemtohavegreatlyaffectedtheCeuta-Genoatrade.ThenotarialdocumentsrevealnosignificantdecreaseintheCeutatradeinthelater1230sand1240s.Unfortunately,noseparateGenoa-Ceutatreatydocumentssurvivefromthisperiodtoenableustoestablishthenormativeparametersoftradeandsettlementintheperiodafterthemaonawascreated,thoughsuchtreatiescertainlyonceexisted,asismadeclearbya1253notarialactreferencing"thetreatysignedbetweenthecommuneofGenoaandthelordshipofCeuta."17

13EricMielantsdescribedCeutaandotherMaghribiportcitiesashavingachieved“formsofurbanindependencesimilartothosefoundinWesternEurope”inthethirteenthcentury,distinguishedfromEuropeanmaritimerepublicsonlybytheir“lackofpermanentmilitiasorarmedguilds.”Thisisperhapsanexaggeration,butitdoesdrawattentiontothesignificantautonomyenjoyedbyCeuta’smerchantaristocracy.Mielants,TheOriginsofCapitalismandthe“RiseoftheWest”(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,2007),140-141.14ThisincludedAbū-lQāsimKhalifal-Ghāfiqial-Qabtūri,originallyfromSeville,whoservedassecretaryfortheBanūʿAzafibetween1250-1283,andwastheauthoroftheonlysurvivingcollectionoflettersfromtheSabtichanceryinthethirteenthcentury.SeeAl-Risā’ildiwāniyaminsabtafīal-ʿahdal-ʿAzafī,ed.Muhammadal-Ḥabībal-Hīla(Rabat:al-Maṭba’aal-Malikīya,1979),26-27.15EI2,al-Thughūr.16SeediscussioninChapterTwo.17“dequibusbesantiisquadragintamiliarensisfactaestmentiointractatusiveconventionefactavelfactamintercommunemIanueetSegnoriamSepte”,ASGNotaiAntichi29(BartolomeoFornari),241v.

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ThegovernmentofCeutareferredtoherewaslikelytheregimeofAbū-l-Qāsimal-‘Azafi,establishedin1250:itwouldhavebeenstandardpracticefortheGenoeseandothertradingpartnerstoseekconfirmationoftreatyprivilegesaftereachregimechange.

GenoesetradeatCeutathustookplaceinaturbulentpoliticalenvironment,especiallypriorto1250andtheestablishmentoftheBanuʿAzafī.Unfortunately,theexactsizeofthecityishardtodetermine;asisthelocationoftheChristiancommunity.Evidently,EuropeanChristianmerchantswereconfinedtoaquarteroutsidethemaincitywalls,andmayhaveenjoyedtheuseofaseparatecisternforwater.18TheFranciscanChronicleoftheTwenty-fourgeneralsexplicitlymentionsthevicusIanuensiumasbeingoutsidethecitywalls.19ApresenceoutsidethewallsofCeutawouldhavemadetheGenoesecommunitymorevulnerable,asmayhavebeenthecasewhenal-YanāshtisummonedthelocalBerbertribestoattackthemin1235.TheGenoeseevidencedoesnotspecifythelocationofthefondacos,butitdoessuggestalargecommunityofresidentmerchants.Describingthedestructionwroughtbyal-Yanāshti’sBerberallies,theannalistBartolomeoScribanotedhowthey“setfiretothefondacosandhouses,andthusmanydiedandwereslain.”20Earlier,BartolomeodescribedtheGenoesecommunityatCeutaasbeinglargeenoughtoarmtenshipsonitsown,and,afterfleeingtheattacksoftheCalcurini,tohavesentsixhundredarmedmentopressuretherulerofCeutaintopayingreparations—thisbeforethecommunedecidedtoarmafleetintheirsupport.21Tohavebeencapableofsuchanaggressivepolicy,theremusthavebeenmanyhundreds,perhapsthousandsofGenoeseandtheiralliesinandaroundCeutainthe1230s.

SeveralnotarialactsfurtherattesttothelargeGenoesecommunityinCeutaandsuggestthespacesitoccupied.In1253,RicobonodePorta,amerchant-notary,leasedthetailor’sshopinthe“newfondacoofCeuta,bythestairsontheleft-handside”toGiovanniCocho,whoundertooktoworkthereasatailor.22InMayofthesameyear,aconsortiumofelitemerchantsappointedJacoboDoriaastheirrepresentativetorenttwoshopsorwarehouses(magasenas)atCeuta.ThesemayhavebeensimilartoGiovanni’stailor’sshopinthefondaco,ortheycouldhavebeenindependentbuildings.23TheGenoesealsoownedhousesoutsidethefondaco.In1236,shortlyaftertheGenoesesiegeandthecreationofthe 18HalimaFerhat,Sabtadesorigines,366.FerhatbasesthisassumptiononareadingofacollectionofMuslimsaints’livescompiledinthelatetwelfthcentury,oneofwhichmentionsafunduqnearCeutawithaccesstoacistern.HoweveritisnotclearthatthiswasaChristianfunduq.SeeʿAbdal-Haqqal-Badīsī,el-Maqsad:ViesdesSaintsduRif,trans.G.S.Colin(Paris:HonoréChampion,1926),136.19SeeChapterTwo,64.20“posueruntigneminipsisfundicisetdomibus,etsicquampluresindemortuisuntetinterfecti,”AnnalesVol.3,74.21ibid,75.22“apothecamunamqueestinfundiconovosepteiuxtascalamdictifundiciamanusynistra”,ASGNotaiAntichi(IanuinusdePredono)28:124r.23ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)29:112.

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maona,aprominentmerchantfamily,theUsodimare,invested112besants—about£33—intheconstructionofahouseinCeuta,describedasbeing“nexttothegateofthearsenalatCeuta”(iuxtaportamdarsenedesepta).24In1250,TomassoGrassohiredObertodeRiparoliotoaccompanyhimtoCeutaandserveinhishouseforayear,forasalaryof24besants—about£8.25

GiventhelargeandapparentlythrivingGenoesepresenceinCeuta,whichtheviolenteventsof1234–5donotseemtohavediminished,itisstrangehowlittleevidencesurvivesfromlaterinthethirteenthcentury.TheGenoa-Ceutatradewouldseemtohaveessentiallycollapsedafterthelate1250s.Outofthe175Maghrib-relatedactsinthisstudythatwerecomposedafter1260,onlytwomentionCeuta:in1263,NicolodePomario,ashipwright,formallyacknowledgedthereceiptofhiskinsmanOberto’sworldlygoods—worth£1515s—ObertohaddiedatCeuta.InAugust1271,aGenoesepriesthiredaservanttoaccompanyhimtoCeuta,andpromisedtointercedeonhisbehalfwiththemerchantsthere.26ThisisespeciallypuzzlingbecauseothersourcesindicatethattheGenoesedidnotloseinterestintheregion;nordidtradecease.In1271,aSabtimerchantdiedatGenoaandleftaninventoryofhisbelongings,whichincludedhempcable,ironwire,andtools.27Furthermore,the1291GenoeseembassytotheMarīnidcourtatFezmentionedaboveintheRāwḍal-QirṭāswouldhardlyhavemadesenseiftheGenoesecommunityinCeutaor“Garbo”haddisappearedordwindledintoinsignificance.28Finally,Ceutawasaportofcallfortheill-fatedexpeditionlaunchedbytheVivaldibrothers,whoenteredtheAtlanticseekingasearoutetoIndiainMay1291.29

AnumberofexplanationsfortheapparentdeclineinGenoa-Ceutatradeafter1250havebeenproposed,fromchanginggoldcaravanroutesacrosstheSaharatorivalrybetweenGenoaandAragonforcontrolofthecommerceinthestraitsofGibraltar.30GenoesetradeandtraveltocentralandeasternMaghribiportssuchasBijāyaandTuniscontinuedtoflourishinthe1260sand1270s,aswillbeshown,soitseemslikelythatthetroublewasspecifictoCeuta.Perhapsthedifficultinternalpoliticsofthesemi-autonomouscity,itsfractiousrelationshipwiththedynastiesthatruledthehinterland,andthe

24ASGNotaiAntichi(BonvassallodeCassino)17:20r.25ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)27:89v.26ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)30/II:151v,idem(GuglielmodeS.Giorgio)70:62v.27HalimaFerhat,Sabtadesorigines,314.28Seebelow,ChapterFive,andIbnAbīZarʿ,Rāwḍal-Qirṭās,(Rabat:al-Maṭba’aal-Malikīya),382.29AnnalesVol.5,124. 30Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,143.SeealsoPhilippeGourdin,"LespaysduMaghrebetlarivalitéentreCatalansetItalienspourdominerlesroutescommercialesdeMéditarranéeoccidentale(finXIVe-débutXVesiècle)"inRelazionieconomichetraEuropaemondoislamico,secc.XIII-XVIII:Attidella"trentottesimasettimanadistudi"1-5maggio2006,Vol2.,ed.SimonettaCavaciocchi(Firenze:LeMonnier,2007),595-602.

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existenceofmoreattractiveinvestmentopportunitieselsewherecombinedtoreducetheimportanceofCeutatotheGenoeseinthelaterthirteenthcentury.Bijāya:Wool,WaxandHoneyBijāyawasanothermajormarketforGenoesemerchantsactiveintheMaghrib.Acityofminorimportancebeforethemid-eleventhcentury,BijāyawaschosenasthecapitalofthelocalHammadiddynastyinthe1060s,possiblyinresponsetonomadicincursionsinthehinterlandneartheirformercapitalofQalaʿaBanīḤammād.ThismadeBijāyathefirstMaghribipoliticalcapitaltobesituatedonthecoast;previouslocaldynastiesaftertheIslamicconquesthavingfavoredinlandcitiessuchasQayrawānandFez.BijāyawassubsumedintotheAlmohadcaliphateinthe1150s,andbecamethecapitalofaprovince,andthenpassedunderḤafṣidcontrolfromthe1220s,itsgovernorsappointedbyTunis.Inthelatethirteenthandearlyfourteenthcenturies,itwouldprovideapowerbaseforpretenderstotheḤafṣidcaliphate,andevenenjoyeddefactoautonomyduringperiodsofcivilwarorcontestedsuccessionsatTunis,afrequentoccurenceafterthelatethirteenthcentury,asRamziRouighihasshown.31Nonetheless,despiteperiodsofgreaterautonomyduringthelatethirteenthandfourteenthcenturies,itsinhabitantsmaintainedasenseofloyaltytotheḤafṣidfamilythroughouttheperiod.32

Writinginthe1150s,al-Idrīsīdescribedthecityanditseconomicactivitiesatconsiderablelength.Firstofall,hedescribeditasamajortradinghub,a“pole(quṭb)formanycountries,”linkingsealanesandcaravanroutes.33HementionedmerchantsfromthewesternMaghrib,theSahara,andtheEastinBijāya.However,morethanatradingcity,Bijāyaanditshinterlandweremajorcentersofagriculture.Al-Idrīsīdescribedtheareaasabundantinwheat,barley,figs,andotherfruits,“enoughtofeedmanycountries”(māyakfīli-kathīral-bilād),andaplacewherefoodofallkindswascheapandreadilyavailable.34Waxingpoetic,al-IdrīsīclaimedthatBijāya'sprosperitywaswidelyshared,evenbyitspeasantfarmers,whoneverfelthungerandwereinexcellenthealth.Crucially,foral-Idrīsī,Bijāyawasalsowell-furnishedwithstrategicresourcessuchastimber,iron,andpitchinitslocalforestsandvalleys.LikeCeutaandTunis,BijāyahostedanimportantnavalarsenalbutalsopossessedlargegranariestostorelocalproduceandanarmorybuiltbytheḤammadids(dārasliḥātihim).35

Reflectingitseconomicimportanceinthetwelfthcentury,Bijāyawaswelldefended,withimpressivefortificationsthatextendedontothemountaintothecity’snorth,theJabalGurāya.Althoughthewalledcitywasrelativelysmall—aboutonesquarekilometer— 31RamziRouighi,TheMakingofaMediterraneanEmirate:IfrīqiyāandItsAndalusis,1200-1400(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2011),25-50.32DominiqueValérian,Bougie,portmaghrébin,1067-1510(Rome:ÉcoleFrançaisedeRome,2006),78-79.33al-Idrīsī,OpusGeographicum,260. 34Ibid,260-261.35Ibid,261.

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Bijāya,likemanyMaghribicities,hadextensivesuburbs,gardensandworkshopsoutsidethecitywallsalongafertileriverplaintoitswest.36ContemporaryArabicauthorsmentionavarietyofspecialmarketsincludingawoolmarket(sūqal-sawwāfīn)andasūqal-qayṣāriyya,atermoftenusedelsewhereintheMaghribandal-Andalūstodenoteamarketdedicatedtotextilesandluxurycommodities.37Aswithothermedievalcities,thepopulationofthecityisdifficulttoknowforcertainbuthasbeenestimatedatbetween40-60,000atitspeakduringtheḤafṣidperiod.38

DuringtheperiodilluminatedbyGenoesenotarialevidence,BijāyawasakeyportforEuropeanmerchantsandamajorclearing-houseforlocalagriculturalgoods.However,thereisconsiderableuncertaintyabouttheextenttowhichEuropeantradeinfluencedthelocaleconomy,andtherelationshipbetweenBijāyaanditshinterland,particularlythenomadicorsemi-nomadicArabtribes.Attheheartoftheuncertaintyistherelationshipbetweenagricultureandanimalhusbandryintheregionasawhole,andtheinteractionofthisrelationshipwithgrowingEuropeandemandforBougioteproducts,asrevealedaboveallinthenotarialevidencefromGenoa.FromaGenoeseperspective,themostimportantvaluablecommoditiesavailableinBijāyawereanimalproducts,aboveallwoolandhides.Thegrain,barley,andfruitsthatIdrīsīmentionsinthe1150s—atthebeginningoftheGenoesenotarialrecord—seeminglydidnotmakeitbacktoGenoainanysignificantnumbers. TheinvasionoftheBanūHilālanditsimportanceinMaghribihistoriographyhavebeenalludedtoabove.39BijāyaanditseconomichistorycomplicateourunderstandingoftheMaghribieconomyduringthelongaftermathofthesechanges.AsDominiqueValérianhaspointedout,oneneednotsubscribetothecolonialistimperativesofearlierFrenchscholarshiptoacceptthatthenomadicinvasionshadanegativeimpactonagriculture.40Al-IdrīsīclaimedthatthedecisionbytheḤammadidstomakeBijāyatheircapitalinthe1060swastakenduetothedevastationwroughtbyinvadingnomadsoftheirinlandpowerbasearoundQalaʿaBanīḤammād.41OtherArabicsources,includingfatwaliteraturefromIfrīqiyafromtheeleventhandtwelfthcenturies,indicateconflictbetweenpeasantcultivatorsandthenomadswhosoughttoprofitfromtheirlabor,leadingtouncertaintyaboutwhohadtherighttocollecttaxes.42Arabtravelersalsocomplainedaboutnomadsasbrigands,andworriedthattheyweremakingtheoverlandroutetoMeccaunsafefor 36Valérian,Bougie,124-125.37Ibid,123.SeealsoM.Streck,“Ḳaysāriyya,”EI2.38TheseestimatesarebasedmostlyonsixteenthcenturydescriptionsofthecitybytheOttomanadmiralPiriReisandLeoAfricanuswhichincludethenumberofhousesorhearths,andbycomparisonwithTunisduringthesameperiod.SeeValerian,Bougie,124-125.39SeeChapterTwo.40Valérian,Bougie:PortMaghrébin,185-6.41Idrīsī,OpusGeographicum,261.42VincentLagardère,HistoireetSociétéenOccident,26,31,12

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pilgrimsperformingthehajj.43Bythe1270sand1280s,ValériancountedatleastthirtycontractsfortheimportationofgrainfromAngevinSicilytoBijāya.44CouldthepowerofnomadictribesinthehinterlandhavecombinedwithEuropeandemandtofavorwoolandhideexportsoverothertheproductsoflocalagriculture,nolonger“enoughformanycountries”?SuchaphenomenonwouldexplainwhyGenoesemerchantsseemedsouninterestedinthefruitsofthesoilatBijāya.Tunis:CapitaloftheCaliphateTuniswasalmostcertainlythelargestandwealthiestoftheMaghribiportcitiesfrequentedbytheGenoeseinthethirteenthcentury.UnlikeCeuta'sprecariouspositionofsemi-autonomybetweencompetingMoroccandynasties,Tuniswasthecapitalandlargestcityofanextensiveterritory,Ifrīqiya,andthechosenseatoftheḤafṣiddynastyfromthe1220sonwards.TracingtheirdescentfromaBerbertribesmannamedAbūḤafṣal-Hintātī—oneoftheclosestcompanionsoftheMahdiIbnTūmart—theḤafṣidsplayedaprominentroleintheAlmohadconquestandgovernmentofIfrīqiyainthe1160s.TheAlmohadcaliphal-Nāṣirappointedoneofthefamilymembersasgovernorin1207,andthefamilymanagedtoestablishahereditaryclaimtothepositionbythe1220s.Inaddition,thedynastydevelopedareputationforferventadherencetotheAlmohadidealasformulatedbyIbnTūmartandhisfollowers.Therefore,whentheyoungAlmohadcaliphal-Maʾmūn(r.1229-1232)formallyrepudiatedthedoctrineofIbnTūmartanddeniedhisclaimtobetheMahdi,theḤafṣidgovernorAbūZakariyāʾ(r.1228-1249),grandsonofAbūḤafṣ,reactedwithhorror,declaringhisdefactoindependence,renouncinghisallegiancetoMarrakeshandclaimingthetitleamīr.Hisson,Muhammadal-Mustanṣir(r.1249-1277),wentastepfurtherandclaimedthecaliphateitselfin1253.TheḤafṣidsviewedthemselvesasthelegitimatesuccessorsoftheAlmohads,andtheymadeseveralefforts,thoughultimatelyunsuccessful,toestablishsuzeraintyoverthecentralandwesternMaghrib,evenreceivingtheformalallegianceofseveralAndalusiancitiesunderthreatfromIberianChristianarmies,andrecognitionoftheirpossessionofthecaliphatebythesharīfofMeccahimselfin1259.45 Asaconsequenceofthesepoliticaldevelopments,thecityofTunisreceivedsignificantattentionfromtheḤafṣidrulers,astheysoughttomakeitintothefittingseatforadynastywithgrandambitions.Priortothemid-eleventhcentury,TunishadbeenoneofseveralimportanturbancentersinIfrīqiya,alongisdeQayrawānandMahdiyya,butafterthepoliticalturmoilengenderedbytheinvasionsoftheBanūHilālinthemid-eleventhcenturyandtheNormansacenturylater,Qayrawānlostitsimportanceasapoliticalandadministrativecenter,andTunisenjoyedaperiodofrelativeautonomyunderaBerberdynasty(theBanūKhurasan),andthenbecamethecapitaloftheAlmohadprovinceof 43Ibid,38.44Valérian,Bougie:portmaghrébin,357.45RobertBrunschvig,LaBerberieOrientalesouslesḤafṣides,(Paris:A.Maisonneuve,1947),12-15.SeealsoJamīlAbun-Nasr,AHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1987),120-121.

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Ifrīqiyabythelatetwelfthcentury,whenthefirstḤafṣidsruledasgovernors.BothAbūZakariyāʾandMuhammadal-Mustanṣirgreatlyexpandedthecity,addinganewqaṣbabuilttomimictheAlmohadpalaceatMarrakesh,newmosques,markets,fountains,gardens,andparksoutsidethewalls.ThepopulationofTunisincreasedgreatlyduringtheḤafṣidperiod;estimatesofitsfourteenth-centurypopulationrangefrom30,000to100,000,upfrom9,000inthelateninthcentury.46InadditiontohostingperiodicwavesofMuslimandJewishrefugeesfromal-Andalus,TunisalsosufferedgreatlyfromtheBlackDeathin1348,theoccasiononwhichbothofIbnKhaldūn'sparentsperished.47ThiswouldmakeTunisthelargestportcityintheMaghribandpotentiallymorepopulousthanGenoaitselfinthethirteenthcentury.48 Tunis'prominencewithintheMaghribisfurtherhighlightedbythesurvivalofmultipletreatiessignedbytheḤafṣidsandvariousEuropeanChristianpowersfromthe1220sonward.EuropeanChristianmerchantshadofcoursebeenactiveinIfrīqiyaforatleastacenturypriortothis,andTravisBrucehasrecentlyshownhowcloserelationswerebetweentheAlmohadgovernorsofTunisandthecommuneofPisa,inparticular,around1200,withbusinesstiesandpersonalfriendshipsbetweencustomsofficialsandPisanmerchants.49GenoesemerchantswerevisitingIfrīqiyabythe1150s,andthecommunenegotiatedanewtreatyin1223withoneofthelastpre-ḤafṣidAlmohadgovernors,Abū-l-ʿAlāʾIdrīsb.Yūsuf.50Nonetheless,theestablishmentofanindependentemirateandthencaliphateatTunisinducedmultipleEuropean"nations"toconfirmorstrengthentheirtieswiththenewregime;withGenoa,Pisa,Venice,MarseillesandSicilyallsigningnewtreatieswithAbūZakariya'inthe1230s.51Thesetreaties,usuallydrawnupinTunisbyrepresentativesoftheEuropeanpowers,wereproducedinbothArabicandLatin;theLatincopywastobekeptbytheEuropeans,andtheArabicversionmaintainedbytheHafṣidchancery.

46AswithBijāya,estimatesgenerallydependonextrapolatingfromcontemporaryobservationsofthenumberofhouses,hearths,ormosques.The30,000figureisanoutlier;mostotherhistoriansestimatethepopulationatbetween70and100,000inhabitants.SeediscussionbyMouniraChapoutot-Remadi,"Tunis,"inGrandesvillesméditerranéennesdumondemusulmanmédiéval,ed.Jean-ClaudeGarcin(Rome:ÉcoleFrançaisedeRome,2015),237-8;Brunschvig,LaBerberieOrientale,356-357.48StevenA.EpsteinestimatedthepopulationofGenoaataround80,000atitspeakinthe1290s;otherestimatesrangebetween50,000and100,000inthesamepre-plagueperiod.SeeEpstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,213.49TravisBruce,"Commercialconflictresolutionacrossthereligiousdivideinthethirteenth-centuryMediterranean,"MediterraneanHistoricalReview(2015),19-38;RussellHopley,"AspectsofTradeintheWesternMediterraneanDuringtheEleventhandTwelfthCenturies:PerspectivesFromIslamicFatwasandStateCorrespondence,"Mediaevalia32:1(2011),5-42.50AnnalesVol.2,192;andBrunschvig,LaBerberieOrientale,18.51Mas-Latrie,34,97,116-118.

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TheGenoa-TunistreatiesreflectanevolvingGenoeseunderstandingofḤafṣidrule,inparticulartheever-greaterclaimstoauthoritymadebythedynasty.Inthe1236treatytheGenoeserecognized"Busacharinus,lordofAfrica",whoserealmextended"fromTripolitotheendofthekingdomofBijāya."ThesubjectsofBusacharinuswerereferredtomainlyasMoadi,"Almohads,"atermthatappearsalmostinterchangeablywithSarraceni:"Saracens."52In1250,bycontrast,theGenoeseclaimedtobedealingwith"mirBoabdil,kingofTunis,"whosesubjectswerestilleitherMoadiniorSaraceni,andinthe1272treatytheyreferredtotheircounterpartasdominumMiramamolinum,regemTunexis,adirectLatinrenderingoftheArabicamīral-muʾminīn,"commanderofthefaithful,"thetitlehistoricallyemployedbyMuslimrulersmakingaclaimtothecaliphate.53In1287,anothertreatywassignedbetweenAbūḤafṣʿUmar(r.1284-1295)andtheGenoese.Thistreaty,althoughagainonlytheLatinsurvives,givesthestrongimpressionofhavingbeenoriginallycomposedinArabic.Theintroductionreferstothecaliphas"ourrulerandlord,thecaliph,theimam,theVictorious-through-God,"andaslewofothertitles,including"commanderofthefaithful."54Intriguingly,however,thetermMoadini/Almohadisnowentirelymissing:theonlyreferencesmadetoAbūḤafṣ'subjectsdescribethemasSarraceni.ItistemptingtoseeinthisgradualabandonmentofthetermaconsciousdistancingfromtheAlmohadmovementbythelaterḤafṣidrulers.

TheGenoeseandotherforeignnationssharedsimilarquarterswithinthecapitaloftheḤafṣidcaliphate,locatedoutsidetheoldcitywallsandinaneasternsuburbofthecity,betweentheBābal-Baḥr,orSeaGate,andthearsenalandcustomshousesontheLakeofTunis.ThisarrangementpresumablyallowedtheTunisianauthoritiestokeepalloftheforeignmerchantstogether–andthuseasiertosurveil-andoutsidethewalledcity.Theplandidnotsuiteveryone,ofcourse:thePisancommunityinTunispetitionedtheḤafṣidauthoritiestoerectawallbetweentheirfondacoandthatoftheGenoese,atellingindicationbothofthetwogroups’proximitytoandenmitytowardseachother.55FurtherevidenceoftheEuropeanmerchants’inter-connectedlivesinTunismaybefoundintheregisterofPietroBattifogliofor1288-1289,whopliedhistradenotonlyinthetwoGenoesefondacos,butalsointhoseoftheSiciliansandCatalans,aswellasattheportitselfandinthecustomshouse.56ItwasnotthefinestneighborhoodinTunis—alreadybythefourteenthcenturythelakewasnotoriousforitssmellandperiodicflooding—butitwasa 52Mas-Latrie,116-118.53ibid,118-125.Thetitlewasnotentirelyexclusivetocaliphs--theAlmoravidsoccasionallyemployedit,despitemaintaininganominalloyaltytotheAbbasidcaliphs-butneitherwasitincommonuseamongMuslimrulers.TheMarīnidsofMorocco,contemporariesoftheḤafṣids,moreoftenused"commanderoftheMuslims"instead.SeeMaxvanBerchem,Titrescalifiennesd’OccidentàproposdequelquesmonnaiesMérinidesetZiyanides(Paris:ImprimerieNationale,1907),245–335.54"dominatorisnostri,etdomininostriel-Calife,el-Imem,el-MostenserBille,el-Moaier,Binnesserille,Miramamorini,Ebo-AfsEbiniLomaraRassidi"Mas-Latrie,125-126.55SeeMas-Latrie,(Pisa–Tunis:1229),32,(Pisa-Tunis:1264)45.56GeoPistarino,introductiontoBattifoglio,xxxii-xxxiii.

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dynamicandgrowingsuburb.In1283,oneofthecaliphsdemolishedafondacowherewinewassoldneartheBabal-Baḥrtobuildanewcongregationalmosque,theJama’aal-Zaytūnaal-Barrāni:thiswastheveryneighborhoodofEuropeansettlement,andthefondacoinquestionmaywellhavebelongedtoaEuropeanChristianowner,thoughthesourcesdonotspecify.57

Withitspoliticalimportance,anditsstrategiclocationlessthanthreedays’sailfromSicily,ḤafṣidTunisplayedapivotalroleinboththeinternalpoliticsoftheMaghribandofcompetingEuropeanpowers.Specifically,thecitywasapointofcontentioninthedecades-longstruggleforSicilybetweentheAngevinsandtheAragonese,firsthostingHohenstaufenloyalistsin1266,thentargetedbyCharles’brotherLouisIXintheCrusadeof1270,andfinallyservingasarallyingpointforPeterII’sconquestofSicilyin1282.58Asthepoliticalcapitalofapowerfuldynasty,unlikeBijāyaandCeuta,ithostedalargecontingentofEuropeanmercenariesandtheirfamilies:representinganothertemptingmarketforGenoesemerchants.59ItalsodrewthesustainedinterestandattentionoftheLatinChurch.Themendicantshadarrivedbythe1220s,aschoolofArabicwasestablishednotlongafterwards,andseveralpopescarriedonalongcorrespondencewiththeḤafṣidrulers,hopingtoconvertthemtoChristianity.60Inotherwords,Tuniswasastrategicallyimportantandcontestedspace,andGenoawasmerelyoneofseveralinterestedforeignparties.Thisisimportanttoremember,giventhatTunisisalsobyfarthebest-documentedMaghribiportinthisperiod,andthesourceoftheonlyGenoesenotarialdocumentstosurviveinanysignificantnumbers:thecartularyfragmentofPietroBattifoglio,activeatTunisfrom1288-1289.61

57Brunschvig,LaBerberieOrientale,349.58SeediscussioninHusseinFancy,TheMercenaryMediterranean:Sovereignty,ReligionandViolenceintheMedievalCrownofAragon(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,2016),76-78.59MichaelLower,“ThepapacyandChristianmercenariesofthirteenth-centuryNorthAfrica,”Speculum89:3(2014),601-631.60ClaraMaillard,LespapesetleMaghrebauxXIIIèmeetXIVèmesiècles:étudedeslettrespontificalesde1199à1419(Turnhout:Brepols,2014),20-22.61SeeChapterTwo.

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“IntotaBarbaria”:TraveloffthebeatenpathintheMaghribOver98%oftheGenoeseandSavonesenotarialevidencefortheMaghribtradereviewedinthisstudyconcernstraveltothethreemajortradeportsanalyzedabove,eachwiththeirowndistinctsocio-economicandpoliticalbackgrounds.Theremainingacts,however,offerausefulperspectiveonhowtheGenoesethoughtoftheMaghribasaspacefortradeandtravel,andareworthexamininginsomedetail.Inthethirteenthcentury,GenoesenotariesandmerchantsusedseveraltermstorefertoNorthAfricaorpartsofit.TheḤafṣidrulerAbūZakariyāʾwasreferredtoas“lordofAfrica”,andproductsimportedfromtheterritoryunderhiscontrolwerevariouslylabeledAfricana,or“ofTunis”or“ofBijāya.”

However,otherGenoesealsoemployedthetermBarbaria,“Barbary”,torefertotheeasternandcentralMaghrib,roughlytheareabetweenConstantineandTunis.62Infivecontracts,Barbariaisdescribedasthedestinationorpossibledestinationofmerchants,theirrepresentatives,andalsoofGenoesepirates.In1245,thenotaryBartolomeodeFornarispentsometimeatBonifacio,inCorsica,andwhiletherehedrewupanumberofcorsairs’contracts.Thesewereactsinwhichenterprisingadventurerstypicallysoughttoraisefundstoequipfastgalleys(sagitte)forprofitableraidingagainst“theenemiesofthecommune”orsometimes“theenemiesoftheholychurch”(incursumcausalucrandicontrainimicoscomunis/sancteecclesie);suchloanswereusuallydescribedasbeingmadeinpanatica:inprovisions,supplies,andarmamentsforaraidingvoyage.63Inexchange,theinvestorcouldexpectapayoutbasedontheexpectedprofitsofaraidinagivenarea.Thus,inFebruary1245,GerardoPiacentinoacceptedaloaninpanaticaof£8toequiphisgalley,theMeliorata,foravoyage.Gerardopledgedtorepayhiscreditor,ArcocoofGenoa,atarateof3-to-2ifhetraveledtothePrincipatus64andtopay2-to-1ifhetraveledtoBarbariainstead.65SevenotherloanswiththesamevaryingratesofreturnweredrawnupinFebruary1245atBonifacio.

AlthoughGirardodidnotspecifythatthiswasaraidingvoyage,lateractsinvolvingtheMelioratastronglysuggestthatthiswasthecase.Fiveyearslater,in1250,threecontractsweremadeinGenoainvolvingthesamegalley,whichthistimewasunequivocallydescribedasembarkingonaraidingvoyage.Inthiscase,thedestinationoftheraidwasnotmadeclear,buttwocontractsspecifiedapayoutof2-to-1:theratioassociatedwithBarbariaintheCorsicancontracts.66Thethirdcontractinvolvedthe 62CfMGHSS18(AnnalesIanuenses),129,311,313.Intriguingly,aGermansourcefrom1189referredtoacityontheAfricanshoreofthestraitsofGibraltar,(almostcertainlyCeuta)astheopulentissimamcivitatemBarbarie.However,thisappearstobeananomalyandIhavebeenunabletofindanyotheruseofthisnametodescribenorthernMorocco.MGHRerumGermanicumN.S.5,“NarratioItinerisnavalisadTerramSanctam,”189.63“panatica.”inAprosio,VocabularioLigureII:M-X:145.64LikelyareferencetothemainlandpartoftheKingdomofSicily,theareaoncereferredtoasthePrincipalityofSalerno.65ASGNotaiAntichi21/I(BartolomeodeFornari),132v.66Ibid,21/I154r,182r.

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employmentontheMeliorataofJacopodePelio,whowastoreceiveashareof£40ofthefirstprizetakenbythegalley(deprimolucrosiveaquistoetcursu)inreturnforanunspecifiedservice.67ThisindividualislikelytohavebeenthesameJacopodePeliowhowaslateractiveasanotaryinTunisin1260.Takenaltogether,theactsmaysuggestthatpiracyinBarbariawasexpectedtobemoreprofitablethanpiracyinthePrincipatus-orperhapscorrespondinglymoredangerous.Insuchcases,thetermlikelyreferredinawidesensetothecoastofIfrīqiyaandthecentralMaghrib,azonewhereprivateershopedtoseizearichprize.Thedistinctionbetween"privateer"andmerchantofcourse,issomewhatartificial:althoughsomeactsspecifiedinvestmentsincorsairvoyages,Genoesecaptainscouldturnprivateeriftheopportunitypresenteditself.Thisisclearfromacourtcasein1200,inwhichRolandodeCanetoaccusedVillanoAssassinoofturningtopiracy(intravitincursum)onavoyagebackfromOrantoGenoa,againsttheterms(ultramandatum)oftheiroriginalcommenda.Villanoreadilyadmittedtoturningpirate,butprotestedthathehadfirstfaithfullydischargedhisdutyasthetravelingpartnerinthecommendabysellingRolando'sgoodsinportandsendinghimhisprofitsbeforehand.68

Barbariawasalsoadestinationformorepeacefuleconomicactivityinthethirteenthcentury.AlongsideBartolomeodeFornari’scorsairclientsinBonifacioweremerchantstradinginTunis,whorecordedsixcontractsincommendaorexchangefortradingvoyagestoTunisinFebruary1245.69Furthermore,PietroBattifoglio’s1288-89TunisregistergivestwoexamplesofmerchantsentrustingotherstoactastheirprocuratorsintotaBarbariaetinTunexis,aphrasingthatimpliesascopeofactionnotlimitedtoTunisorBijāya.70

IfBarbariareferredtotheEasternMaghrib,especiallythecoastalarea,theGenoeseemployedthetermGarbum/GarbotodenotethewesternMaghrib,includingtheMediterraneanandAtlanticcoastofmodern-dayMorocco.71Writingin1291,theGenoesechroniclerJacopoDoriarecordedtheinvasionofIberiabytheMarīnidsultanAbuYaʿqūbYūsuf,whopreparedfortheinvasionby“[preparing]twentygalleysandeightotheroaredvesselsinGarbotosecuretheseaandtransportthenecessarysuppliesandprovisionsintoSpain.”72Similarly,notarialevidencefromGenoaandSavonasuggestedthat“Garbo”wasunderstoodtomeanabroadareaofthewesternMaghribicoastline,possiblyextending 67Ibid,177v.68GiovannideGuibertoI,49,(doc.94).69ASGNotaiAntichi21/I(BartolomeodeFornari),127r-128v.70Battifoglio154-5,127(docs.107,127).71Theterm,whichderivesfromtheArabical-gharb,(“thewest”),wasalsooccasionallyemployedtodenotethewesternpartofal-AndalusintheIberianpeninsula,asinthe1256treatybetweenAlfonsoXofCastilleandPisa,inwhichtheCastilianmonarchpledgedtograntconcessionstothePisans“ifheshouldmakeanyconquestsinGarboorAfrica”(sicontingeriteumconquistamfacereinGarbovelAfrica),MGHConstitutionesII,AlfonsiRegisConstitutiones,495.72“acinGarbogaleas20etalialigna8deremisparaveratpromaresecurandoetvictualiaetalianecessariainIspaniamdeportare.”AnnalesVol.5,136.

