Tnu Atroriginot / Suttfer Ctotft - Queen Victoria Museum & Art ...

Tnu Atroriginot / Suttfer Ctotft

irt'l/on D iu*erl's Land

1803 - 1831

Af,J.R. Qfomfey

Honorary Research AssociateQueen Victoria Museum & Art Gallery

with the assistance of Martina Smythe and Caroline Goodall

N.J.B. Plomley (1992)THE ABORIGINAL/SETTLER CLASH IN VAN DIEMEN'S LAND 1803-1823Occasional Paper No. 6Queen Victoria Museum & Art GalleryTasmaniaIn association with the Centre for Tasmanian Historical StudiesUniversity of Tasmania, Hobart

Cover: "At tack on a sct t ler 's hut . " From a painhng publ ished by James Bonrv ick inThe last of the Tasmanians (1870)

CONTENTS

1. The Aboriginal/Sett ler Clash in Van Diemen's Land 1803 - 1831

2. Bibliography

3. Tables

4. Graphs

5. Maps

6. Appendix: Aboriginal/Settler clash: incidents reported 1804 - 183i 53

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THE ABORTGTNAL/SETTLER CLASH IN YAN DIEMEN' S LAND 1.803 - 1823

Mankind has two requisites for living, one an adequate supply of food and theother a stable social environment. Different peoples have adopted different waysof gaining these ends.

The Australian colonies, Iike those in America earlier, had been settled by theBritish under the convenient dictum of terra nullius, that is, it was held that theland was unoccupied, it was waste land. Any native people who might be livingon such land had no right to do so because they had no legal title in it. Indeed,such a natural population was not only in all ways inferior to a European people,lacking their technology, their civilisation and their Christian religion, but itmight even be sub-human, as many thought the native people to be in Australia.This last perception gave an even greater excuse for treating native peoples as anexpendable part of the natural environment, one to be cleared away as the settlersthemselves decided. As for the occupation itself, the European settlers had beforethem the injunction of their God to make all parts of the Earth fruitful, that is,fruitful in their terms. To justify this occupation the principle of terra nulliuswas invoked, and it was made workable by the declaration of the invaders thatthe Aborigines were now British subjects and so were under the control of thatSovernment and its legal system. Because that legal system was based upon thelaws of evidence relating to Britons, there was no hope that the Aborigineswould receive a fair hearing under it. As a result, the European settlers could getaway with murder, whereas the Aborigines could not.

From the very beginnings of Brit ish settlement in Australia, the invadersconsidered they had a right to absolute possession, and in spite of the official lineof conciliating the natural inhabitants, the settlers went ahead with gainingpossession. This applied throughout Australia, wherever the British intruded.

The situation in Tasmania seems to have differed from that in Australiagenerally because Tasmania is an island of limited area, whereas the area ofmainland Australia is virtually unlimited. In Tasmania the solution to theproblem was seen by the Europeans as clearing the Aborigines from the landuPon which they had settled - and might wish in the future to occupy. It was notrealised by the European settlers who occupied Tasmania in 1803 that a duality ofuse of the territory presented a serious problem. They thought no more wasneeded than to drive the Aborigines from the lands they were taking over. It wasnot unti l about 1824 that the settlers came to realise that the presence of theAborigines was a serious threat to them - this was in fact the time when theAborigines began actively to resist the presence of the settlers on their triballands.

Faced with this problem, the policy adopted by the settlers was to remove theAborigines from the territory by transporting them to another place where thispeople could not obstruct them from doing as they wished with the land inTasmania. Both before and after 1824 the settlers reacted to the presence of theAborigines on the lands they considered to be theirs by right by driving them off

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by force, even if this meant killing them, and this was done either directlythrough their servants or by an acquiescence in ill-treatment and killing byservants, or by police and military in the course of their various operations.

There was some official flirtation with a proposal to set aside one or morereserves on mainland Tasmania to which the Aborigines would be closelyrestricted, but the clamour of the settlers for transporting the Aborigines to anearby island where they could be safely guarded and from where they could notregain their homeland made this latter the desired solution. The only thingsthen to be done were to choose a suitable island and to round up the Aborigines,the first much easier to accomplish than the second.

In mainland Australia, on the other hand, it was considered there was always ahinterland where the inhabitants of the lands wanted by the settlers could findrefuge, a delusion which is still prevalent among many.

Until "1.824 or thereabouts the takeover of the lands useful to the settlers inTasmania proceeded without much hindrance from the Aborigines, butthereafter there developed a state of war, virtual or actual, a "Seven Years War",which was waged by both sides with increasing bitterness.

To understand the origin of this war we must seek its causes. These can besummed up in one word, territory. Occupation of the land in Tasmania wassimply the resolution of who should have the use of it. It was vital to each groupto be able to use the land according to its own needs. The Aborigines obtainedtheir food from the territories they occupied, and to be prevented from doing thisor having that food destroyed by the new occupiers meant that they starved, andthere is evidence that this is what actually happened. On the other hand, thesettler needed to use the land in such a way that his cattle and sheep could obtainthe grasses they fed on, or could clear it easily for the growing of crops.

It seems strange that the settlers never gave a thought to the fact that theAborigines must eat to live, and believed only that the Aborigines robbed themof their own food supplies because they had acquired a taste for Europeanluxuries. The Aborigines did understand this, that is, that they needed a foodsupply, but its realisation came only slowly, so that it was not for some years thatthey saw that the settlers were starving them as a consequence of theirappropriation of their territories. Even today this primary need for food isunderstood better by the underprivileged rather than by the well fed.

There is evidence that the Aborigines generally came to realise that they weregoing to starve only about 7824, and it was then that their clashes with the settlersmoved from retaliation for specific wrongs to a determination to drive thesettlers from their territories, in other words, 1824 marked the beginning of theBlack War.

Nothing has been said above about that other requirement of mankind for awhole way of lif.e, a stable social environment. The subject will not be consideredhere because the data presented do not relate to it. There is no dearth of evidence

for the disruption of the social life of the Tasmanians, but it is not quantitative.The removal of native women from the tribes to enslave them, the stealing ofAboriginal children, and the destruction of the family and social life of the tribe,were the chief causes of this disruption.

THE WRITTEN RECORD

Any historical study is dependent upon the quality of the primary sources ofinformation about it. With this study of the Aboriginal/settler clash inTasmania, the work has had to contend with the prime difficulty that there isvirtually no record emanating from the Aborigines themselves and everythinghas come from or through only one of the peoples involved, the Europeansettlers.

Moreover, the period i804-1831 shows a great unevenness in the extent andquality of the records in Tasmania. It was not unti l 1824 that Lieutenant-Governor George Arthur instituted a comprehensive system of public records.Few of the earlier records exist in public or accessible collections and so it isdifficult to obtain good evidence on matters dealing with the relations betweenBlack and White in Tasmania before 7824.

Although there are few clear records of the Aboriginal/settler clash between 1803and 1823, the proclamations of Lieutenant-Governors Collins, Davey and Sorellmake it clear that all was not well then. In February 1808 and again in january1810, Coll ins threatened the criminal prosecution of those who molestedAborigines. In ]une 1813 Davey made known his "utter indignation andabhorrence" at the "most barbarous and inhuman" practice of robbing the nativesof their children, which in the neighbourhood of Coal River had led the nativesto attack the stock there. In March 1819 Sorell made known that he was awarethat "many of the settlers and stockkeepers consider the natives as a hostilepeople", but that when the natives were the assailants, which was seldom, it wasin reprisal for recent injustices by the settlers. In this proclamation Sorell alsoreferred to the abduction of native children.

