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DOCUMENT DE TRAVAIL DT/2020-04
There Has Been No Silent Revolution: A decade of
empowerment for women in rural Tamil Nadu away?
Isabelle GUERIN
Sébastien MICHIELS
Christophe J. NORDMAN
Elena REBOUL
G. VENKATASUBRAMANIAN
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There Has Been No Silent Revolution: A decade of empowerment for
women
in rural Tamil Nadu#
Isabelle Guérin1, 2, 3, 5, Sébastien Michiels1, 3, Christophe J.
Nordman1, 3, 4, Elena Reboul6, 2,
G. Venkatasubramanian3
1. IRD (French National Research institute for Sustainable
Development)
2. Cessma (Social Science Center Studies in African, American
and Asian Worlds)
3. IFP (French Institute of Pondicherry)
4. UMR LEDA-DIAL (Développement, Institutions, Mondialisation ;
University Paris-Dauphine, IRD,
CNRS, PSL)
5. Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton (2019-2020)
6. Université Paris Diderot
Abstract In 2003, the then Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu in
southern India, Jayaram Jayalalithaa, gave a speech
about the "silent revolution" of the emancipation of Indian
women. But 15 years on, regrettably, the
promises of that revolution do not seem to have been fulfilled.
Thanks to the various programmes
set up to champion women's empowerment (involving local NGOs,
public programmes and
international support), women are now more prominent in certain
public spaces and are able to play
a genuine advocacy role as regards the public authorities. Girls
education has also significantly
improved. But it has not brought about improved employment
opportunities. Women are in fact
losing out on paid employment (as is the case in India as a
whole). They are also heavily indebted
(not only from microcredit, but also informal lending and
lending from private financial companies).
Their indebtedness is disproportionate to their income, and
compared to men. Moreover, women
almost exclusively put debt towards the social reproduction of
families. Reduced opportunities for
paid employment and massive debt have hit Dalit women
particularly hard. Our analyses use data
collected over more than a decade in a rural area of Tamil Nadu,
drawing together ethnography and
quantitative data, including panel data (2010-2016). They shed
light on the complexity of social
change, intertwining forms of domination (here, caste and
gender), and the ambiguous qualities of
so-called empowerment programmes, whose impacts have been
various and unexpected.
Keywords: empowerment, gender, labour, debt, microcredit,
India.
JEL code: 012, J16, J22, G51.
# We thank K. Kalpana and Hélène Guétat-Bernard for suggestions
and constructive comments. We would like to thank the French
Institute of Pondicherry (IFP) for hosting and providing logistical
support to the NEEMSIS
team during the data collection. The quantitative surveys were
made possible thanks to the financial
contribution of the French National Research Institute for
Sustainable Development (IRD), the EU funded
NOPOOR project, and of the Institute for Money, Technology and
Financial Inclusion (IMTFI) of the University of
California.
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2
Introduction
In 2003, Jayaram Jayalalithaa, then Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu
in southern India, gave a speech
about a "silent revolution" taking place in the Indian
countryside thanks to microfinance. Women,
she said, had acquired “top status” in society. The era of their
dependency on men had been swept
away forever (Guérin and Palier 2007). Sixteen years on,
regrettably, the revolution does not seem to
have delivered on its promises. Various programmes to support
women's empowerment (bringing
together local NGOs, public programmes and international
support) have helped women to become
more prominent across certain public spaces and to advocate for
themselves to the public authorities
(Kalpana 2016). Girls' education has also significantly
improved. But this has not brought about
improved employment opportunities. Women are indeed losing out
on paid work (as throughout
India). They are also heavily indebted (due to microcredit, but
also informal lending and private
financial lending), disproportionately so in terms of their
income and compared to men. Moreover,
women’s debt is almost exclusively put towards the social
reproduction of families. Reduced
opportunities for paid employment and massive debt have hit
Dalit women particularly hard.
Our analyses draw on data gathered for over a decade from a
rural area of Tamil Nadu, combining
ethnography and quantitative surveys, including panel data
collection (2010-2016/17). They highlight
the complexity of social change, the intertwining of forms of
domination (here, caste and gender),
and the ambiguous qualities of so-called empowerment programmes,
whose impacts have been
various and unexpected. We draw on feminist research in the
field of development (Kabeer 1999;
Cornwall, Harrison, and Whitehead 2007), including postcolonial
approaches (Mohanty 1984;
Batliwala 2015), to take a broad and open conception of women’s
empowerment that is alert to its
multiple facets. These include materiality and power, but also
lived experience, aspirations and social
norms.
The first and second sections of this paper set out methodology
and context. The subsequent
sections turn to our findings: the decline of employment
opportunities for women (Section 3), the
burden of women's debt (Section 4) and our discussion and
commentary (Section 5). The conclusion
addresses the broader implications of these findings.