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fromOrantothewest,asina1210contractwrittenbyLanfranco,inwhichVassalloClaraventodiNoliaccepted£50andpromisedtoexchangefourbesantsandfourmigliaresi“inOranorwhereveryouwishinGarbo.”73Onoccasion,particularmeasuresofweightwereassociatedwithGarbo,asina1213contractfromSavonareferencingashipmentweighing“notlessthan300cantariofGarbo.”74InJanuary1204,aSavonesecourtsummonedwitnessestoappeartogivetestimonyinalawsuit;allowingadelayofsixmonths’forindividuals“inGarbo,thatistosay,Ceuta.”75

Inall,thereareninementionsofGarbointhenotarialevidenceorcourtrecordsexaminedhere,andtheyraiseinterestingquestionsaboutthedefinitionofMaghribispaceatGenoa.Shouldothermentionsof“Garbo”bereadtoindicateeitherCeutaorOran,orcouldtheyembracetraveltopointsinbetweenorevenintothehinterland?Oran(Auguranum)appears,albeitrarely,asadestinationinitsownrightinthethirteenth-centuryevidence;itwasthedestinationoffivedifferentvoyagesfromSavonaorGenoabetween1202and1213,thelastofwhichwasacurrencyexchangebackedbyacargooftenmeçaroliasofwine.76ReferencestoGarboseemtodisappearafterthisearlyperiod,althoughtheCeutatraderemainedvigorousintothe1250s.Wouldthemembersofthe1291GenoeseembassytoTazūṭahavethoughttheywerepassingthrough“Garbo”?Tofurthercomplicatetheissue,GenoeseambassadorswereusingthewordMurrocho(Morocco)torefertothewesternMaghribasearlyas1138,inaseriesoftreatieswithProvençalcities,andtheAnnalesreferthreetimestoembassiessenttotheAlmohad“kingofMorocco”(regemMurrochi),in1191,1209,and1223.77YetthetermMurrochoappearsonlyonceinthenotarialevidenceIhavecollectedfortheperiod.In1243,MacuçodeLevacioandMaineriodeCagarotodeChiavari,actingtogether,acceptedaloanandpledgedtorepayinbesants“coinedinMorocco”(deconnioMurrochi).78ItseemsthatMurrochohadmoreresonanceasapoliticallabel—adestinationforembassies,anofficialcurrency—thanGarbo,whichhadmoreofageographicalorpossiblycommercialmeaning;inthelaterMiddleAges,“Garbowool”becameacommontermdenotingIberianorNorthAfricanoriginsintheFlorentineArtediLana.79

Finally,GenoesemerchantsandtravelersoccasionallymadeitasfarasSafi,ontheAtlanticcoastofMorocco,duringthethirteenthcentury.OnApril29-30,1253,BartolomeoFornaridrewupeightactsfortraveltoSafi,withcapitalamountingtoover£1,168:chiefly

73LanfrancoVol1.,322(doc.719).74UbertoI,143-4(doc.181).75Martino,263(doc.664),269(doc.693).76UbertoI,38(doc.47).77ILibriIuriumVol1:23-29,andAnnalesVol.2,41,110,192.78ASGNotaiAntichi18/II(MatteodePredono),315v.79SeeChapterFive,145-6.

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inonemassivecommendaof£900givenbySymonedeGualteriotoNicolosodeCarlo.80AlthoughthesearetheonlyactsforSafiinthenotarialevidencehere,suchalargeinvestmentsuggestsatleastaGenoesepresenceandprobablyatreatyinplaceatSafi,whichmayhavebeenoneofthelastportsunderfirmAlmohadcontrolinthe1250s.

WhilethethreemajorMaghribiportcities—Ceuta,BijāyaandTunis—attractedmostoftheinvestmentsandattentionoftheGenoeseduringthethirteenthcentury,theevidencecitedaboveshowsthattheirinterestwasnotlimitedtothesepoints.Furthermore,itisdifficulttoknowhowoftenthesimplecommendadestinedtooneofthethreemajorcitiesinfactconcealedplanstotakegoodsintothehinterland,ortoengageincoastalcabotagetakingadvantageofsmallermarkets.CommercialspaceandtheMaghribtradeinLiguria:WheredidtheGenoesemaketheirinvestments?ManyoftheGenoeseactsrecordingtradeandtraveltotheMaghribweredrawnupinasmallnumberofcentrallocationswheremerchantsgatheredneartheport.Fornotarieswhohadstrongfamilyandbusinesslinkstothegreatmerchantfamilies,suchasBartolomeodeFornari,theseweregoodplacestosetupshop:thebusinesswouldcometothem.Thehomesofcertainmerchantsseemtohavefunctionedasclearing-housesforothertradersinterestedintheMaghrib.Inthespringof1248BartolomeodeFornariworkedoftenatoroutsidethehouseofAymeriothespicer,drawingupatleastfourteenactsinvolvingtheMaghribthere.TheseweremostlycommendacontractsbutalsoincludedthesaleofaValencianMuslimslaveandtwoformalquittancesaswell.81AnotherimportantmerchantwithstrongtiestotheMaghribwasUgodeFornari,whowasactivebetweentheyears1236and1255,boughtandsoldsharesinthemaonaofCeutaafter1237,andwhoappearedaswitnessorinvestorinatleast21actsdrawnupbothbyhiskinsmanBartolomeoandothernotarieslikeMatteodePredono.Itwasinhishome,inJuly1251,thattheSaracenmerchantBocheriusofTuniswasreimbursed£25forthetheftofhiswaresbythemenofPortovenere,anactwitnessedbymagisterAbuFaihliLesedi,sarracenus.82TheimportanceofUgo’shomeasareferencepointfortheMaghribtradecontinuedafterhisdeathinthemid-1250s.In1259,asealoanfor£11forUltramareandtheMaghribwasmadeinthe“houseofthelateUgoFornari”,andin1262apaymentwasmadetotheholderofthescribaniaofTunisinthesamelocation.83

However,thereisalsoevidencethatinvestmentintheMaghribtradeescapedtheserelativelywell-establishedzones,andsomeactsrevealastrikinglyopportunistic,almostcasual,engagementbyLiguriansinthetrade.Inthenextchapter,IwilldiscussaninvestmentmadebyaSavonesewoman,AnnetaLingosa,athertavern,pressingherclientsintoserviceaswitnesses.Thisinvestment–madewithoutanotary–survivedthankstothe 80ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)29,66v.81ASGNotaiAntichi26/II(BartolomeoFornari),88v,94r,163v.82ASGNotaiAntichi31/I(MatteodePredono),154r.83ASGNotaiAntichi32(MatteodePredono),32v,73r.

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courtcasethatarosefromit,whichsuggeststhatmuchofthesmall-scaleinvestmentintheMaghribtradebypeoplelikeAnnamayhavebeenbasedonsimpleverbalagreementsmadeincasuallyinhomes,tavernsandonthestreet.ThereislittlereasontodoubtthatinvestmentintheMaghribtradefollowedasimilarpattern;extendingbeyondthegreatmerchanthousesandportcentersofcommerceintoordinaryhomesandplacesofbusiness.Tradingvoyagesoftendependedonraisingcapitalfrommanydifferentsources,andAnneta'sstorysuggeststhattravelingmerchantsmightactivelyseekoutinvestorsinmanydifferenturbanspaces.PlacesofExchangeintheMaghrib:Fondaco,Dugana,andSūqThefondacowastheheartofGenoeselifeintheMaghribiportcities.Typicallyaverylargebuildingplayingseveraldistinctrolesandunitingthemunderoneroof,thefondacowaspartwarehouse,partlivingquarters,partworkshop,andoftenincludedachurchorchapel.IthaddeeprootsinLateAntiquityandinthefirstcenturiesaftertheIslamicconquests.Inthetwelfthcentury,asLatinChristianmerchantsliketheGenoese,PisansandVenetiansfoundtheirwayinever-greaternumbersintotheIslamicworld,theinstitutionofthefondacoplayedacrucialroleingivingtheseforeignmerchantsaccesstoneweconomicspace.Theyservedtobothprotectandcontroltheforeignpresence,makingiteasiertoguardandtaxtradegoods,andthuswereconvenienttobothhostgovernmentsandtothevisitingmerchantsthemselves,providingasafespaceforthe“law,religionandfood-ways”oftheforeignmerchants.84ElsewhereintheIslamicworld,particularlyinFatimidandAyyubidEgypt,thefondacowassubjecttostrictcontrolbythelocalauthorities,butintheMaghribthereseemstohavebeenconsiderablymorefreedomofmovementfortheEuropeanswholodgedthere.85Inaddition,theexpansionofGenoesesettlementsintheMaghribledtotheconstructionofnewfondacostoaccommodatetheburgeoningpopulationofmerchants,artisansandtheirhouseholds;afactreflectedinboththetreatydocumentsandinnotarialevidence,whichsometimesdifferentiatesbetweendifferentfondacos;“thenewfondacoatCeuta,”“thegreatfondacoofBijāya,”“theoldfondacoatTunis,”andsoon.86ThedetailsoftheirconstructionandtheamenitiesincludedwiththemwerenegotiatedinGenoesetreatiesandboastedofbythecity’schroniclers,asin1223,whenthechroniclerMarchisioScribatooktimeoutofhisnarrativeofthecity’shistorytonoteproudlythataGenoeseembassytoTunisofthatyear(inwhichhehadtakenpart)secured,"inapraiseworthyway,"(laudabiliter)anewtreatygrantingtheGenoese“afondaco,abath,andanoven.”87

84OliviaConstable,HousingtheStranger,110-112,275.85DavidJacoby,“LesItaliensenÉgypteauXIIeetXIIIesiècles:ducomptoiràlacolonie?”inColoniserauMoyenÂge,eds.M.BalardandA.Ducellier(Paris:A.Colin,1995),76-89.86SeeMas-Latrie(Genoa-Tunis1287),125-127,andASGNotaiAntichi(GianninodePredono)28:124r,18/II:49r,Battifoglio3-4(doc.1).87“federacumacquisitionefundici,balneietfurni,”AnnalesVol.2,192.

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Befittingitsmultiplefunctions,thefondacowasacomplexeconomicspaceusedtostoresomegoodsandtofinishothersinavarietyofworkshops,andtosellthemtolocalmerchants.AsOliviaConstableshowed,thetransactionstakingplaceinthefondacodifferedacrossthemedievalMediterraneanworld;insouthernItaly,manyfondacoswereessentiallywarehousesorstoragefacilities,oftenownedbytheCrown,somewerededicatedtoparticularcommoditiestotheexclusionofothers,andsomefondacoadministratorsactuallyforbadesmall-scaleretailpurchases,permittingonlylarge-scalepurchasesofcommoditiesstoredwithinthefondaco,asinPisain1305.88ThereisnoevidencethatsimilarrestrictionswereappliedintheMaghrib,eitherbytheMaghribiauthoritiesorbytheirEuropeantradingpartners.Nonetheless,itwascleartoobserversthatthefondacowassomewhatanomalous:notamarket,butnotaprivatehomeeither.Intheninthcentury,thishadledtosomeunease,onthepartofMālikījurists,abouttheeconomictransactionstakingplacethere;theTunisianmuftiYaḥyab.‘Umar(d.901)observedthatpricescouldbehigherinthefunduqthaninanopenmarket.89Furthermore,Genoesenotarialevidenceinthethirteenthcenturystronglysuggestssomeformoftextileproductiontakingplaceatthefondaco,inadditiontoeconomicactivitygearedtowardssupportingtheeverydayneedsofthecommunity:suchasblacksmithing,baking,shoe-making.TravelingtoCeutain1252,LanfrancoAdornohiredtwomentocomeandworkforhimthere,oneofwhomwastobeaweaver(inadditiontoservingattable).90OtherwealthymerchantsatCeutaandelsewherehiredoutroomsinthefondacototailors,tannersanddrapers,andthepresenceattheTunisianfondacoin1289ofindividualsdescribedasshearers(accimatores),cloth-cutters(taliatores),anddyers(tinctores)suggeststhat,attheveryleast,theexpertiseneededtoproducefinishedclothexistedinthefondaco.91

Giventheimportanceofthefondacototheeconomicstrategiesofthemerchantcommunitieswhousedit,itislittlesurprisethatthespacewasorganized,inValérian’sphrase,“intheimageofthemetropole.”92BycontrastwiththeGenoesecoloniesatPera,Caffa,andChios,comparativelylittlehassurvivedofthenormativesourcesgoverningthe

88CitedinO.Constable,HousingtheStranger,331.89Ibid,72.90“etegoenricodebeoincidereetsuerepannosettuamvoluntatem,”ASGNotaiAntichi34(IanuinodePredono),54r.91Ofcourse,themerepresenceofcertainartisansdoesnotguaranteethepresenceoftheeconomicactivityassociatedwiththem,butitdoesraisethequestionofwhytheseoccupations,socloselyrelatedtotextileproduction,arestronglyrepresentedinthenotarialevidence.92Valérian,“MarchandslatinsetsociétésportuairesdansleMaghribmédiéval:lerôlecentraldesintermédiaires,”inIdentitésconfessionnellesetespaceurbainenterred’islam:RevuedesmondesmusulmansetdelaMéditerranée,ed.M.Anastassiadou-Dumont(Aix-en-Provence:Edisud,2005),437-458.

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GenoesesettlementsinCeuta,Bijāya,andTunisforthesameperiod.93Nonetheless,evidencefromthenotarialcartulariesrevealsabroadlysimilarstructurefortheGenoesemerchantcommunitiesintheseMaghribicities,forwhichthefondacowastheheadquartersofGenoesesettlement.InTunis,thefondacohousedtheconsul,appointedatGenoatoserveatermofoneortwoyears.TheconsulwasthespokesmanfortheGenoeseatTunis,representingtheirintereststotheTunisianauthorities,andalsoservedasajudgeandarbiterindisputesthatarosebetweentheGenoesethemselves.Hewasassistedbyacouncil(consilium)oftwelveprominentmerchants,whosometimesmetinthechapelofthefondacotohearcasesandrenderdecisions.94

However,despitehisimportance,theconsuldidnothavecompletecontroloverthefondacoanditsinhabitants.Healsohadtocontendwiththeholderofthescribaniaofthefondaco.Thismeant,broadlyspeaking,administrativecontrolofthefondaco:therighttocontrolappointmentsofofficialnotaries,torentshopsandwarehouses,andeventoopenatavern.AswithmanyGenoesepublicoffices,thescribaniacouldbepurchasedatGenoabyindividualsorgroups,asinJune1253,whenLanfrancoUsodimaregavequittancetotwomerchantsfortheintroitusscribanieatTunis,“andofthetavernsandfondacomerchants”(etdetabernisetdefondegariis).95Thereappeartohavebeenseparatesmallroomswithinthefondacobuildingdedicatedtoparticularpurposes:shopsorstoreroomsforindividualmerchantsorartisans,thetavern,storehouses,andlivingquarters,too.In1252,forinstance,OgeriodeFontanausedhispurchaseofthescribaniaofBijāyatorenttwoshopsinthefondacotoatannerandadraper.96Inaddition,thelanguageusedtodescribethefondacocouldbeambiguous;suggestingacompoundorgroupofbuildings,perhapsevenakindofneighborhoodinsomecontexts,ratherthanalargesinglebuilding.WhileRicobonodePortaseemstohaveunderstoodtheCeutafondacoasasinglelargebuilding,otheractsreferredtothefondacoascontainingmultiplehouses(domus)and,ofcourse,achurchbuildinginsidethefondaco.In1281,Contessina,widowofLanfrancoCamagenia,acceptedtwoyearsofrentalpaymentsfortwohousesownedbyherandarelative“inthefondacoofTunis”(quashabimusinfondicoTunexi).97In1287,inasomewhatambiguousclauseneartheendofthetreatyhewasnegotiating,theGenoeseambassadortoTunisseemstohaveaskedtheḤafṣidsforfinancialassistancetobuildnewhousesinthefondaco,“thatthosehouseswhich[theGenoese]sayaretheirpropertyinthefondacooftheGenoeseshouldbepurchasedbytheduganaforthemtolivein…andthattheyshouldbeenlargedinthefondaco.”98Thefondaco,then,wasbothacentralheadquartersandacompoundorarea, 93Balletto,“l’amministrazionedellagiustizianeglistabilimentimentegenovesid’Oltremare”NuovaRivistaStoria76(1992),709–728.94Battifoglio85-6(doc.57).95ASGNotaiAntichi29(BartolomeodeFornari):130r.96ASGNotaiAntichi18/II(IanuinodePredono),49r-49v.97ASGNotaiAntichi75/II(GuglielmodeS.Giorgio),72r.98“EtpetiitquodematurdepecuniaduganedomosquasdixeruntquesuntdepossessionibuseoruminfundicoIanuensiumprohabitandoeorum,etfiatgraciamdepreciisearumcommuni,et

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comprisinghouses,shops,taverns,andachurch,eachpotentiallywithdifferentownersortenants.

Ofcourse,thiscouldleadtotensionwithinthefondaco,aswealthymerchantspurchaseddifferentpiecesofthecommunity’sadministration.InJune1289,LeonardodeSigenbaldo,apowerfulmerchantandnotary,brandishingaletterprovinghispurchaseofthescribaniaofTunisforafive-yearperiod,successfullydeposedtheconsul’spreferrednotaryfromhispost,andinstalledhisownman.99

Despitetheirinternaldisagreements,theGenoesecouldagreethatthefondacowasbothaGenoeseandaChristianspace,andtheyguardedtheirprivilegescarefully.OtherEuropeantradingnationsinsistedonthispointexplicitly;in1251theVenetiansrequiredthattheyhavetotalcontroloverwhostayedattheirfondacosthroughouttheḤafṣidrealm:“nooneshalldaretoenteranyfondacointhewholekingdom…withouttheirconsent.”100TheGenoesedidnotgosofarastoexplicitlyaskforthisprivilege,butPietroBattifoglio’sregisterfor1288-89revealshowupsettingitwaswhenthisprinciplewasviolated.BertraminoFerrario,whoheldthe“greatwinegabelle”fortheportofTunis,lodgedaformalprotestwhenagentsoftheTunisiancustomsinvadedhisshop(gabellotto)attheGenoesefondacoinordertoinspectitinDecember1288.101Later,inMay1289,a“mobofSaracensholdingclubsandstones”forciblyexpropriatedacargoofoilthathadalreadybeensold,despitethefuriousprotestsoftheconsulBalianoEmbrono,whostoodinthedoorwayandtoldthemthattheyhadnorighttotaketheoilbeforetheconsulateandcuriaregisleviedtheimporttax.102NotonlydidtheGenoeseexpecttobeallowedtodeterminewhoenteredthefondaco,theyexpectedtobeabletosellwine,tobuildandexpandtheirchapel,andeventobeburiedinside.InotherpartsoftheMediterranean,Europeanmerchantswenttoratherextremelengthstomakeapointofdefiningtheirownspace;liketheVenetiansinMamlūkAlexandriawho,accordingtothefifteenth-centurySwisspilgrimFelixFabri,broughta“hugepig”intotheirfondaco;somethingthattheḤafṣids,atleast,werekeentoexpresslyforbidintheirtreatieswithChristianmerchants.103Still,whiletheGenoesemaynothavehadpigsintheirfondacos,theydidonoccasionimportporklard(axoncia)intotheMaghrib,asinacommendacontractmadeforCeutain1250.104Likeamodernembassycompound,thefondacowasasmallpieceofhome. quodelargetureisinfundicoeorum,etquodincipiaturinhoc.”Mas-Latrie(Genoa-Tunis,1287),126.99Ibid,129.100“Nemoausussitintrareinipsafundigaubicumquefuerintpertotumsuumregnum,nisicumsuavoluntateadhabitandum.”Mas-Latrie,(Venice-Tunis1251),200.101Battifoglio,3-4(doc.1).102Ibid,97.103CitedinOliviaConstable,HousingtheStranger,275.SeealsoBrunschvig,LaBerberieorientale,225.104ASGNotaiAntichi27(BartolomeodeFornari):10v.

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Thatsaid—alsolikeanembassy—thefondacowasthecommandcenter,notthewhole,oftheGenoesecommunitiesoverseas.ManyindividualsownedorrentedhousesandshopsoutsidethefondacoinCeuta,Bijāya,andTunis,andtheseprivateresidencescouldalsobesitesofeconomicexchangeorsourcesofprofitfortheirowners.Asnotedabove,someGenoesepaidtobuildhomesatCeuta,suchasBaldoinoUsodimarein1236,whopaidtoraisehalfahousebythearsenal;thisprobablyrepresentedarebuildingprojectafterthedestructiveeventsof1234-5.105AnsaldinodeNegroandhisbrothersownedhousesinTunisandleasedthemoutwhilestayinginGenoain1253.106TheGenoesecommunityexistedinseveralspaces:onecanimaginethefondacoitselfasanotionallyGenoese,Christianspace,andthenprivatemerchants’homesandshopsoutsideasmoreliminalspaces:stillGenoesebyvirtueoftheirownersortenants,butperhapsmorefullypartoftherestofthecity’surbanfabric.

Modernhistorianshavetendedtomirrorthegeneral,evenimpreciseusebymedievalauthorsoffondacoasacatch-alltermforEuropeanmerchantsettlementsintheMaghribandelsewhere,despitenoting,asOliviaConstableandDavidJacobydid,theimportantdistinctionsbetweenhowfondacosfunctionedintheMaghrib,inEgypt,intheLevant,andinChristianEurope.107Yetasthenotarialevidenceshows,thefondacowasthecoreofGenoesecommunitiesinMaghribicities:acomplexspacetofacilitatestorage,artisanalproduction,livingspace,andaccesstoreligiousservices.Itwasaphysicalbuildingorbuildings,aneighborhood,and,perhapsaboveall,aconceptualspace:apieceofthehomelandtobejealouslyprotectednotonlyfromlocalsbutfromotherEuropeanrivals.Thesūq:anIslamiceconomicspace?Bycontrasttothefondaco,thesūqormarketwasprimarily,thoughnotexclusively,definedasaMuslimspace.Itwas,intheory,aspacegovernedbyshariʿaandthebehaviorofmerchantstherewassubjecttointensetheorizationanddebatebyIslamicjuristsfromtheearliestperiodofIslamiclawonward.108Manualsoftheḥisbafromal-AndalusandEgyptproposedgoverningprinciplesforthemuḥtasibormarketinspector,andeverycollectionoffatwasfromtheMaghribincludedentirevolumeson“purchasesandsales”(al-buyūʿa)andthebehaviorofmerchantsandgroupsofmerchantsoperatinginthemarket.Ofcourse,MuslimjuristsacceptedthepresenceandactivitiesofJewsandChristianswithinthisspace, 105ASGNotaiAntichi17(BonvassallodeCassino),20r.106ASGNotaiAnitchi28(MatteodePredono),139v.107DavidJacoby,"LesItaliensenEgypteauxXIIeetXIIIesiècle:ducomptoiràlacolonie?"inAlainDucellierandMichelBalard,eds.,ColoniserauMoyenÂge(Paris;1995),76-88;O.Constable,HousingtheStranger,107-157,266-267.108Formoreonthemuḥtasib,seeAbbasHamdani,“TheMuhtasibasGuardianofPublicMoralityintheMedievalIslamicCity”DigestofMiddleEastStudies17:1(2008),92-104;andJonathanBerkey,"ThemuhtasibsofCairoundertheMamluks:towardanunderstandingofanIslamicinstitution"inTheMamluksinEgyptianandSyrianPoliticsandSociety,editedbyMichaelWinterandAmaliaLevanoni(Leiden:Brill,2004),245-276.

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buttheirinteractionswithMuslims—sales,businesspartnerships,etc.—hadintheorytobegovernedbyIslamiclaw.

ThereislimitedevidencefromthenotarialrecordsthattheGenoeseandotherLatinChristiansintheMaghriblefttheirfondacosandmadeitintotheseMuslimeconomicspaces.InApril1236,OgeriodeMariinvestedasumofmoneywithObertoPedicula,tobe“takenintothemarket”atTunis(portareinsucham).109In1263,anotherGenoesemerchantacceptedreimbursementfromtherepresentativeofaTunisianMuslimtraderinzucho.110Butthesecasesappearexceptional.DominiqueValérianhassuggestedthatthecombinationoflinguistic,juridicalandreligiousbarrierscombinedtocreateapowerful“psychologicalbarrier”betweenLatinmerchantsoperatingatthefondacoandcustomsontheonehand,andtheMuslimmerchantsoperatinginthesūqontheother.Ifmuchofone’smerchandisecouldbesoldatthecustomsorintheport,throughthemediationofatrustedtarjumanwhounderstoodbothLatinandArabic,theremightbenoneedforavisitingGenoesemerchanttoventureintothemarket.111

However,thereisalsoevidencethatMaghribijurists,atleast,frownedontheintrusionbyforeignChristiansintoMuslimeconomicspace.Al-Burzulī(d.1438),workinginTunis,wasapproachedwithaquestionabouttheeconomicactivitiesofChristiansinthemarket;“Are[Christians]forbiddenfrombakingbreadandsellingit,andsellingoilandvinegarandotherliquidsinthemarkets?Andaretheyforbiddenfromwashingclothes?”ThequestionerthenprovidedtwoquotationsfromMālikītraditionwhichseemedtocallforcontradictoryinterpretations.Ontheonehand,Mālikb.Anashimselfhaddeclared“Donotperformyourablutions(lāyatawaḍaʾa)with[water]thattheChristianhasleft,orwithwhathishandhasentered,”whereashisninth-centuryfollowerSahnun(d.854)hadwritten“Thereisnoharminitifoneiscertainthat[theChristian]hasn’tdrunkwineoreatenpork.”112Inotherwords,thequestionerwasexpandingadebateonritualpuritytoencompasscertaineconomicactivitiesofChristiansinMuslimspace.

Inansweringthequestion,al-Burzulībegansimply:“theyareforbiddenfromthis”(yumnaʿūnuʿanhā),referringtoanotherfamoussayingbyMālik:“Ithinkthattheyaretoberemovedfromallofourmarkets,becausetheydonotupholdtheregulationsonliquids(li-ʿadmtaḥafuẓihimfīal-umūral-ʿāmaal-māiʿa).113However,BurzulithenqualifiedhisdecisionbyinvokinghispersonalexperienceofadifferentsolutioninplaceincontemporaryMamlūkEgypt:

IhaveseeninAlexandriaJewishdoctorswhosellelixirs,andthepeoplemayhaveneedofthemforthisproduction,asindeedthereisaneedfortheminTunisinthe

109ASGNotaiIgnoti3.45(BonvassallodeCassino),03_666.110ASGNotaiAntichi30/II(BartolomeodeFornari),2v.111Valérian,Lesmarchandlatins,215.112“labasbihiidhaamanaminshurbal-khamrwaʾaklal-khanzir,”al-Burzuli,III:222.113IbidIII:222.

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marketofthegoldsmiths(sūqal-ṣiyāgha).Andtherefore—andGodknowsbest—thejudges(al-quḍāt)didnotpreventthem[fromdoingthis].114

Here,al-Burzuliwasemployingawell-knownqualifyingprinciplefortheinterpretationofshariʿa:thatof“necessity”(ḍarūra/ḥāja),whichallowedforsomedeviationfromstrictobservanceofthelawincaseofindividualorcollectiveneed,variouslydefined.115TherewassignificantleewayforbothMuslimjuristsandrulerstopermitless-than-desirableeconomicactivityifitweredeemedbeneficial.Al-Burzulīwenton,however,toquotetheTunisianmuftiMuhammadb.ʿAbdal-Nūral-Hamayri(fl.1320),whohadruledthatMuslimscouldnothavebusinessinteractionswithChristianswhosoldwinetoMuslims.

ItisforbiddentohavedealingswithChristianswhosellwinetoMuslims.Anditwasasked:Aretheynotallowedtosellwine?Andheanswered:Onlytoeachother,and[therightto]sellittoMuslimsisnotfoundintheBookorinthesunna,anditisaviolationofthetreaty,unlesswehavepermittedthemtosellwinetoMuslims.Andjizyaisnottakenfromthemfromtheprice[ofwine],fortheymustpayitfromsomethingelse,eitherfromwhatisgoodorwhatisbad,andiftheycannotpayexceptbywhatderivesthis[i.e.fromwine]thenweshouldrefrainfromtakingit.116

Byendinghisanalysiswiththiscitation,al-BurzuliaffirmedthedesirabilityofavoidinginteractionswithcertainChristiansinthemarketplacebecauseofbadbehavior:theirhabitofsellingwinetoMuslims,andtheirrefusaltorespectpuritylaws,especiallythoseconcerningliquids.Ultimately,whileheacknowledgedthepotentialof“necessity”tooverridetheseconcerns(asinthecaseoftheJewishgoldmerchantsofTunisandtheJewishdoctorsofAlexandria),hepreferredtoremoveChristianbakers,launderersandsellersofoilandvinegarfromthemarketsofTunis.Inthenextchapter,Iwilldiscussthepeculiarsignificanceofthesecommoditiesingreaterdetail,butfornowitisimportanttonotethatpowerfulnormsexistedinTunisandelsewhereintheMaghribtodiscouragetheGenoesefromintrudingintoMuslimeconomicspace.

Ofcourse,themereexistenceofsuchnormsdoesnotindicatehowcloselytheywereobservedinthemarkets.Themerefactthatal-Burzulīwasapproachedwiththequestionat 114“waqadraʾītuhbi-l-iskandarīyayahūdanaṭbaʾaʿandahumal-ashribayabayʿūnu-hawa-laʿalaal-nāsiḥtājuilayhimfīhadhihial-ṣanaʿa,kamaiḥtājufīsūqal-ṣīyaghabi-tūnusilayhim.Fa-li-dhalik—waAllahuaʿalim—lamyataʿariḍla-humal-quḍāt”Ibid,222.115Cf,Y.LinantdeBellefonds,“Ḍarūra”,in:EncyclopaediaofIslam,SecondEdition,ed.P.Bearman,Th.Bianquis,C.E.Bosworth,E.vanDonzel,andW.P.Heinrichs.Consultedonlineon19May2018<http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_SIM_1730>116“lāyajūzmuʿamalātal-naṣāraal-bāʿaīnal-khamrminal-muslimīn.Qīla:awlaysabayʿaal-khamrjāʾizʿandahum?Qāla:minbaʿaḍahumli-baʿaḍ,wabayʿuhuli-l-muslimīnlamyūjadfīkitābwalāsunnawahuwanaqḍli-l-ʿahdidhalamnaʿahadahumʿalabayʿaal-khamrminal-muslimīn.Qāla:walātuʾakhadhminhumal-jizyaminhadhaal-thaman,wayakilifūnuanyaʾtūbi-hāminghayrihiʿalamāahabbūawkarahū,walawlamyajadūʾilaanyarhanūbihihadhaal-shayʾ,l-amtanaʿnaminakhadahu”al-BurzuliIII:223.

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allmightsuggestthatChristianmerchantswereinfactsellingoilandvinegar,bakingbread,andwashingclothesinthemarketsofTunis.Butweshouldalsoresistthetemptationtoreadthesediscussionsinisolationfromdocumentsofcommercialpractice.OfficialsoftheTunisiancustoms-housealmostcertainlyhadtrainingintheMālikīlegaltradition,andweredescribedasfaqīh("alfachinus")inGenoesedocuments.TheḤafṣidsultanMuḥammadI(r.1295-1309)himselfcitedIslamiclawwhenhewrotetotheAragonesein1308,explainingwhytheovensinChristianfondacoscouldnotbeusedbyMuslims,eventhoughhealmostimmediatelyfollowedthisobservationwitharequestthatanyTunisianMuslimwhorentedanovenfromaChristianfondacoshouldpaythecourt,notthefondacoowner.117Giventhepersistenceofthesenormsontopoflinguisticandsocialbarrierstoentryintothemarkets,itwasfareasiertostayinthefondaco.ForanindividualGenoesemerchant,sellingclothorgrainatcustoms-houseorthroughthefondacowaswellenough,buttoventureintothesūqwastoriskjustthiskindofnegativescrutiny.

Thediwān/dugana:favoredsiteofexchange

Discouragedfromentryintothesuq,manyChristianmerchantsappeartohaveboughtandsoldtheirmerchandiseatthecustoms-house,ordugana.IntheMaghrib,thisterm,whichderivedfromtheArabicdiwān,oroffice,typicallyreferredtoalargebuildingorsetofbuildingsinwhichincomingmerchandisewasinspected,weighed,andtaxed.118Pegolotti’sPraticadellaMercaturasuggeststhattheduganaofTuniswasthesiteofacarefulinspectionofoil,inparticular,inwhichthelocalauthoritiesinsistedonpouringtheoilintonewandcleanjars,toensureitspurityandfitnessforconsumption.119Afterbeinginspectedandtaxed,goodscouldbesoldatauctiontolocalbuyers,bymeansofaninterpreterortarjumān.Thiswasconvenientforbothcustomsofficialsandmerchants;theformerbecausetheygottocontrolaccesstoforeigngoodsandensurethattaxeswerecollected,andthelatterbecauseitlimitedthenumberoftimestheyneededtomovetheirmerchandise:bulkitemssuchasgrainorclothcouldbeoff-loadedfromtheships,takentothecustomsandsoldthere,withoutneedingtomovethemagaintothefondacoortothemarket.120

Furthermore,theGenoa-Tunistreatiesof1236and1250stipulatedthatallsalesandpurchasesmadeatthedugana(andthosemadeoutsideit,ifmadethroughthe 117O.Constable,HousingtheStranger,121-122.118DiwānhadaverywiderangeofassociationsinclassicalArabictexts,mostlyrelatingtovariousgovernmentofficestrackingrevenue,expenditures,anddepartmentssuchasthemilitary,publicbuildings,justice,etc,althoughregionalusagesdiffered.SeeH.L.Gottschalketal.,“Dīwān”,EI2.119Pegolotti,Lapraticadellamercatura,trans.AllanEvans(Cambridge:TheMedievalAcademyofAmerica,1936),130-131.SeediscussioninChapterFive.120DominiqueValérian,"Lesmarchandslatinsdanslesportsmusulmansméditerranéens:uneminoritédansdesespacecommunautaires?"RevuedesmondesmusulmansetdelaMéditerranée107(2005),445-446.

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mediationofanofficialtranslator)wouldbeguaranteedbytheḤafṣidrulerandhisofficials,aclausealsoinsisteduponbytheVenetiansintheirtreatyof1251.Thus,intheeventofafailurebyalocalbuyertopaytheagreedpriceforgoods,theḤafṣidauthoritieswereboundtoreimbursetheGenoeseseller.121Ineffect,usingtheduganawasthesafestandmostreliablewaytounloadone’sgoodsinthirteenth-centuryTunisandBijāya.Thisimportancewasfurtherhighlightedbythepivotalrolethatduganastaffplayedinnegotiatingthetreatiesthatstructuredtrade,suchasin1272,whentheḤafṣidcaliphal-Munstanṣirwasrepresentedby“Bolasemthechaytus”(saʿīd)ofthecustoms,andMoametIbnYbenaliYbenabraym,the“chadi”(qāḍi)ofTunis.122NotarialevidencefromPietroBattifoglio’sregisterconfirmsthetightrelationshipbetweenTunisiancustomsofficialsandtheirGenoesepartners.ThenotarydrewupsevenactsinthecustomshouseofTunis(duganadominiregisTunexis)betweenFebruaryandApril1288,includingcommendacontractsforSousse,forSicilyandAlexandriainEgypt.123

However,theduganawasmorethanjustaclearing-houseormarketplace.ItalsoplayedacriticalroleasasiteofdiplomacybetweenMaghribirulersandEuropeanmerchantsandambassadors.TheArchiveoftheCrownofAragonpreservesseveraldocumentsthatshedlightonhowcentraltheduganawasasameeting-placeforallforeignmerchantsandtheirrepresentatives.ThiscentralityisparticularlywelldemonstratedbyaseriesofeventsthattookplaceintheTunisianduganain1308-9.In1308,theḤafṣidcaliphMuḥammadI(r.1295-1309),actinginconcertwithJamesIIofAragon(r.1291-1327),attemptedtosignanewpeacetreatywithJames'youngerbrotherFrederickIIIofSicily(r.1295-1337).AnAragonesedelegationheadedbyJames'admiral(admiratus),BernatdeSarria,arrivedintheduganaofTunisfromSicilylatein1308,withaproposedtreatybetweenSicilyandTunis.124TheḤafṣidssummonedalltheconsulsofChristiannationstothedugana,wheretheyinspectedthetreaty,confirmedthatitwasvalid,andborewitnessasthesealoftheKingdomofSicilywasaffixedtothedocument.Laterthatyear,aprominentGenoesemerchantresidentatTunis,GuglielmoCibo,leftforSicilyasambassadoroftheḤafṣidcaliph,toinformFrederickIIIofthetreaty'sacceptancebyTunis.However,whenGuglielmoarrivedinSicily,hefoundthatFrederickrefusedtorecognizethetreatysignedinhisnamebytheAragoneseambassadors,andhewasunabletochange 121“Quidquidautemvendiderintincalega,cumtestibusdugane,etextracalegampertorcimanoscuriecognitos,sitsupraduganam.”Mas-Latrie,(Genoa-Tunis1236),116-118;andidem,“detotoeoquodIanuensesvendentinduganna,incalegaetextracalegam,permanumdeturcimannisdugannae,inpresentiatestiumdugannae,teneaturdugannarespondereipsisIanuensibus,”(Genoa-Tunis1250),119;idem,(Venice-Tunis1251),200.122Mas-Latrie,(Genoa-Tunis1272),122-123.123Battifoglio,21-27,105-107(docs.13-16,.72-73).124ThisembassytookplaceinthecontextofacomplexseriesofmaneuversbetweenAragonandSicily,andBernatlikelycametoTunisdirectlyafterheadinganAragoneseembassytoSicilyearlierin1308.SeediscussioninCliffordBackman,ThedeclineandfallofmedievalSicily:politics,religion,andeconomyinthereignofFrederickIII,1296-1337(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1995),274-276.

