’The Survival of the Myth of the Sāsānians in Early Islamic Tabaristān’ Szabó Á.- Vargyas P.(szerk.) Cultus deorum studia religionum ad historiam vol. III. Res Medievalia

cULTUS DEoRUM. STUDIA RE],:lG1oNUM AD HlsToRlÁMVOL. l1l: RES MEDIEVALJA ET RECENTIORA AB ORIENS AD EUROpA

IN ^,rEMoRlA1u

I.|TVÁN TÓTH

Mtt<l-Ós sÁRKÖZY

THE SURVIVAL OF THE MYTH OF THE SASANIANSIN EARLY IsLÁMIC TABARISTAN

The provinces of Norrhern IÍan, the region south of the Caspian sea hacl a Particularrole in the Arab conquest of Iran. Their geograp}ical isolation, mounrainous regions,steamy arid often intolerable submediterranean clim-ate, and thick forests caused manydifficulties for the early Mus|im conqueÍors in che 7th centufy AD. The.AbbásidErnpire could only Penetfate in the second half of the 8th centuty to th€ mountains ofTabaristán and the vall'eys of Mázandarán.In this paper I intend to analyze some legends concerning the early Islamic period ofthe central provinces of the Caspian regions Tabarístán and Mázandarán. on the basisof some of evidences it seems that these stories could bé linked with the rnyths of thelast pre-Islamic Iranian empite, that of the Sásánians

TABARIsTÁN tN THE 7-9. CENTUR]ES

tn,t',...rty Middle Ages the province today called Mázandaranwas divided into twomain regions. Its inner mountainous zone was generally called Tabaristán, while thename of the vety narÍow coastal plain and the surrounding hills and gentle slopes wasMdza'nd'atán. In other words there was a kibistau (qűhistán) ot jabalj1rl lnd a tabil' Thename Tabaristán disappeared from the historical souÍces after the Mongol conquest ofIran in the 13th centuÍy' thus the name Mázandarán became ptedominant uP to ouÍ days.The history of Tabaristán differs in many ways from the early Islamic history of otherIranian provinces. Due to its " qlendid irolalion" this province v/as an ideal retreat Fornumerous political movements and religious mlnorJtles.During the late Sásánian period and the first decades of Islam. this situation was muclrthe same as before' After their defeat the Mazdakites took she] ter in Tabaristán in theóth century, and following the Arab invasion of the Sásánian Empire in the middle ofthe 7th century a considerab.le part oJ the Sásánian aristoctacy escaped to Tabaristán,Then some of these aristocrats exploiting the local geographical óircumstances succededin govetning this land for many centuries and only-nominally accepted the authority ofthe frequently varying superior powers.Due to these archaic conditions not oniy political sttuc-tuÍes' titles and religious ttends(ie . Zotoastrianism) which were {eeply.rooted_ in the Sásánian Past survived ienaciouslybut in'its cultural identity too this region was strongly connecred to the pre-Islamictlme s.

21

CUI-TUS DEORUM VOT. ltI

Thus the formation of the local dynasties. of Tabaristán differs compIetely from thepolitical history evolving in other Iranian provinces of the.Ábbásid Caliphate wheremost|y local go\'eÍnors became indenpendent in the course of 9_10th centuries.In the course of the 8th century the'Ábbásids could finally penetrate Northern lran,but only the coastal plain of Mdzandzt-zn (the sáhil) was occupied by them, and theisolated mountains of Tabaristán (the kuhistán) still temained only nominally subduedby the Árab governors.l The local plincipalities (Qárinwands, Báwandicls, Bááüspánids)could maintain theit independence and th'ey often looked for allies for preserving theirind.ependent status. In the course of the 9th cenrury most of them became Muslimmainly because of the political benefit of this a*, bur this fact hardly affected thepolitical and cultural background of these local dynasts.z

