“To Glut a Menial’s Grudge”: Domestic servants and the ...sro.sussex.ac.uk/49620/1/To_Glut_A_Menial's_Grudge... · Web viewThe response to the Bill in the Anglo-Indian community
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“To Glut a Menial’s Grudge”: Domestic servants and the Ilbert Bill controversy of 1883
Fae DussartUniversity of Sussex
Abstract
This article focusses on a particular political controversy in India surrounding the
Ilbert Bill of 1883, in which domestic servants had an unwitting and significant role.
The response to the Bill in the Anglo-Indian community was vehemently hostile. By
considering how the potential threat posed by Indian domestic servants to their
English mistresses became a rhetorical stick for servant employers to beat the
Government with, this article demonstrates the centrality of the servant/employer
relationship to the intertwined gender, class, and racial assumptions of the English in
India.
At a Legislative Council Meeting in February 1883, the Law member of the
Government of India, C.P. Ilbert, introduced a Bill to amend the Code of Criminal
Procedure of the Indian Penal Code.1 Within the existing code, selected native
colonial officials exercised limited criminal jurisdiction over European British
subjects in Presidency towns. The Bill proposed the jurisdiction of these native
officials be extended to rural towns (mofussil), to allow them to try Europeans in
criminal cases in those areas.2 As was often the case with reformist policy in India,
the response to the Bill in the official and the non-official Anglo-Indian community
was vehemently hostile.3
In 1883, though highly stratified, Anglo-Indian society coalesced in opposition
to the so-called Ilbert Bill. The controversy surrounding the proposed legislation
represents an important historical conjuncture. In the last decades of the nineteenth
century, though Britain’s territorial reach was yet to attain its peak, its global
QUERY TO AUTHOR: In this footnote, do the numbers mean “volume 13, issue 45” of the cited journal? If so, then JCCH style is to display them as “13/45”, but if they mean something else please let me know and I can correct my change to the citation.
Bruce Tindall, 21/02/13,
NOTE TO AUTHOR: I changed this because although JCCH style allows either British or American spelling (if consistent throughout an article) it requires American-style punctuation of quotations.
and employers during the controversy. I consider the way in which the
servant/employer relationship underwrote the construction of a “native character” that
was central to the arguments of those opposing the Bill. Ideas about race, gender, and
class intersected with ideas about the respective “natures” of servants and their
employers in specific ways during the Ilbert Bill controversy. Servants’ identities as
lower class male Indians were (re)inscribed with racialising characteristics specific to
their class and gender positions, in relation to middle class Indians and Englishmen
and women, for whom differently nuanced racial characteristics were defined. In the
process, ideas about class, gender, and service were refined and developed in relation
to notions of race. The process was an interactive one. Generalised notions of Indian
character were divided along lines roughly corresponding to class, while gender
operated in uncertain ways to bolster racialising discourses. However, the “classed”
Indians were not discrete discursive entities. Ideas about servants and educated
Indians bled into each other, contributing to a racialising discourse that situated the
Indian in an inferior object position in relation to the Englishman, thereby justifying
England’s continued political and economic control of India in the face of increasing
doubts as to its legitimacy from Indians and English politicians. The Ilbert Bill
controversy was a moment when such processes were taking place in a public and
temporally compressed way, and therefore provides us with a window into a complex
nexus of interacting discourses and events.
Prestige, Paranoia, and the Opposition to the Ilbert Bill
Some contemporaries, including Ripon, believed that a “cabal” of Calcutta barristers
and businessmen initially engineered the agitation against the Bill9 But Anglo-Indians
all over India opposed the Bill. Hostility towards it was probably most intense and
organised in Bengal and in the tea and indigo districts of Assam and Bihar, where
because of the anomaly in the law, Anglo-Indians were “often able to avoid
conviction for acts of oppression towards their native employees.”10
The Calcutta-based Englishman newspaper particularly encouraged the
protest, providing uncompromising opposition in letters and editorials. A dominant
theme of letters to Anglo-Indian newspapers and in speeches and petitions was that if
the Bill were passed Anglo-Indians would lose valuable prestige in the eyes of native
Indians. Such a loss of prestige would damage the individual authority of the Anglo-
Is the punctuation here as in the original? It seems that there should be commas after “daughter” and “wife,” but if they are omitted in the original I understand that they would be omitted here.