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theking'smind.GuglielmoreturnedtoSicilyinJanuary1309andinformedtheTunisiansofFrederick'srepudiationofthetreaty.AngeredbywhatheregardedastheperfidyoftheSicilians,themushriforoverseeroftheduganasummonedLatinnotariesfromtheGenoese,Pisan,Venetian,andAragonesefondacostorecordwhathadhappened.Theyobliged,leadingtothecreationoffournearlyidenticalnotarizedandsealedLatindocuments,whichtheḤafṣidchancerylabelledseparatelyinArabic,al-janawiyūn("TheGenoese"),al-arakaniyūn("TheAragonese"),andsoonbeforesendingallfourofthemtoJamesIIalongwithacomplaintinArabicaboutthefailureoftheSicily-Tunistreaty.125

Theseeventsrevealtheimportanceoftheduganabeyonditscommercialfunction.ThememorialsdraftedbytheChristiannotariesin1309suggestthatmuchofthediplomacyandtreatynegotiationsatTunistookplacethere,withtheformaltreatydocumentandroyalseal"broughttotheduganaanddisplayedthere"(perductafuitethostensaindugana."TheḤafṣidsdeliberatelyinvolvedasmanyoftheChristianrepresentativesatTunisintheprocessaspossible,astheGenoesenotaryPietrodeCasellanoted:"Iwaspresent[atthedugana]andsoweretheconsulsofalloftheChristiansofTunisandmanymerchants,andthustheletterwasseen,read,andexamined,andpronouncedtobeingoodorderandsufficientforapeaceortreaty."126Thepublicnatureofthisdiplomaticeffortisworthnoting:whilemanysurvivingtreatiesbetweenTunisandEuropeannationswereratified"intheroyalcourt"(curiaregis)or"inthepalace"(palacioregis),theduganawasalsoapotentialvenuefordiplomacy,particularlywhentheparticipantswantedtomaketheirnegotiationswidelyknown:"Thus,inthatyearitwassaidpubliclybyChristiansandSaracensthatpeacehadbeenmadebetweenthekingofSicilyandthekingofTunis."127Thepublicperformanceofdiplomacyintheduganacontinuedevenafterthefailureofthisinitiative,whenthemushrifsummonedthenotariestomakearecordofwhathadhappened.DespitetheexistenceofmultiplebilateraltreatiesandindividualfondacosforeveryseparateChristiantradingnation,theduganawastoalargeextentthemostmeaningfulpublicforumbetweenChristianmerchantsasabodyandtheirMuslimḤafṣidhosts.Itwasaplacetosellandbuy,butalsoaplacetohearnewsandinteractwithlocalofficials.

Ofcourse,merchantscouldby-passtheofficialsalesattheduganaiftheywished;takingtheirgoodstotheircity'sfondacoinhopesoffindingabuyer(presumablyafterpayingtheimporttax).Thismayhavebeenmoreappealingforsmall-scalemerchants,tradersinluxurygoods,orformerchantswithaspecificlocalcontactorbuyerinmind:suchindividualsmightbelessconcernedaboutthecostofmovingtheirgoodsorhaving 125"ActadelnotariodelconsuladodeGénovaenTúnezsobrelaembajadadeBernatdeSarriàennombredelreydeSicilia,apeticióndelmoxerifdelaaduanadeTúnez,"ArchiviodelaCoronadeAragon,Cartasárabes,Suplemento2.126"Etvidiindictadugana{millesimo?}predictomepresenteetpresentibusConsulibusomnibuschristianostunesisetpluribusmercatoribus,sicutdictalitteravisalectaetexaminatafuit.Etdictaetsententiataprobonalegalietsufficientiadpacemsivetreugamfirmandam."ACACartasÁrabes,Supplemento2.127"etsicpublicedicebaturetdictumfuitdictoannointerchristianosetsarracenosquepaxeratfirmataperdictumBernarduminterRegemTunesisetRegemScicilie",Ibid.

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theirtransactionsguaranteedbytheauthorities.In1200,whenRolandodeCannetosuedVillanoAssassinoformisuseofcommendafunds,Villanoproducedwitnessestoattestthathehad,ingoodfaith,soldortriedtosellRolando'sgoods—twoboltsofcloth,onegreenandoneyellow—atauctionattheGenoesefondacoofBijāya,andhadreceivedanofferof31/4besantspercanna.128Perhapssuchasmallsumofmoneyandclothmadethefondacomoreappealingasaplaceofsalethanthecrowdedcustoms-house.

TreatiesconcludedwithotherEuropeantradingnationssuggestthatthefunctionsoftheduganacouldbeperformedinseveralotherplaces:theVenice-Tunistreaties,forinstance,requirethattheVenetianfondacohaveitsowndugana“wheneverpossible”(quotiensfueritoportunum).129Furthermore,asnotedabove,agentsfromthedugana,suchasthetranslators/tarjumān,couldeasilyoperateoutsidethecustoms,includingintheirownprivatehomes.Aswiththefondacoitself,theduganarepresentedanidealspacefortrade;designedtomakelifeeasierforvisitingmerchantsandthestatewhotaxedthem;butitcouldbeavoided.PlacesforWorship:ChristianchurchesinthemedievalMaghribAccesstoreligiousserviceswasconsideredessentialbyEuropeanstradingintheIslamicworld,andtheGenoesewholivedandworkedintheMaghribwerenoexception.Thepresenceofachurchanditsattendantclergymeantaccesstothesacraments,butitalsoprovidedameeting-placeandafocalpointforcommunalidentity,evenaburial-placeforthoseGenoeseandotherswhodiedfarfromhome.130Yet,likethefondacoitself,thepresenceofChristianchurchesinIslamicspacecouldleadtotensionsbetweenthevisitingChristiansandtheirMuslimhostcommunity.ThedetailsofworshipandchurcharchitecturematteredagreatdealtobothChristianmerchantsandMuslimcommunities,whosemembersdrewonalongtraditionofcommentaryontherightsofChristiansorJewswithinIslamtodebatetheappropriatenessofchurchbells,towers,andornamentation:tosaynothingoftheactivityoftheclericsaffiliatedwiththebuildings.Finally,Genoesepriestsservingintheoverseaschurcheshelpedtodefinethecommunitiesthatdependedonthem;guaranteeingandexecutingwills,actingasintermediariesbetweenlocalmerchants,andprovidingadirectlinkwithhomechurcheswithinGenoaitself.131

Therightofnon-MuslimstoreligiousspacewithintheDāral-Islamwasawell-worntopicinIslamiclaw.MostdiscussioncenteredontherightsandresponsibilitiesoftheAḥl

128GiovannideGuibertoI,55,(doc.98).129Mas-Latrie,(Venice-Tunis:1251),200.130FortheroleofchurchesasorganizingcentersofforeignmerchantcommunitiesinmedievalEurope,seeV.Slessarev,“EcclesiaeMercatorumandtheRiseofMerchantColonies”BusinessHistoryReview41:2,(1967),177-197.131SeeJohnBenjaminYousey-Hindes,“LivingtheMiddleLife:SecularPriestsandtheirCommunitiesinThirteenth-CenturyGenoa,”(PhDdissertation,StanfordUniversity:2010),176-177.

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al-dhimma:JewsandChristianswhohadformallysubmittedtoMuslimruleoverthem.Bytheeleventhcentury,Mālikījurisprudenceestablishedasetofprinciplesabouttherightsofdhimmipopulationstoreligiousspace:whiletheyweregenerallyforbidden—intheory—frombuildingnewchurchesorsynagogues,dhimmiscouldrepairexistingbuildingsandcontinuetousethem.Theymustalsorefrainfrombeautifyingtheexteriorsoftheirplacesofworship,andavoidpubliccallstoworshipsuchasbellsorwoodenclappers(naqūs).132Theserestrictionshadtheexplicitpurposeofreinforcingthesubordinatestatusofnon-Muslimsandremovingthem,asfaraspossible,fromMuslimpublicspace.Theninth-centuryMālikijuristIbnal-MājishūnhadarguedthatdhimmiswhohadpeacefullysurrenderedtoMuslimsandwhothenremovedthemselvesfromclosecontactwiththemshouldbetreatedmoreleniently—allowedtore-buildtheirchurches,evenusethenaqūsinpublic—thanthosedhimmiswhochosetoliveside-by-sidewithMuslims.133

Atthesametime,thejuristsrealizedandacceptedthefactthattheseruleswerenotalwaysenforced,andcouldbedispensedwithifitwereinthe“publicinterest”(maṣlaha).134Thethirteenth-centuryjuristAbū-lHaṣanal-MaghribinotedthattheAlmoravidrulershaddeportedmanyChristiansfromal-AndalustotheMaghrib,inthelateeleventhandtwelfthcenturies,andgrantedthemtherighttobuildnewchurchesthere.Christiansmightholdvaluableexpertiseincraftssuchasarchitectureandcarpentry,inwhichcasehavingtheminMuslimspaceandallowingthemtheirchurcheswouldbeabenefittoIslamandadetrimenttotheDāral-ḥarb:the“AbodeofWar.”MuslimrulerscoulddeploythislogictograntprivilegestoChristiansorJews,“ifthepublicinterestofitisgreaterthanitsdetriment/corruption”(inkānatmaṣlahatuhuaʿaẓamuminmafsadatihi).135 Ofcourse,theGenoese,Pisans,andotherEuropeantraderswhosoughttobuildchurchesintheMaghribwerenotdhimmisbutrathermustaʾaminūn,“protectedforeigners.”136Thismeantthat,whiletechnicallymembersoftheDāral-ḥarb—nominallyatwarwithIslam—theyweregrantedsafepassageandprotection(amān)fortheirpersonsandgoodswithinMuslimterritory,alongwithotherenumeratedrights,suchasaccesstoachurch.RightstoachurchareincludedintheearliestsurvivingGenoesetreaties

132Accordingtosomejurists,therewasatechnicaldistinctionbetweendhimmiswhoseancestorshadpeacefullysurrenderedtoMuslimconquerorsbytreaty(al-ṣulh),andthosewhoseancestorshadresistedandbeenconqueredbyforce(al-ʿanwa),whohadfewerrights.SeeChristianMüller,“Non-MuslimsaspartofIslamiclaw:JuridicalCasuistryinaFifth/EleventhCenturyLawManual,”inJ.TolanandM.Fierro(eds),ThelegalstatusofDimmī-sintheIslamicwest:(second,eighth-ninth,fifteenthcenturies)(Turnhout:Brepols,2013),21-63,35.133Al-Mi’yarII:241.134ForananalysisofthisterminclassicalandcontemporaryIslamiclaw,seeF.Opwis,Maṣlaḥaandthepurposeofthelaw:Islamicdiscourseonlegalchangefromthe4th/10thto8th/14thcentury(Leiden:Brill,2010).135Al-Mi’yārII,241.SeealsoVincentLagardère,HistoireetSociétéI:130.136SeeChristianMüller,“Non-MuslimsaspartofIslamiclaw”,30;andO.Constable,HousingtheStranger,115.

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withMuslimrulersinthewesternMediterranean,includingthe1188treatywithMallorca,whichpromisedtheGenoese“afondaco,freeuseofabath,andachurchinwhichtheymustprayandperformthedivinemystery,”andthe1223missiontoTunissecuredsimilarprivileges.137Despitetheirstatusasprotectedforeignersandtheirexplicitrightstobuildchurches,theGenoeseandotherEuropeansstilloperatedinMuslimspace,whichtheytransgressedattheirperil.Howtheybuilttheirchurchesmatteredgreatly,forwhileMālikījuristswerewillingtoconcedeadegreeoflatitudetotheirrulersintheinterpretationofpublicinterest,theystilltriedtoupholdnormsofChristiansubjugationtoandseparationfromMuslimsenvisagedintheMālikīlegaltradition. Twofourteenth-centuryfatwasreportedbyal-Wansharīsīmakethisclear.Ibnal-Ḥājj(d.1347)recordedarequestfromChristians“enteringfromthelandoftheenemy”(an-naṣāraal-dākhilūnminal-ʿadūwa)askingpermissiontobuildhousesandchurches“intheplaceoftheirsettlement”(fīmawḍiʿistiqrārihim).HerespondedbyarguingthatvisitingChristiansshouldbeconsideredinthesamecategoryasthosedhimmiswhoseancestorshadsignedformaltreatieswiththeMuslims,“andeverygroupofthemisentitledtobuildahouse[ofworship]fortheperformanceoftheirlaw.”138Theywere,however,tobepreventedfrompubliclyannouncingtheirworshipwiththenaqūs.Thesecondfatwa,issuedinTunis,concernedagroupofforeignChristianswhohad“renovated”(aḥdathū)achurchintheirfondacoandthenexpandedittoinclude“somethinglikeatower”(shayʾanyashbahal-ṣawma).Onbeingchallengedaboutthisnewconstruction,theChristiansproducedawrittentreatyinwhich“itwasfoundthattheyshouldnotbepreventedfrombuildingahouseforworship,andtheygaveastheirexcuseforraising[thetower]thatitwasforlight,andtheqāḍī,oninvestigatingthis,foundittobethecase.”139AlthoughbothgroupsofChristianswerevisiting,andbothhadtherighttobuild“houses”ofworshipfortheiruse,theystillhadtoconfrontadegreeofreluctancetoviewthemasanydifferentfromlocaldhimmis,justifyingtheir“renovations”andtheirintrusionintoMuslimpublicspacebydeployingspecific,writtenconcessions,andframingtheirconstructionasservingapracticalneed:repairs,notembellishmentsforthesakeofexternalbeauty. Oncetheirrighttoaccesstheirownreligiousspacewasguaranteed,thetreatiessignedbytheGenoeseplacedseveralchurchesintheMaghribundertheauthorityoftheGenoesearchbishop.Inturn,thearchbishopseemstohaveappointedclericstothefondacochurches,andseveralnotarialdocumentssurviveinwhichthepriestspreparedtotakeuptheirnewposts.Theseappointmentsseemtohavebeenforalimitedamountoftime;suggestingperhapsatypeof“rotation”ofclericsinandoutoftheMaghrib.InMay1244,presbyterGiovanni,chaplainofS.Donato,preparingtoembarkforBijāyaborrowedanepistolaryfromaTemplar,andpromisedtoreturnit(or12s)whenhereturnedto

137“fundicum…furnum,balneum...etecclesiamunaminquaoraredebeantIanuensesetfacereministeriumDei.”Mas-Latrie(Genoa-Mallorca:1188),114.138“mubāhli-kulṭāʾifatminhumbayʿatwāḥidat-unli-aqāmat-insharīʿatihim”,citedinal-MiʿyārII:215.139“fa-wujidafīhiannahulayuḥālubaynahumwa-baynaanyabnūbayt-anli-taʿbbudātihim,wa-aʿatadharūʿamārafaʿauhubi-annahuli-l-ḍawʾ,fa-baʿathual-qāḍīfa-wajaduhuli-dhalik”Ibid,215.

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Genoa.140InAugust1271,Enrico,acanonofS.MartinoinPegli,hiredayoungman,Pagano,asaservanttoaccompanyhimtoCeutaforatwo-yearperiod.141 Beyondaplaceforthecelebrationofthemassandsacraments,thefondacochurchwasalsoacommunalmeeting-placeandburialground.InMarch1289,theGenoeseconsulatTuniscalledameetingofhistwelve-mancouncil—whichincludedthepriest,Tealdo—inthechurchofSt.MaryattheGenoesefondacotoadvisehimonadisputebetweentwomerchants.142Earlierthatyear,GiovannaZenogia,awomanintheMarseillaisfondaco,madeherwill,inwhichsheaskedtobeburiedinthesamechurch.143FormerchantsandtravelerswhofacedtheirfinalillnessesintheportcitiesoftheMaghrib,itmusthavebeenacomforttoknowthattheycouldbeburiedinhallowedground.

Althoughevidenceislimited,controlofthefondacochurchesseemstohavebeenconsideredavaluableprize,particularlythechurchatTunis.TheOrderoftheHolyCrossofMortara,acongregationofregularcanons,madeatleastoneattempttopurchasetheappointmentofthecapellaniainTunis.Theorder,whichoriginallyspecializedinassistingpilgrimsinLombardyandPiedmont,soonexpandedintotheLatinEast,andgrewrapidlyinGenoaduringthefirsthalfofthethirteenthcentury,controllingsixchurchesinthecity.144OnMay29,1251,agroupofeightMortarancanonsappointedaproxy,JacopoMacellaiodiMolo,torecover£25fromthearchbishopofGenoa,whichthearchbishophadinturnreceivedfromthepriestYsnardo“forthechaplaincyofTunis”(procapellaniadeTunexis)onJune10,1248.Clearly,somethingwentwrong,sincethesamegroupappointedadifferentproxyonJune12,1251,torecoverthesamesumfromthearchbishoponbehalfofYsnardo.145Exactlywhatwasgoingonhereremainsamystery,butpresumablytheorderwasseekingtherestitutionofitsoriginalinvestment:perhapsYsnardohadbeenunabletotakechargeofthechaplaincy?ObtainingcontroloftheGenoesechurchinTunismusthaveseemedlikeagoodinvestmentin1248,evenifitlaterproveddifficulttoexploit. Assuggestedinthepreviouschapter,theGenoesechurchintheMaghribdidnothaveastrongrelationshipwiththemendicantorderswhorapidlyexpandedtheiractivitythereafterthe1220s.146GenoesepriestsweretheretoservetheGenoesecommunityand

140CitedinYousey-Hindes,“LivingtheMiddleLife”,179.141ASGNotaiAntichi70(GuglielmodiS.Giorgio),62v.142Battifoglio,85(doc.57).143Battifoglio,11-13(doc.6).144Yousey-Hindes,“LivingtheMiddleLife,”55.FormoreontheMortarancanons,whomergedwiththeLaterancanonsin1449,seeC.Andenna,MortariensisEcclesia:UnacongregazionedicanoniciregolariinItaliasettentrionaletraXIeXIIsecolo(Münster:LitVerlag,2007).145ASGNotaiAntichi31/I(MatteodePredono),140v,145r.146FormoreontheeffortsofmendicantsintheMaghribandal-Andalus,seeR.I.Burns,“Christian-IslamicconfrontationintheWest:thethirteenth-centurydreamofconversion”TheAmericanHistoricalReview76(1971);andRobinVose,Convertingthefaithful:DominicanmissioninthemedievalcrownofAragon(ca.1220-1320)(PhDdiss.,UniversityofNotreDame,2004).

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tomaintaintheirownchurches,whilethemendicantswereinterestedbothinconvertingMuslimsandinministeringtocaptiveChristians.Inthe1234lettertoRamondePeñafort,themendicantsofTuniscomplainedaboutthelaxityandoutrightwickednessofChristianmerchantsliketheGenoese,whosoldfoodandstrategicgoodslikewoodandirontotheSaracens,“sayingthatthiswasnotprohibitedtothembytheirprelates.”147Themendicantsalsocomplainedoftheirinabilitytocelebratethemassandothersacramentswithpropersolemnity,suggestingperhapsthattheylackedaccesstothechurchesofthemerchantcommunities.Theyaskedforpermissiontocelebratemassbeforedawn,“onaccountofthefearofthosewhosecarewehave,”andalsoforpermissiontouse“unblessedvestmentsandvesselswhennecessary.”148TheGenoesechurches,andpresumablythoseofothertradingnations,werenoteasilyaccessibletothemendicants,possiblybecausetheirexplicitmissionofconversionmaywellhaveendangeredrelationsbetweenthemerchantsandtheirMuslimhosts.ConclusionTheGenoesewholivedandtradedintheMaghriboperatedinawiderangeofphysicalandconceptualspaces.TheirmovementswithintheMaghribwerelimitedbytreatylanguageandgeographytoafewimportantportcities:overwhelminglytoCeuta,Bijāya,andTunis.Whileallthreeofthesecitieshadsimilarlegalandculturalinstitutions,theirvaryingpoliticalandeconomicrealitieswerejustasimportantfordeterminingpatternsofforeignsettlementandcommercialactivity.Furthermore,withineachcitytherewereanumberofseparatezonesandspaces,fromthefondacotothemarkettothedugana,eachofwhichhadseparatefunctionsbothinIslamiclawandintheacceptedpracticeofEuropeanmerchantsliketheGenoese.ForeignChristianeconomicactivitywasstronglydirectedtowardsthefondacoandthedugana,whilethemarketwasanominallyMuslimspaceinwhichGenoeseandotherforeignChristianmerchantsfacedsignificantnormativebarriers,ifnotquiteoutrightexclusion.Nonetheless,enterprisingGenoesecouldenterthesespacesandleavethewell-established“expat”zonescreatedbylocalofficialsbothfortheirconvenienceandtobettercontrolthem.Clashingexpectationsandtensionsaroundtheacceptableuseofspace,whetherfortrade,worshiporsettlement,mightcauseustore-evaluatetheoft-quotedassertionbytheAnonymousofGenoaaround1300that“wherevertheGenoesego,theymakeanotherGenoa.”149

147“dicenteshocsibinonfuisseprohibitumaprelatissuis.”Tolan,“RamondePenyafort”,10.148“proptertimoreminquosuntistiquorumcuramgerimus,”idem,14.149“und’elivanostan/unatraZenoagefan”AnonimoGenovese,citedinEpstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,116.

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CHAPTERFOUR:“PEOPLE”:THEDEMOGRAPHICSOFTRADEANDTRAVELBETWEENGENOAANDTHEMAGHRIB

In1204,acourtcasewasunderwayinSavona,regardingthefateofasmall

investment—£418d—thathadbeentakentoBijāyabyamannamedVillanoScalia.Aspartofthedepositions,thejudgesummonedthreewitnessesfromtheVexosofamily;Raimundo,Bertolotto,andAnsaldo,togivetheiraccountsofhowonecreditor,AnnetaLingosa,hadinvestedhershareofthecommenda:fortysoldi(twolire).Raimundogavethefollowingversionofevents:

IwaspresentinAnna’shouse,becauseIhadcometheretobuybreadandwineto

eat,andthereIboughtapenny’sworthofbreadandoneassataofwine,andwhileI waseatingthere,theaforementionedVillanocamesayingtoAnna,"Anna,you’vegot money,IaskyoutolendmesomeincommendaandIwillgiveyouonequarterof theprofitthatGodwillgiveme."Andsheresponded"Iwillgiveyou40soldiin commenda"andthusshegavehim40soldiandcountedthemoutandsaidtome andtoRaimundoandBertolotoVexoso,whowereallthere,thatwewere witnesses.1

ThistestimonysuggestsanumberofimportantpointsaboutthepeoplewhotookpartintheMaghribtradeinthirteenth-centuryLiguria.Itshowshowevenmenandwomenofmodestmeanscouldinvest,sinceAnnetaappearstobeashop-ortavern-keeperofsomekind.Moreover,itdemonstratesthecasualwaysinwhichinvestmentcouldtakeplace:amanentersatavernandsolicitsmoneyfromanacquaintance,whothencountsoutthecoinsinpersonandcallsherpatronstoactaswitnesses.Indeed,nomentionatallismadeofanotaryinrecordingthetrade,asoberingpointgivenhowcentralnotarialactsaretoourunderstandingofmedievalMediterraneantrade.Thisverbalcontracthascomedowntousthankstothelegaldisputethatarosefromit:itistakenfromtheworkofaSavonesenotary,Martino,whoservedasanofficialscribeofthecommune,includingitslawcourt,between1203and1206.2Itisimpossibletoknowhowmanysimilar,small-scalecontractsweremadeverballyandwithoutanotary,therebyleavingnotraceinthewrittenrecord.

Nonetheless,thenotarialevidencepermitsustoreconstructmuchofthedemographicstructureofLigurianinvestmentandtravelintheMaghrib.Thepresent

1“EgoaderamindomoipsiusAnne,quiaveneramibiproemerepanemetvinumprocomedereetsicemidenariatampanisetassatamvinietcumcomedebamibi,etdictusVillanusvenitdicensipsiAnne–Annatuhabesdenarios;rogoteutabundesmichidetuisdenariisinaccomandationeetegodabotibiquartumdenariumlucriquodDeusmichidederit–etipsarespondit–EgoacomandabovobissolidosXL–etsicdediteossolidosXLsibietnumeravitetdicitmichietRaimundoVexosoetBertolotoVexoso,quieramusibitunc,quoderamusindetestes.”Martino,302(doc.781).2DinoPuncuh,IlCartolariodiMartinodiSavona:1203-1206(Genoa:SocietàLigurediStoriaPatria,1974)16.SeeanalysisbyA.P.Schioppa,"GiustiziacivileenotariatonelprimoDuecentocomunale:ilcasodiSavona,1203-1206"StudiMedievaliseries3V55:1(2014)-24,anddiscussioninChapterOne,40-41.

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chapterdoesthisinseveralways.First,byreadingmanydifferentnotariesactiveovertheperiod1203–1300,wecanunderstandthecity’seconomicactivityasawhole.Whileindividualnotariesdevelopedspecializationsandclientelesovertheircareers,thesebiasescanbemitigatedbyreadingasmanyoftheircontemporariesaspossible.Furthermore,whilethenotarialevidenceremainsthecoreofmyanalysis,IhavealsoconsultedLatinlegalandnarrativesources,whereappropriate.Throughthisapproach,apictureemergesoftheactivityofvarioussub-groupswithinGenoeseandLiguriansociety.Thechapteraddressestheactivitiesofeachofthesegroupsinsomedetail;interrogatingtheirinvestmentandtravelpracticesandsuggestingtheirrelativeimportancewithintheGenoa-Maghribtradeasawhole.ItendsbydiscussingthelimitedbutimportantevidenceforMaghribiMuslimandJewishresidenceinGenoa.WhilethepresenceofMuslimsandJewsintwelfth-andthirteenth-centuryGenoahasbeenrecognizedinthepast,theirsocioeconomicdiversityandtheirpermanencewithinGenoesesocietyhasnot,withmostattentionbeinggiventopassingmerchantsandslaves.3

NotariesandtheirNetworks

Firstofall:whowerethenotaries,andhowdidtheyfitintoGenoeseorLiguriansocietyasawhole?FarfrombeingpassiveandneutralobserversofGenoeseeconomiclife,notarieswerebothhighlymobileanddeeplyinvolvedintradeaswellaslandowning.Manynotarieswerewealthymerchantsandinvestorsintheirownright,includingseveralwithextensivepersonalinvolvementintheMaghribtrade.Theywerealsofrequentlyeachother’s'clients.ThenotaryBartolomeoFornariformedtwocommendapartnershipsforCeutaandBijāyain1252and1253,accordingtohisfellownotaryGianninodePredono,worthatotalof£3810s,inadditiontootherinvestmentsinshipsharesandmerchandise(includingaCorsicanfalcon)between1245and1274.4Bartolomeo’sfamily,thewealthyFornari,washighlyactiveinthetradebetweenGenoaandtheMaghribduringthethirteenthcenturyandwasalsoclosetothecenterofpowerincommunalpolitics,especiallyduringtheyearsbetween1230and1260.UgoFornari,averywealthymanandoneoftheeightnobilesinchargeofmunicipalimpostsandtaxesin1237,wasnotonlyamajorinvestorinCeutaandBijāya,buthishouseservedasameetingpointforotherMaghribtradersandnotaries.5Ugo’sassociationwiththeMaghribcontinuedafterhisdeathsometimebefore1254,when 3EugeneByrneidentifiedseveral“Eastern”or“Syrian”merchantsinthenotarialregistersofGiovanniScriba(1154-1165),butthoughtthatthey“disappeared”fromtherecordafterthe1190s.EugeneByrne,“EasternersinGenoa,”JournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety38(1918):176-187.VsevolodSlessarev,writingin1967,concurred,notingthatthatitwas“vain”tolookforMuslimsinanynumberinthelaterthirteenthcentury.VsevolodSlessarev,“ICosiddettiOrientalinellaGenovadelmedioevo”ASLPNSVII/1(1967),39-85.GeorgesJehelofferedanimportantcorrectivetothisnarrativeinthe1990s,buthisanalysisfocusedmainlyontheprovenanceofMuslimslavesinGenoesemarkets.SeeGeorgesJehel,“MuslimsandJewsinMedievalGenoa:FromtheTwelfthtotheFourteenthCentury”MediterraneanHistoryReview10:1(1995),120-132.4ASGNotaiAntichi34(IanuinodePredono)63rand90r,and34(NicolodePorta)10v.5AnnalesVol.3,80.

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notariesbegantorecordinvestmentsforCeuta,BijāyaandTunismadeindomoquondamUgonisFornarii.6Genoa’spodestàin1236,JacobodeTertiagoofMilan,seemstohaveheldcourtinthefamily’surbanpalace,asindicatedbyoneofBartolomeo’searliestactsinSeptember1236,inwhichUgo’ssonGuglielmoFornariinvestedmoneyinacommendaforCeuta:theactwascompiled“inthepalaceoftheFornari,wherethepodestàholdscourt”(inpalaciofornariorumquopotestastenetcuria).7InthiseraofGenoesecommunalpolitics,thecity'sgovernmentmetintheprivatehomesoftheurbanelite:Guglielmo'sCeutainvestmentwasmadeattheverycenterofpower.

ThenotaryBonvassallodeCassinoalsohadacloseworkingrelationshipwiththeFornariclan:between1236and1240,herecordedatleastninety-sevenactsfortradewiththeMaghrib(justunderone-thirdofhistotal)atthefamily’swarehouseorcommercialdepot(voltaFornariorum).8Healsoinvestedsomeofhisowncapitalintrade,duringthe1250s,althoughitisnotclearfromthesurvivingactswherehesawfittosendhismoney.9

Anotherfamilyorgroupofnotaries,thedePredono,alsohadtradinginterestsintheMaghrib.GianninodePredonoinvestedinBijāyaandCeutain1254,includingalargesum—£165—thatheentrustedtohisbrotherGuglielmo,alsoanotary,foravoyagetoCeuta.Guglielmowasbothatravelingmerchantandaninvestorinotherenterprises,andseemstohavespecializedinclothforsaleintheMaghrib;thecargoeshetookchargeofincluded“fustiansofCremona”(fustaneoscremonenses)andothercloth(telacrispie).10AlthoughGiannino’sownactssurviveonlyfromashortperiodbetweenMarch1251andJune1254,healsoappearsinactsproducedbyhiskinsmanMatteodePredono,asbothwitnessandaninvestor.Infact,alikelyexplanationforthelimitedrangeofGiannino’ssurvivingactsisthefactthathehimselfleftGenoatotradepersonallyintheMaghribatsomepointafter1255.InMayofthatyear,heacceptedtwoseparatecargoesofcotton(twenty-sevenpecias)fromhisbrotherGuglielmoamountingto£1417s,whichhepromisedtotaketoBijāyaintrade.Hemayhavestillbeentherefouryearslater;inFebruary1259hiswifeSymonacollectedrentonhisbehalfforahousetheyownedinGenoa.11Matteo’srelationshiptoGianninoisunclear,butlikeBonvassallodeCassino,heseemstohaveworkedintheorbitoftheFornari,recordingatleast41Maghrib-relatedtradeactsbetween1244and1256inthehomeofUgoFornari. Aswithanyprofession,therewasameasureofvarietywithintheranksoftheGenoesenotariate:individualnotarieshadparticularclients,areasofspecializationand 6SeeforinstanceNotaiAntichi31-I(MatteodePredono):28v.7ASGNotaiAntichi18(BartolomeodeFornari):147v.8Thelocationofmanyactsisuncertainduetodamage,andthefrequentpracticeofnotarialshorthand:whenmultipleactswerepreparedatthesameplace,notariesmightsimplyindicateitwitheodemdielocoethora.9ASGNotaiAntichi31/II(MatteodePredono):50v-51v.10ASGNotaiAntichi30-I(GianninodePredono):83v,126v.11ASGNotaiAntichi(MatteodePredono)31/II:92v;Ibid,32:51v.

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workhabits.However,asawhole,GenoesenotarieswerehighlymobileandmanyweredeeplyengagedintradearoundLiguriaandthroughouttheMediterranean,includingtheMaghrib.Genoeseshipswereexpectedtocarrynotariestorecordtransactionsmadeduringvoyages,furtheraddingtotheprofession’smobility.12Inadditiontothenotarieswhoseactsareincludedinthisstudy,manymerchantsorinvestorscharacterizedasnotariusorscribaappearinthenotarialevidence.TheseincludeRicobonodePortascriba,amerchant-notarywhoinvestedheavilyinCeutain1253,especiallyinwine,andseveralothermembersofthePredonofamily,suchasBertolinoandGuglielmodePredono,bothnotarii,whoformedapartnershipforBijāyain1254.13Someofthesementookupresidenceinforeignports,includingintheMaghrib.ThismayhavebeenthecasewithPietroRuffo,“notaryofBijāya”(notariusbugie),whoatsomepointbefore1215drewupacontractbetweenVitale,aJew,andGiordanoBellorando:thecontract,originallyexecutedinBijāya,wascopiedinSavonain1215andwitnessedbyLambertoLecara,scriptorbugie.14

Merchant-notariesalsoexertedimportantinfluenceontheverytermsoftradewiththeMaghrib:boththe1272and1287Genoa-TunistreatieswerecomposedbymembersoftheSigenbaldofamily;FrancescoandLeonardo,respectively.15Althoughnoneofhisactualnotarialactsappeartohavesurvived,LeonardodeSigenbaldowasamerchant-notaryinTunisduringthe1280s,whomadeseveralhugetradeinvestmentsinTunisandBijāya.InstrumentalincraftingthetreatyunderwhichhisfellowGenoeseoperated,familiarwiththeḤafṣidauthorities,andhavingpurchasedtherighttothescribaniaoftheGenoesefondaco,LeonardoseemstohaveheldjustasmuchactualpowerwithintheGenoesecommunityatTunisasitsofficialrepresentative,theconsulBaliannoEmbrono.ItistemptingtointerpretLeonardo—andotherslikehim—as“part-time”notaries,perhapsbenefitingfromanotary’strainingandabletocomposecomplexlegaldocuments,butpredominantlyactiveastradersalongsidethegreatmerchantcapitalistsofthirteenth-centuryGenoa.16Mobileandopportunistic,withtiestogreatmerchantfamiliesand

12AntonioMusarra,“Scriveresullegallee,NotaiescribidibordoaGenovatraXIIIeXIVsecolo,”inItineraria11(2012),101-125.13ASGNotaiAntichi(GianninodePredono)30-I:85v.14UbertoII,56(doc.202).15Mas-Latrie,125-127.16HereIemploytheterm"capitalist"inalimitedsensetorefertothoseGenoesewhoinvestedacapitalintradeorlending,withaviewtogeneratingprofit.ThequestionofwhetherornotmedievalGenoaorVenicecanbeunderstoodas"capitalist"or"proto-capitalist"inamacrohistoricalsensehasalongandvexedhistory.SeeforinstanceS.REpstein,"RodneyHilton,Marxism,andtheTransitionfromFeudalismtoCapitalism"inC.Dyer,P.Cross,C.Wickham,eds.,RodneyHilton'sMiddleAges,400-1600(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2007),248-269;E.Mielants,TheOriginsofCapitalism,1-46;MarthaHowell,CommercebeforecapitalisminEurope,1300-1600(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2010),1-48.

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frequentlymakingpersonalinvestmentsthemselves,notarieswereinstrumentalinsettingtheconditionsoftradebetweenLiguriaandtheMaghrib.

TheGreatFamiliesintheMaghribTradeGenoeseofallsocioeconomicclassesinvestedintheMaghribtradeduringthethirteenthcentury.Manyofthemostprominentnoblefamiliesinthecity,suchastheDoria,Spinola,andEmbriaco,arewellrepresentedinthenotarialevidence.Thetablebelowprovidesthefifteenmostfrequentlyoccurringfamilynamesinthisstudy:entrieswithanasteriskrepresentfamilieswhodonotappeartobemembersofthemagnateclass.17

Table5:GenoeseFamiliesActiveintheMaghribTrade,1203-128918

Family NumberofActs NumberofMentions

DiMare 77 81Guercio 65 72Lomellini 63 82Doria 58 91

deLevanto* 51 51Cibo 50 89

Embriaco 47 67Fornari 47 72Lecavelo 45 54Usodimare 44 52Pinelli 42 46Ferrari 37 47

Adalardo* 35 44Lercari 29 43Spinola 26 31DeNegri 25 34

17AselsewhereinItaly,theGenoesemagnatesrepresentedlessaformalcasteandmoreabroadsocialgroupcomprisingseveraldifferenttypesofpeople:oldLigurianfeudalnobiliy,elitemerchantswhosubsequentlypurchasedlandsandprivileges,andsoon.Inidentifying“magnates,”IhavereliedonAngeloM.G.Scorza’sLefamiglienobiligenovesi(Genova:Giugno,1924).18TableFive:“NumberofActs”referstothenumberofindividualnotarialactsinwhichoneormorerepresentativesofthefamilyappearsasprincipalorasawitness,whereas“NumberofMentions”referstothenumberoftimesafamilymemberismentioned.Often,multiplefamilymemberscanbeinvolvedinthesameact.