The written record as a whole suffers from one particular defect: it is onlyconcerned with attacks by the Aborigines on the settlers, and if it mentions theattacks on the Aborigines it does so only to record wounding, death or capture.

So far as the official record is concerned, it is on the whole a factual one because itis based upon statements by the magistrates of the various districts. The errorshere lie chiefly in the exaggerations of informants, who in striving to presenttheir cases in the best possible light claimed that larger bodies of Aborigines wereinvolved, or were killed, and that greater damage was done. Where the officialrecord is at fault particularly is in regard to the lists of clashes in the period 7825-1830 which Arthur instructed the magistrates of the various districts to preparefor him (March, 1830). only one of them is reliable, that prepared by JorgenJorgenson for Thomas Anstey about events in the Oatlands district, but even that

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has errors, particularly in the early years. Generally speaking, the lists for all theother districts are inadequate and contain many errors. Luckily, statements canoften be checked against earlier records. It is clear that most of the magistratesdepended upon imperfect memories in compiling the lists they sent to thegovernment.

So far as the newspaper record is concerned, for the earliest years there is only theSydney Gazette. Then in 1816 the Hobart Town Gazette began publication, to besupplemented in 1825 by the first of the non-official newspapers. The material inthe Gazettes is generally factual. On the other hand, the non-official newspapersnot only paid almost as much attention to rumour as to events, but commentedfreely upon the situation. Rumour sometimes led a newspaper to proclaimatrocities in one issue and refute them in the next. While much of the commentexhorts the government to rid Tasmania of the Aboriginal menace by banishingthem to some island, there was no unanimify about how this desirable state ofaffairs should be brought about.

The paucity of the record for the early years of settlement is brought out dearly inthat admirable thesis of Marie Fels (1982) concerning the Aboriginal/settler clash.Unfortunately, it deals only with the County of Buckingham for the years 1803-1811. We do not know what the situation was in the County of Cornwall then,and we do not know what happened in Tasmania generally between 1811 and1.823. So far as events in Cornwall are concerned, there is some evidence that theexperience of Lieutenant-Colonel Will iam Paterson,. Commandant at PortDalrymple, differed from what happened in the southern territory administeredby Lieutenant-Governor David Collins. Paterson's troops belonged to the NewSouth Wales Corps and their experience in that Colony had been that they mustkeep the Aborigines under control by firm action whenever they showed anyresistance to the presence of the settlers. Lieutenant-Governor Collins' troops, onthe other hand, were men of the Royal Marines and had come to Tasmania directfrom Britain. The Marines, as the military men associated with the Navy, wouldhave had a very different outlook and experience from the men of the NewSouth Wales Corps, who had been recruited in that Colony and were familiarwith day-by-day activities there. The first duty of the Marines was to protectBritish installations.

There was another difference between the two settlements, and this was that thecountry along the banks of the Tamar River and around Launceston was largelygrassland and open forest, supporting a heavy population of kangaroos andwallabies and therefore supplying the Aborigines with an abundance of food. By1811 the situation in the north was beginning to change with the opening up ofthe Midlands, but the record of Aboriginal affairs in that region has not beenstudied, if indeed records exist. AII we do know is that occupation of theMidlands by the settlers resulted in the decline of the Aboriginal populationliving there.

Marie Fels came to two general conclusions in her study of the situation inBuckingham in 1803-1811. The first of these was that the attacks by the

.. Aborigines took place because of the killing of the kangaroo by the settlers, this

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depriving the Aborigines of their natural food. None of these attacks concernedrobbery from huts or was primarily for the purpose of killing settlers, and onlyone of them seems not to have been associated directly with the ki l l ing of thekangaroo, this being the wounding of a man living in a hut near New Norfolk.Fels thinks this was some sort of ritual wounding, but it might rather have beenwounding because the man had done something which deeply offended theAborigines, perhaps taking one of their women or killing some of them.

The second conclusion reached by Fels is that wanton attack and ill-treatment bythe sett lers was confined to a few individuals among them. She could f indevidence for only three men offending in this way in the period she dealt with:Russell , Lemon and Carrett. However, there is evidence that such ruthlessnesswas by no means confined to this early period, but continued until the end. Suchbehaviour took two forms, practised either by the individual or by the mob. Inthe 1830s such individuals included James Cupitt, nine t imes attacked by theAborigines, often wounded; and there was Alexander Goldie of the VanDiemen's Land Company. The Klu Klux Klan type mob who hunted down andkilled parties of Aborigines is on record in G.A. Robinson's journals, but as mightbe expected was never the occasion of public statement.

Ear ly in 1830 L ieutenant-Governor Ar thur set up a commit tee under thechairmanship of Archdeacon W.G. Broughton of Sydney, who was then visit ingHobart Town, "to enquire into the origin of the hostility displayed by the BlackNatives of this island against the settlers, and to consider the measures expedientto be adopted with a view of checking the devastation of property and thedestruction of human l ives occasioned by the state of warfare which has soextensive ly prevai led" . The Broughton Commit tee took ev idence f rom anumber of sett lers, including a few of those who had arrived with Coll ins in1804. The conclusions reached with regard to the attacks by the Aborigines wereas follows -

(1) there was, beyond all doubt, in the disposition of the Aborigines, alurking spirit of cruelty and malicious craft.

these acts of violence on the part of the natives were generally to beregarded, not as retaliating for any wrongs which they conceivedthemselves collectively or individually to have endured, but asproceeding from a wanton and savage spirit inherent in them, andimpelling them to mischief and cruelty when it appeared probablethey might be perpetrated wirh impunity.

there could be no hesitation in tracing to the manifold insults andinjuries which these unhappy people have sustained from thedissolute and abandoned characters whom they haveunfortunately encountered, the universal and permanentexcitement of that spir i t which now prevails, and which leadsthem to wreak indiscriminate vengeance, as often as they f indopportunity, on the persons and property of the white population.

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(3)

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There is little of all this that is correct. The first finding, "a lasting spirit of crueltyand mischievous craf.t", is no more than an emotive view of what washappening from the viewpoint of one of the part ies, the sett lers. As for thesecond, the evidence seems to point to the fact that although retal iat ion fromwrongs and injuries did govern the reactions of individuals, it was not the causeof the general uprising by the Aborigines. There is no evidence at all that the actsof violence after 1824 proceeded "from a wanton and savage spirit inherent in

them", which after all is only another way of saying that in the Aborigines was tobe found "a lasting spir i t of cruelty and mischievous craft". Lastly, the blameat tached to the "d issolute and abandoned characters whom they haveunfortunately encountered" is little more than an attempt to absolve from blamethe landowners. I t is quite true that the shepherds and stockmen were theprincipal persons who harried and injured and ki l led the Aborigines, but they

can be seen as being the infantry on a frontier where a war was being waged.

VARIATION IN POPULAT/ONS OF ABOR/G/NES AND SETTIERS, 1803 - 1832

Populat ion of Abor ig ines

There are no firm data concerning the numbers of Aborigines in Tasmania at anyperiod between 1803 and 1831. The original population at the t ime the islandbegan to be settled by Europeans - there had been some contact with kangaroohunters and sealers during the two or three years preceding 1803 - can oniy beguessed at. An estimate based upon the average size of the tribes and theirnumber suggests a figure of 4,000 to 6,000, perhaps close to 5,500 (Plomley, 1992).