1. Method
Our analysis draws on mixed methods. Panel data collected in
2010 (Rural Microfinance and
Employment, RUME) and 2016-2017 (Networks, Employment, dEbt,
Mobilities and Skills in India
Survey, NEEMSIS) from around 500 households have allowed us to
quantify changes over time with
respect to employment, education and debt through the
perspective of gender1. Beyond panel data
collection, some of our authors have been carrying out fieldwork
in this region since the early 2000s
as part of the long-term ‘Labour, Finance and Social Dynamics’
research programme, which seeks to
1 Of the 405 households surveyed in 2010, 388 were
re-interviewed in 2016-2017, limiting the attrition rate
to only 4%. 104 households were added, raising the second sample
to 492 households. See Nordman et al. (2017) on NEEMSIS panel data
collection methods and household and individual questionnaires.
http://www.rume-rural-microfinance.org/https://neemsis.hypotheses.org/
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3
understand the local political economy, lived experiences and
the complexity of change. It has mostly
used descriptive statistics and qualitative methods such as
ethnography, immersion in local life, life
stories, informal interviews, participant observation and group
discussions. Life stories have been
used to reconstruct individual and family life trajectories, and
to understand how various facets of
these trajectories intertwine. Informal interviews with a wide
variety of participants such as local
leaders, politicians, officials, NGO and social workers allowed
us to triangulate and cross-check
information. Participant observation allowed us to better grasp
the nature of social and power
relations, to look behind the speeches and to grasp not only
what people say, but what they do.
Group discussions allowed us to gain a sense of social norms,
beyond personal life trajectories.
A broad approach to ‘empowerment’ accompanies these mixed
methods. We consider its structural
and subjective qualities and multiple components – ‘empowerment’
is at once an economic, social,
cultural and political process – and its multiple meanings,
particularly as regards caste and class.
The choice of the study area – rural Tamil Nadu – is
particularly meaningful since Tamil Nadu is one
of the most economically and socially developed Indian states
(Joshi and McGrath 2015). The region
lies on the border of Cuddalore and Villipuram districts. It was
selected because it exhibits several
key tendencies in the State: strong diversification of rural
activities, the rise of rural trade centers and
some degree of industrialization, and various forms of agrarian
transition, spanning peri-urbanized
villages and villages that remain largely agricultural.
We will not focus on any one particular programme, on an ‘all
things being equal’ basis (as impact
studies aim to do), but on the region’s overall progression from
the perspective of gender. Impact
studies are of course highly useful and necessary. Yet in real
life, programmes never operate on an
‘all things being equal’ basis, but within a particular context,
most often alongside other forms of
outside involvement. It is useful to examine how such varied
factors and outside involvement
interact, and how a given region changes over time. This region,
as we shall discuss in the following
section, has seen strong economic growth, a wide range of social
policies, and active ‘financial
inclusion’ programmes, with increasing support from private
stakeholders.
Figure 1. The case study: a rural region in Tamil Nadu (South
India)
So
urc
e:
auth
ors
, w
ith A
. R
ico
ut
(IF
P)
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4
2. Context
Tamil Nadu has experienced strong and steady economic growth,
and a long tradition of public
interventionism, both to promote industry and support the
development of rural areas, which still
comprise almost two-thirds of the population. The following
overview of the key stages of its
development policies will help better understand its current
specificities.
As elsewhere, the agricultural modernization of the ‘green
revolution’ of the 1960s and 1970s
massively boosted the country’s productive capacities. But it
completely excluded women, the
landless, small family farms, and arid regions (Harriss-White
and Janakarajan 2004; Mencher 1974).
Under the ‘green revolution’, women also came to predominate in
daily agricultural employment.
Small landowners, namely the majority of farmers, had been
facing increasingly low profits, and so
turned to a cheaper female workforce (Garikipati and
Pfaffenzeller 2012). With inequalities
exploding, the ‘fight against poverty’ was made a priority in
the mid-1970s. Various development
programmes sought to help households, but chiefly men, to
diversify their income. The main concern
for women was to curb fertility rates at all costs. It was not
until the mid-1980s that women started
to be approached as individuals (rather than mothers) and
considered as potentially productive
agents (other than in purely reproductive terms).
Various programmes to support women's employment were set up.
The Support to Training and
Employment Programme for Women (STEP) was introduced in 1986 and
aimed to offer women
employability skills on the labour market, as employees or small
business owners. Quota policies
were also implemented, such as Operation Blackboard in 1986,
which (among other measures)
sought for women to make up half of the elementary school
teacher workforce.
But in theory, microcredit was the key tool to champion women’s
employment, and it targeted
entrepreneurship rather than wage employment. Civil society
organisations were the first to take up
microcredit in India in the 1970s and 1980s. It took off fully
in the early 2000s, particularly in India’s
southern states (including Tamil Nadu). ‘Empowerment’ – very
much in vogue internationally –
became the watchword. India’s main microcredit model started out
as Self-Help Groups (SHG). These
consisted of fifteen to twenty women who would circulate money
amongst themselves, becoming
eligible for external loans from NGOs, banks or non-banking
financial companies. SHG groups in Tamil
Nadu have received strong public policy and multilateral agency
support, with uneven growth
performance over the last two decades. By 2010, an estimated
half of Tamil households (44%) and
almost one fifth (18%) of the adult female population belonged
to at least one SHG2. By 2017, almost
one million SHGs had been set up in the state (Sa-Dhan,
2017).