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Thereareseveralpointsworthhighlightinghere.Foronething,severalprominentGenoesefamiliesareunder-representedintheMaghribtrade.Inparticular,theFieschiandGrimaldiclansfeatureinfrequently(theyappearinfiveactsandnineacts,respectively)whiletheDoriaandSpinolaappearmuchmoreoften.Thesefamilies,theso-calledquatuorgentes,dominatedGenoesecommunalpoliticsinthemid-thirteenthcentury,overshadowingseveralolderfamiliessuchasthedellaVolta,Embriaco,andCastro.Politicalrivalriesmayhavebeeninvolved:theFieschiandGrimaldiwerealliesandGuelfsupporters,whereastheDoriaandSpinola,whocooperatedtoruleGenoainatwenty-yeardiarchyfrom1270–1290,wereGhibellines.Perhapsthetwoclanspreferredtousedifferentnotariesinthecity,orperhapstheyavoidedmakinginvestmentsandvoyagesintheMaghrib,wheretheirrivalspredominated.19

WiththeimportantexceptionoftheDoria,thequatuorgenteswerelessactiveintheMaghribthansomeofthesecond-tiernobilitywhohaddominatedpoliticsinanearlierera,suchastheGuercioandUsodimare.ThecaseoftheUsodimareprovidesagoodexampleofthepossibilitiesforeliteinvestment.TheUsodimarewereoneofGenoa’soldestnoblefamilies,derivingultimatelyfromLigurianlandedaristocracyintheeleventhcentury.AlongsideotherGenoesefamiliesofvice-comitalorigins,theywereactiveintheGenoeseexpeditionsandsettlementsintheLevantduringthetwelfthcentury.20Theywerealsodeeplyengagedincommunalgovernment,providing14consulsbetween1131and1209,andwerenotedamongthemembersofthecommunalconsiliuminOctober1256,theeveofGuglielmoBoccanegra’spopulargovernment.21Finally,thefamilyleftitsmarkonGenoa’sofficialwrittenhistory,throughthepensofMarinoandBuonvassalloUsodimare,whowereamongtheauthorsofthecitychroniclebetween1264-1269.22

Alongsidethesedomesticpoliticalandliteraryactivities,theUsodimarebothinvestedinandtraveledtotheMaghribthroughoutthethirteenthcentury.Between1236and1289,membersofthefamilyappearinforty-fourdifferentnotarialinstrumentsinvolvingtheMaghribasbothprincipalsandwitnesses,andtheyseemtohavebeenparticularlyactivebetween1236and1254,duringwhichperiodtheymadeoracceptedfifteendifferentcommendacontractsforCeuta,Bijāya,orTunis.IndividualsinvolvedinthetradeincludedGiacomoUsodimare,memberofthepodesta’sconsilium,andthechronicler

19GiovannaPettiBalbi,Governarelacittà:pratichesocialietlinguaggipoliticiaGenovainetàmedievale(Firenze:FirenzeUniversityPress,2017),105-106.20Scorza,Famiglienobiligenovesi,449.FormoreontheUsodimare,seeLucaFilangieri,FamiglieegruppedirigentiaGenova(secoliXII-metàXIII),PhDdissertation,UniversityofFlorence(2010),41-42,MichelBalard,“Perunastoriadell’insediamentogenovesenelMediterraneomedieval”inP.Stringa,GenovaelaLigurianelMediterraneo:Insediamentoecultureurbane(Genova,1982).21Filangieri,Famiglieegruppe,32.22AnnalesVol.4,57-126.FormoreonthecompositionoftheAnnalesIanuenses,seeJohnDotson,"TheGenoeseCivicAnnals:CaffaroandhisContinuators"inSharonDale,A.WilliamsLewin,andD.J.Osheim,eds.,ChroniclingHistory:ChroniclersandHistoriansinMedievalandRenaissanceItaly(UniversityPark,PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress:2007),61.

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MarinoUsodimare,whosentthreecantariofpeppertoCeutain1251.23Thefamilyexportedtextiles,pepperandlacquer(lacca)fromGenoatotheMaghrib,andimportedleatherandothergoods.FamilymembersalsoinvestedinthecarryingtradewithintheMaghrib.In1236,BonvassalloUsodimareacceptedahugeinvestment—2000besants,around£500—relatedtoashipmentofTunisiangrainforCeuta.Inthiscase,somethingwentwrong:forunknownreasons,Bonvassallo'sinvestorseventuallysuedhimbeforetheGenoeseconsulsatCeuta,obtainingasettlementthattookatleasttwelveyearstoresolve.24

Notcontenttotradeincommodities,thefamilyalsoinvestedinrealestateandfinancialinstrumentsintheGenoesesettlementsoftheMaghrib.In1236,shortlyaftertheGenoeseattackonthecity,BalduinoUsodimareinvestedthirty-threelireintheconstructionofahousenearthearsenalatCeuta.25Likewise,thefamilyinvestedinthelegalandfinancialinfrastructureofGenoeseoverseassettlement:inJune1253,LanfrancoUsodimarereceivedtherentshewasowedforthescribaniaoftheGenoesefondacoatTunis,whichheandhisassociatespurchasedfromthecommuneinapublicauction(quemincantavimusinpublicacalega).26Later,inthe1280s,ashipownedbyPasqualeUsodimareandassociateswasplunderedbyPisansintheharboratTunis:heclaimeddamagesof20,393besants—around£5000—andhiscomplaintmadeitintothe1287Genoa-Tunistreaty:PietroBattifoglio’sregisterfor1288-89revealstheextenttowhichothereliteGenoesemerchantsatTunishadinvestedwithPasqualeintheplunderedcargo.27

WhilethescaleoftheUsodimare’sinterestintheMaghribissuggestedbythedocuments,itisdifficulttotellhowimportanttheUsodimare’sinterestsintheMaghribwereaspartofthefamily’soverall“Medterraneanstrategy.”28AfullinterrogationofallUsodimareinvestmentsintheMediterraneantradeisbeyondthescopeofthisdissertation;nonetheless,itseemsclearthattheMaghribtradewasanimportantpartofwhatonemightcallthefamily’s“investmentportfolio”duringthethirteenthcentury.

IndividualStrategiesandPossibilities:

InadditiontothetravelsandinvestmentsoftheUsodimare,thenotarialrecordsilluminatetheMaghrib-relatedcareersofseveralotherprominentindividualsinthetrade.These 23ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari),27:193v.24ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeodeFornari),26-II:163r.25Ibid(BonvassallodeCassino),17:20r26Ibid(BartolomeodeFornari),29:130r.27Battifoglio,39-40,59-60(docs.25,39).28SeediscussionbyDominiqueValérian,“Gênes,l’Afriqueetl’Orient:leMaghribalmohadedanslapolitiquegénoiseenMéditerranée”inValérian,Coulon,Otton-Froux,eds.,Cheminsd'outre-merétudesd'histoiresurlaMéditerranéemédiévaleoffertesàMichelBalard(Paris:PublicationsdelaSorbonne,2004),827-837.

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includedaspicetraderwithaconnectiontomedicine,andfourbrothersactiveinbothcommerceanddiplomacy.Thefirstofthese,ObertodeLevanto,wasaspicemerchant(spetiarius)whowashighlyactiveintheMaghribtradebetween1251and1254.Havingestablishedhimselfbythechapter-houseofS.Lorenzo,intheheartofGenoa,ObertoinvestedinawiderangeofgoodsforTunis,Bijāya,andCeuta.Hewasexclusivelyastationaryinvestor,probablyanoldermanbythe1250s(hissonGiovanninoappearsassociatedwithhiminsomelaterinvestments),whoreliedonthelaborandtravelofothers.AlthoughObertoseemstohavespecializedinspices,healsosentwine,lacquer,aloe,linen,andfineAntiochenesilktotheMaghrib.Ononeoccasion,heevensentweapons(arma)toTunis,ahighlycontroversialdecisioninviewofthepapalembargoontradingstrategicmaterialswiththeenemy.29

LiketheUsodimare,Obertodidnotlimithimselftoinvestinginmaterialgoods:healsoformedapartnership,orsocietas,withamedicaldoctor,masterGerardodeLongo,withwhomheinvestedtwelvelireinMay1252.Forhispart,GerardoundertooktotraveltoTunisandsharewithObertoanyprofitshereceivedthere“inpracticingmedicine,orwhateverIshouldreceivefromthemerchantsforthecommuneofGenoa.”30Thiscontractmayinfactreflectsomethingofafamilyinterestinmedicine:twoothermembersoftheLevantofamily,RanuccioandFederico,areattestedasdoctorsinGenoaandPerabetween1267and1281,anditseemshighlylikelythatthe“GalvanusIanuensisdeLevanto,”(d.c.1340)physiciantoPopeBenedictXII(1334-1342)andauthorofseveralmedicaltreatises,belongedtothesameclan.Oberto’sexperienceasaspicemerchantandhisaccesstorareeasterngoodswouldhavemadehimanattractivebusinesspartnerforamedicaldoctor:inGenoa,aselsewhereinmedievalEurope,spiceswereknowntohavearangeofmedicinaluses,andtherewasconsiderableoverlapbetweenthewaresstockedbyspicemerchantsandapothecaries.31

LikeObertodeLevanto,OpizinoandMarinoAdalardowereactiveinvestorsintheMaghrib;however,theycombinedtheirinvestmentswithfrequenttravelthere.TheAdalardowerenotoneofGenoa’selitefamilies.Inthethirteenthcentury,theycombinedanentrepreneurialstreakwithanaptitudefornavalwarfareandcorsairactivity.OnbothoccasionsthattheexploitsoftheAdalardomadeitintothecityannals,itwasforsuccessfulpiracy:againstPisain1245,andagainstaSardinianjudgein1285.32OttoAdalardoappearsasawitnessestoseveralactsinvolvingthemaonaofCeutainthe1230s,buthissonsOpizinoandMarinofirstcameintotheirownasmerchantsinthe1250s.Beginningin1251,Opizinoacceptedseveralmoderate-sizedcommendainvestmentsfrommembersof

29PresumablyObertocouldhavespecifiedthattheweaponswerenottobesoldtoMuslims,butifhedidsoitdoesnotappearinthisact.ASGNotaAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)27:188r.30“occasionemedicandi,sivedeeoquodprocommuniIanueamercatoribushaberedebeo.”ASGNotaiAntichi(GianninodePredono)34:74v.31SeediscussioninPaulFreedman,OutoftheEast:SpicesandtheMedievalImagination(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,2008),117-121.32AnnalesVol.3,161,Vol.5,61.

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prominentfamiliessuchastheDoriaandLercari,undertakingtotradeinTunis.HeandhisbrotherGuglielmoworkedintandemwithathirdbrother,Obertino,whowasbasedinSicily.33Forthreesuccessiveyears,OpizinoacceptedatleastonecommendafortraveltoTuniseveryspring.Bythelate1250s,however,heappearsasasellerofTunisianwoolontheGenoesemarket;sellingover£154worthofTunisianwooltolocalbuyersinlateNovember1259.Afterthispoint,OpizinocontinuedtoinvestintradewithTunis,butheentrustedtheactualtaskoftraveltoothermembersofhisfamily.Hisfourthbrother,Marino,beganhandlinglargesumsofmoneyinvestedbyotherelitefamilies,exchanging920golddoppiedimiroin1266and3,750besantsin1267.In1267,Opizino'snephewGiovanniactedashisprocuratorattheTunisianroyalcourt(curiaregis).34In1269OpizinoformedabusinesspartnershipwiththeDoria,whoentrustedatleast£400withhimtosendtoTunis.35ThefamilyalsoforgedbusinesstiesoutsideGenoa;takingaloaninTunisfromtheprocuratorofHenry,InfanteofCastilleduringthatprince’sexilethere,atsomepointbefore1267.36PerhapsasamarkofstatusandtoflaunthisAfricanconnections,Marinopurchaseda“blackfemaleslave”fromMurcianamedAxiain1267,forwhomhepaid£12.37

ItwaslikelyinrecognitionofhissuccessandexperienceintheTunistradethatOpizinowaschosenastheofficialenvoyoftheGenoesecommunein1272,returningtoTunistonegotiateanewten-yeartradeagreementwiththecaliphal-Mustanṣir.Thiswasadelicatemission,takingplaceameretwoyearsafterLouisIX’ssiegeofTunisin1270,anexpeditioncarriedinlargepartinGenoeseships,totheconsternationoftheGenoesemerchantsresidentatTunis.38Opizino’sembassywentunmentionedbytheGenoeseannalist,butthetreatyitselfsurvivesinitsLatinversion.Negotiationstookplaceinthecaliph’spalace,inthepresenceofseveralḤafṣidofficials,possiblyinArabicorperhapswiththeaidofatranslator,MicheledeViale,whorendereditfromArabicintoLatinfortheGenoese.ThetreatywasratifiedinthepresenceoftheGenoeseconsulBonanatodeFacioonNovember6,1272.Whileitismostlyarepetitionofthe1250treaty,oneinterestinginnovationoccursinArticleEleven:“IfaGenoeseshallsellashiporvesseltoaSaracen,heshallnotberequiredtopayafee.”39TwoyearsaftertheTunisCrusade,someGenoese 33ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)29:57v34Thiscouldhavemeanttheactualcaliphalcourt,orperhapstheadministrationofthedugana/customs.SeeChapterThree.ASGNotaiAntichi(GuglielmodeS.Giorgio)70:251v.35Ibid(GuglielmodeS.Giorgio)70:31v.36Ibid(GuglielmodeS.Giorgio)70:246r37Seediscussionofskincolorandslaverybelow,122..38AnnalesVol.4,132.ConsideringthefactthatMarinoAdalardoacceptedacommendaforTunisinNovember1269,itisquitepossiblethathewasstillinTuniswhenthecrusadersarrivedinthesummerof1270.39“SiIanuensisvendetlignumseunavemalicuiSaraceno,nonteneatursolveredrictum”Mas-Latrie,124.

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clearlyfeltnocompunctionsaboutsellingstrategicmaterieltoMuslims,indefianceofexplicitpapalprohibitions,thoughinkeepingwithGenoesepracticeearlierinthethirteenthcentury.40

HowmuchofthetreatyreflectedstrictinstructionsbythecommunalgovernmentandhowmuchwasOpizino’sowninitiativeisimpossibletoknow.Afternegotiatingthetreaty,Opizinoalmostdisappearsfromthenotarialrecords.However,heseemstohavemaintainedclosetieswithTunisians,forin1274hehostedAsmetus,“scribeofthecommuneforSaracenletters”(scribacommunisliterrarumsarracenice)inhishouse,andagreedtoactasthescribe’sprocuratorforanunspecifiedpurpose.Ultimately,Opizino’sactivities,andthoseofhisbrothers,indicateapotentialcareerpathforGenoesemerchantsandinvestorsinterestedintheMaghrib.Havingbegunasatravelingmerchant,takingmodestsumstotradeinTunis,Opizinoeventuallybecameastationaryinvestor,workingwithmajorcapitalistsfromtheeliteandentrustingthephysicaltaskoftraveltohisfamilymembers.However,hisextensivebackgroundinTunismadehimanidealcandidatetonegotiateanewtreatywiththeḤafṣids,andheseemstohavebeentrustedbytheMaghribiMuslimsresidentatTunisinthe1270s.

WealthymerchantslikeOpizinoandObertodeLevantowereindispensabletotheMaghribtradefortheirfellowcitizens:theyraisedandinvestedlargeamountsofcapital,andformedpartnershipsthatlinkedtheheightsoftheGenoesearistocracy–familiesliketheDoria–withmerchantsandprofessionalsofmoremodestmeans.Itistothelattergroupthatthediscussionnowturns.

Professionals,Artisans,andCraftsmenintheTrade

InvestmentandtravelintheMaghribwasaccessibletoaverywiderangeofGenoesesociety,includingrepresentativesofthelearnedprofessions,artisans,andcraftsmen.Thesemenandtheirfamiliesinvestedcapitalwithtravelingmerchants,orsenttheirownwarestoTunis,BijāyaorCeuta.Often,theyundertooktotravelandtradeintheMaghribthemselves,andmanyfoundworkservingtheneedsoftheGenoesefondacos.

Wehavealreadyencounterednotary-merchantswhoinvestedinortraveledtotheMaghribtotrade.AsurveyoftheindividualsmentionedinPietroBattifoglio’s1288-1289registerrevealsatleastsevenGenoesenotariesinTunisalone,outofatotalGenoesepopulationofaroundthreeorfourhundred.Intriguingly,wealsofindseveralGenoeseandforeigndoctors—medici/physici—whoinvestedintheMaghrib,andeventravelledthere.41InSeptember1259,masterRollandodiVignolomedicusacceptedacommendaof£2013s4dfortradeinTunis.42In1244and1245anotherdoctor,masterOttodiCremona,

40Seebelow,129.41Itshouldbenotedthatmedicus/medicocouldalsobeusedasacognomen,thereforeitissometimesdifficulttotellwhenthetermindicatesanactualmedicaldoctor,asopposedtoafamilyname.Ingeneral,however,itseemssafetoassumethatthehonorific“magister”attachedtomedicusindicatessomekindofprofessionalstatus.42ASGNotaiAntichi(ConradodeCapriata)34:208v.

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madeaseriesofsmallloans—oneamere23s—toindividualsandfamiliespayableonthereturnfromTunisofaparticularship.43Asnotedabove,thecommuneseemstohavearrangedforaGenoesedoctortobepresentatitsfondacoinTunis,andin1254thischargefelltomasterGerardodeLongofixicus.Gerardoacceptedasmallloan—witha9besantpayout—fromGirardinodePredono,andformedasocietaswiththewealthyspicemerchantObertodeLevanto,asmentionedabove.However,healsotookanapprenticewithhimtoTunis:GabrieledeCovodeCremonaagreedtoserveGerardoforthreeyears,inexchangeforGerardo’spromisetoprovidefood,clothing,medicalcare,and“toteachyoumyknowledgeingoodfaith”(doceretedescientiameabonafide).44GiventhetermsofGerardo’ssocietaswithOberto,GabrielelikelyhadhishandsfullassistinginthecareoftheGenoesemerchantsresidentatTunis.However,thegeographicalandintellectualsettingofGabriele’smedicalapprenticeshipatTunisshouldnotbeignored:GerardoandGabrielemayhaveplannedtoconsultorinteractwithTunisianmedicalexperts,eventolocateArabicmanuscripts.OthercontemporaryGenoesedoctors,suchastheencyclopedistSimonofGenoa(fl.1280-1290)hadaccesstoArabicmedicaltextsintranslationandalsoconsultednativespeakersofArabictoassistwithobscuremedicalvocabulary.45 Aswithdoctors,thereareseveralproblemsinattemptingtoidentifyartisansandcraftsmeninthenotarialevidence.Individualsarefrequentlyidentifiedbytheirtrade,but,ashappenedelsewhereinmedievalEurope,someGenoeseeventuallycametousethesedescriptorsasfamilynames.Thiscanleadtoconfusion,especiallysincetwoofthegreatfamiliesofmedievalGenoawerethe“Bakers”(Fornari/fornarii)and“Smiths”(Ferrari/ferrarii):howcanonetellthedifferencebetweenanindividualbelongingtooneofthesetwoclansandanactualbakerorsmith?46Fortunately,othercasesaremoreclear-cut,asforinstanceinMay1236,whenPietrodeCasalegio,alathe-workerorpotter(tornator)invested20sworthofvernigatos(atypeofglazedwoodenorceramicplate)inacommendaforTunis:here,thecombinationofPietro’sidentificationasatornator,inadditiontohisloconym“deCasalegio”,andhisaccesstotheproductsofthepotter’scraftmakeitalmostcertainthathewas,infact,apotterhimself.47Whentryingtocomeupwith

43Ibid(MatteodePredono)18/II:312v.44ASGNotaiAntichi(GianninodePredono)34:77r.45SiamBhayro,“SimonofGenoaasanArabist,”inBarbarZipser,ed.,SimonofGenoa’sLexicon(London:VersitaLtd,2013),62.ZipserthoughtthatSimonacquiredhisknowledgeofArabicmedicinethroughSpain,ratherthantheMaghrib,basedonhiscollaborationwithAbrahamofTortosa.Idem,SimonofGenoa’sLexicon,12.46DeniseBezzina,inherimportantstudyofthethirteenth-centuryartisanclass,proposedasystemforclassifyingGenoeseartisansintosixdifferentnamingstyles:1)bytrade,2)bypatronymicandtrade,3)byaspecialsobriquetandbytrade,4)byplaceofbirth/originsandbytrade,5)bya“doubledesignation”oftrade,and6)byalastnameunrelatedtotrade,withartisanstatusdeterminedbyabriefdescriptivephrase,e.g.“whomakesshoes”(quifacitcaligas).DeniseBezzina,ArtigianiaGenovaneisecoliXII-XIII(Florence:FlorenceUniversityPress,2015),22.47ASGNotaiAntichi(BonvassallodeCassino)17:19v

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astatisticalanalysisofartisanactivity,someamountofinferenceisinevitable,buttherearestillclearpatternstobedrawnfromtheevidence. Themostobviousofthesepatternsisthefactthatartisansandcraftsmenfrequentlyusedtheirownhand-madeproductsintheMaghribtrade,makingrelativelysmallinvestmentsofgoodswithtravelingmerchants.In1248,AlbertodeStubiis,apotter,invested£710sworthof“plates,vesselsandotherproductsofthepotter’scraft”(tefaniis,scudellisetaliaoperatornarie),inacommendawithAmbrogiodeVedereto,whoundertooktoselltheminBijāya.48Somelathe-workersorpottersalsoembarkedfortheMaghribthemselves,includingtwomenbothnamedGiovanniinthe1230swhotraveledtoCeuta.Oneofthemsubsequentlydiedthere,andhisfatherDonatotornatoreventuallyreceivedhisson’seffectsfromGiovanni’sformerhousemateafterhisreturnfromCeuta;namelya“chestofirontools”:likelythoseofhisprofession.

Thispatternrepeatsitselfacrossawiderangeofartisanalproduction.In1274,Ventura,achest-maker(capsciarius)gaveGuglielmodiChiavaria“bignewchest”(capsamagnanova)worth35s,tobesoldortradedinBijāya.49In1255,Salvothedyer(tinctor)sent£318sworthofthedyestuffmadder(roça)withPasqualinodeCarignanotoBijāya.50InNovember1244GiovanniAntico,anail-maker(clavonerius)entrustedOpizinothesmith(ferrarius)with40sofirontools(ferramenta)totaketoTunis.51 Other,morecontroversialshipmentsincludedeffortsbyswordsmiths,armorers,andcutlerstosendweaponsintradetotheMaghrib.OnMay10and11,1252,Vexinotheswordsmith(spatarius)senttwodifferentshipmentsofswords—eachworth£4—toTunis.Afewweekslater,ObertodiLavagna,asmith(faber)sent£13worthofknivesand"crystalpommels"(cultelletosetpomeloscristalli)toCeuta.In1206,ashield-maker(scudarius)sentfiveshieldsworth5seachtoCeutainacommenda,perhapsanexampleofthefamousjanawiyah-typeshieldsmentionedbyArabchroniclersintheEasternMediterranean.52 Similarsmallshipmentsofweaponsandarmorweresentbyindividualsnotexplicitlydescribedassword-smithsorarmorers,includingmoreswords,crossbowsandquarrels,andseveralsetsofhauberks.53In1253,JacopoPinelli,oneofafamilyofwealthybankers,evensentironbardingforawarhorse(cohopertaunaferriprodestrario),worth

48Ibid(BartolomeoFornari)26-II:74v49Ibid(LeonardodeNegrino)79:159r50Immediatelyafterthisact,Pasqualinoacceptedanother£5worthofmadderfromAnselmoCervignico,whomayalsohavebeenadyer,althoughheisnotdescribedassuch.ASGNotaiAntichi(MatteodePredono)31/II:93v.51Ibid(MatteodePredono)18/II:366r.52DavidAbulafia,TheGreatSea,297,ClaudeCahen,OrientetOccidentautempsdescroisades(Paris,1983),132-3.53Ibid(MatteodePredono)34:49v,(BartolomeoFornari)29:108v.

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£11,toCeuta.54Almostallgalleyscarriedsoldiersorcrossbowmen,andtherewerelargeEuropeanmercenarypopulationsresidentinTunisandMarrakesh.Therewasnothingtosuggestthatthesesmall-scaleshipmentsofweaponswouldnecessarilybesoldtoMuslimsindefianceofthepapalbanagainstsuchsales,butclearlysomewere.ThemendicantordersactiveatTunisinthe1230sdescribedtheprocessbywhichindividualEuropeansailorsandmerchantsmightsell“littleknivesornails”toMuslims,orengagedirectlyinbarteringwithlocalMuslims,“exchangingabowforaswordorvice-versa”:thefriarswantedtoknowwhethersuchminorinfractionsofthebanmeritedexcommunication.55 Theseandother,similaractsrepresentedmodestinvestmentsofeverydaygoods.Genoa’ssmall-andmedium-scaleartisanslookedforopportunitiestoselltheirwaresinothermarkets,andreliedonmerchantsortravelerswithlinkstotheMaghribtofacilitatetheiraccesstothem.Inadditiontosendingtheirgoods,theycouldthemselvesfindworkasoarsmenonthegalleysandintheportsandfondacosoftheMaghrib,andmanylikelytookadvantageofthistraveltotrade,evenifonaverylimitedscale:twoorthreelireatatime.Customallowedeverysailororoarsmanaboardagalleytotakeasmallbagofpersonalgoods,andthiswouldhavemadesmall-scaleinvestmentspossibleforaverywiderangeofGenoesesociety.56ServantsandthePoorintheMaghribTradeEvenlaborersanddomesticservantscouldinvesttheirsmallcapitalintheMaghribtrade.Womenworkingasdomesticservantsinthehouseholdsofwealthymerchantssometimeschosetoentrusttheirmoneywiththeiremployers.InMay1237,Caracosa,motherofJacopoUsodimare,appearedwithhersonbeforeanotaryandrecordedherinvestmentof£11incommendaforTunis.CaracosawasaccompaniedbyherservantCotesa,whointurngaveJacopo40sofherownmoneyincommenda.57In1239,GiovannideSerrinoacceptedacapitalof£1210sfromPietrodeVedereto,“fromthemoneyofyourservantMariaGrega”(depecuniaservicialistueMariaGrega).58InApril1253,asJacopodeAlpanispreparedtoembarkonalongvoyagetoSafi,ontheAtlanticcoastofMorocco,heacceptedanumberofsmall-andmedium-sizedinvestmentsfromfamilymembers:hisbrother-in-lawDanieledeNoli,hismotherSymona,hissisterGiulietta,andhiswifeJacobina.BothSymonaandJacobina’scapitalincludedsmallinvestmentsbytheirdomesticservants,AlaxinaandGuisla:theformersent£33s3d,whilethelattersent£410s3d.59ConsideringthatJacopo 54ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)29:219v.55(Theydid.)Tolan,Dubitabilia,15-16.56SeeStevenA.Epstein,“LabourinThirteenthCenturyGenoa,”MediterraneanHistoricalReview3:1(1988),114-140.57ASGNotaiAntichi(SimondeFlacono)20-II:197r.58Ibid(BonvassallodeCassino)21-I:86v59Ibid(BartolomeoFornari)29:67r.

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tookover£284toSafi,thesewereminusculeinvestments,buttheymusthavebeensignificantamountsofmoneytothewomenwhosentthem,hopingforagoodreturnandtrustingthegoodbusinesssenseoftheiremployers.Thatsaid,likethewealthyofGenoa,someofthesewomenattemptedtodiversifytheirinvestments;fivemonthsaftershesenthercapitaltoSafi,Guislainvestedanother£4throughheremployer,Jacobina,withamerchantdepartingforCeuta.60 ThegreatmerchantswhoembarkedfortheMaghribfrequentlytraveledwithservants,afactthatcouldgivethesesubordinatesachancetoengageintradethemselves.Shiprentalcontractsusuallyspecifiedthatmerchantswouldbetransported“withyourpeopleandservantsandcompanions”(cumpersonisetservicialesetcompanasvestras).OnApril8,1253,SymoneDoriawasoneofaconsortiumofmerchantswhorentedtheshipLeopardforavoyagetoTunis.Twoweekslater,hisservant(servicialis)GuglielmodeBonacossa,aPiacentine,acceptedaninvestmentof£10fromMartinod’AlessandriatotradetoTunis.61Justaseconomicactivityinthefondacorequiredthepresenceofskilledartisanssuchasshoe-makers,tailors,andtanners,domesticservantsalsomadeagreementstoserveoverseas.InApril1237,BergaminodaBergamopledgedtoaccompanyBonaventuradaBresciatoTunisandelsewhereinexchangeforayearlysalaryof£5,whereasGiovanniRubeowaspromisedasalaryof£6andboardfortwoyears’laborinthehouseholdofLanfrancoAdornoatCeuta.62Comparedwiththetypicalannualsalaryofaservantinmid-thirteenthcenturyGenoa—£1.5—thesewerehighlyattractivewages.Insomecasesthesemenmaynothavebeenlow-statusdomesticservants,butratherapprenticemerchants,althoughinmostcasesthetermsusedforthem(serviciales)andfortheirlabor(facereomniaservitiatua)areambiguousandcertainlyincludethepossibilityofdomesticservice.63

Inadditiontotheirsalaries,someservantslookedforwardtotheabilitytotradeontheirowninitiative:thisapparentlyincludedthelayservantsofclerics.InAugust1271,ayoungmannamedPagano,sonofMarchisiodeFolodeLunigiana,promisedtoaccompanyEnrico,canonofS.MartinodiPegli,toCeutaforaperiodoftwoyears.Enricopromisedtoprovideroomandboard,andinaddition,“toensurethatthemerchantstakeupacollectiononyourbehalf,andIwilldismissanypurchasesyouwillmakewithoutprofit.”64Theprecisemeaningofthispromiseremainsunclear:perhapsEnricowaspromisingnotto 60Ibid(BartolomeoFornari)29:216v.61Itisinterestingtonotethatbothmenherewereoutsiders:aPiacentineandanAlexandrian.PresumablyMartinocouldhavechosentoinvestwithSymoneDoriadirectly,buthechosetotrustSymone’sservantinsteadwithhismoney:didthetwohaveapre-existingpartnership?ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)29:51v.62ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)18/II:177r,andibid(GianninodePredono)34:54r.63StevenA.Epstein,WageLaborandGuildsinMedievalEurope(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1991),147-148.64“operamprestaboquodmercatoresprotecollectamfaciantetaliaacquisitasinelucroquodtufecerisdimittere”ASGNotaiAntichi(GuglielmodeS.Giorgio)70:62v.

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takeanyprofithimselffromwhathisservantmanagedtotrade?Nonetheless,thepointremains:evenlow-paidservantstravelingtotheMaghriblookedforwardtotheopportunitytodoalittletradingthemselves.ChurchmenintheMaghrib:BetweenPastoralCareand“theDreamofConversion”SpiritualandmaterialmotivesalikepromotedtheChurch’sinterestintheMaghrib.Onanimmediate,practicallevel,themanyLatinChristianslivingintheMaghribdemandedpastoralcareandaccesstothesacraments.MultipleChristian-MuslimtreatiessignedwithMaghribirulersstipulatedtherightofvisitingmerchantstoreligiousspaceintheformofchurches.65Crucially,thiswasarightthatwasgenerallyinterpretedasspecifictoeach“nation”:theGenoese,Venetians,PisansandSiciliansallhadtheirownchurches,and,consequently,theirownclericsinTunis.Thesemengenerallyconsideredthemselvessubjecttotheirhomedioceses,despitetheinterestshowedbythethirteenth-centurypapacyinre-establishinganAfricanchurch,withabishopatMarrakesh.66 SeveralnotarialsourcesshedlightontheactivitiesofGenoeseclericsintheoverseassettlements.Likemanyoftheirfellowcitizens,Genoesepriestsseemtohaveanticipatedaperiodoftwoorthreeyears’“service”overseas.SeveralcontractsexistinwhichclericspreparedtogototheMaghribbutalsoplannedfortheirreturn.Often,theclericsalreadyhadbeneficesinGenoapriortotheirdepartures.In1244Giovanni,chaplainatS.Donato,borrowedanepistolary(librumquivocaturpistolarius)fromaTemplar,brotherRogerio,andpledgedtoreturnitor12swithin15daysofhisreturnfromBijāya.67Likewise,intheactalreadymentionedabove,EnricothecanonofS.MartinoexpectedhisstayinCeutatolasttwoyears,from1271to1273.Tealdo,chaplainofthechurchofSt.MaryintheGenoesefondacoatTunis,waspresenttherefromatleast1287until1289,andpossiblylonger.68

AppointmentstobeneficesoverseaswereinthecontrolofthearchbishopofGenoa,whoactivelynamedclericstoanumberofoverseaschurches,muchinthemannerofparishchurcheswithinthearchdiocese.69 Someoftheseappointmentsweremoreattractivethanothers:in1251,agroupofregularcanonsoftheHolyCrossofMortaraappointedtwodifferentproxiestorecoverapaymentof£25thatoneoftheirfellowshadmadetothearchbishopforthechaplaincyofTunis(procapellaniaTunexis.)AnorderespeciallydevotedtocaringforChristianpilgrims,theMortarans’interestinthechaplaincyofTunisisstriking:TuniswasnotonanyofthemainpilgrimageroutestotheHolyLandinthethirteenthcentury.Inthiscase,theMortaransmayhavebeeninterpretingtheircharge

65SeeMas–Latrie:(Pisa–Tunis1229),32;(France–Tunis1270),93.66ClaraMaillard,lesPapesetleMaghreb,104-105.67ASGNotaiAntichi(MatteodePredono)31-I:50v.68Battifoglio,99-100,184-185(docs.68,131).69BenjaminYousey-Hindes,“LivingtheMiddleLife,”176-179.

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tocareforpilgrimstomean"travelers"inabroadersense,inwhichcaseaministryinTuniswouldbeinkeepingwiththeirfoundingprinciples.70

WhatevertheirpersonalorinstitutionalmotivesforclericaltraveltotheMaghrib,priestsplayedcrucialrolesintheoverseascolonies.ThisisespeciallyevidentinTunis,wherePietroBattifoglio’s1288-1289registerrevealsthechaplainTealdotobeapillaroftheGenoesecommunity.BenjaminYousey-Hindes’studyofclericalactivitiesoverseasmakesthispointsuccinctly:Tealdowasacrucialmediatorandatrustedfigurewithinthecommunity.Heactedasanexecutorforthreedifferentestatesinthefirstsixmonthsof1289alone,andservedasaproxyagentformerchants,handlingconsiderablesumsofmoneyintheprocess.71WhenBertraminoFerrariwishedtoprotestaTunisianmob’sinvasionofhisshopinDecember1288,herathertheatricallyhandedthekeystoTealdoforsafe-keeping.72Tealdowasalsoamemberofthecommunity’sconsilium,agroupofcitizenswhoadvisedtheconsulandheardcomplaintsfromwithinthecommunity.TealdoalsophysicallyaccompaniedtheconsulwhenheconductedimportantbusinesswiththeḤafṣidauthorities.ItishighlylikelythatEnricoinCeutaandGiovanniatBijāyawerecalledupontofillsimilarrolesfortheGenoesecommunitiesresidentthere.

However,thesesecularclergysharedspace—oftenuneasily—withthenewmendicantorders,whobeganarrivingintheMaghribbythe1220sonamissionbothtoconvertMuslimstoChristianityandtoministertotheChristianpopulationintheMaghrib.BothofthesegoalscouldcausetroubleforLatinChristianmerchantsandtheirclergy,andjurisdictionalandpastoralissuesarosequickly.In1234,theDominicansandFranciscansatTunissentalettertotheDominicanandpapalpenitentiariusRamondePenyafort,posingfortyquestionsabouttheirministrytotheChristiansresidentatTunis:theserangedfromdifficultiestheyfacedinproperlycelebratingmasstomanyquestionsaboutpenanceandabsolutionformerchantswhoviolatedpapalbansontradewiththeinfidel.

SeveralquestionsinvolvedcritiquesofthesecularclergyattachedtoEuropeanChristiancommunities.Themendicantsfoundfaultwiththeseclericsonanumberoffrontsespeciallyfortheirignoranceorselectiveinterpretationofcanonlawontradewiththeinfidel,andfortheirengagingintradethemselves.TheveryfirstcomplaintofthemendicantsinvolvedtheGenoeseinTuniswhoclaimedtherighttosellstrategicmaterialssuchasshipsandnavalstorestotheMuslims,withtheexcusethattheirownclergyhadpermittedthemtodoso.Ramon’sresponsewasfirm:anymerchantstrading“ships,armsandiron”(navesvellignamina…armavelferrum)weretobeexcommunicated.73Evidently, 70ASGNotaiAntichi(MatteodePredono)31-I:140v,145r.SeediscussioninChapterFour,39-40.FormoreontheMortaransinGenoa,seeYousey-Hindes,“LivingtheMiddleLife,”55,andC.Andenna,MortariensisEcclesia:UnacongregazionedicanoniciregolariinItaliasettentrionaletraXIeXIIsecolo(Berlin,2007).Alternatively,theycouldsimplyhaveviewedthechaplaincyasafinancialinvestment.SeeDianaWebb,MedievalEuropeanPilgrimage,c.700–1500,(NewYork:Paglrave,2002).71Yousey-Hindes,“LivingtheMiddleLife,”180-181.72Battifoglio,3(doc.1).73“QuidestquodIanuensesuenduntnauesetmaximeueteressarracenis,dicenteshocsibinonfuisseprohibitumaprelatissuis?”Tolan,Dubitabilia,10.