H.M. Hull (1866) in his statist ical summary of population in Tasmania, givesfigures for the Aboriginal population in each year between 1824 and 1831, butagain these f igures are guesses. They are the right order of magnitude, butprobably a little too low. A population of about 350 in 1831 is suggested as beingmore realist ic, and is based on the numbers captured by G.A. Robinson, thosesent to the Aboriginal Sett lement on Flinders Island by others who madecaptures, and reports of a few remnant groups located in part icular regions ofTasman ia .

It will be seen that between 1803 and 1831 the original population had declined toless than one-tenth of i ts number before sett lement began. The causes of thisdecimation were several, and included deaths from European disease and inaffrays with the sett lers, the removal of women from the breeding population forslavery, the disruption of social l i fe, an inadequate supply of food, and so on. Allthese causes operated together to bring about the decline, and none of them canbe pointed to as being predominant. Although the introduction of Europeandisease could bring about death very quickly, as for example the deaths frompneumonia at Macquarie Harbour in ]uly 1833 (Plomley,7966, chapter 6), there isnot the least evidence that epidemics ki l led large numbers of the population atsome one period or other. No record has been found of large numbers of bodiesfound lying unburied anywhere in Tasmania at any period. It can therefore be

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concluded that the decline in population was, general ly speaking, gradual,

although more or less rapid at one t ime or another. Thus, i t is l ikely thatAborigines of the eastern parts of Tasmania declined more rapidly than those ofthe western parts, because the Europeans occupied the eastern half of Tasmaniawhen they f irst came, rather than the western, where the only contacts withEuropeans were with the piners in the Port Davey region, at Macquarie Harbour,and in the north-west where the Van Diemen's Land Company had settled.

One may therefore guess that at the beginning of the Black War in 1824 therewere at least six hundred Aborigines in the eastern parts of Tasmania and morethan twice that number in western parts, say 1,500 in al l . An attempt has beenmade to summarise these ideas in Graph 1.

Populat ion of Set t lers

Data concerning the sett ler population in Tasmania from 1818 to 1831 are givenby Hull (1866) and can be accepted as a true picture. Hull also gives figures for1816 and 7877, but that for 1816 refers to the County of Cornwall only, and that for1817 is not based on a census.

Data are also available for some of the earl ier years, but are not complete. Anintensive review of documents may reveal them. They have been obtainedlargely from Fels (1982) and from the Historical Records of Austral ia. They areshown, with Hull 's data, in Table 1.

AII the data are shown graphically in Graph 2. The rate of increase in theEuropean population, driven by transportation and by free migration, was veryhigh after 7877: from 3,774 in 1817 it increasedto 4,477 in 1819,7,400 in 1821, and10,000 in 1823. Thereafter it went up in leaps and bounds, reaching26,640 in 1831.By 7877 the rate of increase appears to have become logarithmic.

The great increase in population after 1817 points clearly to the major cause of theAboriginal/sett ler clash, because not only was an increasing number of sett lersoccupying land in Tasmania - and the most productive land from the viewpointof the supply of food available for the Aborigines - but the extent of terr i toryoccupied by the settlers was increasing.

TERRITORY OCCUPIED BY THE SETTLERS

The f irst attempt to show where in Tasmania land was sett led by Europeans, wasmade by Plomley (7966, pp.40, 47). These maps indicated the places where landwas taken up by sett lers arriving in Tasmania between (a) 1804 and 1818, and (b)1819 and 1828. The data were compiled from information in McKay (7962), andwere based upon the dates when the various sett lers arrived. The maps givesome ind icat ion of the great increase in land occupat ion af ter 1818 (Maps7,2) .

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Other information can be derived from mapping the areas of land grants between1804 and 1823 (Morgan, 7987). These maps are shown here for the years 1813,1818, 7879,1820,1821 and 1823 (Maps 3 - 8). The following points emerge -

(1) during the first ten years of settlement, that is, in the period 1803 -1813, only a small area of land in the north around Launceston,and in the south around Hobart and extending north-westwardsaround New Norfolk and north-eastwards around Pittwater, hadbeen granted to settlers.

(2) by 1818 the new land grants had served only to broaden the earlierregions.

(3) this trend continued in 1819. 1820 and 7821.

(4) by 7823 the northern and southern areas had extended along theline of the road between Launceston and Hobart, linking them upin a line of settiements which cut off the eastern areas from thosebetween the road and the Western Tiers, and so restricting accessbetween the two for the Aborigines.

Morgan's data do not provide a complete view of the situation. In the first place,the date of granting title would have been two or three years after the land wasfirst occupied. In the second place, the grant data take no account of crown landsunder lease for depasturing sheep and cattle, or those lands which were used bythe settlers without authority or had been opened up by exploration or overwhich there was hunting.

The interference in free movement and food gathering over lands occupied bythe Aboriginal tribes must therefore have been considerable for a number ofyears before 1.823, yet it was not until about 7824 that the Aborigines began toresist the occupation of their lands by the settlers, and the Black War began.

It might be asked whether the onset of the Black War was triggered by certainincidents in Aboriginal/settler relations, such as the hangings of Aborigines inHobart in February 1825 and September 7826, and the gross ill-treatment of a partyof Aborigines who visited Launceston in ]anu ary 7825. These events took place,however, after the beginning of the Black War.

THE ABORIGINAL/SETTLER CLASH

The view of the Aboriginal/sett ler clash to be presented here is that with thespread of settlement the Aborigines were deprived of their natural living areas,and that this led both to a disruption of their normal lives and to an increasingscarcity of food and eventually to starvation.

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The Prel iminary Period, L801 - 1823

Between 1803 and 1823 there was no concerted effort by the Aborigines to drive

the sett lers from the lands they had appropriated. Between 1803 and 1811 the

situation in the north differed from that in the south of Tasmania. In the north

the clash between Aborigines and settlers appears to have occurred because the

settlers were occupying lands upon which the natives depended for their food

supply, the grasslands and open forest along the Tamar River which supported a

dense population of kangaroos and wallabies. In the south there was a variant of

the same situation, it being the hunting of those animals to provide food for the

invaders which was resisted (Fels, 1982).

From the very l i t t le known about the period 1811 - 7823, the indication is that

most of the attacks by the Aborigines were a response to the injuries, either

physical or social, inflicted upon them by the Europeans. It is interesting to note

that during this period there were no reports of the robbery of huts by the

Aborigines, for food or for anything else, and the killings all seem to have been

reprisals on particular persons or were extended to those living in the vicinity of

some wrongdoer.

The data recorded in the Appendix for the years 1804 - 1823 have been plotted on

Map 9. In spite of the defects of the record, especially the want of information

about many cases of attack due to under-reporting, a few points can be made -

(1) the earliest records of attacks refer to the areas around Launcestonand around Hobart, and only extended later along the line of road

between those two centres. This pattern is no more than might be

expected with the way settlement spread.

(2) the records of the attacks around Launceston, and especially along

the Tamar, are fewer than those reported because the record is ofteninadequate for determining where they occurred.

(3) the very few records for this period of twenty years is in part an

expression of under-reporting and the absence of archives.Nevertheless, it does show clearly the absence of aggression by theAborigines during the period.

(4) the record of the attack on the sealers at Oyster Bay in March 1805 is

not related to other attacks except in so far as it involved thedestruction of kangaroo skins, and this would have been a show ofresistance by the Aborigines to the killing of animals upon whichthey relied for food.

(5) the attack on a seaman at Port Davey in April 1820 may have been areprisal for attacks on the Aborigines by the crews of boats visitingthe area and for injuries received.