Although SHGs had an economic function (empowering women to
save, issuing credit, promoting
‘entrepreneurship’), they were also drafted into managing the
local commons (managing subsidized
food shops; maintaining latrines, pumps, public lighting, water
reservoirs), facilitating local
democratic life (joining village committees, training candidates
for local elections, supervising
elections), and helping deliver government schemes by locating
eligible beneficiaries.
Today, however, the financial supply is mostly driven by private
and for-profit stakeholders. For
various reasons that lie beyond the scope of this chapter, most
microcredit NGOs have either left,
been repurposed for other sectors or been turned into for-profit
non-banking companies. This is the
2 http://ifmrlead.org/map-of-microfinance Last accessed August,
27 2019.
http://ifmrlead.org/map-of-microfinance
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5
only way to attract what is now fully private capital and to
ensure their survival. New players have
also been attracted by women borrowers as an emerging market
segment. Extremely longstanding
financial companies which traditionally targeted the urban
middle class have now turned their
attention to rural areas and women. For instance, the private
company Muthoot, which has been
around for over a century, has been investing in the countryside
since 2010, focusing exclusively on
women. It has had an average annual growth of 87%, and by late
2015 it was targeting over a million
female clients (while women only made up 1.15% of workers).3
Muthoot has gained ground in even
the remotest parts of the Tamil countryside, with its extremely
dense network of branches and
advertising for loan approvals within ‘3 minutes’. Other
organisations, including SMILE and Equitas,
were set up more recently. The annual interest rates (from 24%
to 30%) are rather high by Western
standards, but are slightly lower than averages worldwide. Their
published default rates are low
(below 5%). This is due to strong enforcement mechanisms (social
pressure, public denunciations,
refusals to renew loans). Besides microcredit, domestic credit
distribution rose sharply in the 2000s.
Housing and consumer loans tripled between 2001 and 2009 across
all of India. Over the same period
in Tamil Nadu, these loans increased almost six-fold. Consumer
credit expansion continues, with a
2.5-fold growth in six years (2012-2018), much faster than
production.4 Private commercial banks
also started to show interest in this market segment. The
private commercial banks had largely
neglected rural areas after the banking sector was liberalized
in 1991, but such areas drew growing
interest from the end of the 2010s. The country’s leading
commercial bank, ICICI, which was founded
in 1994 with a focus on the new middle class, now also invests
in the countryside. From 2010 to
2014, its rural branches quadrupled across India.
As a villager we met in August 2015 put it, “before we fought to
get money, now you just have to
hold out your hand.” Just a few hours in a village suffice to
witness how dynamic, or even frenzied,
private lenders can be, and they now approach clients in their
own homes. As it was with
microcredit, women are the main targets. As we will see later,
our quantitative data confirm the size
and growth of household debt.
Last but not least, all kinds of social programmes have sprung
up, with women their main targets.
These programmes are part of a long tradition of public
interventionism. This intensified when the
Congress Party was returned to power in 2004, and when the Hindu
nationalist party (the Bharatiya
Janata Party, BJP) took power in 2014. Its re-election in 2019
has done nothing to change the
situation. A key example is the National Rural Employment
Guarantee Act (NREGA) of 2006, which
gave every rural family living below the poverty line the right
to 100 days of paid work at the
minimum wage per year. The subsidized food and school meal
support schemes of the 1960s were
also reinforced. Beyond centralised schemes, Tamil Nadu’s
successive governments over the past
two decades have continued to compete with their state-run
social schemes. The housing subsidy
programme (100,000 to 180,000 Indian rupees per family in 2015;
1300 to 2000 Euros) has probably
been the most ambitious example. Households (most commonly
women) are also eligible to a wide
range of fully or partially subsidized goods, including
livestock, gas connections, household
appliances (TVs, blenders, fans, bicycles, uniforms and
stationery for students), subsidies for funerals
and girls’ weddings, and health insurance. The central and state
governments also promote an active
‘financial inclusion’, which is meant to allow all adults to
open a bank account. Two issues are at
stake here: encouraging saving and facilitating social
transfers.
3 https://www.themix.org/mixmarket/profiles/muthoot-fincorp Last
accessed August, 27 2019.
4 Data are from the Reserve Bank of India https://rbi.org.in
Last accessed April, 5 2019
https://www.themix.org/mixmarket/profiles/muthoot-fincorphttps://rbi.org.in/
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6
The past two decades have thus seen a wide range of policies,
programmes and various kinds of
projects: microcredit and support for entrepreneurship, social
transfers, and support for
employment (NREGA, for instance). What insights can our
longitudinal data offer as to how women’s
employment has evolved in the region?
3. The fall in women’s employment5
Our first observation is a decline in employment for Dalit
women. Despite various policies and
programmes to help encourage women to take on paid work, the
proportion of employed or self-
employed women has only fallen significantly among Dalits;
non-Dalit female employment rates
were already low (cf. Table 1).