THE I-oCAI- CHRONlcLEs ot TAtsÁRlsTÁN

Tabaristán has a rich historiogtaphical literature. Sources which have ^

gte^t historica]value have been known to us from the beginning of rhe 13th century.The first lotal work was written in the 13th century' and up to the 19th century ÁD.there emerged a series of othet compilations dealing wittr the local history of theCaspian tegion. Beside their historical value, these sources PÍeserve some interestingdetails, tales on the origin of local dynasties, and rhe beginning of their rule.The most imPoÍtant sources about Tabaristán aÍe the works of Ibn Isfandyár, Ámulr andMar.aiLThese are the ear|iest souÍces containing the most valuable stories about the first rulersafter the fall of the Sásánians. The works written after the 15th century ÁD (ie. afterMar.aSi) mainly Í€P€at the stories found in the previous works and that is why.theiranalysis is beyond the scope of 'this eÍtic]e.The first and most imPottant work on Tabaristán is Ibn Isfandyá.s T,iríkh-i Tabarittinfrom the beginning of the 13th c€ntuÍy. A diplomat and courtier of the Báwandid tulersIbn Isfandyár started wtiting his work at the time of the murder of the Báwandidespahbad Nasir ad-Daula Árdaóít around 1210 ÁD. Ibn Isfandyár collected many, by

]Vasmer, R'R. Die Etoberung Tabaristánsvol. l ll (Leipzig 1 92i), 8ó_l 50.

die Araber zur Zeit des Chalifen al-Mansür. ]t!anica,

2 l. Vasme r' R. - Bosvotth, C. E. ''Mázandarán'', in: Tbe E'ncyt!o|aet!ia o! Irlan2, vol' Vl', Mahk-Mid,Bri]l, Leiden |99l.935-942. Rabino di Borgomale' H.|- Les dynasties du Mázandarán de l'án 50 avant|'Hégire á l'an l00ó de l'Hégire (572

^ 1597-98). d'aprés les chroniques locales, ]'4 228 (1936) 397-

474., Madelung, V/. The Minor Dynasties of Northern kan, Tbe Canbritlge Hirr0ry a.[ Irun,yol. !\,!.Cambridge 1975.198-2?6, and Bosworth, C. E,: The Polirical and Dynastic History of rhe IranianWorld (A. D' 1000 _ 1217)' Boyle, J. A. (ed.) Tbt Canbridge Hislor1 oJ tran, vol. 5. Cambriclge 19ó8. l-202, Lambton, A. K.S. Persian local histories; the tradition behind them and the assumpLions ol theirauthors, Scarcia, B. e Rostagno, L. (eds.) \'alnana, ir ncnoria di Alcssaniro Barsatti, Vol.l: lslamistica,Universitá di Roma ,,l-a Sapienza''' Dipartimento di Studi orientali, Roma 199l, 227-218 M2rquart, J,Erdnlubr aatL der GeograpLie les Ps, NIoses KHorenat'i, ÁGWG, n f. vo]. t1| (2) (1901), 1]3_MelvilIe, Ch'The Caspian Ptovinces; A !ío.r]d Apart, Three local hitories oE Mázandatan, Iranial 5'!arlies, vol. 33' n1-2. winrer/spring 2000, 45-9i.