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(6) the total number of recorded attacks for the first twenty years ofEuropean settlement was about thirty-five, that is, an average of1.75 attacks per year. There is little doubt that the record isdefective, there having been more attacks than those listed buteven doubling the number, the average would be only 3.5 attacksper year, about one-third the number recorded in 1824.

The Black War, 1824 - 1831

This period has been studied from two points of view, one a quantitative analysisof the occurrence of selected events over the period, for example, the variation inthe number of incidents occurring in each month; and the other by studyingwhere the attacks took place by means of the mapping of incidents.

The data uPon which both these aspects of the clash have been studied have beencompiled from government records and from newspapers, and are summarisedin the l ists of the Appendix. These lists do not include incidents on theproperties of the Van Diemen's Land Company in north-western Tasmania,which are dealt with separately, but they do include incidents affecting theCompany's stockyards in the Mersey Valley.

The lists are reasonably accurate, having been compiled from all the recordsfound which aPpear to concern each incident. They cannot be regarded asabsolutely correct because there are often differences between the differentstatements relating to some incident, so that the more likely account has had tobe decided. Moreover, there is no way of correcting exaggerations in the record,and it must be remembered that for this reason there must always be doubt.Nevertheless, the picture presented in the information given in the Appendix isas accurate as it has been possible to make it, based upon the author's experiencein dealing with this type of record.

To make the record as compact as possible, a number of symbols have been used,and these are listed in the preamble of the Appendix. Such symbols refer to thetype of injury inflicted, the articles taken, and so on.

All records have references to the sources, and these must be consulted forclarif ication and detai ls.

Annual Inc idents, 1824 - 1831

The total number of incidents involving Aborigines and sett lers in each yearfrom 1824 to 1831 is shown in Graph 3 and Table 2.

The number was small in 1824 and 1825, about one per month on average, but in1826 the number increased and continued to do so steadily unti l a maximum of222 was reached in 1830. In 1831 the number of inc idents dec l ined sharp ly ,probably due to the activity of the Roving Part ies and the disruption caused bythe Black Line at the end of 1830.

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Monthly Incidents, 1824 - 1831,

The total number of incidents involving Aborigines and settlers which occurred

during each month of every year from 7824 to 1831 are shown in Graph 4. Thenumbers graphed do not include incidents for which the date of the attack isunknown, that is, those marked N/D.

The graph shows the overall monthly variation in the numbers of attacks. Thereare clear peaks in the frequency of attacks in March and November. The periodsof the year in which the fewest attacks took place were December/January and

June/July.

The greatest number of attacks occurred in spring and early summer, withanother large number about March. Such high points wil l be referred to as"starvation peaks", because they are most marked at t imes when it could beexpected that food would be short, this especially in the spring following a hardwinter.

It must be noted particularly that nearly the whole of the record in the Appendixconcerns "inland" tribes (Plomley, 7992). Such tribes based their food uponhunted animals, the kangaroo and the wallaby especial ly. In only a l imitedregion, largely that involving the tribes of Oyster Bay, do "coastal" tribes, with adiet comprising largely seafoods, form part of the record.

The separate figures for each year are shown in Graph 5 (A - H). These graphsshow that in the years 7824, 1825 and 1825 the numbers of attacks was small andshowed little variation from month to month. It was not until November 7826that a clear "starvation peak" was seen.

In 7827 the spring "starvation peak" was evident, and in 1828 the autumn andspring peaks were well established. In 1829 there was no autumn peak and theIevel of attacks was high throughout the first half of the year, but there was awell-marked spring peak.

In 1830 there were two well-marked peaks of attacks, the first rather early in theyear, and the second reaching its high point at the end of winter, with i tsmaximum in August. Attacks remained high in spite of the operations of theBlack Line in October and November of that year, that is, in spite of the nativesbeing harried by those operations food was a necessity and the Aboriginesattacked the sett lers' huts to get i t .

In 1831 the pattern of attacks changed dramatical ly. The eastern Aborigines hadnow been reduced by capture and death to a lmost one group, the BigRiver/Oyster Bay mob, and this remnant of twenty-six people was captured byG.A. Robinson at the end of December 1831. That capture meant that almost al lthe Aborigines inhabit ing the eastern part of Tasmania had been removed fromthe terri tory.

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The pichrre for 1831 shows a fairly constant level of attack throughout the year, aswould be expected from a small group forced to be constantly on the move.

The V.D.L. Company's North-roestern Properties, L827 - 1834

It is instructive to consider the Aboriginal/settler clash as it affected the VanDiemen's Land Company's properties in north-western Tasmania. Its f irstsettlement there was established in October 1,826, and before that time the onlyinterference experienced by the Aborigines was from raids by the sealers forwomen. The properties were managed by Edward Curr. To all intents andpurposes they were separated from the rest of Tasmania, both because of theirisolation and by the legislative basis of their Charter. Curr became know as the"Potentate of the North", and this was a real expression of his outlook. Althoughone of the Colony's Magishates, he conducted affairs solely on the basis of whathe thought was best for the Company. So far as Aboriginal affairs wereconcerned, Curr failed entirely in his duty as a Magistrate because he did not holdmagisterial enquiries on any occasion. By this failure he shielded wrong-doers inorder to keep the Company free from governmental interference. Two notoriousinstances of this were the killing of a number of Aborigines at Woolnorth in

]anuary 1828 who were said to have killed a flock of sheep; and the condoning ofthe murder of an Aboriginal woman by Alexander Goldie in August 1829(Lennox, 1990).

The data relating to these clashes are shown in Table 6 and Graph 6, in 6A thenumber of attacks in each year from 7827 to 1834 (after that time they ceased withthe removal of the last remnants of the tribes); and in 68 the attacks in eachmonth over the years 7827 to 1831. The attacks in the earlier years mostlyconcerned the Woolnorth region, those in the later years the Hampshire andSurrey Hills (Table 6).

The clashes each year were few and never exceeded six, the range being four tosix, and a number of them were attacks by shepherds and others against theAborigines. After 1831 the attacks declined markedly, to one in 1832 and anotherin 1835. This is in marked contrast to the situation in other parts of the Colony,where the Black War was being waged, and Curr's complaints to GovernorArthur about the damage being done to the Company by the Aborigines and theintrusion of eastern natives into his territories, should be interpreted in terms ofCurr's clear determination to rid the Company's properties of the Aborigines, ascan be seen in the many attacks against them.

It should be noted particularly that the attacks by the Aborigines were directedagainst the activities of the Company and its occupation of their territory, andthere is no record of an attack on a hut for the purpose of obtaining food. Theattacks by the Aborigines were either in reprisal for injuries done to them or weredirected against the Company's sheep and other stock, and those who looked afterthem. The first report of contact between the Company and the Aborigines, inMarch and April 1827, was that they were friendly.

17.

In Graph 68 the pattern of attacks over the years 7827 to 1831 shows that therewere more in the second half of the year. However, there is no suggestion in therecords that the larger number in spring represented a search for food, none ofthe clashes being of that nature. Perhaps they were related to seasonalmovements of the Aborigines in north-western Tasmania.

CHARACTER/STICS OF THE CLASH,1824 - 1831

It is instructive to obtain a quantitative view of the different events during theperiod 7824 - 1831, and especiaily of the variations in frequency of these events.Such information helps to explain the way in which the Black War proceeded. Itmust always be kept in mind that over the period the settler population wasincreasing, while the number of Aborigines was declining.