Almost 39% of the female labour force6 was unemployed in 2010,
rising to almost half in 2016/17
(48.8%). While middle and upper castes maintained relatively
stable rates of inactivity, this almost
doubled from just over a quarter (26.3%) to almost half (46.7%)
of Dalits. We shall return to the
explanations behind this, but changes in employment structure
are a key point. Over the same
period, daily agricultural employment fell sharply, particularly
among Dalit women. Agricultural
coolie work (daily labouring) as a main occupation made up over
40% of paid employment in 2010, in
contrast to under 10% in 2016/17. While this drop in
agricultural employment also affected non-Dalit
women, they seem to have more successfully converted to more
sustainable jobs. Indeed, a drop in
precarious employment was accompanied by greater regular
employment levels among the middle
and upper castes. By contrast, Dalit women continued to have
limited access to (generally unskilled)
permanent jobs, which only 20% of this group are engaged in.
Last but not least, entrepreneurship is
more and more the preserve of upper castes. The proportion of
women entrepreneurs has slightly
increased, but has remained low (4.2% to 7.2%). And crucially,
this increase has mainly been driven
by high-caste women. A significant proportion of these women
have now turned to entrepreneurship
(20.6% in 2016/17 as opposed to 9.2% in 2010). It has slightly
risen among middle-caste women
(from 3.1 to 7.6%), and fallen among Dalit women (from 3.6% to
2.4%).
5 This section draws on Michiels (2019).
6 ‘Labour force’ is used here in its broader definition: people
of working age (over 15 years old) and available
for work (out of school).
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7
Table 1. Changes in female employment structure between 2010 and
2016/17
Caste group
Dalit Middle Caste Upper Caste Total
Main occupation in 2010 n=277 n=224 n=76 n=577
No occupation 25,3 43,8 52,6 36,1
Agri casual workers 43,7 29,9 21,1 35,4
Non-agri casual worke 17,3 4,9 0 10,2
NREGA 7,6 13,8 15,8 11,1 Sub-total precarious employment 68,6
48,7 36,8 56,7
Cultivator 0,4 1,8 0 0,9
Non-qualified permanent employment
0,7 0,4 1,3 0,7
Qualified permanent employment 1,4 1,8 0,0 1,4
Non-farm entrepreneur 3,6 3,1 9,2 4,2
Sub-total regular employment 6,1 7,1 10,5 7,1
Total 100 100 100 100
Main occupation in 2016 n=205 n=171 n=68 n=444
No occupation 45,4 43,9 60,3 47,1
Agri casual workers 15,6 6,4 0,0 9,7
Non-agri casual worke 8,3 5,8 0,0 6,1
NREGA 11,2 14,0 5,3 11,5 Sub-total precarious employment 35,1
26,3 5,3 27,3
Cultivator 3,4 11,7 4,4 6,8
Non-qualified permanent employment
10,7 9,4 5,9 9,5
Qualified permanent employment 2,9 1,2 2,6 2,3
Non-farm entrepreneur 2,4 7,6 20,6 7,2 Sub-total regular
employment 19,5 29,8 33,5 25,7
Total 100 100 100 100
Source: Authors from RUME (2010) and NEEMSIS (2016-17),
https://neemsis.hypotheses.org
Rural Tamil Nadu is no exception in India. It reflects
agricultural decline, from which women and
especially Dalit women are the first to suffer, as well as the
dynamics of industrialization,
urbanization and the (relative) tertiarisation of the economy,
which mostly excludes rural women.
Across India, female participation is not only low, but has been
declining for several decades despite
solid economic growth. According to World Bank data, it fell
from 35.1% in 1990 to 27.2% in 2017,
ranking India 210 out of 233 countries referenced worldwide. By
comparison, women’s labour force
participation rate is 61% in China, 53% in Brazil and 57% in
Russia7.
While Tamil is no exception in India, the country stands out
from other emerging economies. But its
rates remain close to what has been described as a “belt of
classic patriarchy” in countries running
from North Africa to India and Bangladesh via the Middle East
(Kabeer 1988).
7 https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FE.ZS Last
accessed 27 August 2019.
https://neemsis.hypotheses.org/https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FE.ZS
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8
4. The burden of female debt8
Women’s employment rates, and by extension their incomes, are
falling. But women are standing
out financially for their ability to negotiate credit and manage
debt despite their meager earnings.
Given their low and volatile incomes (women are much more likely
to face irregular employment,
although men are also affected), borrowing is used as a major
strategy to smooth over the cost of
consumption and manage budgets. In 2016/17, 99% of households in
our sample had unsettled debts
at the time of the survey, with an average of 4 loans to repay.
Widespread household debt is also
worsening. In the period between our two surveys, average
outstanding amount increased by 50%
(from an average of 97,000 rupees in 2010 to 189,000 rupees in
2016/17), a sharper rise than in
incomes. The mean debt to household income ratio increased from
1.57 to 2.5. Our survey protocol
did not provide for quantifying the progression of female debt
from 2010 to 2016/17, but the second
wave data reveal the significance of women’s contribution to
household financing, and particularly
highlight a clear disparity between their income and debt
levels.