Bruce Tindall, 21/02/13,
QUERY TO AUTHOR: I inserted a period after “Hon” -- even though I know that British usage omits the period after “Mr”, “Mrs”, and so forth -- because both the OED and the online version of Hansard use a period (except for a couple of examples in the OED where “an Hon” is used as a slang phrase). Is this OK?
such literary reassurances did not soothe women such as “Indignation,” who issued a
challenge to Anglo-Indian men’s chivalric instincts, advising “those of my
countrywomen who are ignorant of the use of firearms to acquire a knowledge of
them without delay, so that should occasion arise they may not be found unprepared.
It is grievous indeed that a consideration of the necessity for such a precaution should
be forced upon us.”49
Later in the controversy, during the summer of 1883, the threat from servants
to women was figured as physical, after some cases of assaults on Anglo-Indian
women by servants were highly publicised. In the most famous of these cases, in
June 1883, the wife of the public prosecutor in Calcutta, James Hume, was brutally
assaulted. The native sweeper of the household was accused and convicted of the
crime. In fact, the public prosecutor himself had perpetrated the assault when he
caught his wife and the sweeper, with whom she had been having an affair for six
months, together and “thrashed his wife till she was half dead.”50 The truth was
revealed two years later in a letter from A.O. Hume, a cousin of the prosecutor, to
Lord Dufferin, then viceroy of India. As A.O. Hume wrote, “Hume perjured himself,
his wife perjured herself…. The man [who] was either tho’ a sweeper—a gentleman
—or he was guided by his legal advisers who not of the first grade [and] knowing the
spate of public feeling recommended him to hold his tongue—made virtually no
defence.”51
Nonetheless, in 1883 the perjury was taken for truth, and was held up as
evidence of the increasing contempt natives held for the English in the face of the
Ilbert Bill. It was contended that servants, in these alleged attacks on women, were
acting as a result of agitation by the middle class Indian supporters of the Bill. As the
head of police intelligence in Bengal wrote in a letter to the viceroy’s private
secretary: “The agitators in favour of the Bill are a new class of rising politicians,—
men whose ways and thoughts are distasteful to older and steadier men…. The talk of
these men reaches the lower classes and bears evil fruit.”52
However, before this, through the spring of 1883, rather than posing a physical
or sexual threat, servants feature as those who would use the change in the law to
behave in an unacceptably insubordinate way towards their Anglo-Indian employers,
QUERY TO AUTHOR: Previously you have used upper-case “E” for “Empire.” I can see that here you may be using the word in a slightly different sense, but did you want upper-case or lower-case “E” here?
Rhetorical uses of assumptions about servant character were important in the
discourses through which the identities of Indians and Englishmen and women were
mutually constituted and refined in the controversy. This was always an uneven and
contradictory process, racked with ambivalence and uncertainty. However, attention
to the particular nature of the servant-employer relationship in India, in relation to the
Ilbert Bill controversy, reveals the ways in which specific class and gender boundaries
and generalised racisms intersected to simultaneously constitute and undermine
homogenous constructions of English and Indian identity. Furthermore, by
foregrounding the role attributed to servants in this controversy, we are able to see the
central significance of power relations organised in the domestic sphere to the
“higher” politics that determined the nature of British governance of India.