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someofTealdo’spredecessorsheldadifferentinterpretationofthestandingpapalembargoonthearmstradewithMuslims,ineffectsincetheThirdLateranCouncilof1179.74Inthefourteenthcenturyandlater,thepapacywouldcometoinstitutionalizethepracticeofgrantingexemptions,ordispensations,fromtheembargo,basedontheprinciplethatnecessitydemandedsometradewithMuslims.However,in1234themendicantsinTuniswerenotdealingwithformalrequestsforexemptionssomuchasafrankstatementbytheGenoeseoftheirbehavior,withtheirclerics'blessing.75

Butthemendicants’complaintsagainstthesecularclericsintheMaghribdidnotendthere:thesameletteralsoasked“whatistobedonewithclericswhoarealsomerchants,sincetheycausegreatscandal?”76Ramon’sresponse:“theyaretobepunishedbytheirownprelatesthroughecclesiasticalcensure,andothercanonicalpenalties.”77ConsideringhowactiveTealdowasintheGenoesecommunityinthe1280s,andhowdeeplyhewastrustedbyhisfellowmerchantswiththeirmoneyandestates,thetemptationtotradeormakealittleprofitmusthavebeenstrong.In1240,thePisanpriestatTuniswasgrantedtherighttooperateashop(apotheca)adjacenttothatnation’sfondaco.78

Accordingtothemendicants,suchtemptationswentbeyondtrade:onefinalquestionaddressedtheproblemof“thievingclerics”(clericoslatrones)whowerecaughtandphysicallybeatenbyLatinChristianlaymen:weretheperpetratorsofsuchviolencetobeexcommunicated,andifso,howcouldtheybeabsolved?Atstakeherewasnotonlyatypicalmendicantcritiqueofthesecularclergy,butalsothequestionofthechurch’sdignityandindependencefromcivillaw.Asbefore,Ramongaveacarefulanswer:anyoneviolatingacleric’spersonwastobeexcommunicated,“unlesstheydidsoattheorderoftheirownclergy”(nisidemandatoprelatorumhocfaciant).79Clearly,therewasagreatdealofconfusionamongthemendicantsabouttheproperclericalhierarchytobefollowedintheLatinchurchintheMaghrib:whethermendicantswerepermittedtoabsolvecertainsins,orwhethertheoffenderswererequiredtohaverecourseto“theirownclerics”(prelatissuis),orwhetheronlythepopehimselfcouldabsolvethem.80Intheirrolesas

74IIIConc.Lat.,c.24:Conciliorumoecumenicorumdecreta,223.75Foradiscussionoftheseexemptionsandthepracticeofgrantingtradinglicenses,seeStephanStantchev,SpiritualRationality:PapalEmbargoasCulturalPractice(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2014),55-58;andMikeCarr,"CrossingboundariesintheMediterranean:papaltradelicencesfromtheRegistrasupplicationumofPopeClementVI(1342–52)"JournalofMedievalHistory(2014),107-129.76“Quidfacendumsitdeclericisnegotiatoribus,cumscandalumgenerent.”Tolan,Dubitabilia,16.77“compescanturaprelatissuispercensuramecclesiasticam,velaliampenamcanonicam.”Ibid,16.78Mas–Latrie,35.SeealsoConstable,HousingtheStranger,138-139.79Tolan,Dubitabilia,15.80ibid,21.

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confessorsandrivalsofthesecularclergyinthecareofsouls,themendicantsconfrontedadifferent—andfromtheirpointofview,impermissiblylax—attitudetowardstradeandreligiousaccommodationwithMuslimsprevalentamongtheGenoeseandotherChristiansecularclerics.

Ofcourse,theprimarydistinctionbetweenmendicantsandsecularclericsintheMaghribwasthemissionarycause:themendicantsweremainlytheretoconvertMuslimstoChristianity.ThismissionthatbeganalreadyduringthelifetimesofStFrancisandSt.Dominic,whenthefirstfiveFranciscansweremartyredinMarrakeshin1220afterpubliclydenouncingIslam.Ceutainparticularwasamajorcenterofmissionaryactivityinthe1220sand1230s,witnessingthedeathsofsevenFranciscansin1227,latercommemoratedas“SaintDanielandCompanions.”AsChristopherMacEvitthaspointedout,Franciscansourcescommemoratingthesemartyrsstressednotonlytheheroismoftheirprotagonists,butalsotheirdisruptiveChristianzealwithintheChristiancommunitiesalreadyexistingintheMaghrib.81TheauthorsofsuchaccountslaidparticularstressonthetimidityoftheresidentmerchantsormercenariesincontrastwiththeboldpreachingoftheFranciscans.

Infact,accordingtotheChronicleoftheTwenty-fourGenerals,composedaround1370,theChristiansofMarrakesh—mostlyCatalanandCastilianmercenaries—triedtorestraintheFranciscansfrompreachinginpublic.ThesamesourcedescribestheCeutamartyrsasarrivingfirstofallintheChristianmerchants’settlementoutsidethewallsofCeuta,wheretheybegantheirministrybypreachingtothemerchants,until,“burningwiththeflameofmartyrdom”(martyriiflammaaccensi),theyfoundasecretwaytoenterthecityitself.Aftertheytooweremartyred,localChristiansdiscreetlyburiedthebodiesintheGenoesemerchantquarter(invicoIanuensiummercatorum).82ThefriarswerestillcausingtroubleinCeutain1250,whenAbū-l-Qāsimal-ʿAzafītookpowerinthecity.Inalettertothenewamīr,theAlmohadcaliphal-Murtaḍa(d.1266)acknowledgedthedisruptioncausedbyChristianmissionaryactivity:

Asforwhatyouhaverelatedaboutthetwofriarswhohavecometoyourcountry–mayGodprotectit!-fromSeville–mayGoddeliverit!-tojointheChristianswhoarealreadyamongyou…howcanthishideousandblameworthyliereachtheearsofMuslimsasreasonableasyourselves?Whatamarvelitistohearthesuggestionsofinfidelenemieswho"willnotspareyouanyruin,theywishhardshipforyou;hatredhasalreadyappearedintheirmouths,buttheirheartsconcealwhatisworse"[Quran3:118].83

81Accountsoftheseearlymartyrsdependmostlyonlatethirteenth-centurypassionesandespeciallyonalate-fourteenthcenturychronicle,theChronicaXXIVgeneraliumministrorumordinisfratrumminorum.ChristopherMacEvitt,“MartyrdomandtheMuslimworldthroughFranciscanEyes”CatholicHistoricalReview97:1(January2011),1-23.82ChronicaXXIVgeneraliumministrorumordinisfratrumminorum(Quaracchi:TypographiaCollegiiS.Bonaventurae),33.83“waamāmādhakar-tummimmāṣarraḥabihial-ifrayriyyānalladhāndhakartumannahumāqadamāʿaladhalikumal-qaṭarḥamahuallahminishbīliyyaaʿādahaallahminkawnihumawaṣalāli-l-ijtimāʿbi-l-naṣāraaladhīnhanālakum…fa-kayfayalijufīasmāʿamthalikumminal-muslimīnal-ʿuqalāʿhadhaaz-zawrash-shanīʿal-munkarwayāʿajabanminal-aṣghāʾli-aqwālkufraal-aʿadāʾ

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AswiththeFranciscansources,al-Murtaḍanotestheimportanceofthe“Christianswhoarealreadyamongyou”asabaseforthemendicants.Thecaliphmakesnomentionofmartyrdom,butmerelywarnstheCeutaauthoritiesagainstlisteningtothefriars,andremindsthemofthevirtueoftheAlmohads,whosefaithhadbeenpreservedbyGod“fromthecalumnyofthepolytheists”(ʿamāyafūhbihiahlal-shirk).84

Despitetheirlackofmissionarysuccess—noteventheFranciscansourcesallegethattheCeutaorMarrakeshmartyrswonanyconvertstoChristianity—themendicantssucceededininsertingthemselvesintothelivesoftheChristiancommunitiesintheMaghrib.LaterarrivalsavoidedseekingmartyrdomandsoughttowinMuslimconvertsinotherways:manylearnedArabicinpursuitoftheirmission,afeatwhichrequiredintimatecontactandcollaborationwithArabic-speakingMuslimsorChristians.Oneremarkableexampleofthisisamanuscript,currentlyheldbytheBritishLibrary,whichcontainsanArabicpsalter—amodifiedMozarabicversion—andvariousChristianprayers,completedinCeutain1239.Itwasproducedbyatleasttwodifferentscribes,namedMuslimandAbdallahal-Rūmi(“theChristian”),butwasownedorperhapstranslatedby“Martinal-Farkhani,monkofthemonasteryofSt.Mary.”Inotherwords,thisChristianprayer-bookwaslikelyacollaborationbetweenMuslimscribesandChristianmendicantsponsors,andmayhavebeencreatedtoaidinthetaskofproselytization.85Eventually,themendicantscametofocustheireffortsmoreonsustainingthefaithofChristiancaptivesintheMaghrib,whomtheyviewedasbeingatconstantriskofapostasyfromChristianity.86ThistoohadthepotentialtodisturbrelationsbetweenEuropeanChristiansandtheirMuslimhosts.InCairointhe1340s,afriarnamedGiovannidaMontepulcianopersuadeda alladhinalayālūnukumkhabāl-anwaddumāʿandatumqaddbadatal-baghḍāʾminafwāmihimwa–mātukhfīṣudūruhumakbar.”PascalBuresiandHichamelAllaoui,Gouvernerl’empire:lanominationdesfonctionnairesprovinciauxdansl’empirealmohade(Maghrib,1224–1269):manuscript4752delaḤasaniyadeRabatcontenant77taqdīm-s(Madrid:CasadeVelazquez,2013),267.84Ibid,269.85“Martīnal-Farkhāni,rāhibminʿabīdmaryamal-muqaddasa.”BLMSAdd9060,207v.AsCatherineAldernoted,therewasaFranciscanconventdedicatedtoSt.MaryinMarrakeshinthe1220s,andaFranciscannamedMartinwasamongthemendicantsdispatchedthereduringthepontificateofHonoriusIII(1216-1227):shesuggeststhatthiscouldbethesamepersonastheownerofthemanuscript.CatherineAlder,“ArabicVersionsofthePsalterinUseinMuslimSpain”PhDdissertation(UniversityofStAndrew’s,1953).86Tolan,Dubitabilia,19-20.RobinVosehasarguedthatthiswasashiftthattookplaceacrosstheWesternMediterraneaninthelatethirteenthandfourteenthcenturies,astheDominicansinparticularcametodespairofconvertingMuslimsandJewstoChristianity,andconcentratedinsteadofensuringtheorthodoxyofCatholicpopulationslivinginproximitytothem;RobinVose,"TheLimitsofDominicanMissionintheWesternMediterranean"inChristlicherNorden-MuslimischerSüden:AnsprücheundWirklichkeitenvonChristen,JudenundMuslimenaufderIberischenHalbinselimHoch-undSpätmittelalter,eds.,M.TischlerandA.Fidora(Munster:AschendorffVerlag,2011),469-488.

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GenoesemanwhohadconvertedtoIslam"outofconfusion"(exturbatione)toreturntoChristianity.However,healsoinducedthemantoproclaimhisreturntoChristianityaloudinamosque,"firmlyconfessingtheCatholicfaithanddeclaringtheSaracenlawtobefatal"(inmesquitaclamandocoramSaracenorumfidemcatholicamconfitereturconstanteretlegemSaracenorummortiferamasseretur.)TheMamlukauthoritiesreactedtothisprovocativeactbyarrestingboththeGenoesemanandGiovanni,andaftertheyrefusedtoconverttoIslamtosavethemselves,executedthem.87Here,theFranciscansourcesdonottellushowthisepisodewasreceivedbytheotherGenoeseinCairo,butthepotentialforconflictisobvious.

RelationsbetweenthemendicantsandGenoesewerenotnecessarilyantagonistic,however.SomeFranciscansactedinconcertwithcommunalorprivatediplomacy:the1287Genoa-Tunistreatywassignedinthepresenceoftwofriars,PelegrinoandBernardo,whileanothertwofriarsaccompaniedtheill-fatedvoyageoftheVivaldibrothersin1291,seekingasearoutetoIndiabeyondthestraitsofGibraltar.88

MuslimsinGenoa:Merchants,Officials,SlavesInJuly1271,aslavewomannamedFatimareceivedherfreedominGenoa.ShehadbeenborninMurciatoamotheralsonamedFatima,butatsomepointafterwardsshewassoldintoslaveryandtakentoGenoa,whereshewasgiventhename“Sibilla”andmayalsohavebeenbaptized.Eventually,shecametobethepropertyofJacobinodeCastro,whoathisdeathlefthertohistwominorchildren,underthecareofhisbrotherConrado.However,Fatima’smotherhadnotforgottenherdaughter,andsomehowshegotwordtoAḥmadb.ʿAbd-al-Raḥman,(knowninLatinas“AsmetusBenaderamen”),“scribeofSaracenlettersoftheGenoesecommune”(scribalitteresarracenicecomunisIanue).AḥmadintercededwithConradoandpurchasedFatima’sfreedomfromhimforthesumof£24;halfofwhichhehadtoborrowfromConradohimself,promisingtore-payhisdebtininstallmentsoverthenextninemonths.89

Fatima’semancipationprovidesvividtestimonybothofthepresenceofAndalusianandMaghribiMuslimsinthirteenth-centuryGenoa,andofthemanyrolestheyplayedwithinGenoesesociety.ThequestionofMuslimswithinmedievalGenoesesocietyhasmostoftenbeenapproachedthroughthelensofslavery,particularlytheslavetradeintheEasternMediterranean.Thisisunderstandable:mostoftheMuslimswhoappearinthenotarialevidencearedescribedasslaves,likeFatima,andtheGenoesewerehighlyactive

87ChronicaXXIVgeneralium,543.88Mas-Latrie,127,andAnnalesVol.5,124.89TheactofemancipationdoesnotstateoutrightthatFatimahadbeenbaptized.However,despitereferringtoherthroughoutas“Fatima”,thereisamarginalnotebythenotarynexttotheact,remarkingthatthewoman“isnowknownasSibilla"(nuncdiciturSibilla):ASGNotaiAntichi70(GuglielmodiS.Giorgio):8v-9r.

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intheinternationalslavetrade,particularlyfromthemid-thirteenthcenturyonward.90GeorgesJehel,inhis1995studyoftheMuslimandJewishpopulationofGenoa,focusedmostofhisattentiononMuslimcaptivesofvariousWesternMediterraneanorigins.However,ashealsopointedout,alongsidethesecaptiveswasasmallbutpersistentcommunityofinterpretersandmerchants,someofwhomacceptedemploymentbytheGenoesecommune.Thesescribesoftenservedasliaisonsbetweentheirco-religionists,oftenenslaved,andtheirGenoesehosts.91YetevenJehel’smorenuancedpictureneglectsthevarietyofMuslimexperienceinthirteenth-centuryGenoa.InadditiontoMuslimmenofletters,otherMaghribiMuslimstraded,settled,andinvestedinGenoadespitetheapparentlackofafondacoorlivingquarterdesignatedfortheiruse:proof,ifitwereneeded,thatmanyMaghribiMuslimentrepreneursandlaborerswerenotdissuadedbyMālikilegaldiscoursediscouragingvoluntarytraveltoChristianEuropeforbusiness.92

ThegreatmajorityofMuslimswhoappearinthenotarialevidenceatGenoawereslaves:oftheapproximatelyfifty-threenamedindividualsinthisstudywhocanbesecurelyidentifiedasMuslims,fortyaredescribedasslaves,appearinginforty-fourslavesalesandmanumissiondocumentsproducedbetween1236and1289.SlaveryhaddeeprootsinLiguria,asitdidthroughoutthemedievalMediterranean,butoverthecourseofthethirteenthcentury,therewasanotableshiftinthedemographicsoftheslavepopulationofthecity.WhileMaghribiandAndalusianMuslimslavespredominatedintheearlythirteenthcentury,by1300mostslavescamefromtheCaucasus,Crimeaand“Romania.”93Slavesalesandmanumissionscontainvaryingamountsofinformationabouttheslave,includinghisorherplaceofbirth,age,andadescription;nonetheless,thedataallowsusaglimpseatthedemographics.Genoeseslaverywashighlygendered,withyoungwomenthemostfrequentlytargetedbyslavetraders.EvidencefromlaterintheMiddleAgessuggeststhattheirmaineconomicrolewasindomesticservicefortheelite,wheretheywerecoercedintoawiderangeofroles,includingsexuallaborforGenoesemen.94

90FortheGenoeseintheeasternslavetrade,seeHannahBarker,“EgyptianandItalianmerchantsintheBlackSeaSlaveTrade,”PhDDissertation,ColumbiaUniversity(2014).ForageneraloverviewofslaveryinGenoesesociety,seeLuigiTria,LaSchiavitùinLiguria:ricercheedocumenti(Genoa:SocietàLigurediStoriaPatria,1947),25-54.91GeorgesJehel,“JewsandMuslimsinMedievalGenoa:FromtheTwelfthtotheFourteenthCentury”MediterraneanHistoricalReview10:1-2(1995),120-132.92SeediscussioninChapterFive.93Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,266–267.GeorgesJehelidentifiedabout100individualsasMaghribiorAndalusislavesinGenoabetween1159and1280.Whilethiscurrentstudydoesnotextendearlierthan1200,initsbroadconclusionsitgenerallytrackswithhisanalysisofthedemographyoftheslavepopulation.SeeGeorgesJehel,“JewsandMuslimsinMedievalGenoa,”124-125.94JacquesHeers,EsclavesetdomestiquesauMoyenAgedanslemondeméditérannéen(Paris:Fayard,1981),144-163;andSallyMcKee,"Slavery,"inJudithBennettandRuthKarras,TheOxfordHandbookofWomenandGenderintheMiddleAges(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2016),281-294.SeealsoDebraBlumenthal,EnemiesandFamiliars:SlaveryandMasteryinFifteenth-Century

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Slavesalesandmanumissionscontainvaryingamountsofinformationabouttheslave,includinghisorherplaceofbirth,age,andadescription;nonetheless,thedataallowsusaglimpseatthedemographics.Femaleslavesappearmorethantwiceasfrequentlyasmaleslaves(thirty-oneversustwelve),andwhilemostslaves’placeoforiginwasnotincludedintheiractsofsale,thoseactsthatdidreportthisinformationrevealapreponderanceofAndalusis;withValencia,Murcia,GranadaandotherpartesYspanieaccountingfor25%ofthetotal,andonlytwoslavesfromtheMaghrib:TunisandCeuta.Slavesweremorecommonlydescribedbygender,nameandoftenbyappearanceorskincolor:salesmentionwhite(blanca),“brownorolive”(brunavelolivegna),andblack(nigra)slaves.Ingeneralslavesweredescribedassarracena/us,“Saracen,”althoughsomeofthemboreLatinnamesthatsuggestedtheymayhavebeenbaptizedoratleastgivenaChristiannamebytheirowners;inadditiontoFatima/Sibillamentionedabove,a“whiteSaracenslavenamedJacobina”wassoldinOctober1241,andanother“whiteSaracennamedJacobeto”appearedin1288.95

AselsewhereintheMediterranean,manyslaveswereborninfreedomandbecameenslavedthroughwarfareorpiracy.Some,atleast,couldhopefortheirfreedomeitherthroughpaymentofransom,aswithFatimaabove,orthroughvoluntaryemancipationbytheirowners.Onewomannamed“Asia”(likelyaLatinizedformofʿAīsha)successfullygainedherfreedomthroughacombinationofransompaidbyothersandherownefforts.OnAugust30,1259,Asia’sowner,NicolodeMadio,formallyemancipatedher,invokingapragmaticcombinationofspiritualandmaterialmotives:“forthehealthofmysoulandfortenlirewhichIhavereceived.”96Nicolo’swifeAidelinaconfirmedtheemancipationinaseparateact.Asia’sredeemersweretwomenactingtogether;“BonbocheriusdeMaometo,SaracenofTunis,”andBergognonoEmbriaco,ascionofoneofGenoa’selitefamilies.BonbocheriuswasdescribedintheactasstayingatthehouseofConradodeCastro,possiblythesameindividualwholateracceptedaransomforFatimain1271.However,thetotalransompricewas£13,not£10:andAsiapledgedtomakeupthedifferenceherselfwithinsixmonthsofherrelease,afeatthatshemanagedjustovertwomonthslater,foronNovember5,1259,Nicoloconfirmedhisreceiptoftheoutstanding£3fromAsiaherself.97

Valencia(Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,2009),180-153;HannahBarker,EgyptianandItalianMerchantsintheBlackSeaSlaveTrade,1260-1500(PhDdissertation:ColumbiaUniversity,2014),409-416.95ASGNotaiAntichi26/I(BonvassallodeCassino):206v;and75(GuglielmodeS.Giorgio):135v.Thesecouldhavebeensimplynamesofconveniencegiventotheslavesbytheirowners,andnotindicativeofactualbaptism.However,otherindividuals,suchas“Aldetawhohasbeenbaptized”(queestbaptizata)suggestthatsomeslavesdidinfactconvert,willinglyorunwillingly.ASGNotaiAntichi29(BartolomeoFornari):55r.96“proremedioanimemeeetprolibrisdecemIanuequasproinderecepi”ASGNotaiAntichi34(ConradodeCapriata):195r.97Ibid,124v.

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ExactlyhowAsiamanagedtocollecttheremainingransomisunclear,however,shemayhavereliedondonationsfromotherMuslimsresidinginorpassingthroughGenoa.98

Inadditiontotheirowneffortstogainfreedom,bothAsiaandFatimabenefitedfromthepresenceofintermediaryfigureswhoactedontheirbehalftoredeemthem.Inbothcases,theseinvolvedMuslimmen(Asmetus/Aḥmadb.ʿAbd-al-Raḥmanand“BonbocheriusdeMaometo,”)whoworkedtogetherwithlocalGenoeseChristianstosecurethereleaseoftheirco-religionists;intheformercaseborrowingtheransommoney,andinthelatterapparentlypoolingresourceswithaGenoeseChristiancolleague.Inthis,bothmenmayhaveactedintheroleofanofficialredeemer,orfakkāk,chargedwithtravelingtoinfidelterritorytoredeemMuslimcaptives.Thispositionwaswell-establishedinIslamiclaw,particularlyintheMālikijurisprudenceofal-AndalusandtheMaghrib,whereformalrulesofcompensationandpaymentfortheirserviceswerecodifiedinbooksofnotarialpractice.99GenoeseandTunisianmerchantsalikeparticipatedinwhatCamiloGómez-Rivastermeda“ransomindustry”intheWesternMediterranean,inwhichinformalrulesofredeemingcaptivesdevelopedbetweenChristiansandMuslimskeentokeepalivethepossibilityoffutureexchangeandcommunication.100

RedeemingaMuslimcaptivewasameritoriousactinIslamiclaw,andwasconsideredadutyofpiousrulers.InJuly1274,aḤafṣidembassypassedthroughGenoaonitswaytoFrance.Whilethere,Fadal,theambassador’srepresentative,negotiatedtheransomofawomannamedFatimafor£15paidtoherowner.Attheoutset,Fadalestablishedhisauthoritybystatingthathewasacting“inthenameofShaykhAbuSaʿīd,SaracenofTunis,thefaqīh”andtwoothermen,“ambassadorsofthekingofTunistothelordkingofFrance.”101Aftersettlingthetermsoftheransom,FadalpromisedthatAbuSaʿīdwould“liberateandmakefreetheaforementionedFatimainthecityofTunisatherrequest”(dictamFatimamliberabitetfranchamfacietincivitateTunexisadvoluntatem

98Foranexampleofhowransomswerecollected,seeWansharīsī,al-MiʿyārII:211.99SeeP.vanKoningsveld,“MuslimSlavesandCaptivesinWesternEuropeduringtheLateMiddleAges,”IslamandChristian–MuslimRelations6:1,5-23,seealsoKathrynMiller,GuardiansofIslam:ReligiousAuthorityandMuslimCommunitiesofLateMedievalSpain(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2008);idem,“ReflectionsonReciprocity:ALateMedievalIslamicPerspectiveonChristian-MuslimCommitmenttoCaptiveExchange,”ReligionandTrade:Cross-CulturalExchangesinWorldHistory,1000-1900ed.FrancescaTrivellato,LeorHalevi,andCátiaAntunes(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2014),131-149.100CamiloGomez-Rivas,“TheransomindustryandtheexpectationofrefugeontheWesternMediterraneanMuslim-Christianfrontier,1085-1350,”TheArticulationofPowerinMedievalIberiaandtheMaghrib,ProceedingsoftheBritishAcademyVol195ed.AmiraK.Bennison(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2014),217-232.SeealsoRussellHopley,“TheRansomingofPrisonersinMedievalNorthAfricaandAndalusia:AnAnalysisoftheLegalFramework”Al-Andalus,SepharadandMedievalIberia :CulturalContactandDiffusion(Leiden:Brill,2009),179-198.101“nomineScechaBosaitSaracenitunexisAlfachinietBoadbileetBonbesise[Rosdemei?miri?emomenin?]nuntiiregistunexiseuntisaddominumregemFrancie,”ASGNotaiAntichi79(LeonardodeNegrini),168r.

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dicteFatime).102TheactwaswitnessedbyalargegroupofpeopleincludingtwootherMuslimsandseveralGenoese,oneofwhomwas“George,bankerofTunis,whowasaslave.”(GeorgiusbancariusdeTunexisquifuitsclavus).103UnliketheransomsofFatimaandAsiaabove,thisactappearstohavebeenthedesignoftheTunisianambassadorhimself;perhapstakingadvantageofhistravelsinChristianlandstoperformaworkofcharity.Notably,thereisnomentionofthescribacomunisIanueforArabiclanguagehere.

These“scribesofArabicletters”havebeenthesubjectofsomescholarlyconfusion.Inhis1995article,GeorgesJehelpositedtheexistenceofa“professorofArabic”activeatGenoafrom1267onwards.However,anexaminationofthenotarialrecordsfailstosubstantiatethisclaim,whichinfactderivesfromtwoeighteenth-centuryhistoriesofmedievalGenoa,whoseauthorstooktheappearanceofindividualsdescribedasscribacomunisIanueinlitterasarracenatoindicateanofficialteachingrole.104Infact,theactsinwhichthesescribesappeargivenopositiveindicationofanyteachingorlanguageinstructionbythetwoindividualsmentioned,beyondtheirmerequalificationasscribacomunisIanue.WhilethisdoesnotprecludealtogetherthepossibilitythatsomeGenoeselearnedArabicatthehandsofthesescribes,itismorelikelythattheyweresimplyprofessionalnotariesretainedbythecommunetoreadandwriteinArabic.

Aḥmadb.ʿAbd-al-Raḥmanpresentsaparticularlyinterestingexampleofthistypeofscribe,andheseemstohaveoccupiedatleasttworolesatonce.Ontheonehand,hewasacrucialmediatorinsecuringFatima’srelease,trustedenoughbyhisGenoesepeerstoallowhimtoborrowmoneyfromtheminordertosecuretheemancipation.Ontheotherhand,hisdescriptionasthe“scribeofSaracenlettersfortheGenoesecommune”indicateshispermanent,orlong-termemployment,atGenoa,bytheGenoesethemselves.Inotherwords,hewasneitherapassingmerchantnoranenvoyonaspecialmissiontofreecaptives;butwasalmostcertainlyresidentatGenoa.Othersfilledthisrolebeforehim.In1244,aTunisianJewnamedMosesappearedinanotarialact,wherehewasdescribedashavingonceoccupiedthesameoffice;(olimscribacommunisIanuelitteresarracenis).105Threeyearslater,Mosesappearsagain,thistimeasthepurchaserofaMuslimslavenamedAxia/ʿĀisha;thereisnoevidencethathechosetoliberateher.Theactwascomposedinthepalaceofthepodestàhimself(palaciopotestatisIanuequoipsetenetcuriam).106 102Ibid,168r.103ItisunclearwhetherthisindividualwasaGenoeseresidentatTuniswhohadbeenenslavedthere,orperhapsafreedslaveofTunisianorigin.104GeorgesJehel,“JewsandMuslimsinMedievalGenoa:fromthetwelfthtothefourteenthcentury”MediterraneanHistoricalReview10:1-2(1995),123.Jehel’smanuscriptsource,BibliotecaUniversitariaMSBIX.17,wasamemorandumcomposedduringtheshort-livedLigurianRepublic(1797-1805),whichitselfmadereferencetoanearliereighteenth-centuryindexknownasthePandetteRicheriane(ASGManoscritti540),122rand153v.Thisindex,whichcontainsreferencestoactualmedievalmaterial,ledmetotheoriginalnotarialcartularyASGNotaiAntichi79(LeonardodeNegrini)inwhichthe“scribacomunisIanue”appears.105ASGNotaiAntichi31/I:18r.106ASGNotaiAntichi34(NicolodePorta):27v.

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TheneedforArabicnotarieslikelycamefromseveraldirections.Asindicatedintheintroduction,theGenoesecommunecarriedondiplomaticcorrespondencewithseveralMuslimrulersinthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies.However,therewouldlikelyalsohavebeendemandfromArabic-speakingmerchantsandsailorstradingatGenoa;althoughtheydonotoftenappearinthenotarialrecords,theyarepresent.MusliminvestorsbasedintheMaghribformedpartnershipswithtrustedGenoeseorotherLigurianmerchants,asatSavonainNovember1213,whereGuascoGloriadelivered£1813stoanassociate;fundsthatGuascohadreceived,originallyas80besantsmigliaresi,from“BonusMusadeTunexis.”107TreatiesbetweenGenoaandtheḤafṣidsstipulatedthatMuslimmerchantsshouldbesafeandsecureintheirgoodswhentravelingtoGenoa,andsuchprovisionswereindeedenforced.In1251,“Bocherius,SaracenandmerchantofTunis”wasinGenoa,wherehesuccessfullyclaimed£25indamagesforcargohehadlosttopiratesfromPortovenere.Theactofquittancetookplace“inthepresence,bytheconsentandwiththeconfirmationofmagisterAbuFaihliLesedi,Saracen.”108AbuFaihli’squalificationasmagisterandhisinterventionintheactsuggestsomekindofofficialfunction,oratleasthisimportanceinresolvingdisputesbetweenhisco-religionistsandthelocals.In1271,aSabtimerchantdiedatGenoa,leavinganinventoryofhisgoodsbehindhim,whichincludedarangeofship’sstoresandmerchantsuppliessuchasanabacus,knives,cablesandironwire.109TherewasevenaMuslimwomaninGenoa,Marieme“SaracenofMalicha”(perhapsMálagaorMallorca?),whoinApril1274invested95whitebesantsinasealoanforTuniswithaGenoesemerchant,DelomedadeSalvo,whohadbeenactiveintheMaghribtradeforovertwentyyears.

AswasthecasewiththeirGenoesecounterparts,theArabicnotariesalsoactedasmerchantsorinvestorsintheirownright,formingpartnershipswithlocalsinanumberofcontexts.InApril1274Asmetusmadeatwo-monthloanof8stoGiovannideValleViridis,whosedebtwasguaranteedbyanotherindividual,GiovannideRomania.110Inanotherobscurecase,Asmetusseemstohaveformedapartnershipwithacleric,GuglielmodeBrugnacello,canonofthechurchatOttone.OnApril13,1274,alocalcouple,AmbrogiodeBaxanoandhiswifeSophia,formallypromisedtogiveAsmetusandGuglielmotherightsto“one-thirdofeverythingthatshallbefoundinacertainhole/cave…onourproperty…and

107UbertoI,290-291(doc.378).108“inpresenciaetvoluntateetconfirmantemagistroAbulFaihliLesedisarraceno”ASGNotaiAntichi31/I(MatteodePredono):154r.109Dufourcq,Aperçu,733,andHalimaFerhat,Sabtadesorigines,341.110ASGNotaiAntichi79(LeonardodeNegrini)104r.Intriguingly,bothmennamedGiovanniaredescribedashavingbeenoriginallyfromTunis(quifuideTunexis).Thisraisesanumberofpossibilities:themenmighthavebeenMuslimconvertsfromTunisia,orperhapsChristiannativesofTunis,eitherfromaGenoesebackgroundorperhapsevenTunisianArab-speakingbackground-theAromesdescribedbytheDominicansintheirlettertoRamondePeñafort;seeTolan,Dubitabilia,13.

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wewillnotextractanythingunlessinyourpresenceandthatoflordOpizinoAdalardo.”111Amonthlater,AsmetusappointedOpizinoashisprocuratorforanunknownpurpose.112HowexactlyanArabMuslimscribeandaChristianclericcametohaverightsoverthismineorexcavationremainsunclear;howeveritshowsthatAsmetusdidnotlimithisactivitiestotheportandthemerchantswhoworkedthere.

UnliketheirChristianpeersintheMaghrib,MuslimmerchantswhotradedatGenoadonotseemtohavebenefitedfromanykindofformalspacededicatedtotheiruse,suchasafondaco.TheGenoa-TunistreatiesguaranteedthatMuslimmerchantswouldbe"keptsafeandguarded"(salventuretcustodientur)whileinGenoa,butstoppedshortofofferinganykindofinstitutionalsupportforthem;thismayreflecttherelativelysmallnumberofMuslimmerchantswhotraveledtoGenoa,atleastbycomparisonwiththeGenoeseinTunis.113Asaresultofthis,therangeofactsinwhichMuslimmerchantsappearwerecomposedinanumberofdifferentsettings,particularlyinthehousesofprominentGenoese:UgodeFornarihostedBocheriusin1251,whileBonbocheriusdeMaometostayedatthehouseofConradodeCastroin1259.114Intheabsenceofformalinstitutionstowelcomethem,MuslimmerchantsreliedontheirrelationshipswithindividualGenoesewhocouldbetrustedtoshelterthemandtheircargo,suchasOpizinodeAdalardo(forAsmetus)ortheFornariandCastrofamilies.TheGenoesenotaryLeonardodeNegrinihaddealingswithseveralMuslimclients,drawingupfiveactsontheirbehalfbetweenAprilandMay1274.

TraveltoGenoawasnotlimitedtomerchantsandinterpreters.OneTunisianMuslimappearstohavebeenadock-workerorlongshoreman.OnSeptember18,1238,amannamed“Resaomar,SaracenofTunis”loadednineteenponderaofceramicsontoashipownedbyaGenoese,whereuponhesworethatnoneofthegoodsbelongedtohim,andacceptedpaymentof4sperpondus,foratotalof£316s,asumofmoneythatsuggestsResaomar’spositionwassomethingmorethanacommonlaborer,evenifhewasnotqualifiedasanegotiatorintheactinquestion.115InApril1274,aMuslimmanfromBijāya,Cabisarracenus,enteredintoaservicecontractwithGianninodeMolo,abutcher(macellarius).CabipledgedtoserveGianninofortwentyyears,“inyourhouseandoutside,

111”tertiampartemdeomnieoquodinvenieturinquidamcavaqueestinterranostra…nonextrahemus…decavapredictaabsquepresenciavestraetdominiOpiçiniAdalardi”ASGNotaiAntichi79(LeonardodeNegrini),100r.112Ibid143r.Theactisleftblankinthemiddle,soitcannotbesaidforcertainwhattaskAsmetusintendedOpizinotoperform.113Mas-Latrie(Genoa-Tunis,1250),120.114ThiswasalsotrueofChristianmerchantsatGenoaandothernorthernItaliancitiesinthethirteenthcentury,whotendedtoownorrentpropertyinthecityitselfanddidnottypicallystaytogetherinafondaco.SeeOliviaConstable,HousingtheStranger,311-313.115ASGNotaiIgnoti3.46(BonvassallodeCassino),11v

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onlandandsea,inthecityofGenoaandinthecountry.”116Nosalarywasmentionedaspartofthedeal,andtheextremelylongdurationofthecontractishighlyunusual(mostlaborcontractslastedonlyafewyears),butCabiwasnotaslave,norwashedescribedasaformerslave.117Theexactnatureoftherelationshipremainsunclear,butCabi’spresenceisfurtherevidenceofthepresenceofnon-elite,non-slaveMaghribiMuslimsinGenoa.