Resorting to borrowing among women is far from a marginal
occurrence; it affects three quarters of
studied households (77%). But the descriptive statistics suggest
that caste and poverty have an
impact on the scale of women’s debt. Dalit households rely more
heavily on women's credits, along
with lower income households. In the lowest decile of per capita
household income, the proportion
of female debt is, on average, two times greater than in the
highest decile.
As a whole, women’s involvement in the financial sphere stands
in contrast to their contribution to
household income. Women’s share in total household debt is 37%
in volume, for an income share of
22%. The borrowed amounts reflect the gender discrepancy in
earnings. While men and women have
a similar propensity take on debt, male borrowers have 2.2
higher debts than their female
counterparts, on average. But they actually borrow far less in
relative terms. Female borrowers get
into debt to the tune of 9 times their annual income on average,
as opposed to 3 times greater for
males (3 and 1 at the median, respectively).
Differences in loan sizes also stem from differences in
borrowing purposes and loan uses. Half (52%)
of female borrowers had taken out at least one loan to meet
daily expenses (notably food), as
opposed to one third (35%) of males. On average, 40% of women’s
total debt was taken out for this
purpose, namely double the men’s level. By contrast, men are
mainly the ones to invest in productive
assets, accounting for 83% of loans (by frequency) for
productive purposes. 27% spent some of their
credit money on investments, while only 17% of women did. As
Garikipari et al. (2017) highlight,
these differences in borrowing purposes do not have solely
economic consequences. While ‘begging’
for small amounts to ensure a livelihood is seen as degrading
(particularly for men), borrowing large
sums, especially from banks, is considered honorable and sign of
social prestige.
According to our data, 29% of female borrowers have resorted to
microcredit (3% of men). This
includes both private microfinance loans and Self-Help Groups
(SHGs) loans. These women tend to
come from poorer households than other female debtors. There is
a 20% lower mean per capita
household income. They mostly consist of casual workers (78%),
and less frequently the regularly
employed (2%). They are however more frequently self-employed in
the non-agricultural sector
(12%). It is worth noting that three quarters of microcredit
users top up their microcredit loan with
8 This section draws on Guérin, Nordman, and Reboul (2019).
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9
at least one other informal loan (73%). Although microcredit
users’ mean individual incomes do not
significantly vary from those of non-users, there is a clear
disparity between their rates of
indebtedness. Microcredit users’ have a mean debt to income
ratio of 13 (4.6 at the median), in
contrast to 7.6 among other female debtors (2.7). Microcredit
debt accounts on average for half of
users' outstanding debt (46%), and is triple their annual income
(3.4). Crucially, this financial burden
does not have an impact on borrowing motives and credit uses in
terms of gender. Women who
resorted to microcredit did not use such credit significantly
more often to finance investments, but
they did put it even more towards daily expenses.
Women’s far greater indebtedness, which stems from their
responsibilities for household
reproduction, raises the critical question of financial
assistance from men. Although it is limited, our
data on a subsample of the loans (on ‘main loans’, namely those
identified by the households as the
most critical to repay)9 suggest that full pooling and sharing
of debt within the household is far from
the norm. For the vast majority of these main loans, the
borrower is declared not to receive any help
repaying (be it from a spouse, children or others). And while
women’s main loans certainly tend to
draw more repayment assistance, female borrowers still are on
their own for 64% of their main
loans.
Finally, some insights into how debt repayment burdens are
distributed, and into intra-household
differentiated financial struggle, can be gleaned in terms of
the use to which individuals put credit.
Contracting debts to repay other debts can indeed be taken as an
indicator of financial hardship. It
turns out that 22% of female borrowers have used at least some
of their loans to repay other loans,
as opposed to only 9% of men. Moreover, women who have resorted
to microcredit have
significantly more often used at least some of that credit to
repay other loans: 29% in contrast to
19% for the other borrowers10.
In brief, while women are equally likely to resort to credit as
men, they become far more heavily
indebted in relative terms. Their credits are mostly put towards
non-productive uses, smoothing over
consumption spending, and household reproduction. Not only does
this hold true for microcredit
loans, but those women who have resorted to microcredit become
more deeply indebted than other
borrowers. The descriptive statistics moreover suggest that
women tend to have a higher share of
debt in poorer, and Dalit, households. As has been shown
elsewhere (Guérin, Nordman, and Reboul
2019), multivariate statistics confirm that both poverty levels
and caste can explain female debt. This
reflects both economic factors (poor households have a greater
need for female debt for survival
purposes) and social norms (Dalit women have historically had
greater financial responsibilities).
9 Help with repayment was recorded only for the three ‘main’
loans of the household, i.e. those identified by
members as the most critical to repay. While as such being a
non-representative subsample of the loans, it
seems plausible that there could be a potential bias towards
over-estimating intra-household cooperation. 10
This result could still be driven by the fact that they
contracted more loans and larger amounts, which would
automatically increase the likelihood of a positive outcome in
our non-exclusive categories of loan use.
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10
5. Comments and Discussion: Women’s ongoing role in social
reproduction
While various programmes and policies were intended to promote
women's employment, on the
contrary, observation shows that activity rates among the upper
and middle caste have stagnated, or
declined among Dalits. Women are however massively indebted,
disproportionately both to their
incomes and to men. This is particularly the case among Dalit
and poor households, where debt is
primarily put towards the expenses of household social
reproduction.