Mrinalini Sinha, Colonial Masculinity: The manly Englishman and the effeminate Bengali
(Manchester: Manchester University Press 1995), 33.2 For Ilbert’s proposal see Parliamentary Papers 1884, vol. 60, 3952. I have mainly used
Hirschmann’s account of the details of and the background to the situation, as well as Sinha’s
synopsis of the legal anomaly that prompted the drafting of the Bill. See Edwin Hirschmann,
“White Mutiny”: The Ilbert Bill crisis in India and the genesis of the Indian National Congress
(Delhi: Heritage 1980), 5–23, and Sinha, Colonial Masculinity, 33, 35–38.3 I use “Anglo-Indian” throughout this article according to its contemporary usage to refer to white
Britons resident in India, who may or may not have also referred to themselves as British, English,
or European, depending apparently on context. I have seen few references to people as Welsh or
Scottish though there were many Scots and Welsh people in India at this time. Of course, who was
and was not included in the category of “Anglo-Indian” was a vexed question and requires further
research.4 Sinha, Colonial Masculinity, 39; Christine Dobbin, “The Ilbert Bill: A study of Anglo Indian
opinion in India, 1883,” Historical Studies Australia and New Zealand 13/45 (Oct. 1965): 93.5 In an effort to secure the loyalty of the Western-educated Indian middle class, Ripon sought to
remove some of the existing racial bars against natives through measures such as the repeal of the
Vernacular Press Acts and the passage of the Local Self-Government Act, to the chagrin of the
Anglo-Indian community. Gladstone was well aware of the problem of balancing the demands of
Anglo-Indians with the expectations of Indians, writing to Ripon: “There is a question to be
answered; where, in a country like India, lies the ultimate power, and if it lies for the present on one
side but for the future on the other, a problem has to be solved as to preparation for that future, and
it may become right and needful to chasten the saucy pride so apt to grow in the English mind
towards foreigners, and especially towards foreigners whose position has been subordinate” (Letter
from Gladstone to Ripon, 17 April 1883, in India, Correspondence with Persons in England,
Marquis of Ripon, 1883, BP 7/5, 64a.)6 Editorial, The Times, 4 February 1883.7 See for example S. Gopal, The Viceroyalty of Lord Ripon 1880–1884 (Oxford: Oxford University
and the Politics of Masculinity,” in Studies in History [India] 14/1 (Jan.-June 1998).8 Singha, “Nationalism, Colonialism and the Politics of Masculinity,” 130.9 See Hirschmann, “White Mutiny”, 103; Dobbin, “The Ilbert Bill,” 91.10 Raymond. K. Renford, The Non-Official British in India to 1920 (Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1987), 211; Dobbin, “The Ilbert Bill,” 88.11 Extract from first resolution of public protest meeting in Calcutta, Civil and Military Gazette, 6
March 1883, 3.12 Letter, 30 April 1883, from Colonel W.S. Clarke, Deputy Commissioner, Khasi and Jaintie Hills,
to the Secretary to Chief Commissioner, Assam, in The Local Opinions on the Criminal Procedure
Code Amendment Bill (Calcutta, 1883), 9.13 Letter from “Magna Charta,” The Englishman, 17 March 1883.14 Letter from Gibbs to Ripon, 23 March 1883, The Marquis of Ripon. Correspondence with
Persons in India 1883, BP 7/6, 173.15 Letter from Gibbs to Ripon, March 23 1883, The Marquis of Ripon, Correspondence with
Persons in India, 1883, BP 7/6, 173.16 Quoted in Hirschmann, “White Mutiny”, 105.17 Letter from Gibbs to Ripon, 18 November 1883, The Marquis of Ripon, Correspondence with
Persons in India, 1883, BP 7/6, vol. 2, 150.18 Letter, The Englishman, 10 February 1883.19 Letter from “Indignation,” The Pioneer, 3 July 1883.20 Lewis. D. Wurgaft, The Imperial Imagination: Magic and myth in Kipling’s India (Middletown,
Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 1983), 75.21 Wurgaft, The Imperial Imagination, 75.22 See for example Leonore Davidoff, Worlds Between: Historical perspectives on gender and class
(London: Routledge, 1995); Mary Procida, Married to the Empire: Gender, politics and
imperialism in India, 1883–1947 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002); Fae Dussart,
“Aspects of the Employer/Servant Relationship in Nineteenth Century England and India” (Ph.D.
diss., London, 2005).23 Edward Braddon, Life in India (London: Longmans and Co., 1872), 113.24 See for example the recommendation in Mrs Eliot James, A Guide to Indian Household
Management (London: Ward, Lock and Co, 1879), 44 –46; also, “An Anglo-Indian,” Indian Outfits
and Establishments: A practical guide for persons about to reside in India (London: L.U. Gill,
1882), 49.25 An Anglo-Indian, Indian Outfits and Establishments, 49.