sÁRKÓZY: THE sURvlVAL oF THE MYTH oF THE sÁSÁNlANs

now lost sources for his historical work which is the earliest Classical Persian chronicleon the history oI this region.3 Ibn Isfandyár could not finish his book as he may havebeen killed by the Mongo|s during their invasion of the Kh*árizmian Empire in t219_1220' The lermintts dntt qilern for his life mentioned by him tn the Tarikh-i Tubaristan is121ó.a But afterwards his work was continued by an unknown authof oÍ xuthoÍs uP tothe fall of the last Báwandid ruler in the 14th centufy.The second soufce on Tabatistán is the Tartkb-i R4,ix of Ámulí, who mainly followedIbn Isfandyáf, continuing the work of his predecessor and concentrating for the rnostPart on the history of Ruyán, the \Vestern part of Tabaristán.5our third soufce is one of the works of Mar.aöI, Íhe Tarikh-i Tabarisran wa Rtl1an waMd1andaran. Mar.a5I was a well-known figure of his time, a memb€f of the iu.ou.Mat'aöi sayyids, and by his mother a Báwandid descendant. His father, Nasír ad_Din wasexpelled from Mázandarán under the Timurid Sahrukh. After rnany unsuccessfulstruggles for reconquering his paternal ínheritance, Mar.a$I became the governor inGuli|an and Gur|iyán of the ruler of Láhiján, Karkiá Nasir Kiá. Hp died in 1489 at theage of 80. Near the end of his life Mar.aSí wrote his second wo':x Táríkb-i Tabarittatt ulaRttlan wa MdTandaran.6 This work was intented by him to be the continuarion andrevision of Ibn Isfandyzr's Tiriklt-i Tabarittdn.j

THE LEcENDS oF THE QÁRIN!íÁNDS ÁND THE BÁWANDlDs lN THE LIGl{TOF M]DDLE PERSIAN I-lTERATURE

It is a well-known fact both in the field of archeology and the cultute of the region howthe Sásániansome Middleun rec ogni z ed

dee connec lamic lranian realm,Em ages we the relarionship ofPer Persian to light . a so farcon dd|e Per y Muslim Tabaristán.

The following story is concerned with the rivalry of two local dynasties of Tabaristán,the Qátinwands and the Báwandids. This was the period when several Sásanianaristocrats and local rulers (the ancestors of the later Dáb,üyids, Qárinwands andBáwandids) struggled for power and finally divided among each other the province's ofNorthern Iran-

3lbn lsfandyár, Bahá al-Din Muhammad1320/1941, MelviIle, Ch. Ebn F.sfandiár,Melville 2000. (

b. Hasan TdrikI-i Tabarittdtt, Iqbál' cA (szerk'), Tihrán,Enqclopaedia Iranica (Yo! Vlll.) Costa Mesa 199g. 20_23.;

a lbn lsfandyár l' 82. ,,a1' il tirikI ti hi'abtl-e ni tlar ilnna-'7i !ba!atll,a!ara la ritaaii1i nta,nlr hld inqul,c.'' 613 AH cortmponds to 121ó of the Common Era'5 Mawláná AwIiyá'Al1áh Ámuli; TnÍikb.i Rryál, Sotude, M. (ed.) Tihrán 1347.ú MarcaÍi'.r earlier work is the T,iríkll-i Gildn uq Da1lanistdn, Sayyid Zahir al-Din b' Sayyíd Nasir al-DinMar.aii: Tdrikl)-i Gilil pa Da1lanilral, Tihren 13ó4/1985

l,,l"t"' .U:!.0:); 5'e bir ed din'r Ge:cbicbte uon Taharirtan, R{nn artl ,fuInq,andarin, St. pe te rsburg 'l gS0, MirUahir ad-Din b' Sayyid Nasír ad-Din Mar'a$Í: Tarikl-i Tlharistdl ua'[i.1ón ua Mi7'andarón, iasbihi' MH (ed.) Tjhrán 1 9óó. on NÍar.aji s. Melville 2000.

23

CULTUS DEORUM VOI,, I1I

But first of al] one must know some facts about the early history of Tabaristán' ourmain sources are Ibn Isfandyár and Mar.a$I According to Ibn Isfandyár, the lastSásánian governoÍ of Tabaristán, when the empire was destroyed by the Arabs, was

called Ádhar Walái, who had to fight other families of noble origin like the Dábüyidsand the Báwandids a.fter they had escaped here from the Arab conquerofs'Ibn IsfandyaÍ Preserves two legends about the the struggle between Adhar Valáö andthe new families, the Bawandids and the Dábűyids' In both stories Adhar Waláö was