Each of these findings call for specific analyses, some of which
have already been carried out
(Michiels 2019; Guérin, Nordman, and Reboul 2019). But it is
also instructive to undertake their joint
analysis in order to pinpoint overall trends.
By and large, policies to promote women's employment, be this
through paid work or self-
employment, have clearly missed their mark, although the NREGA
did slightly compensate for the fall
in employment among Dalit women and serves as a safety net (see
Table 1). As discussed above, self-
employment remains very low or has even dropped among Dalits,
while doubling among upper
castes. Our method does not allow us to measure microcredit’s
contribution to these changes in
isolation. But it is reasonable to say that microcredit’s
massive presence has comprehensively failed
to foster self-employment among Dalits.
Two major explanations lie behind this. First there are various
barriers to setting up businesses
(Guérin, D’Espallier, and Venkatasubramanian 2015), some of
which affect the whole population.
These include the hierarchical and oligopolistic regulation of
local markets, and intense competition
from mass produced products for handicraft-based small
businesses (tailoring, toy-making,
cosmetics-making, processed food production, etc.). Other
barriers particularly affect Dalits
(continued discrimination from clients, particularly in food and
service sectors, and sometimes from
suppliers and officials). Other barriers more particularly
affect women (lack of control over assets,
strong restrictions on their physical mobility) while others
even more particularly affect Dalit women
(lack of networks to locate customers, suppliers and to navigate
administration) (Guérin, D’Espallier,
and Venkatasubramanian 2015; Guérin et al. 2017).
The second explanation concerns the use of microcredits. As we
have seen, they tend to be put to
non-productive purposes. Families need credit first and foremost
to make ends meet. Even if
incomes tend to increase, the increase in real incomes is less
clear given the increase in needs. Self-
consumption from agricultural production has almost died out,
the privatisation or disappearance of
a number of common goods such as water, wood, grazing imply new
expenses. At the same time,
expenditure on social and religious rituals is constantly
increasing, while certain durable consumer
goods are now essential for finding a job, such as mobile phones
and motor vehicles. This increase in
needs also stems from the privatisation of various goods and
services, including education. Public
schools exist but are increasingly underfunded. According to our
data, 2016/17 education costs
accounted for 15% to 20% of total household spending.
Quite clearly, microcredit’s promises to help with starting up
small businesses are not being kept. It is
mainly a means of supporting consumer spending, ultimately
reinforcing the role many Indian
women already held in managing family budgets.
Our ethnographic and life story cases have shown that the
consequences for women are not
necessarily negative, and vary between women. They also
highlight how the nature of cooperation
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11
between spouses and the rest of the family (children, in-laws,
own kin) is key to understanding the
outcome of women's debt on their empowerment and well-being. For
some, accessing new debt
sources allows them to better manage their income and
expenditure over time, to have more power
in certain financial decision-making, and to get some sort of
recognition within the household. Other
women, by contrast, become trapped in a spiral of
over-indebtedness, causing stress and anxiety,
sometimes depression, and chronic family conflict that may turn
violent.
Even at its best, however, the ‘silent revolution’ Jayalalithaa
promised did not transpire, regrettably.
Overall, the main effect of microcredit programmes has been to
reinforce women's prominent role in
social reproduction, ultimately broadening the spectrum of
social reproduction to include financial
management tasks, which are becoming increasingly sophisticated
as a result of changes in the
financial landscape.
But self-employment only accounts for very small proportion of
women’s employment. How do we
explain why wage employment is also decreasing among Dalits? The
first explanation, as mentioned
above, is the decline of agriculture. Rural economies are
diversifying; agriculture is losing importance
or intensifying. The decline in the labour force is affecting
women the most. Not only is the non-
agricultural economy taking a jobless direction of growth, but
the jobs that are created are much less
accessible to rural women as they involve moving beyond their
village. This is a freedom few rural
women enjoy, particularly once they are married.
Improved education is another explanatory factor, which is often
mentioned on a countrywide level.
This is reflected in our longitudinal data, including
justifications for caste differences. 46% of females
under twenty-five completed secondary school in 2016/2017, as
opposed to under 20% in 2010.
While this improvement spans all castes, it is more noticeable
among middle and upper castes. The
disparities from Dalits actually tend to widen over time, which
explains why middle and upper caste
women are more likely to find non-agricultural jobs (Michiels
2019).
But we should also consider the consequences of the drop in
female Dalit employment. Decision-
makers have often made women’s employment a target, assuming it
to be a vehicle for women's
empowerment. But it is in fact an ambivalent reality (Benería,
Berik, and Floro 2015). If it comes to
physical, poorly paid and socially undervalued tasks, the
decline in female employment may be good
news, as Judith Heyer argues about another region in Tamil Nadu
(Heyer 2015). The social meaning
of female employment also deserves our attention. In a context
where spatial mobility and women's
bodies remain tightly controlled, being a housewife may be
socially valued and contribute to family
prestige. This largely explains the differential in female
activity rates between castes. While the
employment of Dalit women is declining, it is now similar to
that of middle castes, and remains
higher than that of high castes, which is at a historic low
level. While this social norm used to be
confined to upper classes and castes, it is now spreading across
other social groups, including certain
Dalit groups: for women, not working can be positively valued,
both individually and socially.