Anotherinterestingcaseisthatof“PaolotheSaracen”,anoar-maker(remularius)fromMallorca,“whousedtobecalledAbdiAlacis,sonofAli,”whoinJanuary1241soldhisclaimsto£34s6dowedhimbythreeindividualsinMurciatoMosesofTunis,theformerscribeofthecommune.118PaoloseemstohavebeenaMuslimconverttoChristianity,wholikemanyconvertsmaintainedlinkswithhisformerco-religionists,andwhomthenotarystilldescribedasa“Saracen”despitehisnew,Christianname.Paolocouldwellhavebeenanemancipatedslave:conversiontoChristianitymightnotguaranteeone’sliberty,butwouldcertainlyhaveaidedaslave’sintegrationintoGenoesesociety,andthetemptationtoconvertwasanever-presentfearforMuslimandChristiantheologianscontemplatingthefateoftheirco-religionistsinenemyhands.119 Overall,thenotarialevidenceindicatesthecontinuouspresenceofMuslimmerchantsandothertravelersinthirteenth-centuryGenoa.TheMālikidiscoursediscouragingMuslimtraveltoChristianterritoryfortradedidnotdissuadetheseindividualsfrommakingthejourney,althoughtheydidnotbenefitfromtheinstitutionalandlogisticaladvantagesofGenoesemerchantsintheMaghribandal-Andalus.Nonetheless,Muslimmerchants–particularlyTunisians–foundwaystotraveltoGenoaonbusiness,establishingrelationshipswithindividualGenoese,trading,workingintheport,andevenacceptingemploymentfromthecommuneonoccasion.Theyco-existedwithamuchlargerslavepopulation,withwhomtheyoccasionallyinteractedasintermediariesbetweenthem,theirowners,andtheirrelatives.WhilethedemographicsoftheMuslimmerchantcommunityareimpossibletoreconstructfromsuchlimitedevidence,itssustainedexistenceinGenoathroughouttheperiodcannotseriouslyremainindoubt.Conclusion:InthewiderMediterraneanworld,tobeGenoesewastobeamerchant:asexpressedbythefamousdictumoftheAnonimoGenovese:“IanuensisergoMercator.”LookingattheGenoeseandotherLigurianswhotradedortraveledintheMaghrib,itisclearthatelitemerchantsdominatedandstructuredtheMaghribtrade,astheydidallothers.However,itisalsoobviousthatmanyotherGenoesefromacrossthesocialspectrumfoundwaystoinvestmoneyandtimeintheMaghrib;fromdomesticservantsandartisanstomedical

116“omniaserviciatuaindomoetextraterraetmariincivitateIanueetinrure,taminabsenciaquaminpresencia”ASGNotaiAntichi79(LeonardodeNegrini),100v.117DeniseBezzina,ArtigianiaGenova,50-51.118ASGNotaiAntichi31/I(MatteodePredono)18r.119P.vanKoningsveld,“MuslimSlavesandCaptivesinWesternEuropeduringtheLateMiddleAges,”IslamandChristian–MuslimRelations6:1(1995),5-23;andTolan,Dubitabilia,4-5.

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doctorsandclergy.Manyofthesepeoplewereopportunisticorpart-timemerchants,tradingintheirsparetimewhiletheypursuedothercallingsinthefondacosandsettlementsoftheGenoesecommunitiesintheMaghrib.ThisconclusionsuggeststhattheGenoeseexperienceoftheMaghrib,oftheArabiclanguage,andofIslamextendedfarbeyondthemercantileelites.StevenA.Epsteindescribedthesea,andGenoa’soverseassettlementsasofferinga“safetyvalvereleasinglocaltensions”:anoutletfortheunderemployed,theindigentortherestlessamongLiguria’spopulation.120ItisworthbearingthatobservationinmindwhenwearetemptedtoreadGenoese-Maghribitradeandexchangeastakingplacebetweenwealthymerchantsandintellectuals:foreveryambassadorornoblemanorwealthymerchantwhotradedinTunisorCeuta,therewouldbedozensofcarpenters,potters,andservantswhomadesimilarvoyagesinpersonorthroughtheirsmallinvestments. Finally,althoughtheevidenceismuchmorelimited,itisclearthatasmallbutdiversegroupofMaghribiMuslimsfoundtheirwaytoGenoainthethirteenthcentury.Althoughmostwereslavestakentothecityagainsttheirwill,somewereeducatedmen:scribesortranslatorswhosoughtemploymentwiththecommunalgovernment,whileothersweremerchants,tradespeopleorvisitingambassadors.UnliketheChristianswhotradedintheMaghrib,thereseemstobenotraceofanyformalinstitutiontorecognizeorwelcome(orcontrol)MuslimsinGenoa,andtheMaghribiswhospenttimeinGenoaseemtohavebeendependentonpersonaltieswithlocalGenoese.ThisraisesthelikelypossibilitythatcontactsorevenfriendshipsbetweenfreeMaghribivisitorsandlocalinhabitantswerelessrestrictedinGenoathanintheMaghribitself.HavingestablishedthescaleandcomplexityofGenoesesociety'sengagmentwiththeMaghrib,thenextchapterwillforegroundcommodities:theobjectsinvolvedintheGenoese-Maghribtrade,andhowobjectsdefinedrelationshipsbetweenpeople.

120Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,101.

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CHAPTERFIVE:MAJORITEMSOFGENOESECOMMERCEANDTHEIRRECEPTIONINISLAMICLAW

Intheautumnof691A.H./1292CE,theMarīnidsultanofMorocco,AbūYaʿqūbYūsufan-Nāṣr(r.1286–1307)receivedanembassyatthefortressofTāzuṭa,inthefoothillsoftheMiddleAtlasmountainsnearFez.AccordingtothechroniclerIbnAbīZarʿal-Fāsi,writingabouttwentyyearslater,“Therecameto[thesultan]someChristians(rūmā)ofGenoa,sentbythelordofGenoa,bearingamagnificentpresent:atreecoveredingold,onwhichbirdssangbymeansofaspecialmechanism,likethatwhichwasmadefor[thecaliph]al-MutawakkiltheAbbasid.”1Thetreeofal-Mutawakkil(r.847-861)wasaparticularlyfamousexampleoftheautomata—trees,thrones,andanimalsculptures—constructedforanumberofcaliphsandByzantineemperorsintheeighthcenturyandafterward.RecallingthelegendarysplendorofSolomon,thesemachinesservedtohighlightthemagnificenceoftheruler’scourtonspecialoccasions,particularlyduringthereceptionofambassadors.2Thus,thearrivalofanartifactlinkingtheupstartMarīnids,aBerberdynastystillconsolidatingitscontroloverMoroccointhe1280s,withthemightycaliphsofninth-centuryBaghdadmadeagreatimpressiononthedynasty’sofficialchronicler.YetwhatIbnAbīZarʿfailedtorecordisequallysignificant:namely,preciselywhytheGenoesebotheredtodragagoldenmechanicaltreeoverthemountainsfromtheMediterraneaninthefirstplace.WhatwasthepointoftheirembassytoMorocco?Whatdidtheyhopetoachieve,anddidthesultanfavortheirrequest?ThisomissionisallthemorefrustratingsinceJacopoDoria,theGenoeseannalist,doesnotmentionthisembassyatallinhisotherwisecomprehensiveaccountfor1292.3TheGenoesewerecertainlyinterestedinestablishinggoodtieswiththeMarīnids,perhapsespeciallyinthewakeoftheCastiliansiegeandcaptureofMuslim-heldTarifa,anendeavoraidedandabettedbyGenoeseandCatalangalleysunderthecommandofBenedettoZaccaria.4CouldtheembassyhavebeenaimedatsmoothingoverrelationsacrossthestraitsofGibraltarafterthisepisode?

Ultimately,theGenoeseembassyanditsgoldentreerepresentastriking,iffrustratinglytruncatedexampleofthepowerofobjectsincross-culturalexchangeinthemedievalMaghrib.Inthiscase,itwasapowerfullysymbolicgift,anobjectrecallingafabledhistoryinserviceofanunknownaim.Fortunately,thegeneralshapeoftheGenoa-Maghribtradeismuchclearerinthenotarialevidenceforthethirteenthcentury.Mostcommodities 1“fīhādhahial-sanaqadamaʿalāamīral-muslimīnwahuwabi-tāzūṭarūmājanawīminṣāḥibjanawabi-hadīyajalīla,fīhashajaramumawwahabi-l-dhahabʿalayhaaṭīyārtaṣawatubi-ḥarakāthandasīyamithl-aalatiṣuniʿatli-l-mutawwakilal-ʿabāsī.”IbnAbīZarʿ,Al-Anīsal-Muṭribbi-Rawḍal-QirṭāsfīAkhbārMulūkal-MaghribwatārīkhmadinatFās(Rabat,Dāral-Manṣur,1972),382.2FormoreontheautomataintheirIslamicandByzantinecontexts,seediscussioninT.M.P.Duggan,“DiplomaticShockandAwe:Moving,SometimesSpeakingIslamicSculptures”Al-Masaq:IslamandtheMedievalMediterranean21:3(2009),229-267,andG.Brett,“TheAutomataintheByzantine‘ThroneofSolomon’”Speculum29(1954),477-487.3AnnalesVol.5,137-152.4Ibid,344.

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inthetradewereofcoursefarmoremundanethanthegoldentreeoftheambassadors.Yeteventhehumbleritemsthatmadeupthebulkofthetrade,fromgraintowooltowine,couldberichwithculturalorreligioussignificance,orfraughtwithperilforlocalMuslimsandfortheGenoeseandotherLigurianswhotradedwiththem.Inthischapter,IexaminethenatureoftheGenoa-Maghribtradethroughthecommoditiesthatchangedhandsinit,andthemeaningofthesecommoditiesforthepeoplewhothoughtaboutthemandphysicallyhandled,purchased,andusedthem.

Overthecourseofthethirteenthcentury,GenoesemerchantscarriedawiderangeofgoodsbetweenLiguriaandtheMaghrib,fromluxuryitemslikespices,pearls,andgems,tobulkcommoditiessuchaswool,leatherandhides.AsnotedinChapterTwo,onemustbecarefulaboutdrawingfirmconclusionsaboutstatisticsfrommedievaltrade.5Foronething,notalltrade-relateddocumentspreservethesameamountofinformation.Manynotarialactsrelatingtoforeigntradesimplyrecordtheamountofmoneytobeusedinatradingvoyage;thiscouldrefertophysicalcurrency,orsometimestotheequivalentvalueinunspecifiedgoods,asinSeptember1225,whenGiovanniCecunaentrusted£12invested(implicitas)"intheshipandinothergoods"toObertobancheriustotradeatCeuta.6Inacommendaorsocietas,thetravelingmerchantoftenhadauthoritytoinvestthecapitalinspecificgoodsashesawfit,accordingtohisunderstandingofmarketconditionsbothinGenoaandathisintendeddestination.7Thiscouldmeanthatthestationarypartnerhadlittleornoinvolvementinhowhisorhermoneywasused;merelyhopingforaprofitattheendofwhatcouldbealongprocessofbuying,selling,andre-sellinggoods. Inexceptionalcircumstances—aswhensomethingwentwrong—wecancatchaglimpseofhowbare-bonescommendainvestmentscorrespondedtoanactualtradingvoyage.Onecrucialpointofcontentionwastheusetowhichastationarypartner’scapitalhadbeenmade:wasiteffectivelyinvestedornot?Litigationonthisissuerequiredbothplaintiffanddefendanttoprovideanarrativeofthetradingvoyage.Ina1204courtcaseinSavona,BalduinoScorzutocomplainedabouttheuseofthemoneyheandhiswifeRicheldahadinvestedwitharelative,ObertoScorzuto.Thecouple’sinitialinvestmentof£105andthreeloca(sharesofaship'scargospace)inamerchantshipwaseventuallyusedbyObertotocarrygrainfromOran,Bijāya,andTunistoSicily,winetoAlexandria,andunspecified“baskets”orbalesofgoods(sportas)toCeuta,andthelocawererentedoutorsoldtoothermerchants,including"Saracens,"overthecourseofaseriesofvoyageslastingalmostthreeyears.Inaddition,numerousrepairshadtobemadetothemastsandsails,thefundsforwhichmayhavecomeoutofthecommendainvestment.Balduinodidnotcomplainaboutthevarietyofusestowhichhisandhiswife'scapitalhadbeenput;ratherhecontested,inmeticulousdetail,thepriceofaminaofgraininvariousports,andalsocomplainedthatObertohadpaddedhisexpensesbyoverpayingforwine,meat,onions,cheeseandothershipboardprovisions.Obertodefendedhimselfbyremindingthejudge

5SeeChapterTwo,116-117.6LanfrancoVol.2,267(doc..1553)..7FormoreonthecommendacontractinGenoa,seeGiorgioCostamagna,Corsodiscritturenotariligenovesi,ed.D.DebernardiandA.Rovere(Genoa:SocietàLigurediStoriaPatria,2017),89-90.SeealsoJohnH.Pryor,“TheOriginsoftheCommendaContract”Speculum52:1(1977),5-37.

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andBalduinothat"thecustomatSavonaissuchthatfullfaithisgiventowhoevertakessomeone’sgoodsincommendaforaquarteroftheprofit,orinasocietas,withregardtotheexpenseswhichheincursaspartofthecommendaorthesocietas,andwithregardtowhathesayshedid."8 TheSavonadisputeservestoremindusthateachseeminglystraightforwardcommendacontractcouldrepresentmerelythestarting-pointforacomplexseriesoftradesandvoyages.Thisisimportant,giventhevaguenessandbrevityofmanyofthedocuments.Forinstance,ofthe1,180commendainthenotarialactsanalyzedhere,940—79%ofthetotal—refersimplytoamoneyinvestmentinGenoeselireorothercurrencyfortradeintheMaghrib:theexactdispositionofthatmoneyisleftuptothetravelingpartner.OursenseofthedetailsoftheMaghribtrade,therefore,reliesonthetwenty-onepercentofthecommendacontractsthatdospecifythecommoditytobetraded,inadditiontocontractscontainingreceipts,quittances,andsalesofgoodsorservicesthatclearlyindicatetradeandtravelintheMaghrib.Nonetheless,itispossibletoreachsomeconclusionsaboutthedistributionandrelativeimportanceofcertaingoodsintheMaghribtrade.Furthermore,thereisnoreasontosupposethatthetwenty-twopercentofcommendacontractsthathavepreservedthespecificdetailsofcommoditiestobetradedareunrepresentativeofgeneraltrendsintradegoodsacrossallcommendacontracts.MajorCommoditiesintheGenoa–MaghribTradea.TextilesandTextileProductionAlreadyamajorengineofeconomicgrowthacrossLatinEurope,thecommerceintextilesandrelatedproductsdominatedtheMaghribtradeinthethirteenthcentury.Broadlyspeaking,Genoesemerchantspurchasedrawmaterials,especiallywool,pelts,andhides,inCeuta,BijāyaandTunis,andimportedthemintoGenoa,wheretheywerere-soldtootherlocalandforeignmerchants,orworkedintofinishedclothorleatherinthecityitself.TheyexportedfinishedclothfrombothGenoaandelsewhereinEurope,includingLombardy,FlandersandEngland,backintotheMaghribtosellinlocalmarkets.Ofthevarietyofproductsthattypicallyfallunderthecategoryof"textiles,"themostimportantwerewool-basedclothsandcotton-linen"fustian"cloth,bothofwhichmadeittotheMaghribinconsiderablequantities.

However,thisroughschemeobscuresseveralimportantnuancesinthenotarialactsforthetextiletrade.9Asnotedabove,relativelyfewofthecommendaorsocietates

8"ConsuetudoestinSaonaquodfidesdaturilliquiportatresaliusinacommandationeadquartumlucrivelinsocietatedeexpensisquasfacitdeacomendationeillavelsocietateetquasdicitsefecisse"Martino,91(doc.446).9Foradetaileddiscussionofthemechanicsofthewooltrade,includingadescriptionofthetechnicalproceduresofwoolenclothproduction,seeJohnH.Munro,"TheRise,Expansion,andDeclineoftheItalianWool-BasedClothIndustries,1100–1730:AStudyinInternationalCompetition,TransactionCosts,andComparativeAdvantage,"StudiesinMedievalandRenaissanceHistory3:9(2012),46-207.

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composedatGenoaspecifywhatwasexportedtotheMaghrib,orimportedfromit.However,numeroussalesordisputesinvolvingMaghribimerchandiseinGenoaandSavonagiveagoodindicationofwhatwaspurchasedthere.Ingeneral,whilepeopleofallclassesandincomesinvestedintheMaghribtrade,thesaleofmostMaghribimerchandiseseemstohavebeeninthehandsofcomparativelyfewprominentmerchants,whopurchasedinbulkintheportsoftheMaghribandre-soldtheirgoodstosmaller-scalemerchantsandtextileworkersinGenoa.ThenotaryGianninodePredonoseemstohavehadaparticularlycloserelationshipwithsomeofthesewholesalemerchants.BetweenJulyandSeptember1252herecorded15contractsinwhichPietroLecaveloandothermembersofhisfamilysoldwool,boldrones(sheepskins)andalum,mostofwhichtheyhadpurchasedinBijāya,toarangeofwoolworkersanddyers;amountingtoatotalof£26415d.In1253and1254,Gianninorecorded19contractsinwhichfivemerchants,sometimesactingtogether,soldMaghribiwooltoavarietyofclients,usuallyoncredit.OnNovember18,1253,PasqualedeMarisoldatotalof£10913s6dworthof"woolfromTunis"tothreedifferentindividualsinrapidsuccession(asindicatedbythesamesetofwitnesses,location,andtimeforallthreeacts),allofwhompromisedtopayhimbyCandlemas,justoverthreemonthslater.10 ProbablysomeofthepurchasersoftheTunisianwool—oneofwhomisdescribedasatabernarius,orshop-keeper—intendedsimplytore-sellittoothermerchants,perhapstoLombardorTuscanmerchantsintentonsupplyingtheirownlocalclothindustries,butotherevidenceindicatesthatMaghribiwoolwasworkedinGenoaitself,ornearby.AtthesametimeasPasqualedeMari'ssale,twomerchants,SuçobonodeS.DonatoandGiovanniPiloso,actinginconcert,made14salesof"woolfromBijāya"toseveralindividualsinthewooltrade,mostlyintheparishofS.Stefano,whichalreadybythethirteenthcenturyhadbecomethemostimportantwool-workingdistrictinGenoa.11Eightpurchaserstherearedescribedaslanerii,atermthatcouldrefereithertowoolmerchantsorwoolworkers,12butthepairalsosoldtodyers(tinctores),andseveralwoolbeaters(batatoreslane)andaweaver(textor)appearintheactsaswitnesses,stronglysuggestingthatthewoolwasdestinedtobespunintocloth,dyedandwoveninGenoaitself.13 Inahighlyvariegatedandcomplexindustrysuchastextileproduction,theoriginoftherawwoolsmatteredagreatdeal.TheLecavelofamilydescribedtheirwoolaslanaafricanaorlanamatalafa.14Attheconclusionoftheiractsofsale,thepartnersSuçobono 10ASGNotaiAntichi28,133v.TwoofthethreeactswerecassatedinFebruary1254voluntatepartium,indicatingthatthepaymentswereindeedmadearoundCandlemas(February2).11GiovannaPettiBalbi,"ApprendistieartigianiaGenovanel1257,"AttidellaSocietàLigurediStoriaPatriaXX/2(1980),137-170.12CfDuCange,Glossarium:http://ducange.enc.sorbonne.fr/LANARII.13NotaiAntichi28:138r,153r.14NotaiAntichi24:150r,151r.TheGenoeseterm"matalafa",whichderivedfromtheArabicmatrāf,mostlikelyreferredtoatypeofrawwoolusedasstuffinginmattressesandotherhouseholditems.Itispossible,then,thatthisvarietyofMaghribiwoolwasintendednotfortextileproduction,butforbedding.SeeAprosioVol1,pt2,73.

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andGiovannisworethatthewoolcame"fromourcommonundertaking,whichwecarriedfromBijāya."15Overaperiodofthreeweeksthetwomerchantssoldwoolworthatotalof£4705s5d:averylargesumofmoney.Unfortunately,theactsdonotrecordtheexactamountofwoolbyweight,soitishardtogetasenseforhowmuchtheMaghribiwoolwasworthatthetime.InJanuary1289inTunis,LeonardodeSigenbaldowaspaid800besantsmigliaresi–around£200Genoese–forthedeliveryof50cantariofwool:about2,377kg,whiletheGenoeseconsulatTunis,BaliannoEmbrono,paid825besantsforthesameamount,whichwouldgiveaprice—inTunis,atleast—ofabout£4percantaro,orjustunder2soldiperkiloofwool.16EvenallowingforaheftymarkupatthepointofsaleinGenoa,Giannino'sclientswerebuyingandsellingahugeamountofwool:hundredsofkilograms.Evidencefromthelatefourteenthandearlyfifteenthcenturies,inparticularfromtheFlorentineArtediLana,suggeststhatwoolfromMediterraneancountrieslikeSpainandMallorca,broadlycharacterizedasGarbo,wascheaperandconsideredoflowerqualitythanEnglishorFlemishwool,thoughthatdoesn'tnecessarilymeanthatMaghribiwoolwasconsideredlow-qualityinamid-thirteenthcenturyGenoesecontext.17Still,itcanbesafelydeducedthatwoolfromtheMaghribwasamajorimportinthirteenth-centuryGenoa. OtheranimalproductimportsfromtheMaghribincludedbothhidesandfinishedleather,particularlyfromgoatsandsheep.Thenotariesandtheirclientsdeployedarangeoftermstodescribethetrade,distinguishingbetweenhides(coria),lambskins(agninas)andfinishedleather(becunas).Pricesseemtohavebeenrelativelystable;in1216,Deusdeditpaid£32for101hidesfromCeuta,whereasin1240,GuglielmodeBargaliopaid£38for117.Accordingtothe1240act,hideswereworthabout£23percantaro;whichmeantthatGuglielmoboughtabout1.6cantariofhides.18Aswiththewooltrade,thetradeinhidesandleatherwascarriedoninbulk:actsfromPietroBattifoglio'sTunisianregisterindicatehugequantitiesofhidespurchasedatTunisandelsewhere,oftenusedassuretyforlargeloans;LeonardodeSigenbaldoofferedacargoof8pondiofhidesassuretyforanexchangeof200golddoppiehehopedtomakeinGenoa;thisamountedto8,366individualhides.19Thesamemerchantsoftentradedinbothwoolandleather;thiswastrueparticularlyofthewealthyandinfluentialCibofamily:inMarch1289CibodeCibo 15"confitemurquodsuntdenostricommunirat[ione]quoddetulimusdebuçea."NotaiAntichi28:138v.16Battifoglio,19(doc.8).TheGenoesecantariumsottilewasequalto47.55kg.SeeF.C.Lane,"Tonnages,MedievalandModern,"EconomicHistoryReview17:2(1964),221.17J.H.Munro,"TheRise,ExpansionandDeclineoftheItalianWool-BasedClothIndustries,1100-1700:AStudyinInternationalCompetition,TransactionCosts,andComparativeAdvantage",StudiesinMedievalandRenaissanceHistory3:9(2012),103-104.AsnotedinChapterThree,Garbum/Garboappearsinthetwelfthandthirteenth-centurysourcesasageographicaltermtodescribewesternNorthAfrica.18LanfrancoVol.2,29(doc.976);ASGNotaiIgnoti(BonvassallodeCassino)3.47:(03_0733)19Battifoglio,51(doc.34).

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entrustedaFlorentinemerchant,FalchinoAlioto,ashisproxytorecover660cantariofgoodsatTunis:400cantariofwool,200ofboldrones,and60ofhides.20 GenoeseexportsoftextilestotheMaghribaresomewhateasiertotracethanitsimports,astheyareenumeratedinmanymoreacts.Ingeneral,theGenoeseexportedawidevarietyoffinishedclothtotheportsoftheMaghrib;however,theyalsoexportedrawmaterialsorsemi-finishedclothstobefinishedordyedinCeuta,TunisorBijāya,includingbytheGenoesetailorsandtextile-workersresidentinthefondacosthere.Bytheearlythirteenthcentury,GenoawasamajorentrepôtfortheclothtradeofLombardyandFrance;GenoesemerchantswereactiveintheChampagneclothfairsbythelatetwelfthcenturyandmanyoftheseNortherntextilesfoundtheirwaytotheMaghrib.21TextilesdestinedfortheMaghribranthegamutfromcheapworsteds,sergesandfustianstoexpensivedyedwoolens.A1245commendaforTunisconsistedof£11investedinhempandtwopiecesof"clothoftheHumiliati,"thelayreligiousmovementactiveinweavinginnorthernItaly,whereasin1250,IddoLercariotheelderpromisedtotaketwopiecesofdyedblueclothofChâlonsworthover£106toCeutatotrade:avastdifferenceinprice.22Othercommendamentiondyedfustiancloth(fustaneostinctos)forCeuta,aswellasseveralundifferentiated"pannimedielane";orfinishedwoolencloth.23 Furthermore,bythethirteenthcentury,theGenoeseandotherItaliansdominatedthecarryingtradebetweentheMaghribandtheEasternMediterranean:thismeantthatEgyptianorSyriancotton,linenandsilkoftentravelledtotheMaghribinGenoesehullsalongwithotherEasternproductssuchasspices.24AnexampleofhowthiscouldworkappearsinaSavonesecourtcasein1205,inwhichtheever-litigiousBalduinoScorzutoraisedcomplaintsaboutalongtradingvoyageundertakenbySalvoMascono.Salvo'sstrategywastotakecottontoCeuta,purchasewaxthereforsaleinEgypt,andtobuypepperinEgyptforre-saleinSavona.25Suchre-exportedEasterngoodsusuallyonly

20Ibid,35:43.21SeeR.L.Reynolds,"TheMarketforNorthernTextilesinGenoa,1179-1200,"RevueBelgedephilologieetd'histoire8(1929),831-852,andHilmarKrueger,"TheGenoeseExportationofNorthernClothstoMediterraneanPorts,TwelfthCentury"RevueBelgedephilologieetd'histoire65(1987),722-750.22ASGNotaiAntichi21/II(BartolomeodeFornari):128r,andNotaiAntichi27(BonvassallodeCassino):28r.23ASGNotaiAntichi27(BonvassallodeCassino):26v;and18/II(GianninodePredono):49r.24LinenclothwasproducedinFranceandItaly,butcottoncameoverwhelminglyfromSyriaandEgypt.DavidAbulafia,"IndustrialProducts:TheMiddleAges,"inidem,MediterraneanEncounters:Economic,ReligiousandPolitical(Aldershot:Variorum,2000).333-358,andA.L.Udovitch,"InternationalTradeandtheMedievalEgyptianCountryside,"inProceedingoftheBritishAcademy96:AgricultureinEgyptfromPharaonictoModernTimes,eds.A.K.BowmanandEugeneRogan,(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1999),267-285.25Martino,339(doc.812),idem,343(doc.816).

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appearinoursourceswhenthemerchantbroughtthemtoGenoa,asin1216whenGandulfodiFornotookpossessionof17Byzantinecoatsorjackets(zupisdeRomania)fromAlbertodeMontanaro,worthover£24.GandulfopromisedtotradethesejacketsinCeutaorBijāyaand,ifhecouldnotsellthemthere,totakethemtoSyria.26Thesewerefinished,luxuryitems,althoughtherewerealsoseveralcommendaforbulkexportsoflinenandcotton. TheGenoesewerenotcontenttomerelyimportfinishedclothorclothingtotheMaghrib.Indeed,thereisconsiderableevidencethattheybroughttailors,dyersandotherartisansconnectedwithtextileproductiontotheMaghrib,andthattheybroughtthematerialstheyneededtocarryontheirtrade.Thesesmaller-scaleartisansandcraftsmenoftenrentedshopsinthefondacofromwealthyGenoesemerchantswhohadpurchasedthescribania–therighttocollectrevenuesandcontrolleaseswithintheGenoesecommunitiesoverseas—fromthecommuneofGenoa,whichhaddevelopedahabitofsellingcommunalrevenuerightsasaquickwaytoraisecash.27In1252,OgeriodeFontanapurchasedthescribaniaoftheGenoesefondacoatBijāya,andsubsequentlyleasedtwoshopsthere(duasapothece)toaleatherworkerandadraperforaperiodoftwoyears;theleatherworker'sshoprentedfor7.5besantsamonth(alittleundertwolire),andthedraper'sshopfor9.5besants.28InOctober1253RicobonodePorta,merchantandnotary,purchasedthescribaniaoftheCeutafondacofromthecommuneandleasedthetailor'sshop"inthenewfondaco,bythestaircaseontheleft-handside"toGiovanniCocho,atailororcloth-cutter(taliator).29Interestingly,GiovanniwasalsoRicobono'sbusinesspartner:Ricobonoinvested300besantsinasocietaswithGiovanni,andontopofthatgavehimaloan,foraneventualpayoutof25besants.Thisagainsuggestssomethingofapatron-clientrelationship:Ricobono,therichmerchantandnotary,advancedthecapitalandshopspaceforaskilledtailortoplyhistradeonthegroundinCeuta.ButRicobonowasnotnecessarilycontenttolethiscapitalworkforhiminCeutawhileheremainedatGenoa;hehimselfundertooktotraveltoCeutaandtradeavarietyofgoodsthereinperson.30 Whatkindofworkwerethesemendoinginthefondacos?PietroBattifoglio'sregisterfor1288-1289mentionseighttannersorleathermerchants(peliparii),seventailorsorcloth-cutters(taliatores),onemaster-tailor(magistersartor),ashearer(accimator),adyer(pulperius)andadraper(draperius)allresidentintheGenoesefondacosatTunis.Fiftyyearsprior,in1236,NicolosodeRecho,ashoemaker(calegarius),promisedtoaccompanyObertodeGandulfo,anothershoemaker,toTunisandtoservehim"in[my]capacityasashoemaker,andinallotherservicesfromthedaywedepartGenoa 26LanfrancoVol.2,114(doc.1182).27Duringthethirteenthcentury,multipleattemptsweremadetocorrectthispracticeandtoforbidfuturegovernmentsfromalienatingcommunalrevenues,althoughtheywerealmostnevereffective.SeediscussioninStevenA.Epstein,GenoaandtheGenoese,147.28ASGNotaiAntichi18/II(GianninodePredono):49r,49v.29"apothecamunamqueestinfundiconovosepteiuxtascalamdictifundiciamanusynistra",ASGNotaiAntichi28(GianninodePredono):124r.30Seeabove,117.

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forTunis."Inexchange,hewastoreceiveasalaryof£3,aswellasroomandboard.31Whilethereallydirty,labor-intensiveactivitiessuchastanningandfullingalmostcertainlydidnottakeplaceinfondacosthemselves,itishardtoavoidtheconclusionthattheseandotherworkersweretheretoproducetailoredclothesatthepointofsale;thedyeing,cuttingandsewingoffinishedorsemi-finishedcloth.ThisactivitywouldprobablyhaveservedthedailyneedsoftheGenoesecommunitybyitself,butitwouldalsohavemadesenseformajorGenoeseclothmerchantsandimporterstohavetextile-workersresidentinMaghribiports:theywouldbeabletotailortheirofferingstosuitlocalmarketconditions,ratherthanhopingthatMaghribibuyerswereinterestedin"Byzantinejackets"orwhateverotherfinishedclothingarrivedinporttobesold.Thisaspectoflifeandeconomicexchangeinthefondacohasnotbeensufficientlyemphasizedinearlierscholarship.32 Thearrivalofavarietyofgoodsusedinthetextileandleathertradefurthersupportsthisclaim.Chiefamongthemweredyestuffs—rangingfromexpensiveluxurydyeslikeindigotohumbleritemslikemadderandgall—aswellasalum,animportantfixative.ThesecouldhavebeenintendedforsaletoMaghribitextileproducers:althoughclothproductioninplaceslikeCeutadeclinedoverthethirteenthcenturyinthefaceofforeigncompetition,itremainedanimportantpartoftheeconomy,andthesamewastrueofBijāyaandTunis,whichhadbeenmajorcentersofexportationpriortothethirteenthcentury.33Ceutainparticularwasfamousforleathercraftsmanship,anditssaddlersboughtimportedgoldthreadtouseindecoratingsaddles.34However,thenumerousinstancesofGenoesetailors,leatherworkers,anddyersmentionedinthedocumentsasrentingpropertyinthefondacosorpresentastheclientsofwealthywholesalemerchantsstronglysuggeststhattheytoowereengagedinclothingproductionintheMaghrib.SomeGenoesecargoesincludedwoolenthreadoryarn(staminibusorcanonos),andin1252,LanfrancoAdornohiredtwomentoaccompanyhimtoCeutaforatwoyearperiod:oneofwhompledgedtoworkforLanfranco,“cuttingandsewingcloth”(incidereetsuerepannos)inexchangeforasalaryof£22.35Itseemsimpossibletoavoidtheconclusionthatsomekindoftextilemanufacture–probablytheverylaststagesoffinishingcloth–wastakingplaceintheGenoesesettlementsoftheMaghrib.

31"deofficiocalegarieetomnibusaliisserviciisadiequoexierimusdeportuIanueproeundoTunesim",ASGNotaiAntichi17:27r.32SeeforinstanceOliviaConstable,HousingtheStranger:Lodging,TradeandTravelinLateAntiquityandtheMiddleAges(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress:2003),107-157.33SeediscussioninDominiqueValérian,Bougie:portMaghribin,1067-1510(Rome:ÉcoleFrançaisedeRome,2006),175-242.34HalimaFerhat,SabtadesoriginesauXIVesiècle(Rabat:Ministèredesaffairesculturelles,1993),322.IwasunabletofindanyinstanceofgoldthreadbeingexportedtoCeuta,butBartolomeoFornarirecordedatleasttwoactsexportinggoldthreadtoTunisin1237and1245:ASGNotaiAntichi18/II,171rand21/II120v.Perhapsthe1234disputeandaccompanyinglossofpropertyatCeutahadmadetheMoroccanmarketforgoldthreadlessappealingbythemid-thirteenthcentury?35ASGNotaiAntichi34(GianninodePredono):54r.

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ChristianClothanditsProblemsSomepiousMuslimsinthelatemedievalMaghribindeedworriedaboutthedetailsoftheChristiantextileindustry.DidtheChristiansusewinetodyecloth?Didtheyuseporklardatanyofthestagesinclothproduction?Wouldthisnotmaketheclothingtheyproducedimpure?Eveniftheydidn'tengageinthesepracticesusingobviouslyforbiddensubstances,shouldaMuslimwhopurchasedChristian-madeclothinginthemarketwashitbeforewearingittoprayevenifthatwashingdiminisheditsvalue?Atstakeinthesedetailedquestionswastheissueoftheritualpurity,orṭahāra,ofclothingproducedandevenwornbynon-MuslimsbutsubsequentlypurchasedandwornbyMuslims.Therewasclearlyconcernaboutwhethersuchobjectsconferredimpurity(najāsa)whichmightinvalidateformalprayer.Therewasalsoaquestionofhowfarpersonalreligiousscrupulosity(waraʿ)shouldgoindeterminingwhichproductsorservicesweremorallysuspect.AllofthesequestionswereaddressedbytheMoroccanSufiandlegalscholarIbnMarzūqal-Ḥafiḍ(d.1438)inthecourseofhislengthyfatwaontheuseofRūmipaperpreservedbyal-Wansharīsī.IbnMarzūq,citingtheoverwhelmingpreponderanceofopinionintheMālikīschool,arguedthatMuslimsshouldpresumethepermissibilityandpurityofChristian-wovenanddyedcloth(and,byanalogy,paperaswell)"untilorunlessanobviousimpurityisconfirmed."36IbnMarzūqpointedoutthatthefounderoftheMālikīmadhhab,Mālikb.Anas(711-795)himself,hadruledthatevenChristianclothproducedusingwine(allegedlyusedbothtodyetheclothandtoprepareitforweaving)waspermissible,duetoitswidespreadusebyMuslims:thelinewasdrawnonlyatsecond-handshoes.37Nonetheless,thenumerousobjectionsandcounter-argumentsIbnMarzūqtookpainstoaddressinhisfatwasuggestthatthesewereliveconcernsamongMuslimswhohadaccesstoimportedChristianclothing,forwhomthedetailsofclothpreparationandproductionwereimportant. ThisdiscussionisparticularlyinterestinginlightofsomeoftheGenoesemerchandisealmostcertainlyintendedforclothproductionthatmadeittotheMaghrib.Onesuchitemwascreamoftartar,orfegiaintheGenoesedialect.Thissubstance,producedbyscrapingtheresidueofwinebarrelsafterfermentation,wasusedalongsidealumasafixativeindyeingcottonandwoolenfabric.38InJune1203,Tommasso,peliparius,accepted£103incottonandfegiatotradeatCeuta.Overtwentyyearslater,inOctober1225,NicolosoMussericatookanotherinvestmentinbesantsandfegia,worth£85,alsotoCeuta.39

36"hatatūqinunajāsatuhu",citedinAḥmadal-Wansharīsī,al-MiʿyārI:81.37"fa-innahumyablunual-khamrwayaḥikūnahabi-aydīhimwayasqūnubihāath-thiyābqablantunasij...walābāsbi-labasath-thiyābalatiyasqūnuhali-lhāwkal-khamr,wainbalu-hubi-aydīhimli-annaan-nāsslamyuzāluyalbisunuha,"ibid,81.38seeAprosio,Vol.1,375.39LanfrancoVol.1,151-2,(doc.327),andVol.2,297-8(doc.1634).