The quantitative data obtained from counts of incidents listed in the Appendixare set out in Tables 3,4 and 5. Table 3 shows the general pattern of attack uponthe settler's huts and the sorts of destruction and robbery occurring. Table 4 is ananalysis of a number of basic articles taken by the Aborigines during their raidsupon dwellings. Table 5 is an analysis to show the class of persons attacked by theAborigines, and the nature of their injuries.

Huts and Dwellings Plundered

This table refers only to huts and other dwell ings plundered, that is, to caseswhere the Aborigines succeeded in entering premises and removing articles. Thedata therefore represent the occasions upon which the attack was successful fromthe viewpoint of the Aborigines.

As would be expected from the data of Table 2 and Graph 3, the data numbers ofhuts and other dwellings plundered over the period 7824 - 1831 show a similarvar iat ion.

Attacks were successful in about 47Vowas variation from year to year, fromlower rate before then and in 1831.

Huts and Dwell ings Set on Fire

of cases over the whole period, but therea 50% success rate in 1829 and 1830 to a

The data include not only huts and other dwellings but also barns and stores seton fire by the Aborigines. Complete destruction, or nearly so, was usual.

The figures are surprisingly low, suggesting that the objective in an attack on ahut was not to destroy it but to obtain articles from it. In only two years, 1828 and1830, and to a less extent in 1829, did burnings exceed two in any year.

Firearms and Ammuni t ion Taken

The number of cases in which firearms and ammunition were taken when huts

were robbed was always fairly high. Over the period 7824 - 1829 this number

amounted to 75.5%, in 1830 it increased to 17.7Vo and in 1831 to 78.6%.

There is no mention of the use of f irearms against the sett lers in any of the

incidents listed in the Appendix, and no report elsewhere is known to me of such

use. Use of f irearms by the Aborigines for any purpose at al l is hardly

documented, though there are reports that they used them sometimes for

shooting ducks and other birds, but not the kangaroo or wallaby or other

mammals. We do know from comments in G.A. Robinson's journals of his

missions that the Aborigines kept the f irearms in good condit ion, that is, they

were readily usable.

There seems little doubt that the Aborigines obtained the settlers' firearms, that

is, removed them from their huts and dwell ings, so as to prevent their use

against them. Although their experience was that these firearms could not be

rel ied upon to f ire, yet they did know that when they did f ire they were

dangerous weapons. The Aborigines failed to use the firearms they obtained

against the settlers because they knew that their own weapons, and especially the

spear, were effective and that they could use them well. It can be concluded that

the Aborigines took f irearms to prevent their use against them. This receives

support from the increasing percentage of robberies which included f irearms,

reaching its peak in 1831, when the Aboriginal population had been reduced to a

small number of remnant groups.

Attacks on Liaestock

The instances of the killing and wounding livestock were low over the period of

the Black War, sheep being attacked a little more often than cattle; and horses

rarelv.

This contrasts with the situation in earlier years, with regard to sheep especially.

The record, vague as it is, makes it clear that at one time or another there had

been many attacks on flocks of sheep or on cattle. The reason for this decline is

not clear. It was only very rarely that the stock killed was eaten by the Aborigines,

that is, such attacks were for the purpose of deterring the settlers from occuPying

the territories they used for food gathering.

It can only be suggested that the decline lay in a change in Aboriginal thinking,

the people coming to a realisation that their problems arose in the increasing

number of sett lers on the one hand, and on the other to the shortage of their

natural food brought about by the occupation of their territories.

Crops and Stacks Destroyed

Only three cases of the destruction of growing crops and harvested stacks are

recorded in the Appendix. Sometimes, however, stores of grain were destroyed

19.

when outbuildings were set on fire. Although the destruction of crops was amatter of complaint by landowners, this seems to have had little actuality.

Goods Taken in Raids on Dwell ings

The goods taken by the Aborigines in their raids upon the sett lers' huts andhouses are listed in some degree in about half the robberies. When these data arebroken down into the type of goods taken (Table 4), i t is seen that general lyspeaking foodstuffs and blankets were taken most often, and that knives weresometimes included in the booty. The data dealt with below are almost certainlya representative sample of the type of goods taken in their raids.

F oodstuf f s

The record shows that f lour was the foodstuff usually taken, but that tea andsugar were nearly as popular. When potatoes were taken, though it was notoften, they were usually those growing in gardens or as crops. As pointed outabove, the increase in the number of robberies as the Black War proceeded is ameasure of the needs of the Aborigines, and this is the more definite because theAboriginal population was declining as t ime went on, to reach a very lownumber of people in eastern Tasmania by 1831.

The taste for tea and sugar was an acquired one for the Aborigines. It is wellsubstantiated not only in G.A. Robinson's journals but also in the record for theFlinders Island Aboriginal Settlement (Plomley, 7987).

Blankets, Bedding and Cloth ing

Although blankets and bedding are listed separately in the record, this is probablyno more than the use of different words to describe the same article.

The removal of blankets and bedding was small in 1824 - 7827, but in 1828 beganto increase and by 1830 these articles formed a fair proportion of the goods taken.By 1831 the few remaining eastern Aborigines appear to have had an amplesupply of these articles.

Kn iu es

Knives rarely formed part of the booty. The number of instances in which theywere taken was negligible before 7829, but i t showed some increase in 1829 and1830. There is some reason to doubt, however, whether this increase in removalpoints to an increased use by the Aborigines. This doubt arises because in thosetwo years there were reports of associations between Europeans and Aborigines,men joining bands of Aborigines to steal from the sett lers. This is indicated inone or two cases where it was reported that the knives stolen were of saleablequali ty and had been so selected from other knives belonging to the household.

It carr l-rc concluded that the Aborigines sti l l found the stone "knives" they were,farri l , ; . vri th more useful than the steel knives of the sett lers.

20.

Injuries Sustained in Attacks

The classes of people killed, woundedshown in Table 5, together withAborigines in those attacks.

and harassed in attacks by the Aborigines ispart iculars of the weapons used by the

First of all, it is clear that by far the largest number of persons to be attacked werethe servants of the settlers. This follows from the nature of their employment,most of them being shepherds and stockmen living in remote huts in the bushand spending their lives guarding the flocks and herds at pasture there. In effect,these were frontiersmen, and being so they suffered most in the Black War.

The number of landowners among those who wgre kil led and wounded inattacks by the Aborigines was relatively much smaller, and even these figures arein some way exaggerated because they include many owners of small farms, lessthan 100 acres extent, especially persons living along the Tamar River.

The few other persons killed or wounded included soldiers, police constables andtravellers.

The separation of a group who have been labelled as "harassed" representslargely those who were not injured in attacks on dwellings, either because theAborigines could not force their way into the hut under attack, or because theymanaged to escape by fl ight. A few of the "harassed" were travellers onhorseback who were chased by the Aborigines and had spears thrown at them.The weapon used by the Aborigines in most of these clashes was the spear.

Weapons Used by the Aborigines

The spear was the weapon used by the Aborigines in about 77Vo of. cases, waddiesin about 20Vo, and stones in less than 4%.

The Location of the Clashes, 1824 - 183L

The incidents reported in the Appendix are shown on Maps 77 - 20 in respect tothe places where they occurred. These maps show the locations in a whole yearfor each of 7824 - 7827, and 1831, and in the half-years for 1828 - 1830.

Records for which the date of occurrence has not been determined have not beenmapped.