defeated by thern. It is worth to not that the descent of Ádhar síalái is very importantwhen analyzin8 these stories. According to the geneítogy given by Mar'aií at the end ofthe description of the stÍuggle between the Báwandid Sutkháb (or Suhráb) and Ádharlü(/aláé, Adhar !íalaó was though to be the relative of the Qarinwand dynasty, the afchrivals of the Báwandids,8 whi|e in the struggles of Adhar'üíatái against the Dábüyidsthere is no indication to his Qárinwands backgro9nd.But it is in the same stofy that Ibn Isfandyár stated that the ancestor of Adhar \íaliiZarmlhr (grandfathet of gÍeat_gÍandfather) was given Zábulistán by the Sásánian kingXusrav Ánóöagtuwán, and the brother oÍ Zarmtht, Qárin received Tabaristán,9 thusreinforcing the genealogy given above by Mat.aöT Thus one can say that the de.scent ofAdhar !ilaláó differs when we c'ompare the interests of the tival families.It was not against the will of the Báwandids that Adhar !íaláS, the last Sásánid goveÍnorof Tabaristán was thought to be the member of their arch enemie s, ie. the Qárinwands,at least in the past, and his descent was linked with the ancestoÍs of the Qárinwand as

we have seen in the genealogy oI Mar'aöi. The person of Ádhar Waláó is oí great

importance in the following story.The first version of the story is found in Ibn Isfandyát's Tárikll-i Tabaristan.1u

,,Bav aJter nurb inploring arrepted bit obligation, 0l tl)e c0ttditi0n that net and uonen will be inltis seraiie, and hir power will be absolnte oaer their uealth and lifi. Thr.tt agreeing be leJt tbe Jiretenlle and exltllcd thr enemiet Jron the t0,tiltrJ. His kingdon larted Jor JiJtecn Jedrr till ont dal(Ádhar) Wala! ttruck hin on tbe back l,itb a bricktl in larnan and slen, bin, and Valaí reigncd

Jor tfuht 1earc. Biw left a little ron tamed Srbrtib ulto renaintd vith hit grandnotber. Thq

N Mar.aSI (Tasbihr) 157.9 lbn lsfandyár 1 52.t0 ]bn IsFandyár 155-15ó.lIThe sentence ',khiÍti bar pu3t-e ü zad" can be translated in English ,,lle strlck Iin on lLe back luilll a

brirk", as it is read above' The word ,,klliÍt" can also mean ''brick'' (otherwise a ve ll-known Pe rsian

word found also jn one old Persian inscription oí Dareios l in Susa aS iíli- (Dsf 29.), Ke nt, R' G. o//Pertian, Grannar, Texlt, Lexiror, Nev Haven 1953. 115. "sun-dried brick"), but on the other hand in

Steingass rhe word kbi!t also has the meaning "jaaelir, rlart, tprar, ltalberd, lole-axe" beside the well-known ,,brick'' meaning. Browne translate s it in the Tiríkll-i Tabarisl,in as (,,struck h jm him on the back

with a brick and slew him" Brovne, E.G. (ed.): An Abridged !ranslation of lbe History oJ Tabaris!irConpiltrl abott A. H. 6l) (A. D. 1216) fu Mrltannatl b. al-Hasun h. Ibn ltJarfuir. Leyden - l-ondon 1905.

98.), but in conrrasr to,,brick", it is probable that the vord must be translated here as "javelin" or

"spear". The reason of the present author's insistance on preferring the meaning "brick" lies in the

fact that it can be connected with the the episode of Sahpuhr i Pápagán found in Nöldeke -Tabari, s.