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MuchofthemedievalIslamic(andChristianandJewish)discourseonthepurityandimpurityofreligiousothershasbeendescribedasessentiallyspeculative;ameanstotestanddefinetheconceptualboundariesofareligiouscommunityanditslawsbyimaginingthepracticesofa"hermeneuticalother."40OtherMuslimjuristsworried,forinstance,abouttheallegedpractice,byChristianbutchers,ofdedicatingslaughteredanimalstoChristasGod:wouldthisrenderthemeatforbidden(harām)toMuslims?AsDavidFreidenreichhaspointedout,othercasesinclassicalandpost-classicalIslamiclegaldiscourseappeartobehypothetical:onecasediscussedbytheZaydiimamandscholaral-Nātiq(d.1033)involvedanon-Muslimwhowenthuntingandsenthisdogafteragameanimal,butconvertedtoIslamwhilethedogwasinmid-pursuit,beforeitcaughtandkilleditsprey:wasthemeathalālornot?41HoweverinthecaseofIbnMarzūq'slatefourteenth-orearlyfifteenth-centuryinterlocutors,itappearsthattheuseofwineandwineproductsinChristianclothproductionwasnotahypotheticalquestion. Infact,MaghribiMuslimshadbeenwellawareoftheproductionanduseofcreamoftartaralmostthreecenturiesbeforeIbnMarzūq.Thepermissibilityofusingthisproductwasthesubjectofafatwabythetwelfth-centuryIfrīqiyanjuristal-Māzarī(d.1141).Addressingtheproblem,al-Māzarīnotedthattheissuewaswell-knowntojurists(al-shayākh)andhadresultedinacontroversy(tanāzaʿa):"thediscussionoftheissuehastwocomponents:thefirstoftheseis[thequestionof]thepurityorimpurityofthecreamoftartar,andthesecondoftheseisthepermissibilityofsellingitifindeeditisimpure."42 AswithChristianclothing,theproductionprocessforcreamoftartarwasimportanttounderstandingitspurityorimpurity.Inordertoanswerthequestion,Al-Māzarīfeltitnecessarytodescribeindetailhowjuicewaspressedfromgrapes,mixed,fermentedandagedincontainers,whichcaused"adistinctionbetweenthefinerandthecoarsersubstances;indeedthefinersubstancefloats,andthecoarseronesinks.Thatiswhywhateveragesawineincreasesitsfineness."43Creamoftartar,al-Māzarīnoted,wasthiscoarsersinkingsubstancethatsolidifiedagainstthesidesofthecontainerandcouldbescrapedoff.However,notallcreamoftartarwasthesame:"eitheritsankandsolidifiedafter[thejuice]becamewine,oritdidsobeforethejuicebecamewine."44Thepurityor 40SeeforinstanceJeremyCohen'snotionofthe"hermeneuticalJew"inChristiananti-Semiticdiscourse;JeremyCohen,LivingLettersoftheLaw:IdeasoftheJewinMedievalChristianity(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1999),anddiscussionbyDavidFreidenreich,ForeignersandtheirFood:ConstructingOthernessinJewish,ChristianandIslamicLaw(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2011),114-122.41DavidFreidenreich,ForeignersandtheirFood,125-126.42"waal-kalāmfīhaminwajhayn:ahaduhumanajasatat-ṭarṭārwaṭahāratuhuwaal-thāniijāzatubayʿihiwalawkānanājis."al-Mi'yārVI:314.43"fa-innahuyatamayīzual-jawharal-ghalīẓminal-raqīq,fayaṭifual-raqīqwayarsibual-ghalīẓ.Wali-hadhakulumāʿataqatal-khamrraqat."ibid,314.44"ammaanyakunurasibatwatakāthifatbaʿadaanṣāratkhamran,wa-immaantakunurasabatqablantaṣayrukhamr-an."Ibid,314.

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impurityofcreamoftartar,al-Māzarīreasoned,dependedonpreciselywhenduringthewine-makingprocesstheproducthadbeenremovedfromthebarrel:beforeorafterfermentation.Thekeytounderstandingwhetherfermentationhadoccurred,ofcourse,waswhetherdrinkingthesubstancemadeoneintoxicated,becausethereason(ʿilla)fortheprohibitionofwinewasitsintoxicatingnature(asopposedtoitscolor,sweetness,orothercharacteristics.)Oncethereasonorsource(ʿayn)ofintoxicationhadbeenremoved,thesubstancewaslicittoconsume.Asal-Māzarīpointedout,thiswasalsothewell-knownreasoningforthepermissibilityofvinegar,whichhadpassedfromaforbiddensubstance(wine)toalicitsubstancethroughthedisappearanceoftheintoxicatingfactor.45Socreamoftartarthatcouldbeshowntohavebeenderivedfromanas-yetunfermentedwinecontainerwasperfectlylawful. Sofar,sogood:butwhatifthecreamoftartarwas,infact,impure,beingtakenfromacontainerthathadbeenfermented?Eventhen,al-Māzarīnotedjudiciously,itwasnotnecessarilyillicittouse;accordingtotheprecedentforuncleangoodsestablishedbySahnun(d.854)intheMudawanna.Uncleangoods,suchasexcrementorcarrion,couldstillbelegallyboughtandsoldiftherewasaclearneedforthem(ḥājaorḍarūra);forinstance,humanwastecouldbeneededtohelpfertilizefields.46Al-Māzarīdidnotspecifywhatneed,exactly,couldmakethesaleofimpurecreamoftartarlicit,butheclearlyintendedittobeconsideredaccordingtothisearlierprecedent.Indoingso,heestablishedasignificantdegreeoffreedomforhislistenerstochoosetousethisproduct.EspeciallyforcreamoftartarproducedinGenoaandexportedtoCeutaorTunis,itisunlikelythatMuslimbuyerscouldhaveestablisheditspurityorimpurity,andineithercase,thereexistedarationalepermittingitsuse.47b.Foodstuffs:Grain,Spices,andOilAnotherimportantcomponentoftheGenoa-Maghribtradewasawiderangeoffoodstuffsandfood-relatedproducts,fromstapleslikegrain,barleyandoliveoiltodriedfruits,nutsandspices,toaconsiderabletradeinwine.In1234,theDominicansandFranciscansresidentatTuniswrotetoRamondePeñafort,theprominentDominicancanonistandpenitentiariusofGregoryIX,toaskaboutthepunishmentsforChristianssellingavarietyofmerchandisetoMuslimsintheportatTunis.Manyofthesewereobviouslycontraband,suchasweaponsandships,buttheletteralsogivesalistoftypesoffoodsoldtoMuslims,andspecifieswhichChristianmerchantsweresellingit.Accordingtothefriars,"theSpaniardssellgoatsandsheep,etc.,thePisansandGenoesesellgrain,wine,beans,

45Ibid,314.46Ibid,315.47Intriguingly,theeditorsofWansharīsi’MiʿyārnotetheexistenceofapopularMoroccanproverb"AlumandtartarjoinedtogetherandIndiandyeingcameout"(talāqaash-shabm'aal-ṭarṭārwakharajataṣ-ṣabāghaal-hindīya).Althoughitcannotbedatedtothetimeperiodofal-Māzarī,thisindicatesageneralawarenessintheMaghriboftheuseofcreamoftartarindyeing.Al-MiʿyārVI,314n1.

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chestnuts,hazelnuts,etc.totheSaracens."48ThenotarialevidencefromGenoaindeedbearsoutthecomplaintsofthemendicants,withanumberofthesefoodproductsappearingincommendaandsocietatesfortheMaghribtrade. Aswiththetextiletrade,itissometimesdifficulttodeterminewhichfoodproductsdestinedfortheMaghriboriginatedinGenoaorLiguria,andwhichmerelypassedthroughGenoa'sportontheirwayfromtheEast.Obviouslyexoticmerchandisesuchaspepper,ginger,andmostspicescametoGenoaandsubsequentlytotheMaghribfromEgyptortheLevant,butotherfoodproductscouldderivefromclosertohome.SeveralactsindicatetheexportofbothfreshanddriedfruitandnutstoCeutafromSavonaandGenoa,oftentransportedtogetherwithspices,sugar,andwinebyindividualsreferredtoasspetiarii:spicers.In1225,Obertospetiariussentasmallcargo(100sor£5)ofgingerandclovestoCeuta,whereasin1254,anotherObertospetiarius(possiblythesameindividual)sentamuchlargercargoworthover£32innutmegandover£36inwinetoCeuta.49InCorsicain1245,NicolosodeDamiata,spetiarius,acceptedacargoworthover£57consistingof"onehundredbasketsoffigs,25minaofnuts,andtworeamsofpaper."50Fiveyearslateranotherspetiarius,GiovannidiPiacenza,investedacargoofsugar,ginger,cloth,andclovesworth£24inavoyagetoBijāya.51Theoverallimpressiononereceivesisofarelativelyhigh-valuebutlow-volumetradeinnon-staplefoods;investmentsinsmallamountsofawiderangeoffruits,nutsandspices.Therocky,woodedLigurianhinterlandofGenoawasnotoriouslypoorinmostagriculturalproductsbesidesalimitedarboricultureandviticulture,anditissignificantthatintheearliestsurvivingtreatybetweenGenoaandḤafṣidTunisdrawnupin1236,theGenoesespecificallyaskedforpermissiontoexportfiveship-loadsofgrainandotherfoodstuffsfromTunisduty-freeinthecaseoffamineatGenoa.Thisarticleofthetreatywouldberepeatedwithonlyminorchangesinthetreatiesof1250and1272.52 DespitethestatedinterestbytheGenoeseambassadorsintherighttoexportgrainfromtheMaghrib,thereisonlylimitedevidenceofgrainbeingpurchasedinanylargequantitiesintheMaghrib,andevenwhenitwas,itusuallydidnotgotoGenoa.Infact,thepreponderanceofevidencesuggeststhattheoppositewastrue:theMaghrib,andparticularlyIfrīqiya,wasanetimporterofgrain,aboveallfromSicily.Tunisinparticularappearstohavebeenanimporterratherthananexporterofgrain;alreadybythemid-twelfthcentury,al-MāzarīfamouslyruledagainstthepracticeofIfrīqiyanmerchants

48"Yspanivenduntarietesetovesethuius,pisanietianuensesfrumentum,vinumetlegumina,castaneas,avellanasethuiussarracenis,"Dubitabilia,10.49LanfrancoVol.2,260(doc.1537),NotaiIgnoti7.9,07_303.50"sportiscentumficuumetminisvigintiquinquenucumetduabusressenis/rossenispapiricumnaulo,"ASGNotaiAntichi21/I:128v.51ASGNotaiAntichi27:13.52"siverocaristiacommunisvictualisessetinIanua,possintlicenterextrahereIanuensesnavesquinquehoneratasvictualibus,"indeMas-Latrie(Genoa-Tunis,1236),118,120.

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buyinggraininSicily;asuggestionthatthiswascommon.53In1245theGenoesemerchantIddoLercariopurchasedgraininCorsicaandpledgedtopayforit–167besants–onceitwasunloadedandsoldinTunis.54Fortyyearslaterin1289,aFlorentinemerchantconfirmedhisdebtofover13,120besantsforgrainhehadimportedintoTunisonashipownedbytheGenoeseBernardodeAnfussis.55Inthethirteenthcentury,thereweremuchmoreaccessible,obvioussuppliersofgraintotheGenoesemarketthantheMaghrib,particularlyCorsicaandSicily.56Asnotedabove,severalSavonesemerchantsinthefirsttwodecadesofthethirteenthcenturyhadpurchasedgraininCeutaandOranwithaneyetosellingitinSicilyandelsewhereintheMaghrib;infactduringhistwoyeartradingvoyagefrom1202-1204ObertoScorzutohadrentedspacetoMuslimmerchantsintentonsellingtheirbarleyandwheatinMessinaandinBijāya.GenoeseandotherLatinChristianmerchantspurchasinggrainintheMaghrib,andtheMaghribitraderswhousedLatinshipstotransporttheirgoods,werepracticingalocal,coastaltradeorcabotage:movingalongtheMaghribicoasttotakeadvantageofregionalscarcities.Food,TradeandTransgression:ChristianandMuslimresponsesTheopportunisticbuyingandsellingofgraintosupplyregionaldeficienciesintheMaghribprovokeddisapprovalnotonlyfromMuslimjurists,butalsofromthethirteenth-centurypapacy,which,asnotedabove,tookanincreasinginterestincontrollingtradewiththeMuslimworldduringthepontificatesofGregoryIX(1227-1241)andInnocentIV(1243-1254).Likeal-Māzarī,thepapacywasconcernedwiththeimpactofthetradeupontherelativebalanceofpowerbetweenMuslimsandChristiansintheMediterranean.Intheory,commerceinfoodstuffswithMuslimswasonlypunishablebyexcommunicationintimeofactualarmedconflictbetweenChristiansandMuslims,butcertainmembersoftheclergyadvocatedastrongerstance,eveninpeacetime.AmongthequestionsputtoRamondePeñafortbyhisDominicanbrothersatTunisin1234wasadetailedexplanationofthebusinesspracticesofgrainmerchantslikeObertoScorzutoorBernardodeAnfussis.

CertainChristianmerchantschargetheirshipswithgrainandotherfoodinSaracenregionswhicharefertile,andtakethemtootherregionsofSaracenswhoareatwarwithChristians.TheseSaracenswouldperhapsintheendbedefeated,eitherthroughlackofrationsorthroughwar,ifthesemerchantsdidnotaidtheminthiswaybybringingthemfood.Sincethissupplyingoffoodisofgreataidtothe

53Seeabove,151.54ASGNotaiAntichi(BartolomeoFornari)21/II,127v.55Battifoglio,167-8(doc118).56SeeDavidAbulafia,TheTwoItalies:EconomicRelationsbetweentheNormankingdomofSicilyandthenortherncommunes(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1977),31-56.

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Saracens,whetherornottheyareatwar,weaskwhethersuchmerchantsareexcommunicated.57

Thepopereiteratedthatsuchmerchantswere,infact,onlyexcommunicatediftheytradedduringwartime;leavingopenatleastthepossibilityoftradeinfoodstuffsduringpeacetime;thoughexactlywhat"peace"meantwasnotpreciselydefined.Nonetheless,acomparisonoftheDominicanletterandtheGenoesenotarialevidenceconfirmsthatthecarryingtradeingrainbetweenMaghribiportswasastandardpracticeinthemid-thirteenthcentury. BothMuslimandChristianjuristsobjectedtothesaleofgrainandotherfoodstuffsacrossreligiousboundaries,albeitforsomewhatdifferentreasonsandindifferentcircumstances.Christiancanonlaw,anditszealousinterpretersliketheTunisianmendicants,aimedatanembargo:preventingvitalfoodstuffsandstrategicresourcessuchasironandtimberfromreachingMuslimhands:thegoalwastoweakenIslamicsocietiesandrulerswhowereactivelyornotionallyatwarwithChristendom;agoalthatbecameallthemoreurgentafterthelossofJerusalemin1187.Subsequent"crusadetheorists"inthethirteenthandearlyfourteenthcenturyoftenblamedthecupidityofChristianmerchantsforstrengtheningthecapacityofMuslimrulerstoresistcrusaderarmies.WilliamAdam,writingintheearlyfourteenthcentury,denouncedLatinChristiancommercewiththeMamlūksasthemostimportantreasonforthecontinuedfailureofChristianre-conquestintheEast:"Firstofall,theSaracensaregiventhenecessarymaterialsbymeansofCatalan,Pisan,andVenetian,butaboveallbyGenoesemerchants."58AlthoughAdam'sinvectivewasaimedatGenoesetradewiththeMamlūksultanateofEgypt,thecomplaintsoftheTunisianmendicantsindicatethatthislineofattackwasnotlimitedtotheEasternMediterraneanandtheHolyLand.59 Bycontrast,certainMuslimjuristsintheMaghribalsodisapprovedofaspectsofthetradeinfoodstuffswithChristians,buttheconcernherewasmorecloselyrelatedtothepurityandreligiousobservanceoftheMuslimcommunity,writlarge,andmostlyconcernedMuslimstravelingtoChristianterritory,notthepurchaseofChristianproduceperse.MuchhasbeenwrittenaboutthesupposedinterdictionagainstMuslimstravelingtotheDaral-ḤarbforanyreasonotherthantheransomingofMuslimcaptives:acorollaryof 57"Item,quidamchristianimercatoreshonerantnavessuasanonasetaliisvictualibusinquibusdampartibussarracenorumubiestfertilitas,etportantinaliaspartessarracenorumfacientiumguerramcumchristianis.Quiumquamsarracenifuissentforsitandestructi,tumexcaristiamtumessetguerra,nisiperhuiusmercatoreseisfuissetsubventuminvictualibus.Cumigiturhuiusdeportatiovictualiummaximumsitauxiliumsarracenis,sivesitguerrasivenon,querimusutrumsintexcommunicatitales."Tolan,Dubitabilia,11.58"PrimoigiturministranturnecessariaSarracenispermercatoresCatalanos,Pisanos,Venetosetaliosmaritimosmercatores,etmaximeIanuenses"WilliamAdam,"DeModoSarracenisExtirpandi",inRecueildesHistoriensdesCroisades,DocumentsArméniensII(Paris:AcadémiedesInscriptionsetBelle-Lettres,1906),523.59SeediscussioninStefanK.Stantchev,SpiritualRationality:PapalEmbargoasCulturalPractice(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2014),19-20.

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whichwasthedutyofMuslimslivingintheDaral-ḤarbtoemigratetoMuslim-controlledterritory.60ItisrelativelyeasytofindexamplesfromarangeofdifferentMuslimauthors;fromthedeclarationbytheAndalusiantravelerIbnJubayr(1145-1217)thattherecouldbenoexcuseforaMuslimtostayinChristianlandswhenhecouldreturntoIslamicterritory,toal-Māzarī’srefusaltopermitIfrīqiyanmerchantstotraveltoSicilytobuygrain,evenincaseofadireshortageathome.61Thelattercaseisparticularlyinstructive,asitwasrecopiedandincludedbybothal-Burzulīandal-Wansharīsīintheircompilationsoffatwas.Nonetheless,itissignificantlymorenuancedanopinionthanitmightatfirstappear. Al-Māzarī,residentinMahdiyaduringaperiodofturmoilinthetwelfthcentury,hadbeenapproachedbyagroupofIfrīqiyanmerchantswhohadpooledtheirmoneyinajointventure(sharika)topurchasegraininSicily,anundertakingwhichrequiredthemtopayataxtotheChristianauthoritiesandhavetheirgoldcurrencyre-minted.Themerchants'questionhadseveralcomponents,relatingtotheequitabledivisionofthegrainamongtheparties,andthepermissibilityofre-minting(andthusde-basing)coinsinthetransaction.Al-Māzarīdulyansweredthesequestions,buthebeganhisresponsebyansweringaquestionthatwasnotposed:

Firstofall,istraveltoSicilypermissibleornot?MyanswerwasthatiftheinfidelshadauthorityoverMuslimswhoenter[theisland],travelisnotpermitted.Indeed,therewas,previously,anorderofthesultantoallofuspeopleofthefatwa[i.e.:muftis]inwhichheaskedusaboutgoingthere,fortherewasgreatunrestduetothepeople'surgentneedforprovisions.AndItoldallthemuftīsIsaw--Godrestthem-thattravelthere,iftheChristianscurrentlyheldauthorityoverwhocouldenter,wasnotpermitted,andthatthepeople'sneedforprovisionsofferednojustificationforit.62

60Forausefuloverviewofthetheorybehindthisinjunction,seeMohammedKhaledMasud,"TheObligationtoMigrate:TheDoctrineofHijrainIslamicLaw,"inMuslimTravellers:Pilgrimage,Migration,andtheReligiousImagination,ed.DaleF.EickelmanandJamesPiscatori(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1990),45,andKhaledAbouelFadl,“IslamicLawandMuslimMinorities:theJuristicDiscourseonMuslimminoritiesfromtheSecond/EighthtotheEleventh/SeventeenthCenturies”IslamicLawandSociety1:2(1994),164.ForadiscussionspecifictotheMālikīschoolofIslamiclawwhichprevailedintheMaghribandal-Andalus,seeJocelynHendrickson,"TheIslamicObligationtoEmigrate:al-Wansharīsī'sAsnāal-matājirReconsidered"(PhDdissertation.,EmoryUniversity,2008),184-196.61"TherecanbenoexcuseintheeyesofGodforaMuslimtostayinanyinfidelcountry,savewhenpassingthroughit,whilethewayliesclearinMuslimlands."TheTravelsofIbnJubayr,trans.R.J.C.Broadhurst,(London:J.Cape,1952),322,andFatāwaal-Burzulī,VolI:597.62"āwalanhalyajūzuas-safrilaṣiqilliyaamla?waaladhitaqadamatajwibatibihiannahuidhakānatahkāmahlal-kufrʿalamanyadkhuluhāminal-muslimīnfa-innaas-safrlayajūz.Waqadkānaqadīmanamruaṣ-ṣultānbi-jamiʿahlal-fatwaʿandanawasaʾālnaʿanas-sayrilayha,wawaqaʿafīdhalikaḍṭarābl-ājliḍaruratan-nāsilaal-aqwāt.faqultuli-l-jamāʿaal-muftīn-rahmahumAllah-aladhiarāhuannaas-safarilayhaidhakānatahkāmar-rūmjāriyaʿalamanyadkhuluilayhalayajūzwalaadhrafīal-hājailaal-qawat."al-Burzuli,FatāwaI:596.

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TheultimatejustificationforthisopinionwastakenfromaverseoftheQur’an;9:28,Suratat-Tawba:

Oyewhobelieve!Indeedthepolytheistsareunclean,soletthemnotcomeneartheMasjidal-Haramafterthis,theirfinalyear,andifyoufearpoverty,thensoonGodwillenrichyoufromhisBounty,ifhewills.Indeed,GodistheAll-Knowing,theAll-Wise.63

Al-Māzarīwentontoexplainthatheinterpretedthisversetomeanthatinfidelswereimpure,andthateven"poverty"—ascarcityofgrainorotherprovisions–didnotpermitMuslimstobuyfromthem.However,hissubsequentreasoningclarifiedthatbuyinggrainfromorsellingittoChristiansorotherinfidelswhocametothelandsofIslamtotradewasperfectlypermissible:therealproblemwithMuslimtraveltoSicilywasChristianjurisdiction(aḥkām)overthetrade:SiciliantaxesorimpostsleviedonMuslimmerchantswouldswellthecoffersofChristianmonarchsdeterminedtowagewaragainstIslam.Inthecaseofal-Māzarī'smerchants,thiswouldlikelyhavebeenRogerII(1130-1154),whoindeedoccupiedmuchofIfrīqiyaafteral-Māzarī'sdeath.64Anotherconcernofal-Māzarīwasthere-mintingofgoldcurrencymentionedearlier;notonlyforthepossibilityofusury(ribā)inadulteratingthecoinage,butoutoffearofChristiansymbolssuchascrossesbeingimposedoncoinsusedbyMuslims.65ThiswasanotherreasonforMuslimmerchantstoavoidtradewithChristiansunderconditionsofChristiancontrol. Yet,asJocelynHendricksonhaspointedout;al-Māzarī'sseeminglystrictconcernsaboutimpurityandcontactwithChristiansdidnotextendtoSicilianMuslimslivingunderChristianrule.66Inaseparateruling,al-MāzarīupheldthevalidityoflegalopinionsissuedbySicilianMuslimqaḍis,eventhoseappointedbyChristianauthorities,justifyingtheircontinuedresidenceininfidel-controlledterritorybytheneedtoprovideguidancetotheMuslimcommunity,thehopeofconvertingtheChristianinfidels,orrestrainingthemfromevenworseheresies.Inotherwords,al-Māzarī'sthoughtonimpuritywasmuchmore 63Qur’an9:28(SahihInternational).TheMasjidal-Harām,orGreatMosqueofMecca,wasdeclaredoff-limitstopolytheistsaftertheMuslimvictoryatHunaynin630.TheAndalusianMālikījuristal-Qurtubialsocitedthisʿayaasareasontoforbidnon-Muslimstoentermosquesingeneral,althoughhenotedsomedisagreementonthisamongjuristsofotherschools.Al-Qurtubi,al-Jām'ili-Ahkāmal-Qu'ranwa-al-mubayyinli-mātaḍammanahuminal-sunnahwa-āyal-Furqān,Vol.9,editedbyAbdallahb.Abdal-Muhsinal-TurkiandMuhammadRidwanIrqsusi(Beirut:Daral-Risalahal-Alamiyah,2012),152.64SeeMichaelBrett,"Muslimjusticeunderinfidelrule:theNormansinIfrīqiya,517-555H,1123-1160AD,"CahiersdeTunisie43(1991),andDavidAbulafia,"TheNormanKingdomofAfricaandtheNormanExpeditionstoMajorcaandtheMuslimMediterranean,"Anglo-NormanStudies7(1985):26–49.65al-Māzarī,citedinal-Burzulī,Fatāwa,VolI:597.66Hendrickson,"TheIslamicObligationtoEmigrate,"206-207.

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complicatedthanadistasteforcontactandtradewithChristians.Aconcernforimpurityemergedmorefromcontactthatarosefrombaser,commercialmotives—fearof"poverty"—ratherthanfromreligiousorspiritualgoals,andwascloselytiedtocontemporarypolitics:intwelfth-centuryIfrīqiya,thismeantfearofanaggressiveNormanSicily.Furthermore,despitehisreceptionbylaterMālikīscholars,itisnotcertainthatal-Māzarī'sskepticismoftraveltoChristianlandstopurchasefoodwasrepresentativeoflearnedopinioninalltheotherportcitiesoftheMaghrib,suchasCeutaorBijāya,placeswhere,asHalimaFerhatpointsout,themerchantclassandtheʿulamāoverlappedsignificantly.67 Yetevenifal-Māzarī'suneasewithChristianimpurityinforeigntrademaynothavebeenrepresentativeoftheMālikīschool,aconcernwiththesafetyandpurityoffood,andinparticularofliquidssuchasoilandwater,wascharacteristicofIslamicjurisprudenceingeneral,andoftradeintheMaghribinparticular.Themuḥtasib,ormarketinspector,wasaformalpositionwho,liketheqāḍiorjudge,waschargedwiththeḥisba:"enjoiningtherightandforbiddingthewrong":amongotherresponsibilities,thismeantinvestigatingthecleanlinessandpurityofproducesoldatmarket,aswellasthevalidityofcontractsandsalesmadethere.68InadditiontoanumberofḥisbamanualscompiledforthemuhtasibinboththeEastandWestoftheIslamicworld,manymanualsoffiqh,andthefatwacollectionsofal-Wansharīsīandal-Burzuliinparticular,beginwithrulingsonthepurityandimpurityoffoodandwater.Oneconcernwasthepossiblecontaminationoffood,especiallyliquids,bydeadanimalssuchasmiceorinsects.Ascarrion,(mayta),theseanimalswereimpurebothinthemselves,andcouldrenderimpurethesubstanceinwhichtheywerefound. Abasicdistinctionwasmadebetweendryandliquidfoods:thelatterwerefarmoresusceptibletoimpurity.Accordingtoal-Wansharīsī,graininwhichamouseorevenapighaddiedcouldstillbelegallysoldprovidedtheanimalhadnotbledintothegrain,whereasacontainerofoliveoilcontaminatedbyadeadmouseoughttobethrownawayinitsentirety.69Thiswasnomeretheoreticalstance:strikingconfirmationofthepracticeintheportsoftheMaghribappearsincontemporaryChristiansources.Pegolotti'smid-fourteenthcenturyPraticadellaMercaturawarnsChristianmerchantsintendingtotradeoliveoilatTunisagainsttransportingitinoldbarrels,inparticularthosewhichmighthavepreviouslyheldwineorfat;allegingthatthosefoundtohavedonesowouldbeliabletoarrestandexpulsionbytheauthorities.Furthermore,PegolottimentionsaninspectionprocessinsisteduponbytheTunisiancustoms,inwhicholiveoilwaspouredfrombarrelsintonewjarsandexaminedforsignsofcontaminationbeforebeingapprovedforsale.

Andifwhenbeingpoured,therearefoundanysmallbonesofpigsorrats,oradeadmouse,thecourtmayrefuseitaltogether,asisadvisedinthischapter,andanyone

67HalimaFerhat,Sabtadesorigines,342.68Cahen,Cl.,Talbi,M.,Mantran,R.,Lambton,A.K.S.andBazmeeAnsari,A.S.,“Ḥisba”,inEI2.FormoreonthehistoryoftheḥisbainIslamictheology,seeM.A.Cook,CommandingRightandForbiddingWronginIslamicThought(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2001).69al-Mi'yārI:18.

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whotransports[oil]toTunisortoanyotherSaracenland,lethimtakegoodcarelestanyoftheseaforementioneddefectsbefound.70

NoneoftheGenoesesourcesexplicitlymentiontheinspectionsbyamuḥtasibintheportsoftheMaghrib,nonetheless,theevidencefromIslamiclegaldiscourseandtheItaliansourcesindicatesthatsuchcarefulscrutinyoffoodstuffssuchasoilcouldbeexpected.c.Wine:ASpecialCase?Thenotarialevidenceisclear:winewasamajorGenoeseexportintotheMaghribinthethirteenthcentury.GenoeseandSavonesemerchantsnotonlyimportedsignificantquantitiesofwineintoMaghribiports,theysolditbothtotheirfellowChristiansandtolocalMuslims,andtheysoughttoprofitfromthetaxesimposedonthetradebyMuslimrulers.AsanexplicitlyforbiddensubstanceinIslam,winewasnotonlyharāmforMuslims,butanythingittouchedboretheriskofphysicalandmoralcontamination,fromclothingtostoragevesselstoincomederivedfromitssaleoruse.ThefactthatitwasnonethelesswidelyconsumedbyMaghribiMuslimsdidnotdetractfromitscontroversialnatureeitherinthethirteenthcenturyortoday. Between1200and1300,Ihaveidentifiedatleast26contractsfortheexportationofwinefromGenoaandSavonatotheportcitiesoftheMaghrib.71Whetheritwassentasthemajoritemoftradeinagiventransaction,includedassuretyforaloanpayableintheMaghrib(indicatingthatitwasindeedphysicallytakenthere),oralludedtoaspartofacargounderdispute,wineworthover£570wasexportedtotheMaghribfromLiguriainthethirteenthcenturyalone,amountingtoover1084meçarolias,thestandardGenoesemeasurementforliquidslikewine.72Thepricepermeçaroliavariedsignificantly,probablyinaccordancewiththewine’squalityandorigins.73In1216GuglielmodeGregorio

70"eseingiarrandolovisitrovasseentroossodiporcooratto,cioètopomorto,sineterrebbelacorteilmododirifiutarlocomeinquestocapitoloèdivisato;peròachi'lportaaTuniziointutteterredisaracini,sivivuoleaverebuonaguardiapercheniunadelledettedifalteglipossaessereapposta."FrancescoPegolotti,LaPraticadellaMercatura,ed.AllanEvans,(Cambridge:MedievalAcademyofAmerica,1936),131.71AlthoughIhavecometoasignificantlydifferentconclusionabouttheamountofwinetransportedtotheMaghrib,inthisanalysisIamindebtedtotheworkofGeorgesJehel,whoaddressedthisquestioninsomedetailinhisanalysisofGenoesetradetotheMaghrib,inJehel,LesGénoisenMediterranéeOccidentale(finXIe-débutXIVesiècle):ébauched'unestratégiepourunempire,(Amiens,1993).344,465.72DerivingoriginallyfromtheGreekmetreta,onemeçaroliawasequaltotwobarriles.In1300,thevalueofameçarolawasapproximately91.48litres.1084meçaroliaswouldamounttoaround99,164litres.Thetrueamountwascertainlymuchmorethanthis,ofcourse,sincemanyactsmerelyindicatethemoneyvalueofthewine.SeePietroRocca,PesiemisureantichediGenovaedelGenovesato(Genova:1871),67,108.

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accepted33.5meçaroliasofwinefromMaria,wifeofBernardodePortofino,totaketoBijāya,worthatotalof£7,orabout5spermeçarolia,whereasin1253RicobonodePortoacceptedacargoforCeutaof80meçaroliasfor£536s1d,oraround13spermeçarolia.74Inoneexchangemadein1213bytwoSavonesemerchants,GuascoGloriaandPietroTebaldo,thepairpledgedanenormousquantityofwine—300meçarolias—assuretyforaloanworth£107payableinBijāyaorMallorca.However,thepledgealsoincludedanunspecifiedamountof"fruit"andthusthepriceofthewinepermeçaroliacannotbedetermined.75 ThemostpopulardestinationforGenoeseandSavonesewineexportswasCeuta,followedbyBijāya,TunisandOran.Wineappearsinindividualactsinbothsmallandlargequantities,rangingfrom10to300meçarolias,andwassometimestradedtogetherwithotherproductssuchascreamoftartar,spices,andfruit.Spicemerchantsseemtohavebeenprominentinthetrade,eitherassuppliersofwineortradersintheirownright.RicobonodePortawasactuallyanotary,andhasalreadybeenmentionedasamajorinvestorintheCeutatrade,havingpurchasedthescribaniaoftheGenoesefondacoandhiredatailortoworkforhiminoneofitsshops.76Inadditiontohisinvestmentintherightsofthescribania,Ricobonowasalsoamajorimporterofwine.InNovember1253,hemadethreeseparatecontractstocarrywinetoCeuta,totaling339.5meçarolias,worth£18712s1d.HisinvestorsincludedarepresentativeoftheSpinolafamily,andaprominentspicemerchantnamedObertodeLevanto.Interestingly,twoofRicobono'scontractsspecifiedthatthepriceofthewineincludedthebarrelsinwhichitwascarried(cumbutibus).Thismayhavemeantthatthebarrelswereconsideredseparateitemsintrade,abletobesoldortradedalongwiththewinetheycontained,butitraisesthequestionofwhythisprovisiondidnotexistinothercommenda:waswinenormallycarriedinbarrelsorinothercontainers? Aswithothercommodities,thewinecommendaleaveonlyvague,tantalizinghintsabouthowandwherethewinewassoldonceithadarrivedintheMaghrib—whopurchasedit,whoconsumedit—butothersourcesallowusaglimpseintohowthetradefunctioned.Inparticular,Savoneserecordsindicatethatwinewasconsideredanecessityforaship'screwduringatradingvoyage.DuringthelengthycourtcaselaunchedbyBalduinoScorzutoagainsthisformerpartnerOberto,oneboneofcontentionwasthepriceofwine:howmuchwineObertohadsoldatAlexandria,andwhetherhehadoverpaidfortheship'ssupply.BalduinoallegedthatObertohadsold40besants(around£10)worthofthe"wineoftheship'scompany"(vinumdecompagnapredictarumaccomendationum)atAlexandria,Obertocounteredthathehadonlysold20besants'worth.Later,attemptingto

73Giventhevariationintheprice,GeorgeJehel'scontentionthatthewinewasprobably"ofamiddlingquality"issuggestivebutultimatelyspeculation.GeorgeJehel,LesGénoisenMediterranéeOccidentale,344.74LanfrancoVol.2,58(doc.1041);ASGNotaiAntichi28(GianninodePredono),143r.75UbertoI,310-311(doc.404).76seeabove,148.

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justifythemoneyhehadspentontheship'ssupplies(asopposedtointrade),ObertoclaimedthathehadpurchasedwineatGenoaforhiscrew'sconsumption,paying10soldipermeçarolia.Balduino,howeverarguedthatthiswasaninflatedprice,"commonwine,suchasisusedbysailors,isworthonly5soldipermeçarolia."77Obertofurtherallegedthateachsailoronayear-longtradingvoyagewasentitledto12quartinaliaofwine;Balduinoagaincounteredthis,limitingitto4meçarolias:stillasurprisinglylargeamount.78Finally,Obertoclaimedthataftermakingurgentrepairstotheship,hehadpurchasedyetmorewineandothersuppliesinBijāyaandagaininSicily;thoughBalduinocontestedtheallegedwinepurchaseinBijāya.79 BalduinoandOberto'scourtcasesuggestsanumberofpossibilitiesforthewinetradetotheMaghrib.Mostimportantoftheseisthefactthatships'crewsthemselvesprovidedademandforwine:itcouldthusbeacannyinvestmenttoexportwinetotheMaghribwiththeintentionofsellingittoothermerchants—Genoeseorotherwise—lookingtore-provisiontheirships.AtleastsomeofthewinegoingtotheMaghribwaslikelyintendedforsaletoothertravelingmerchants;notforlocalconsumption.Furtherevidenceofthispracticeappearsinanother1204Savonacourtcase,inwhichGirardoCoglanigraandRodolfoCarbavemdisputedwithoneanothertheamountofmoneytheyhadlostinanill-fatedvoyagetoTunis.ThetwohadmadeseveraljointpurchasesinMarseilles,including50-56meçaroliasofwine,ofwhichsomewassoldinTunisandsomereportedlylosttoeitherashipwreckoraMuslimraid.Thewinehadbeensoldtoanothermerchant,SaonoBusello,for2.8besants(around15s)permeçarolia,andtheshareoftheproceedswasamatterofsomecontroversy.80Bijāya,Ceuta,andTunisweresitesofmajorwineimportation,butsomeofthatwineeffectivelyneverlefttheport:likehemp,canvasandothership'sstores,itwasintendedtoprofitfromthedemandsofanactivemerchantcommunityinconstantneedofre-supply.

77"devinocommunaliquodportatmarinariidesolidisv"Martino,184(docs.445-446).MichelBalardhasarguedthatthecrewsofthirteenth-centuryMediterraneangalleyswerequiteegalitarianintheirdivisionofships’provisions,includingwine,withspecialfareforwealthymerchantsortravelersbecomingincreasinglyprominentinthefourteenthandfifteenthcenturies.Inthiscontext,itisinterestingthatBalduinomakesaclaimthat“communalwine”shouldbecheaperthanwhatObertopaid.SeeMichelBalard,“Biscotto,vinoetopi:dallavitadibordonelMediterraneomedievale,”L’uomoeilmarenellaciviltàoccidentaledaUlisseaCristoforoColombo:AttidelConvegno,Genova1-4giugno1992(Genoa:AttidellaSocietàLigurediStoriaPatria,1993),241-254.78Ihavebeenunablethusfartofindaprecisedefinitionormeasurementforquartinalia.Itmaybeavariantofquartinum,whichreferredusuallytoadrymeasurementequalinghalfamina:thatis,around41kg.Butthisseemsfartoolargeaquantityforanindividualsailor'sration.Alternatively,itcouldberelatedtoofthemodernItalianquartino,orquarter-literofwine,butthisseemsfartoosmallforayearlysupply.SeediscussionofGenoeseweightsandmeasuresinTheJewsinGenoa,507-1681,ed.RossanaUrbani,GuidoNathanZazzu,clxxxiv.79Martino,179-91(docs.445,446).80Martino,166(doc.426).