The type of mapping for all years except 1828 - 1830 does not distinguish the datewhen the attacks occurred, and in the years 1828 - i830 distinguishes only the firsthalf (January - June) from the second half (july - December). Such mapping givesno more than an overall picture of where attacks took place. It is likely that amore detailed analysis of the sequence of attacks in particular areas and byparticular groups of Aborigines wil l disclose much information in regard to themovement of the people during the Black War and show, among other things,whether they were forced to move about from place to place under the stress of

21.

the settlers' occupation of their lands, or whether the various groups did manage

to hold on in their tr ibal terr i tories. Such analyses wil l not be attempted here,

even though the basic information for their study is to be found in the Appendix,

because what is being attempted in this paper is an overal l view of the

Aboriginal/sett ler clash in Tasmania'

The maps for the early years, 7824 - 7827, show general activity throughout the

settled districts. There was no particular region where attacks were concentrated.

The maps point to the presence of Aborigines in all areas of settlement, however

few there may have been in some of them.

The maps for 1828 (14, 15) show for the first time that there were more attacks in

the winter and spring (luly - December) than in the summer and autumn

(January - iune). This is clear from the monthly counts (Graph 5E), but the

increase in late summer and early autumn has been concealed by the crudity of

the mapping. To show such differences the mapping would have had to be based

on a different assembly of the data. This is evident also when the graphs and

maps for 7826 and 7827 are compared.

It is in the years 1829 and 1830 that the mapping brings out an important point

which is not clearly evident in the graphs. This is that although in 1829 there is a

clear difference between the number of attacks in summer and autumn, and in

winter and spring, with a larger number of attacks in the latter period, in 1830

there was little difference between the two peroids, a high level of attack being

sustained throughout the year. This appears to show that starvation was now

general throughout the year due to the wide restriction on food gathering.

The maps for 1.829 and 1830 (16 - 19) do bring out another point with regard to the

attacks. This is that the level of attacks in Northern Tasmania (Tamar River,

Launceston region, Western Road) did not change much during the whole of the

time, the increase lying in the number of attacks taking place in the southern

sett led regions, and especial ly in the country west and south of Oatlands. This

suggests that the northern attacks were mounted by small grouPs of Aborigines

who had managed to retain a foothold in their own regions, but that the remnant

of the central, southern and eastern tr ibes had joined together in loose

conglomerates in order to survive, and had resorted to the more rugged country

of the southern sett led regions.

The map for 1831 (20) shows that although there was a much smaller number of

attacks overal l , the distr ibution of those attacks was uniform, and even showed

an increase in the northern region. This can be interpreted as meaning that there

were sti l l a number of groups in al l the sett led areas who were managing to

survive in them, but suggests that each group was small, numbers having by

now decl ined very much; and a lso that these groups had been forced by

starvation to attack the huts of the Sett lers in order to rel ieve want.

22.

CONCTUS/ONS

The data presented above appear to show conclusively that the causes of the

Aboriginal/settler clash in Tasmania were not those of popular belief, which was

that the clash was brought about by an inveterate antagonism of the Aborigines

towards the settlers. There is no support for such a contention, the records of the

marine explorers showing clearly that the behaviour of the Aborigines was

friendly towards their visitors so long as they had nothing to fear from them.

The fr iendliest relations were established during the visit of the D'Entrecasteaux

Expedition in February L793, although fear seems to have been responsible for the

behaviour of the Aborigines when D'Entrecasteaux was there in 1792, as well as

for the fatal clash with Marion du Fresne's people rn 7772 and for the varying

response to the presence of Baudin's people in 1802.

The clash with the sett lers appears to have a different explanation, the data

showing that attacks were made either in retaliation for specific acts of the settlers

which were in some way harmful to the Aborigines, or to obtain art icles of

European manufacture which they desired to possess, or to preserve their way of

life and food supply.

There is little doubt that many, if not all, of the attacks by the Aborigines against

the settlers up to 1823 were reprisals for some sort of injury inflicted upon them.

Although the recording is defective and even if the numbers of attacks reported

here are much too low, perhaps by a factor of two or three, it is clear that attacks

occurred at irregular intervals and that their frequency was low until 7824.

In 1824 there was a considerable increase in the frequency of attacks, for in that

year there were eleven attacks, a great increase in comparison with an average of

about 1.7 incidents per year over the previous twenty years. Even if under-

recording raises this average three t imes, i t would st i l l have amounted to no

more than 5.1 incidents per year, less than half the number of attacks in 1824.

Some other points should be noted, one that the number of attacks in each of the

first twenty years of European settlement was very irregular, no attacks being

reported in some years. Another point is that the number of attacks did not

increase regularly as the years passed; and a third is that from 1824 the number of

attacks increased each year unti l 1831. By the end of 1831 the eastern Aborigines

had been removed to the Aboriginal Sett lement on the Furneaux islands except

for a very few individuals who were either still free or were living with settlers.

The data on the attacks between 1824 and 1831 give some indication of the cause

of these attacks. The few statements by the Aborigines which have been reported

suggest that their reason for attacking was a wish to r id their country of the

European sett lers. Such comments are - "go away, E]o away", an'd "parrawar,

parrawal , go away you whi te b-g-er , what bus iness have you here?" (see

Append ix ) . O the r repo r ted comments a re no t so de f i n i t e and cou ld be

interpreted in more than one way. Thus, in December 1826 Black Tom is

reprtrted having said - "YOu white b--r, give me Some more bread, and fry Some

mutton for us", a remark which could point to a wish by the Aborigines to have

European luxuries, a belief held by some settlers, for example by Jorgen Jorgenson(Plomley, 7997). in January 7827 a sett ler reported that the natives "have

repeatedly said they wil l , sooner or later, murder every white man in the Island",a;.d in August 1830 another reported that the natives were showing "a spir i t ofthe most determined and rancorous animosity". Both these reports are in accordwith the view which was widely held by the settlers that the Aborigines werenatural ly bloodthirsty and cruel and were determined to ki l l them all (ref.

f indings of the Broughton Enquiry in 1830). However, the data given in theAppendix show that most attacks were directed against the huts of the sett lersand it was those who occupied those huts who made up the majority of thepeople who were ki l led and injured.

All this is in keeping with the view that the prime object of the attacks by theAborigines on the settlers from 1824 onwards was to obtain the food and blanketsin their dwellings, and that there was associated with this form of action a wishto rid their lands of the settlers who were occupying them and so hindering themfrom living their normal lives and obtaining food.

One problem seems to remain. I f the attacks on the huts of the sett lers wereprimarily to obtain food, why did the Aborigines take other things from them? Itis not enough to reply that the removal of other articles than food was to inducethe settlers to quit their territories by destroying their belongs, because one type ofarticle was taken above all others, blankets. The explanation of this may well liein a new need of the Aborigines rather than in a lust for European luxuries. Thisneed had been brought about by the constant harrying by the Roving Parties, bythe stockmen and by the shepherds, which kept the Aborigines on the move,unable to have the warmth and shelter they were accustomed to, and needed forliving. Having blankets and the like, the Aborigines could not only be warm butcould abandon their camps at a moment's notice and still be warm wherever theymade a halt, even if they had to do without fire because the smoke would attractpursuers to them.

It seems reasonable to conclude from the data presented here that for the f irsttwenty years of European settlement, attacks by the Aborigines upon the settlersrvere in retaliation for wrongs inflicted upon them, but that after 7824 the attackswere purposeful, being motivated by u need to drive the sett lers from theirterr i tories in order to l ive their natural l ives, as well as by the starvation whichwas the outcome of that terr i torial occupation. The Aborigines attempted to gainthese ends by waging gueri l la warfare against the sett lers: tactical ly i t was highiysuccessful, defeated only by the declining number of the Aborigines and therapidly increasing number of the sett lers.