I 2- I 3. pages

24

sÁRKÖz\': THE sURv]vAL oF THE MYTH olj THE sAsÁNIANS

ubitlldrea to Di1angnar near Sarí biding in lhe boltte oJ a gardeatr' And eue11bod1 taore to Waliiin Tabaristan extept tbe pcoplc of Ku/ó' There l,as a toldier naned Kburr1tid Kbgtrau ubo taa thtlad in tlte ltoare oJ tbe gardener wben tbe bo1 wat eigbt lears old. Thtn be loak at tlte gardtntraskitrg ltin: ,,lYbo ir tbe Jatber of lbis bo1?" Tbq rtsponded tbut: He is oar son. Bar tbt toldiardid not belieae tllem, and insisted till tbry extracÍed tbe trgth' Tbe toldier took tbe bo1, hit notlltr(:ic!) atd be corritd then lo Kula. Tbe people of tltit regiot gathered arornd tltt bo1, and lointd b1

tbe people of Mottnt pórin, thfi nade a ttlddert raid on Panj,ih Ha1ar and caplared Wal,ií xrd túllin in tpo and as nan1 of hi: arn1 as tlle1 coltld Jitd thlrt' Then tbe1 carried 5'alLrab lo Pirínand nade ltin king."tzThe same but somehow abbreviated version of this stoíy one can find in the works ofÁmulr és ffi21cx{!,tl differing only in a few words.Thus Adhar Walái being the ki]ler of Báw, the ]ast Sásánid goveÍnof ruled for eightyears. But his heir, the young Surkháb (Suhrab) escaped with his motheÍ (or grand-motheÍ) and took shelter in a gardener's house; till one day a soldier recognized theyoung prince miraculously' who then regained his power massacring Ádhar Walái andhis followers thus restoring the Báwandid rule.This myth oF the local dynasties is not an unprecented one but can be connected toearlier pre-Islamic Iranian traditions. More accurately this story can be linked with twoSásánian of two Sásánian anecdotes found in the Kdrnana3 í ArdaxÍír í Pipagat.

The fitst Pahlavi version (the Atsacid princess)

The predecessors of the legend Found .in Táríkh-i Tabaristán can be íound in one of the

most famous Pahlavi works, the I(árnámag i Ardaxöir i Pápagán. The writing and finaledition of the Kátnámag is completely unnceÍtain' it could take place at the end of thelate Sásánian period and we can localize its final tedaction in the southefnmost Iranianprovince, Párs, the cradle of the Sásánians.

The Kárnámag is the mythical story about the founder of the Sásánian dynasty, Árclax(írI' I,ts stories and anecdotes are deeply Íooted in the epic traditions of the ancientAchaemenid period, one can observe the strong influence of tlre legends of Cyrus the

G re a t.la

12 Browne 1905. 98.rr AmulT 43. Mar.a$T (Tasbihr) 93.1a on the srory of Ardaxiir see also l. Nöldeke, Th' Geschichte des Artach$ir i Pápakán, B{K/J'4 (1878)22-69. NöIdeke, T.: Das iranische Nationalepos' Geiger, w. u. Kuhn, E. (eds.) Crlldril! det irlnitcllenPbilologie, Zveiter Band - Literatur, Geschichte und l(ultur, Strassburg 189ó-1902' 130-211.SpuIer, B.(ed.) Hantlbtclt der Orierlalislik, erste Abteilung, Viertet Band, Iranistik, Zweitet Abschnitt, Literarur.l-ieferung 1, Leiden, Köln 19ó8' ó0.' Harmatta, J' Herodor und die altpersische Novelle, Atla All.Hury.40 (2000) 161-174. ln his article Harmat!a compares the story of Cyrus the Great found inHetodotus'work with that of ArdaxÍjr in the Kdrn,inag in detail and underlines their strong simiJarity'For example he finds the predecessors of the episodes to be analyzed below (Herodotus I 173 )