26 Report on the Census of British India taken on the 17th February 1881, Vols I, II, III (HMSO.
1883); Statistics of the British-Born Subjects recorded at the Census of India, 17th February 1881
(Calcutta, 1883).27 Letter to her mother, 27 March 1857, Letters of Maria Lydia Wood, MSS/Eur/B210/A, OIOC.28 Nupur Chaudhuri, “Memsahibs and their Servants in Nineteenth-century India,” in The Women’s
History Review 3/4 (1994) 553.29 “A Lady Resident,” TheEnglishwoman in India (London: Smith, Elder and Co, 1864), 60.30 Mary Hobhouse, Letters from India 1872–1877 (Edinburgh: Printed for private circulation, 1906),
9.31 F.A. Steel and G. Gardiner, The Complete Indian Housekeeper and Cook (London: W.
Heinemann, 1898), 7.32 Letter from “C,” The Englishman, 14 March 1883; Letter from “Indignation,” The Pioneer, 3 July
1883.33 Letter from “An Englishwoman,” The Englishman, 14 March 1883.34 Letter from “Dread,” Civil and Military Gazette, 23 March 1883.35 Times of India, 7 February 1883.36 Editorial, The Englishman, 26 June 1883.37 Editorial, The Englishman, 26 June 1883.38 Letter from “C,” The Englishman, 14 March 1883.39Abstract of Proceedings of the Governor General of India in Council, XXII, 164–65.40 Letter from M. Townsend to Hughes, 30 March 1883, enclosed in Ripon to Hughes, 7 May 1883,
The Marquis of Ripon, Correspondence with Persons in England, BP 7/5, 1883, 88.41 Letter from “An Englishwoman,” The Englishman, 14 March 1883.42 Letter from “Indignation,” The Englishman, 28 August 1883.43 Sinha, Colonial Masculinity, 55.44 Letter from Flora MacDonald to The Englishman, 13 March 1883.45 Speech reported in Madras Mail, 24 February 1883.46 Letter from “Magna Charta,” The Englishman, 17 March 1883.47 Letter from “Magna Charta,” The Englishman, 17 March 1883.48 “Our Peers,” The Englishman, 16 April 1883.49 Letter from “Indignation,” The Pioneer, 3 July 1883.50 Letter from A.O. Hume to Dufferin, The Viceregal Papers of the Marquess of Dufferin and Ava,
Correspondence in India, July–September 1885, MSS Eur IOR Neg 4337, OIOC51 Letter from A.O. Hume to Dufferin, The Viceregal Papers of the Marquess of Dufferin and Ava,
Correspondence in India, July–September 1885.
52 Lambert to Primrose, 18 July 1883, The Marquis of Ripon, Correspondence with Persons in
India, 1883, BP 7/6, vol. 2, 27–28.53 Letter from “Justice,” The Englishman, 5 March 1883.54 Mr Atkins, a railwaymen’s delegate sent to Britain to rally support amongst working men there,
was regarded by Edinburgh railway delegates “as representing a sort of nearly extinct Indian dodo.”
The Englishman, 28 January 1884, quoted in Dobbin, “The Ilbert Bill,” 94.55 Letter from “F.W.S.,” The Englishman, 16 February 1883.56 Extract from “Our Peers,” Poem, The Englishman, 16 April 1883.57 Letter from “C,” The Englishman, 14 March 1883.58 Letter from “Bengalee G.G.,” The Englishman, 15 March 1883.59 Joke advertisement, The Englishman, 29 March 1883.60 The Englishman, 5 March 1883.61 “A Lady Resident,” The Englishwoman in India, 59.