24.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Broughton, W.C. Report of the Aborigrnes Committee L9 March, 1830. In: Van Diemen's

I-and. Copies of aII correspondence between Lieutenant-Goaernor

Arthur and His Majesty's Seoetary of State for the Colonies, on the

subject of the military operations lntely carried on against the aboriginal

inhabitants of Van Diemen's land, House of Commons, vol. 79, no. 259,

23 September, 1831.

Fels, M.H. Culture contact in the County of Buckinghamshire, Van Diemcn's Land

1803 - 7817. Pap. Proc. Tasm. hist. ra. Ass.,29 (2), pp.a7-79,7982.

Historical Records ot' Series 3 (Tasmania).Austral ia

Hull, H.M. Statistical summary of Tasmania, from the year 1816 to 1865 inclusiae.Hobart,1866.

Lennox, C. The Van Diemen's Land Company and the Tasmanian Aborigines: Areappraisal. Pap. Proc. Tasm. hist. res. Assoc., 37 (4), pp.l65-208, 1990.(The particulars of clashes with the Aborigines are given in an earlierreport to the National Parks and Wildlife Service, Hobart.)

McKay,A.(ed.) lournals of the land commissioners t'or Van Diemen's land 1826 - 28.Hobart ,1962.

Morgan, S. Creating an antipodean England: A history of land settlement in VanDiemen's l-and 1803 - 1830. A report to the Queen Victoria Museum,Launceston, 1988.

Nicholls, M. (ed.) The diary of the Rnerend Robert Knopwood 1803 - 1838. Hobart, 7977.

Plomley, N.J.B. (ed.) Friendly mission. The Tasmanian journals and papers ot' CeorgeAugustus Robinson 1829 - 1B34. Hobart,7966.

Plomley, N.J.B. The Tasmanian tribcs. Queen Victoria Museum and Art GaIIery,Inunceston. Occasional Paper no. 5, 1992.

Plomley, N.J.B. Weep in silence. A history of the Flinders Island Aboriginal Settlement.Hobart. 1987.

r e a r

I 804

25.

TABLE

B u c k i n g h a m Cornwal l

+ J /

482 n l r r s q q ( 7 )r ' * '

478 say 240

say 400

Population in Tasmania L804L804 - 1815 (various sources),18L6 - 1831

189

1 806

I taot| 1808

I i809

say 530 i,600 say I

1 8 1 5

' no records

European populat ion only 1804 - 1815 : no data for Abor ig ines

' no data" County of Cornwal l only

European and Abor ig inal populat ion lBi6 1831

- 1831:(H.M. Hull, 1866).

Males Females Chi ldren Tota l Aborigines

1 8 1 6 no census L + o I

1877 no census 31 14

1 8 1 8 2320 +oL 458 3240

1 8 1 9 3495 M77

1820 3594 y00

1821 4762 7400

1822 6065 768r'^

1823 6850 i0.009

1824 9514 2798 12303 340

| 7825 10,979 J Z I J 1 4 1 q ) JZV

t826 11,501 3491 l A q q ) 320

r827 4M7 16,833 300

1828 14 047 408i 18,128 280

7829 75,143 +872 20,015 EO

I 1830 18,108 6 7 7 1 )4 )7q 225

i 831 19,815 6825 26,640 190

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28.

TABLE 6

1827

March - Apri l : native's fr iendly.November : minor theft from Fossey's camp.Novembcr : 2 sheep speared at Cape Grim.November : 2 shepherd's huts burnt near Circular Head.

December : shepherds entice woman into hut; natives attack, several killed and STP speared.

1i December : aborigines attack STK driving catt le near Ritchie's stock hut; 3 nt. ki l led.

5.* 31 December : 118 sheep speard, wounded and forced over cliff at Cape Crim.

1828

January : reprisal attack against nt. for loss of sheep.

February : nt. atacked at Cape Crim, as many as 30 supposed to have been killed.

Scptember : 2 STK shoot woman near Mersey.

4.* September : rcprisal attack by nt.; 2 STK ieft for dead.

1829

21 August : nt. woman ki l led at Emu Bay (Goldie).

7 November : man speared between Hampshire and Surrey Hil ls.

17-18 November : man speared at Race Course (2nd t ime).

1 December : man speared on Emu Bay road (revenge Coidie?).

15 December : man speared at Burleigh.5.* 73 December : 3 men harassed in hut at Race Course.

1830

17 Apri l : attempt by nt. to steal blankets and potatoes at Woolnorth.

27 Apri l : sawyer's hut plundered at Circular Head; SW not molested'

June : house at Emu Bay robbed.August : attcmpt at revenge for Goldie attack.August : sheep shed at Emu Bay burnt down and bul locks driven away.

5.* i0 August : Company servants at Hi l ls state intention to shoot al l abg.

September : Company servant entices nt. with food; r ips him up.

1831

19 July : ST ki l led at Tapsley.27 July : St killed at Weybridge; hut robbed.August : sawyer/s hut near Circular Head robbed.

4 September : ST ki l ls nt. at Race Course.3 October : ST speared near Chilton, dies; pu-rsued, one nt. perhaps wounded.

31 October : ST harassed near Circular Head.6.* November : McKay captures nt., shoot 4.

1832

1 .* - : ST speared at Surrev Hil ls.

1833

lNo clashes reported in 1833.1

1834

1.* - : huts robbed at Wcst Point; vouth chased at Creen Point.

1839

31 Scptember : ST speared at Surrey Hil ls.

1840

Dcccmber : ST harassed at Surrcv Hil ls; attacked with stones.

1844

Iuly - Septembcr : series of robberies near Circular Head; robberies at Woolnorth; sheep & horses speared

* arurrral totals of attacks bv Aborigincs. ST, STK, STI) - see Appendix, Symbols.

Van Diemen's Land Company: records of attacks by Aborigineson the Company's servants, with some reprisals.

29

q

\ ,-*

o i . . - - - ' l - " ' | ' - ' l - ' '

t& | 18 t0 l8 I rv )

GRAPI{ 1 : Decline of Aboriginal population between 1803 and 1831

" o

p

6 u

o(}oo

" - - J , - ' ' + - - - . - 1! l 8 l 0 t E r l 1 3 i l

I

LI

5 m T

i

, , GRAPH 2 : Increase in European population between 1803 and 1831

230

220

21,0

200

190

180

770

160

l 5u

140

130

720

1 1 0

i00

90

80

70

60

50

40

J U

20

1 0

183078291824 1825 1826 t827 1828

Incidents 7824 - 7837.: GRAPH 3

31

IAN

I

FEB MAR APR N{AY I I JN JUL

l l l l r r

AUC SETI OCT NOV DEC

t tr t l

GRAPH 4 Monthly incidents 1824 - 1831

5 1 -

'r.824 (A)

182s (B)

L826 (C)

L827 (D)

GRAPH 5 Monthly incidents 7824 - 7827

1828

1829

(E)

(F)

t:ItrI

:Il

l

30

1)

Monthly incidcnts 1828 - 1829., GRAPI-{ 5

-4

15

1830 (c)

1,831 (H)

GRAPH 5 Month ly inc idents 1830 - i831

t5

6

5

A

J

2

1

1828 r E30 i 831 7832 r 834

(A)

(B)

6

5

A

3

2

1

FEB MAR APR lv'{AY )Lnl JLIL AUC SEPT OCT

CRAPH 6 : Van Diemen's Land Company

(A) : number of attacks by Aborigines in each year 1827 - 7834

(B) : monthly totals of attacks by Aborigines 1827 - 1831

Nof e; (1) two sor ts of t r ibe inaolaed, "coasta l " and " in land".(2) most attacks inaolaed inland tribes (Hampshire and Surrey Hil ls).