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AnothermajortargetmarketfortheconsumptionofwinewouldhavebeentheChristianpopulationresidentinthefondacosoftheportcitiesofCeuta,Bijāya,andTunis.Inadditiontothemerchants,artisans,andtheirfamilies,thedecadesafterthe1220ssawagreatincreaseinthenumberofChristianmercenaries-mostlyCastiliansandCatalans-servingtheAlmohadsortheirsuccessordynasties,andthenumberofmendicants,especiallyofDominicans.ThiswasparticularlytrueofTunis,where,asMichaelLowerhasshown,severalthousandmercenariesandtheirfamiliesoccupiedadistinctquarterofthecity,andaDominicanschoolofArabichadbeenestablishedbythe1230s.81Genoesedocumentsindicatethatthemercenariesenjoyedacloserelationshipwiththeinhabitantsofthefondacos;in1289,theGenoesetannerorleather-workerManuelediAlbareceivedapaymentof38.5besantsforanunspecifieddebtfromEnricotheProvençal,"mercenaryofthekingofTunis"(soldaneriusregisTunexis.)82AsizeablebodyofChristianmercenariesalsoestablishedthemselvesatMarrakeshfromthe1220sonward;proppingupthefalteringregimesofthelastAlmohadcaliphs,who,plaguedbycivilwarsandfightingseparatistmovementsinMorocco,AlgeriaandIfrīqiya,offeredgenerousconcessionstoChristianworshipandreligiouspractice,includingtherighttoringchurchbellsintheAlmohadcapital.83ItislikelythatsomeofthewineimportedintoCeutawasdestinedforthisinlandmarket,althoughthisisdifficulttoprove;SaléorSafimayhaverepresentedmoreconvenientpointsofaccesstosouth-centralMorocco,especiallygiventheendemicwarfarebetweentheMarīnids,whocontrolledmostofthenorthafterthe1230s,andtheAlmohadsinMarrakesh.84Indeed,asHusseinFancyhasshown,someMaghribiprincesmadeexplicitcommitmentstopurchasewinefortheuseoftheirChristianmercenaries,suchastheAlmohadpretenderʿAbdal-Wāḥid,whoin1287promisedtoprovideabarrelofwineeveryfivedaysforeachChristianknightinhisservice.85 DespitethedemandcreatedbyChristiansresidentintheMaghrib,itisclearthatanothertargetmarketforwinesaleswasmadeupofMaghribiMuslims.TheDominicanletterof1234listswineasoneofseveralcommoditiessoldbytheGenoeseandPisanstotheMuslimsinTunis.Thereareseveralstatutesfrommid-thirteenthcenturyMarseillesthatindicatewinefromProvencewassoldinseveralsmallerfondacosintendedprecisely

81MichaelLower,"Tunisin1270:ACaseStudyofInterfaithRelationsintheLateThirteenthCentury,"TheInternationalHistoryReview28:3(2006),504-514,andidem,"ThePapacyandChristianMercenariesofThirteenthCenturyNorthAfrica,”Speculum,(2014),601-631.82Battifoglio,129-130(doc.90).83Lower,"ThePapacyandChristianMercenaries,"609-610.84HalimaFerhat,Sabtadesorigines,219-234.85FancynotesthatthispromisewasextractedbytheAragonesefrom‘Abdal-Wāḥidatavulnerablemoment:whentheprincewasattemptingtoraisetroopstoretakeTunisfromtheḤafṣids.Still,forthepromisetohavemeantanything,itmusthaveatleastseemedpossibletofulfil.HusseinFancy,“TheLastAlmohads:UniversalSovereigntybetweenNorthAfricaandtheCrownofAragon”MedievalEncounters19(2013),121.

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forthatpurpose,includingtoMuslims.86AlthoughnosuchstatutessurvivefromGenoafromthesameperiod,PietroBattifoglio'sregistersuggeststhatasimilararrangementmayhaveexistedamongtheGenoese.InJune1289,LeonardodeSigenbaldo,oneofthemostprominentGenoesemerchantsresidentatTunis(and,incidentally,thescribewhohadrecordedthetermsofthemostrecentGenoa-Tunistreatyin1287),assertedhisrightstothescribaniaoftheGenoesefondaco.InadditiontodismissingthescribewhohadbeenplacedtherebytheconsulBaliannoEmbrono,Leonardoarguedthathispurchasegavehimtherighttoopenawineshopinthefondaco,providedheagreeonlytoselltoChristians.87Thatthisconditionneededtobeappliedtocontrolofawineshopsuggeststhattheoppositewasequallypossible.Indeed,nosuchrestrictionsonsellingwinewerementionedinthewinetaxfarm,orgabella,thatanotherGenoese,BertraminoFerrario,hadpurchasedfromtheTunisiancustomsfor18,000besants.88 MuslimauthoritiesreactedinseveralwaystothepresenceofanactivewinetradeintheportsoftheMaghrib.Severalmoralandpoliticalimperativesinfluencedtheirresponse.Winewas,firstofall,asubstanceprohibitedtoMuslimsbyalong-standinganduncontroversialinterpretationofseveralayātintheQur’anacrossallthemajorschoolsoflaw,mostimportantly,SuraV(al-Māʾida):92:

Oyouwhohavebelieved,indeed,intoxicants,gambling,[sacrificingon]stonealtars[tootherthanAllah],anddiviningarrowsarebutdefilementfromtheworkofSatan,soavoiditthatyoumaybesuccessful.89

TherealsoexistmanyhadīthreportsinwhichtheProphetMuhammadandhisCompanionswarnedoftheevilsofintoxicants.90Inadditiontobeingforbidden(harām)toconsume,thesubstanceofwinewasconsideredrituallyimpure(najis),andthuscouldnotbelegallypurchasedorsoldbetweenMuslims;contractsofsaleinwhichwinewasinvolvedwereconsideredvoid.Intheory,deliberatewine-drinkingbyaMuslimwaspunishablebyeither40or80lashes.91 Nonetheless,otherhadīthandlegalliteraturemakeclearthatthispunishmentwastargetedoverwhelminglyatpublicoffenders.Islamiclawsoughttopunishpublicdrunkards,butitalsoplacedahighvalueonprivacyandespeciallyontheinviolabilityofthehome.TheEgyptianIbnʿUkhuwwah,(d.1329),authoroftheMaʾalimal-Qurba,amanualforthemarket-inspector(muḥtasib),madethispointexplicitlyinhischapteronintoxicants:"Oneoftheconditionsofthemuḥtasib'scondemnationisthat[thewine- 86Constable,HousingtheStranger,140.87Battifoglio,183(doc.128.)88ibid65-66(doc.44).89QuranV:92(SahihInternational).90SeealsoA.J.WensinckandJ.Sadan,“Khamr”,EI2.91Ibid,"Khamr."

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drinking]ispublic,andforanyonewhocoversuphissininhishomeandclosesthedoor,itisnotpermittedtothemuḥtasibtospyonhim."92Severalhadīthreinforcedthispoint,placingtherighttoprivacyovertheprohibitionagainstwine.OnehadithaboutʿUmar,thesecondcaliph(r.634-644),relatedhisattempttocatchagroupofwine-drinkersintheact.Suspectingthatwinewasbeingdrunkinsomeone'shome,thecaliphclimbedawalltoconfronttheoffenders.Hereproachedthemfortheirsin,butwhentheyrebukedhiminturnforhavingspiedonthemandenteredahousewithoutpermission,hewasforcedtoconcedetheirpointanddidnotpunishthem.93AnotherfamousexampleinvolvedʿAbdAllāhb.Masʿūd,acompanionoftheProphet,whorefusedtopunishamanbroughttohimwithwinestillonhisbeard,onthegroundsthatthisdidn'tconstitute"obvious"(ẓahir)proofthemanhadactuallyconsumedwine.94 Furthermore,despitethecondemnationofwine-drinking,IslamiclawrecognizedthatwineremainedlicitfortheAhlal-dhimma,JewsandChristians,andgenerallydidnotinterferewiththeprivateconsumptionofwinebyprotectedminoritiesinIslamiclands,providedthatthisconsumptionremaineddiscreetanddidnotinvolveMuslims.Complicationsarosemostlywhenwine-drinkinganddrunkennessinvadedMuslimpublicspace,orwhenJewsandChristianswereincautiousaboutsellingwinetotheirMuslimneighbors.WithintheMālikīschool,therewasawidespectrumofopiniononhowdhimmisoughttobepunishedforviolatingtheselaws.Inninth-centuryCordoba,YahyaibnYahyaruledthatChristianwinemerchantswhosoldtoMuslimsshouldhavetheirhomesburneddown,althoughthismayhavehadasmuchtodowitharecentrebellioninwhichChristianshadbeeninvolvedaswiththeprinciplesofthedhimmapact.Otherjurists,includingIbnRushdal-Jadd(d.1126)thoughtthiswenttoofarandfavoredamorelenientapproach-afineorconfiscationofthewine.95CommercewithChristiansthatinvolvedwine-makingorthepossibilityofwine-makingalsoraisedapotentialproblem;IbnRushdalsoruledthatitwasreprehensible(makrūh)butnotforbidden(harām)tosellgrapevinestoChristianswhowerelikelytousethemtoproducewine.96

92"Waminsharṭal-munkaraladhiyankaruhual-muḥtasibanyakunaẓāhir-anfa-kullumansataram'aṣiyafidārihiwaakhlaqabābahulāyajūzula-huanyatajasisaʿalayhi."Theonlyexceptiontothisrulewereifthemuhtasibsuspectedimminentdangeroflossoflife,orofadultery.Ibnal-ʿUkhuwwah,Maʾalimal-Qurba,38.93Thehadīthappearsinthisforminal-Mawārdi'sal-Ahkāmal-Sultāniyah,366,andintheMaʾalimal-Qurba,39.94SunanAbūDawud4890.95al-MiʿyārII:409.ForadiscussionofthereceptionofIbnYahya'sopinionandamoregeneralanalysisofMālikīthoughtonwineinal-AndalusandtheMaghrib,seeAddayHernándezLópez,"LacompraventadevinoentremusulmanosycristianosdimmīesatravésdetextosjurídicosmālikíesdelOccidenteislámicomedieval,"inTheLegalStatusofDimmisintheIslamicWest,ed.MaribelFierroandJohnTolan(Turnhout:Brepols,2013),271.96al-MiʿyārVI:69.

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Manywine-relatedfatwasinvolvedcomplaintsbroughtagainstanindividual-whetherdhimmiorMuslim-byacommunityorneighborhood,andsometimescombinedaccusationsofpublicdrunkennesswiththoseofothercrimes,suchasextortionorsexualcrimes.Thus,themuftihadtotakeotherfactorsintoconsiderationwhenrulingontheconsequencesofwine-drinking.Acasefromeleventh-centuryQayrawānisinstructive;thejuristal-Suyūri(d.1067)wasapproachedbyagroupofpeoplewhocomplainedthataJewhadmovedintotheirpreviouslyall-Muslimneighborhood,and"annoyedtheneighborsbydrinkingwineanddoingwhatisforbidden"andalsobydrinkingfromacommonwaterfountain,whichtheneighborsbegantoavoidonprinciple.97However,thespecificquestionsposedbytheangryneighborswerelargerthanacomplaintaboutwine-drinking:theywantedtoknowwhethertheJewcouldevenliveintheirneighborhoodinthefirstplace,andifso,whetherhewasallowedtousethesamefountain.Thejurist'sresponsewassimplebutnuanced:theJewshouldnotbepermittedtoannoytheneighborsthroughhispublicwine-drinking,butifherefrained,therewasnoreasonhecouldnotpurchaseahouse,andthequestionoftheuseofthefountainwasoflittleconcern(khafīf:literally,"light").98 Questionsaboutthemoraleffectsofwine-drinking,drunkenness,andthewinetradebecameespeciallyfraughtwhentheycoincidedwithpowerrelationshipsbetweenMuslims,especiallybetweenordinarycitizensandpowerfulofficialsorrepresentativesofthestate:wine-drinkingandtheabuseofpoweroftenappearedtogether.TheMoroccanjuristAbūal-FaḍlRashidb.AbīRasidal-Walili(d.1279),operatinginTilimsān,confrontedthedilemmafacingMuslimswhowereaskedtopaytaxesortributeinwinetolocaltribes(qabāʾil):shouldtheypayanimpuretaxorflee?al-Walili'sresponsewastorecommendthatMuslimtax-payerssooppressedshouldoffertopaydoublethetaxratherthanpayinwine,andthattheyshouldfleethecountryifpossible.HebasedthisontheexampleofaMuslimprisonerofwarwhoseChristiancaptorsdemandedapaymentinwineforhisrelease.99Inthelateeleventhcentury,theTunisianjuristal-Lakhmiwasconfrontedbyanaccusationagainstanofficialinthecustomsorrevenueofficeofthesultan(jabāyaal-ṣultānfīal-dīwān)atQayrawān,whowas"openlyoppressingthepeopleandalsoanotoriouswine-drinker."100Al-Lakhmiruledthattheoffendershouldbeimprisoned,beaten,andhavehisgoodsconfiscatedanddistributedinalmstothepoor. Responsestowine-drinkingandthewinetradethusreflectedawiderangeoflocalconditionsandotherconsiderationsacrosstheMaghribandal-Andalus.Ingeneral,Mālikījuristssoughttostrikeabalancebetweenpunishingpublicinfractionsandviolationsofthedhimma,whilepreservingarighttoprivacyandattemptingtomitigatetheexposureofMuslimstowine,thewinetrade,andthemoneyassociatedwithit.Theydidsoinareligiousenvironmentinwhichextra-legalagitationagainstwine-drinkersandwineshops

97"waādhāal-jīrānbi-shirbal-khamrwafaʿalmālāyajūz",al-MiʿyārVIII:437.98ibid,437.99al-MiʿyārXI:214-218.100"huwamaʿdhalikmujaharbi-l-jawrwashurbal-khamr"ibid,IX:559-560.

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wasanever-presentpossibility:theopenconsumptionorsaleofwine,especiallybyofficialsorbynon-Muslims,wasapotentialrallyingcryformovementsagainst"oppression."IbnTūmart,founderoftheAlmohadmovement,hadpersonallyattackedwineshopsandbrokenwinejarsinIfrīqiyaduringhisreturnfromtheEastinthe1110s,reportedlylandinghiminsometroublewiththeauthorities.101ItwasinthiscomplexlegalandmoralenvironmentthatGenoesemerchantsimportedalmostonethousandmeçaroliasofwineintotheMaghrib,soldittoeachotherandtoMuslims,andpurchasedtherighttoprofitfromthetaxuponitfromtheḤafṣidauthoritiesinthe1280s.Inthethirteenthandfourteenthcenturies,Muslimreligiouselitesandstateofficialsalikeseemtohaveacceptedtheinevitabilityofthewinetradeinsomeform,andlimitedthemselvestotryingtopoliceitandtoavoidscandal.IbnKhaldūnrememberedwithadmirationastorytoldbyhisteacheral-Abīlī(1281-1356)aboutaqāḍīinFez.TheMarīnidsultanAbūSaʿīd(r.1310-1331)offeredtoassigntheqāḍītherevenuesfromanytaxhewouldlike,tomakeuphisofficialsalary.Theqāḍīchosethetaxonwine,andwhenhisfriendsreactedwithconfusion,heexplainedthatalltaxeswereforbiddenanyway,butthatatleastthedutyonwinewasaluxurytax,anditdidnotoppressthosewhopaidit,unliketaxesonstaplefoods.102TheḤafṣidstriedtoavoidthemoralopprobriumofthewinetradebyreservingtherevenuefromthewinetaxfarmtotheirChristianmercenaries,asanactfromMarch1289suggests,inwhichBertraminoFerrario's18,000besantpurchasewasearmarked"fortheChristiansoldiersofthekingofTunis"(militibusclistiannisregistunexis).103Theavailabilityofwineandtherevenuesassociatedwithitwasanecessaryevil,butonethatcouldbeusefulindeed.ConclusionThewiderangeandhighquantityofgoodsimportedtotheMaghribbyGenoesemerchantsreflectsthestrengthanddiversityofthiscommerceinthethirteenthcentury,andtheimportantroleplayedbytheMaghribimarketwithinthewiderworldofMediterraneantrade.Thoughlargecargoesoftextilesandrelatedproductsdominatedcommerce,theMaghribwasanattractivedestinationforbothluxuryitemsandbulkcommodities,andrepresentedaninvestmentpossibilityforsmallandmedium-scalecapitalraisedfromGenoesemerchantsandartisans,aswellasfortheopportunisticcarryingtradebetweenMaghribiports.Goldthread,indigo,alumandcreamoftartaraccompaniedGenoesedyers,tailorsandtannersontheirwaytothetextile-finishingworkshopsofthefondacosinTunis,Ceuta,BijāyaandOran,whilelargequantitiesofwineandfoodstuffsservedtheneedsofboththetransientmerchantcommunitiesthemselvesandthoseofthelocalMuslimpopulation.

YetnotalloftheseproductsweremorallyneutralobjectswithinChristianandMuslimdiscoursesontrade,purity,andreligiousidentity.Someobjectscarriedpowerfulpositiveassociations,suchasthegoldenmechanicaltreewhichsoimpressedtheMarīnid 101EmmanuelLévi-Provencal,Documentsinéditsd’histoirealmohade(Paris:P.Geuthner1928),20.102Muqadimmah,499.103Battifoglio,65-66(doc.44).

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court,whileotherobjectscreatedproblemsfortheirbuyersandsellersthatcouldonlybeaddressedwithspecialculturalknowledge.ChristianclothinginMaghribimarketsgaverisetoMuslimconcernsaboutpurity,andthegraintradebetweenChristiansandMuslimsbotheredreligiousauthoritiesonbothsidesoftheMediterraneankeentodeprivetheenemyofsustenanceandtaxrevenue.Finally,winewasacontentiousproductwithinIslamiclawnotonlyinitself,butalsoforhowitcouldaffectothercommercialtransactionsbetweenMuslims,orbetweenMuslimsandChristiansorJews.Genoeseimportationofwineandwine-relatedproductsmayhaverepresentedonlyapartoftheMaghribimarketinthesecommodities,butthesheerscaleofthetraderevealedbyanalysisofthenotarialevidenceprovidesanimportantbackgroundtoourunderstandingofthenormativediscourseoncommoditiescrossingreligiousboundaries.Clearly,GenoesemerchantsandtheirMaghribiMuslimcounterpartswerewillingtotransgressnormativebarriersbetweentheminordertomakeaprofit,buttheboundary-markingdiscoursesurviveditsownfrequentviolation,andconcernoverthemoralconsequencesofobjectsinChristian-MuslimtradepersistedthroughoutthelaterMiddleAges.

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CONCLUSION:PRAGMATISMANDBOUNDARIESTherelationshipbetweenGenoaandtheMaghribwasdefinedbylaws,whetherformalorinformal,andbypeople.Putanotherway,thequestionofhowmedievalGenoeseencounteredMaghribiscanbeseenasyetanotherexampleofthedebatewithinhistorybetweenstructureandagency;betweenlegalandnormativeconstraintsonbehaviorandindividualhumanchoices.Overthepastfewdecades,socialscientists,particularlyeconomists,havebeendrawntomedievalmerchantsforwhattheythinktheirlivescanrevealaboutthedevelopmentofinstitutionsheldtobeessentialtoamarketeconomy.Theseinstitutions—propertyrightsandformsofassociationlikeguildsorcorporations,tonameonlytwo—canthenbedeployedinserviceofgrandnarrativesaboutthe"riseofcapitalism"or"thegreatdivergence"betweenEuropeandtherestofEurasia,usuallyincontrastwithalternative,moreorlesswell-imaginedsocio-economicmodels:theMiddleEast,pre-modernChina,andsoon.1 Withinaninstitutionaleconomichistory,"non-economic"factorssuchasreligiousbeliefs,socialbonds,evenpolitics,canofcoursehaveimportantinfluencesonrationalbehavior,butareultimatelyeitherinhibitiveorconstitutiveofpure,marketrelations.MedievalGenoesehavebeencharacterizedsincethemid-twentiethcenturyaspragmatic,entrepreneurialproto-capitalists,more"individualist"thantheirVenetianrivals.Takenastepfurther,theyseemcompellingcandidatestobetheheraldsofeconomicmodernityinEurope.2Withinthisframework,thefactoftradeandexchangetakingplacebetweenmembersofdifferentreligiousgroupsiseitherirrelevant(theabstractedhomoeconomicushavingnoreligiousidentity)orachallengetobeovercomebyrationalself-interest,asinthefamousmaximofGenoa'sgreatrivals:"WeareVenetiansfirst,thenChristians"(SiamoVenezianiepoiChristiani).3Thelimitationsofthistheoryarecleartohistoriansofreligion,

1SeeforinstanceAvnerGreif,"OnthePoliticalFoundationsoftheLateMedievalCommercialRevolution:GenoaDuringtheTwelfthandThirteenthCenturies"TheJournalofEconomicHistory54:2(1994).AnumberofhistorianshavecriticizedGreif'smodel,inparticularhischaracterizationoftheMaghribitraders'allegedly"collectivist"impulses.Seeamongothers,JeremyEdwardsandSheilaghOgilvie,"Contractenforcement,institutions,andsocialcapital:theMaghribitradersreappraised,"TheEconomicHistoryReview65:2(2012):421-444,andJessicaGoldberg'sTradeandInstitutions(seediscussionandnoteonpage93).However,somehistorianscontinuetobepersuadedbythetheoryofinstitutionaleconomicsinmakingsenseofmedievalandearlymodernGenoesesociety.SeeforinstanceMatteoSalonia,Genoa'sFreedom:Entrepreneurship,Republicanism,andtheSpanishAtlantic(Lanham:LexingtonBooks,2017),1-34.2SeeRobertoLopez,"MarketExpansion:theCaseofGenoa"TheJournalofEconomicHistory4(1964),445-64;idem,"VeniseetGênes:deuxstyles,uneréussite,"inLopez,SuegiùperlastoriadiGenova(Genoa:Istitutodipaleografiaestoriamedievale,1975),35-42;andMatteoSalonia,Genoa'sFreedom,xi-xv.3Foranexcellentcritiqueofinstitutionaleconomicapproachestomedievaltradeandreligion,seeLeorHalevi," ReligionandCross-CulturalTrade:AFrameworkforInterdisciplinaryInquiry"inReligionandCross-CulturalTrade,ed.FrancescaTrivellato(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2014),24-61.

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whohavepointedoutnotonlythecoexistence,butthecodependenceoftheprofitmotiveandreligiousconvictionsestablishingalterityinavarietyofmedieval(andmodern)contexs.Yetevenashistoriansstate,forcefully,thattradeandcrusadeflourishedtogether,thetemptationtoopposethemhasprovenpersistent.InaGenoesecontext,thistakestheformofassertingthatGenoeseactivityintheWesternMediterraneantransitionedfromanearlyphaseofconquestandraidingtoamorepeacefuloneoftradeandinvestmentafterthemid-twelfthcentury.Inoneperiod,religiousimpulsestofighttheinfidelweredominant;insubsequenteras,theyweresubordinatedtothedesireforsteadyprofit. HowdoestherelationshipbetweenGenoaandtheMaghribinthethirteenthcenturyfitintoorcomplicatethesenarratives?Firstofall,thescaleandbreadthofGenoeseengagementwiththeMaghribisimportant.Obscuredbythetreatyandchroniclelanguage,withitsreferencestomercatoresandnegotiatores,awiderangeofGenoesefromallwalksoflifeinvestedtheirtime,labor,andmoneyintheMaghribtrade.TavernkeepersfromSavona,ruralclerics,shield-makers,potters,physicians,menandwomen:largenumbersofGenoesehadreasontofollowandfretoverdevelopmentsintheMaghribandmusthavehadsomenotionorguessatwhatwouldbeaprofitableinvestmentinagivenyear.Notonlythat,butasimilarlywideselectionofGenoese—albeitmostlymen—actuallytraveledthereinperson.AlongsidethegreatmerchantsfromtheDoria,Spinola,Cibo,andUsodimarefamilies,untoldhundredsofoarsmenandsailors,tailors,sewers,shoemakers,andtherepresentativesofotherprofessionspassedthroughCeuta,Bijāya,Tunis,andotherMaghribiports.Likewise,thoughtheyappearbutrarely,MaghribiMuslimsandJewsmaintainedacontinuouspresenceinGenoaoverthethirteenthcentury,andnotonlyasslavesorwealthymerchants.Allofthiscontact,overgenerations,suggeststhatthemostimportantGenoeseexperienceofIslam,atleastinthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies,wasnotintheLevantorEgypt,butintheMaghribandal-Andalus.Thedrivetoliberate,defend,andthenrecovertheHolyLandmayhavebeenanobsessionofthemedievalGenoesefromCaffarotoColumbus,butonamoreprosaiclevel,theywerefarmorelikelytoencounteraMaghribiMuslimorJewthananEgyptianorPalestinian. MedievalGenoawasnotamulti-confessionalsocietyinthesamewaythatSicily,theCrownofAragonorMallorcawere;placeswhereindigenousMuslimandJewishpopulationscameunderChristianrule,livingalongsideChristianneighborsforgenerations,andcopingwithimposedlegalandeconomicdisabilities.WhenwespeakofGenoa'scontactwithIslamortheMaghribinthethirteenthcentury,ourattentionisdominatedbyquestionsofinvestment,travel,andcommercialexchange;lessbyquestionsofcohabitation,intermarriage,conversion,andsoon,althoughallofthosetookplace,particularlyinthe"micro-societies"oftheGenoesesettlementsinMaghribicities. Thesesettlements,inturn,consistedofseveraldistinctconceptualspacesandinstitutionsthatreinforcedboundariesbetweenChristiansandMuslims.Tradedidnottakeplacejustanywhere:localreligiouselitesandvisitingmerchantsalikefavoredthecreationofspecialzonestoservetheneedsoftravelingmerchants.ForChristianmerchantsliketheGenoese,thefondacocompounddevelopedintoahome-away-from-homedesignedtominimizetheircontactwiththerestofMaghribisocietyandmakethemeasiertomonitor.Theduganaorcustoms-house,bycontrast,servedasafavoredsiteofexchangeanddiplomacy,andavaluableinterstitialspacebetweenMuslimsandChristians.Mālikīdiscourseonthemarketplace,whileitdidnotbanChristiansoutright,viewedtheirpracticeofcertaintradesinadimlightgiventheirassumedviolationofregulationsonthepurityof

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foodandliquids.JuristsattemptedtoassimilateforeignChristianmerchantsintopre-existingdhimmicategorieswherevertheycould,particularlywhenitcametoaccesstosacredspace.Putanotherway,theentrepreneurial,individualistGenoesecelebratedbyearlierauthorsdependedontheiradherencetocollectiveidentitiesandstrictboundarieswithinIslamicconceptualandlegalspace. IndividualGenoeseorMaghribisdidcrosstheseboundariesonoccasion.SomeGenoesepurchasedandbuilthousesinCeuta,Bijāya,andTunisoutsidethefondaco,andformedprofessionalrelationshipsthattookthemintothehomesofcustomsofficialsorlocalMaghribimerchants.Christiansailors,oarsmen,andotherscarryingsmallamountsoftradegoodscouldstrikeindividualdealswithMuslimsinportcitiesoutsidetheduganaandfondaco,asthedenunciationsofthemendicantfriarsin1234makeclear,sellingtheirwaresorbarteringthemwiththeircounterparts.4ThelackofformalinstitutionsforMaghribimerchantsandtravelersvisitingGenoa,inturn,suggeststhattheMaghribiMuslimsandJewswhooperatedtheredidsoinfarlessstructuredsettingsthandidChristiansintheMaghrib.Theylodgedinprivatehomes,madecontractswithGenoeseofallsocialclasses,andseemtohavehadnoprovisionsforcollectivereligiousobservancebeyondprivateprayer.Thisdisparitybetweenstructured,sanctionedexchangeawaitingGenoeseintheMaghribandthelackofcorrespondingorganizationforMaghribisinthirteenth-centuryGenoaisoneofthemoststrikingdifferencesbetweenthetwosocieties,anddeservescloserscrutinybyscholars,suggestingasitdoesaradicallydivergentexperienceofcross-culturaltradeinMuslimandLatinChristiancontexts.5 Finally,whilepeopleandspacesbothdefinedanddefiedboundaries,commoditiesalsoplayedanimportantroleinshapingthem.ThemerepresenceandeconomicactivityofChristiansinMuslimportsandviceversacannotbeunderstoodwithoutgraspingthesignificanceofthespecificobjectsthatchangedhands.MuslimandChristianreligiouselitestookdifferentapproachestodefininglicitandillicittrade,basedonamoralcategorizationofcommoditiesandthosewhousedthem.MālikījuristsoftheMaghribsoughttolimitcontactwithChristianswhosoldwinetoMuslims,buttheyalsoestablishedrationalespermittingtheuseofChristianclothandpaperwhosepuritycouldnotbedecisivelydetermined.Indoingso,theyattemptedtofindabalancebetweenpotentiallycompetingimperatives:theneedtoobserveIslamiclegalprescriptionsonthepurityoffoodanddrink,andthecondemnationofwineanddrunkeness,butalsotheoverallsocialutility(maṣlaha)ofcertainproductsandservicesfortheirfellowMuslims.Maṣlahawasamalleableconcept,butnotinfinitelyso.Theutilityofcertaincommodities—graininfamine-struckIfrīqiya,forinstance—neededtobeweighedagainstotherconsiderations,suchasthedangerofstrengtheningthecustomsrevenuesofhostileChristianrulers.Notalltradewasproblematicinthesameway,butdependedonthenatureofwhatwassold,howitwasproduced,andthecharacterofthesellerandbuyer.

4Tolan,Dubitabilia,15.5ForageneraldiscussionofmedievalGenoesenormsregardingforeign(mainlyotherLatinChristian)merchants,seeGiovannaPettiBalbi;"PresenzestraniereaGenovaneisecoliXII-XIV:letteratura,fonti,temidiricerca"inDentrolacittà.Stranierierealtàurbane(1989),121-135.

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Conversely,forChristians—especiallythemendicantordersandthepapacy—whatmatteredwasnotwhatChristiansboughtfromMuslims,butwhattheysoldtothem,especially"strategicmaterials"suchasarms,navalstores,iron,andtimber.AnxietyoverillicittradewaslinkedtoadesiretomilitarilyweakenMuslimrulers,especiallyintheLevant,aspartofthecrusade.Christianswhoviolatedthemultipleembargoes(deveta)werethreatenedwithexcommunicationandrequiredtoseekabsolutionfromthepopeorapplyforlimitedexceptionstotheban.IntimeofopenwarbetweenMuslimsandChristians,foodstuffstoobecame"strategic"andwereincludedintheban.However,concerndidnotextendtoabanonpurchasinggoodsfromMuslimsellers,ortosellingthemcommoditiesdeemednon-strategic. Ithasbecomecommon,evenbanal,tonotethatmedievalreligiousrestrictionsontradeandconsumptiondidnotstopmerchantsandconsumersbothfromviolatingthemorfindingwaysaroundthem.6Theimpactofsuchlawsandlegalprinciplesonbanking,credit,andtraderemainscontentious.Recently,however,historianshavebeguntoshifttheirfocusawayfromthereal-worldeffectivenessofprohibitionsonusury,tradewiththeinfidel,andsoon,infavorofunderstandinghowthediscourse,amongChristiansandMuslims,servedprimarilytodefineandcontrolthescopeofactionavailabletobelievers.Inthisdissertation,Ihaveattemptedtoanswerbothquestionstogether:howdidGenoesetradewiththeMaghribfunctioninpractice,andhowwasitconceivedbyreligiouslegalexperts? WeoughtnottodenytheradicaldifferencesbetweenthehundredsofthousandsofLatinnotarialactsproducedinmedievalGenoaandanIslamiclegaldiscourserevealedinthehighly-curatedfatwacompilationsofthelaterMiddleAges.Thepossibilityofalternativesolutionstoidenticallegalormoralquestions—Christianwine-sellersinMuslimspace,GenoesemerchantswhosoldweaponstoMuslims,totakejusttwoexamples—cannotberuledoutmerelybecauseonlyonesolutionhascomedowntous.However,whatreadingtheseverydifferentsourcestogetherdoesprovideisasenseofwhatwaspossible,orimaginedtobepossible,byparticipantsinChristian-MuslimtradeintheMaghribduringthethirteenthcentury.TheforeignwinetradecouldexacerbateexistingtensionswithinMaghribisociety,butitcouldalsobeprofitablytaxedbyMaghribirulerseagertoraisecapital.ForeignChristianmerchantsarrivinginTunisundertreatiesmightbelegallydistinctfromnativedhimmipopulations,butjuristscouldelidethesedistinctionsindiscoursetolimittheiraccesstoMuslimmarkets.GenoesemerchantssellingJewishorMuslimslavesinTunismightpretendtheywereChristiantofetchahigherprice,buttheywerestillsinningintheeyesoftheChurch.Inotherwords,boundariescouldbecrossed,buteachcrossing,inthehandsofbothMuslimandChristianreligiouselites,providedfurtheropportunitiestodefinewhattheboundarieswere,andtokeeptradeandexchangefunctioningintermsthatbothsocietiescouldaccept.Thedevelopmentofthelaws,customs,andexpectationsthatgovernedcross-culturalexchangecanbestbeunderstoodbykeepinghumanactionsandchoices,madeyearafteryear,withinourhistoricalpurview. 6DominiqueValérian,"LesmarchandsmusulmansdanslesportschrétiensauMoyenÂge,"inJohnTolanandStéphaneBoissellier,eds.,ReligiouscohabitationinEuropeantowns(10th-15thcenturies):LacohabitationreligieusedanslesvillesEuropéennes,Xe-XVesiècles(Brepols,2015),109-120.

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200

AppendixA:NotariesandCartulariesUsedinthisStudy

NotaryName YearsActive Cartularies

Consulted(byASGNumber)

PrintEdition?

GiovannideGuiberto 1200-1211 6,7 M.W.Hall-Cole,1939

Lanfranco 1203-1226 3/I,3/II,58 KruegerandReynolds,1951

MartinodiSavona 1203-1206 - Puncuh,1974GiovannidiSavona 1213-1215 - Rovere,2013GuglielmodiSavona 1214-1215 - Rovere,2010BonvassallodeCassino

1236-1252 17,21/I,24,26/I, -

BartolomeoFornari 1236-1263 18/II,21/I,27,28,29,30/II,55/II,71

-

PalodinodeSexto 1237 34 -SimonedeFlacono 1237 17,20-II -MatteodePredono 1244-1268 18/II,31/1,31/II,32,

129-

NicolodePorta 1246-1247 34,20/I,68/I -GianninodePredono 1251-1254 18/I,18/II,28,30/I,

34-

ConradodeCapriata 1259 34 -JacopodePelio 1260 NotaiIgnoti22.30 -GuglielmodiS.Giorgio

1261-1300 36,70,71,72,74,75/II,118

-

RicobonodeSavignone

1273 109 -

LeonardodeNegrini 1274 73,79,80,96,97 -DavidedeS.Ambrogio

1288 68/I -

PietroBattifoglio 1288-1289 NotaiIgnoti14.129 Pistarino,1986

201

AppendixB:GenoeseNotarialDocumentsfortheMaghribTradebyType

64%7%

6%

4%4%

3%3%

4% 2%1%1%1%

TYPES OF NOTARIAL ACTS, BY PERCENTAGE, 1200-1300

COMMENDA

SALES AND PURCHASES

EXCHANGE/SEA LOAN

QUITTANCE

MISCELLANEOUS

APPOINTMENT OF PROXY

RECEIPT

LOAN/DEBT ACKNOWLEDGMENT

COURT CASE/ AFFIDAVIT

SOCIETAS

TRANSFER OF RIGHTS

SHIP RENTAL

202

AppendixC:CommendaContractsbyNamedCommodity,1200-1300.

Commodity NumberofContractsInvolved

ClothingandTextiles 116cotton,linen,silk,goldcloth,wool,"cloth"

(panni),shirts,jackets

SpicesandOintments 26saffron,ginger,galangal,cloves,nutmeg,

pepper,aloe,ointments

Wine 17wine,wineinbarrels

Foodstuffs 16oliveoil,olives,fruits,nuts,saltedmeat,pork

lard(axoncia)

IndustrialGoodsandTools 16

lacquer,tow,irontools(ferramenta),glass,steelwire,orpiment

ArmsandArmor 11swords,shields,armor,crossbows,quarrels,

knives,barding

Jewelry 10pearls,ruby,silvergoblets,goldrings

Dyestuffs 7gall,madder,indigo

Miscellaneous/Unknown 7

greatchest(capsamagna),leatherpurses,etc.

CeramicsandWoodwork 3

glazedceramics,woodenbowls

Metals 2silver,copper