Qualitative analysis indicates that several factors explain
Dalit women’s withdrawal from paid
employment, and that vary across generation. Young women say
that they want to take care of their
children, including when they go to school. This type of
discourse is very new: historically, taking care
of children was a family task, dedicated to mothers-in-law,
older sister, even neighbours.
Managing household finances is another factor, which is more
common among older women. As
already mentioned, families juggle many loans and women take on
a large share of them, especially
among the poorest and the Dalits. Loan management is
time-consuming and resembles a new form
of unpaid work (Harriss-White and Janakarajan 2004; Kar 2018;
Reboul et al. 2019). Incomes are
erratic, declining (on average) for women, while men are far
from all cooperative when it comes to
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12
repayment. In addition to this, most loans are informal and
based on interpersonal relations. For all
these reasons, managing household finances requires a constant
effort to maintain relationships in
order to build and maintain trust (Hilger and Nordman 2020), and
this with lenders, actual or
potential, as well as with the family and entourage, who are
also regularly solicited as lenders (and
vice versa). Some women have stopped working, or work less
regularly, in order to devote
themselves to this financial management. This is obviously not a
full-time job, but the mere fact of
having to spend half a day at a borrower's meeting or going
door-to-door in the village to find a
lender prevents women from being available for a local employer
or contractor, who prefer regular
labour.
Finally, another factor also comes into play: many Dalit women
now refuse to comply with working
arrangements with local landowners, who are systematically
high-caste. Going in front of their
homes, waiting, showing deference and gratitude to get a job,
accepting fluctuating wages: many
women say they no longer want to accept "this kind of job".
We are thus clearly witnessing a “housewifization” process (Mies
1989), in which women are
constructed as mothers and wives, increasingly dependent on male
breadwinners, agents of
consumption and called upon to demonstrate scientific home
management in order to best manage
household resources.
“Housewifization” does not mean however a seclusion and
withdrawal into the private space. Rural
women’s presence in the public space has been one significant
shift in their position over the past
two decades. Dalit women had never really been excluded from
this space, but their field of mobility
rarely extended beyond their own neighbourhood. Non-Dalit women
continue to keep a relatively
low profile in their neighbourhoods, which remain predominantly
male spaces. But due to their
involvement in NGOs and social programmes, both Dalit and
non-Dalit women now have greater
mobility. Such improvement may remain modest and restricted to
certain activities, particularly to
the exclusion of paid employment. Many women are now allowed to
travel to neighbouring towns to
access and repay their microcredits. They attend collection
offices to negotiate the terms of social
programmes, or may take part in street demonstrations against
the state's failure to provide certain
basic services or to keep their welfare programme pledges.
The contradictions and ambiguities of these emancipation
processes, and their subjective dimension,
should be stressed here. As post-colonial (Mohanty 1984; Spivak
2003) and postmodern feminism
(Marchand and Parpart 2003) have strongly emphasised,
‘emancipation’ does not necessarily mean
the same thing everywhere and for all women.
In the narratives on women's empowerment by state government,
several key terms are used over
and over again: "women's negotiating ability to acquire money”
and "not to depend on men", or
their "decision-making to educate children". At political
meetings, at local, regional or state level,
political decision-makers, pursuing Jayalalithaa’s legacy,
regularly welcome the fact that all this has
now been achieved. Women's political involvement is also
highlighted, whether by political leaders
or some NGOs.
The discourse of the women themselves and their own lived
experience highlight different realities
and perceptions. Our purpose here is not to sink into relativism
or justify deep discrimination in the
name of local tradition and culture. But any policy or programme
intended to promote emancipation
can ill afford to ignore local aspirations and subjectivities.
Life stories, based on our fifteen-year
follow-up of a dozen women, can highlight the intertwining of
the various aspects of empowerment.
By this we mean the enhanced ability to make choices, but also
and above all, to resist domination.
These life stories also highlight the chaotic and conflictual
qualities of these life trajectories.
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13
Empowerment is often a zero-sum game, and the empowerment of
some often leads to the (relative)
disempowerment of others, be they spouses or other women in the
family or neighbourhood.
Similarly, on the individual level, the various facets of
empowerment are often contradictory (Guérin,
Kumar, and Agier 2013). A win in one area can mean a loss in
another. Typically, an active woman
who has successfully acquired responsibilities, whether through
employment, small business
management or local leadership, can often face harsh criticism
because her behaviour contradicts
social norms (see also Still 2015). Visibility in the public
space can sometimes come at a high price,
not only at the individual level (ostracism from a part of one’s
family) but also on the collective level.
Given the current crisis of masculinity and increased
competition between social groups (especially
between caste groups), increases in women's freedom, however
meagre, are only tolerated if they
can give access to resources such as credit or social transfers.