The in land people were dependent on hunt ing kangaroo, not on seat 'ood

JAN

N

r<

(-F

C{

coN@

I

rrcor<

(g

(-(d-(t(d

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a)

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o

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37.

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)

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zf,

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or^h

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ol.

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\___-

z9aa

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-i

a.-.+-

J

38

MAP 3 : 1813 MAP 4 : 1818

MAP 5 : 1819 MAP 6 : 1820

Land grants in Tasmania: extent of land alienated up to and including the year named(Morgan, 1988).

39.

7827

,,,i") ^ . \

MAP 8 1823

MAP 7

' ' ] ' 1 "

i - , 1 , .i i ' ) \ ; v , . ;' l ; i '

i i . . , / / . \ . . ,

\ t - , . i : - 7 ' ' - i 1

.,;il\, i . { . i\b" ,

Land grants in Tasmania:(Morgan, 1988).

extent of land alienated up to and includin-g the year named

H u n p : l t i r t U r l l t

LlRYLATOTjR

I

ABORIGINAL/SETTLDR

cre"|

CLASH

1803 1823

,,\i

CRESSY

I: k-.?,'Ai;r

.NEW

f/ J*:'

,dz-1: l<

a a It

iHOBA

!i-

I Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginai/Settler clash: locations of reported incidents 1803 - 7823 : MAP 9

^ 14 1 .

Surrey Hills

ABORIGINAL/SBTTLCLASH

L82 4

CREEK

R

/,

r\EW NORFOLK

-i:{i i'i*,HoBAil

M o u n t a i n s l M o u n t c i n R a n g e s

I Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginal/Settler clash: locations of reported

i i "ll'.

Sarell

,[),li c,",

€ ..ool- a

incidents 1824 : MAP 10

A a+ z -

ABORIGINAL/SCLASH

1825

M o u n t a i n s l M o u n t a i n R a n K e s

t Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginal/Settler clash: locations of reported

rz+-.' 'f'

I =='..ETTI,JER,

!

'i-r"\':;f{

* , 't

-4

#*rro,[^Elizabern

\ :f

ROSS \

\ )\

w a t e r t o o

"hffrY^."'}A1-

\)Lake Tiberias O

incidents 1825 : MAP 1i

o,-!*\-

\, ,

r)2

Hantpshtre Hi l l :

Surrey Hills tl

ABORIGINAL/SETTLCLASH

t82 6 Elizobeth

ROSS

i\i'owN

) i !(

\ -

\)Loke Tihetias

or Great Laqoon

atHiu

iri*l

M o u n t a i n s / M o u n t a i n R o n g e s

I Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginal/Settler clash: locations of reported incidents 1826 : MAP 12

\

I

BORIGINAL/SECLASH

1827

TTL

!A

q

Hiu

.+:, :r'i'lHOBARTi/-:.1 r-).J -.|r--j

/

HAMILTON

\

a

/Srdf *,'

\'itr,

t I t I t t l

o

I Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginal/Settier clash: locations of reported incidents 7827 : MAP 13

lBORIGINALiSB

CLASH

1828Jan - Jun

Hanrpslt i re Hi l l .s

q5

Surrey Hil!s

A

vely

C

.+-, 1L-,HggnP1ir -1, .- .-.P),./

GlHiIL

\-+rs:i.

I Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginal/Settler clash: locations of reported incidents Jan. - June, 1828 : MAP 14

Surrey Hi l ts

ABORIGINAL/SETTLCLASH

L828Jul - Dec

CREEKT

.--\

i- i ...

,i?\.lie Sorellfd)i.ii:rrke Cre.

6rurrrohelizaaerl

\ ri

ROSS \

\ \ . "\

Wate'r too*a-*sr^

;"r.*

I Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginal/Settler clash: locations of reported incidents Tuly - Dec., 1828 : MAP 15

Hantpsht t e H i l l t

Surrey Hills l/tgl

ABORIGINAL/SETTLECLASH

L82 9Jan - Jun

HAM +Hiu

a a

BRIC

.i\Ew

f i+-.

1 . .

.-*, ii:-HOB.ARj _ . n i

i : 5 . . . - 1 - + - i

\ ' i \.K'iu;"'

I Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginal/Settler clash: locations of reported incidents Jan. - June, 1829 : MAP 16

Surrey Hills VjOt_[CREEi wEs YLA( =

) '\.o

l

ABORIGINAL/SBTTLERI

CLASH ))(

L829Jul - Dec

C

a

"+

Alu\_i,#i::":"

t ,.'#

I Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginal/Settler clash: locations of reported incidents July - Dec.,7829 : MAP 17

Surre "- Hi l ls v l ,

GINAL/SETTLCLASH )

I

1830 (Jan - Jun

,CREEK}

RABORI

o

.NEW

t--.a..-.:lr

iF HOBA.=r1'-'If/?'. i . ,

I Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginal/Settler clash: locations of reported incidents ]an. - June, 1830 : MAP 18

H a n t p t l t t r t l t r i l 'tt

&\ '()I-ECREEK

ABORIGINAL/SETTLECLASH

1830Jul - Dec

Co

rrx***ot*-- t) , - , i - ' = H o B A R

-rrtt,.,, /' -':Y'

\ ' i(

lvot"\rtio

o

I

o A

I Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginal/Settler ciash: locations of reported incidents July - Dec., 1830 : MAP i9

Hanlptht) | Ll i l l \

Surrey Hi l ls

ABORIGINAL/SETTLECLASH

1831

Ct

\.%

NEW NORFOLK

i'sj

lnt',

fu'r,\.a\o

I Van Diemen's Land Company properties.

Aboriginal/Settler ciash: locations of reported incidents 1831 : MAP 20

APPENDIX

AboriginaUSettler clash : incidents reported

1804 - 1931

53'

APPENDIX

Aboriginal/Settler clash : incidents reported 1804 - 1831

REFERENCES

SYMBOLS

Persons -

Injuries

House/hut -

Property -

KnopwoodHRAHTGCSOPDACTTASINDLAD

HHSTSTHSTKSTPS WMwcF{

W NKLW N DSPW DSNHARMK

A MBDBLCI-FFDF RKNPTS

I

TLUTV

BNBPPL

(diarv date)Hist6rical Records of Australia, series 3, aol.

'1.

Hobart Town CazetteTasmanian State Archioes Colonial Secretary's ArchirsesTasmanian and Port Dalrymple AdaertiserColonial Times, HobartT a s m a n i a nl n d e p e n d e n tLaunceston Adaert iser

HouseholderServantHouse personStockkeeperShepherdSawyer, SplitterManW o m a nchild

WoundedKi l ledDied of wounds laterSpearedWaddie (beaten)StoneHarassed, assaulted, pursuedMissing believed killed

Burnt downSet on firePlundered, robbed

Ammuni t ionBeddingBlanketsClothingFlourFoodFirearmsKnivesPotatoesSugarTeaToolsUtensi lsVarious

Cattle, killed CTK, injured CTIHorse, killed HK, injured HISheep, killed SHK, injured SHI

CTHSH

Livestock '

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