But they can also be a source of
constant tension and conflict in families (Anandhi, Jeyaranjan,
and Krishnan 2002). Finally, given that
identity and agency are first and foremost relational in this
context, female independence is hard to
conceive of and rarely sought after (Cornwall 2007). Women
primarily seek to improve their position
within their couple and extended family, with their in-laws and
their family of origin, whose
economic and moral support can be crucial.
Beyond the variety of life trajectories, however, we observed a
common point. The role of women
continues to be materially, socially and symbolically restricted
to the social reproduction of the
family, through the preservation of the group's honour.
Economically, their incomes are low and
their activity rates are declining, especially among Dalits. But
women's role in accessing credit and in
managing credit management is crucial, allowing families to make
ends meet. Their modest increases
in freedom are only possible or accepted if they are put towards
such social reproduction.
Conclusion
What can be learned from this decade of transformation in a
rural region of South India? Economic
growth, alongside social and development policies, has not been
enough to structurally improve
women’s position and access to material resources, including
employment. The weight of patriarchal
social and cultural norms continues to severely restrict their
agency and freedom. When women do
manage to gain some agency and freedom, they remain subject to
the social reproduction
constraints of their family and group of belonging.
Unsurprisingly, economic growth does not automatically help
emancipate women, as many feminists
have already shown (Kabeer 2016). But the unexpected, mixed
effects of social and development
policies are more disappointing and current social and
development policies needs to be put in
question.
While this range of social transfer measures has undoubtedly
contributed to the social reproduction
of the family, helping women fulfil their prescribed role,
various observers have concluded that they
mainly serve as safety net. True social security, genuine
infrastructure and basic public goods are still
lacking. Public spending on social transfers has increased
significantly since the 1990s, but it has run
alongside the commodification of basic services such as
education, public health (although this varies
across states, and Tamil Nadu is certainly one of the most
advanced at improving public health
services), water and sanitation (Jayal 2013; Kapur and Nangia
2015). The public employment
programme, as we have seen, has partially compensated for the
decline in Dalit female employment.
But it has done nothing to further sustain access to quality
jobs. Most employment for both women
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14
and men remains informal, unprotected, and outside any social
protection system. India’s very high
levels of informal employment are only continuing to rise
throughout India (Kannan 2019).
As far as development policies are concerned, microcredit and
particularly its current forms under
for-profit organisations appear to represent a new stage in the
history of gender policies. Women
were initially forgotten under development, before being
considered as workers, which furthered the
industrialisation of several emerging economies, and then as
self-employed. Our observations on the
failure of this entrepreneurial dream largely confirm other
findings, both from India (Garikipati 2008;
Kalpana 2016; Pattenden 2010) and elsewhere (Cull and Morduch
2017). Not only is most
microcredit put toward expenses that do not generate direct
income, but the collective action
dimension championed by SHGs has completely disappeared. This,
too, highlights the increasing
commodification of the microfinance sector. Echoing a historical
process, specific to capitalism (Mies
1989), women are no longer considered as workers or
self-entrepreneurs, but simply as borrowers,
consumers and managers of household finances. This reflects a
very narrow vision of empowerment.
Patriarchal norms meanwhile weigh as much on men as on women.
Public debate and deliberation
are certainly an essential force for change, which is one of
Amartya Sen's main conclusions in his
work on gender inequalities and his reflections on how to
reconcile respect for individual freedoms
with changing norms (Sen 2000). Historically informed feminist
research has consistently stressed the
crucial role of collective action in women's empowerment, both
to win rights and to transform
patriarchal norms. These ultimately remain one of the most
complex barriers to be eradicated
(Agarwal 1994; Scott and Tilly 1975). The SHG movement could
have helped achieve this, but it never
involved men, without whom it is difficult to transform social
norms. It also never fulfilled its
promises of true participation. Real participation requires an
open and indeterminate horizon, which
depends on what its members collectively decide. The scaling up
of the SHG movement and its
massive spread has, regrettably, resulted in a standardization
of practices (Nair 2016). This is ill-
suited to a real process of empowerment (Sudarshan 2015). Here
again, the case of India seems to
be no exception, as witnessed by the ambiguous outcomes of
scaling up local women's groups
elsewhere, such as in Peru (Anderson 2015) and in Kenya (Johnson
2015). Embedding empowerment
policies and programmes within local realities and adapting them
to local constraints and norms look
to be the only way to promote sustainable change, attentive to
both universal ideals of freedom and
empowerment, and to local, necessarily diverse aspirations and
identities (Kabeer, Sudarshan, and
Milward 2013; Guérin and Nobre 2014).
Regrettably, the Sustainable Development Goals have forged and
nurtured current policies in India
and well beyond, leaving little room for these recommendations
(Cornwall and Rivas 2015). Not only
does women’s market inclusion remain a key priority, but
privatising initiatives through so-called
public/private partnerships, is being strongly encouraged. In
the microfinance sector, as we have
seen, this completely ignores the potential for collective
empowerment that some initiatives have
been able to demonstrate (Kabeer 2011; de França Filho et al.
2018). It seems there is still a long
road to equality.
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15
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