25

I

CULTUS DEORUM VOI,. IIl

The stoties of the KarnaÍrr(18 c^tl be found also in Firdausi's lahnano written about 1000ÁD.ll It is conceivable that the original Pahlavi stoty did not influence the legends ofTabarittán ditectly but through Firdausi's lrlrr,iro, However, it is doubtless tbet theKirtánag was its IJrqle//l because the legends found in the Karnunag and in the lahranaare almost identical.Furthermore, the archaisrns of Tabaristán, the very late Pahlavi inscriptions from thebeginning of the 11th century' suggest that nearly four centuties aftet the Árabconquest the knowledge of Pahlavi still existed in these very Íemote areas oI NorthernIran before the birth of the !abtina.t6The following stories aÍe conceÍned with the life of Árdaxöir'In the first stoÍy the birth of Sahpuhr, the son and heir of Ardaxóir is in the middle ofthe narrative' Ardax3ir's wife, the daughter oI the last Parthian king, Árdawán Vintended to kill his husband, who after being saved by the divine xvarral wanted toexecute his pregnant wife. Ardaxöír charged the mowbedán mowbed with the execution'but the mowbed, recognizing the pregnancy of the queen, failed to accomplish the royalorder. Soon the queen gave birth to Sáhpuhr' and the mowbed hid them in his ownresidence. The.story continues in the following manner:,,T}le noy'bedan non,bed knla lhat ArdaxÍír was grippcd fu a blge rtge aild thel |elt asbaned, andht did not execilte tbal wonan (lbe Arcacid princess) bal carried ber intro hit on,n ltoate and gaue

lter tbelter. And vlten tbe tine of birtlt arriaed, a beaalifttl rrlt wdr born to lht woman, and ht rtarcalled lihpattr. He uat brought up tbere till be berurue trae.n lears old." 11

After the mowbedán mowbed had given shelter to the Parthian quee! and his newbornson Sehpuhr, one day Ardaxöir went to hunt, whereby another miracolous eventoccured. ÁrdaxSir was about to shoot an aÍrow towatds a Pregnant she_donkey, when a

brave h_e-donkey sprang up before the female. Át_this point his earlier cruel deed cameto his mind and he was shocked by the execution of his pregnant wife (his own order toexecute het)' At this moment, the mowbed took the opportunity that Átdax(Ir had a

guilty conscience about the loss of his wife and son and he stood befote the king.

l5 F'irdausi .Í,il,rarn 22' 54-1l7. (s^hPuhÍ) and 246-29'l (ohrmazd). The numbers follow the numbets oíWof ff's glossary of the Book of Kings, s. Wolff, F. Clotsar qr Firdoris Sclttbnane, Tihran 1317 11998.The main djfference be twee n the e pisodes oE the Kirn,inl3 and the .Íilllitne is that in the case of the!ahr,im ArdaxStr recognizes Sehpuhr duting polo (óowégán) and not on the basis of the mowbed'sinformation' while the same ,,éowegán-scenario" also appears in the K,irndnug but betueen ohrmazd(Hormizd I) aod his grandfather Ardaxíir.]ó Herz[eld, E. Postsasanidische lnschrjften, Arúdologitclle Mitteillngen agt ]ran 4 (1932), l40-'l 5ó'Arabische ]nschriíten aus Iran und Syrien, Arthaologitclle Mitleiltnget als Iran 8 (193ó) 78-81. Godard,A': l,es tours de Ladiim et de Resget (Mázandarán), A1fodr-é Irtin, Annales du service archéologique de

l'lrán, vol. 1. 1936' Haarlem, 109-121. Blair, S. Tlle Monsnettal Inrcriplions tron Elrj ltlanie ]rail anrt

Transoxiana, l,eiden 1992. 85-8717 Kátnámag Í Ardaxírr i Pápagán 1998-1999: ln: Gippert, ) (ed,) Tllclalrtt Indo3ernanislbcr Tex!- lnrl!)lrachnaterialen (TITU5'), Frankfurt am Main, http;//titus.unifrank[utt.de/texteletcsfiranfmiranf-mpers/mpcorp/mpets.htm Part. No. 15.,,Mowbedán mowbed dánist kü ArdaxSir xé$m vas ud az Áa ó

paiimánih raséd, u-í 6n zln na ózad, u-Í pad xánag j xwéÍ burd, u-S nihán katd' Ka zamáni zidan Írazmad, azii pus év i abér abayiönlg zád. U-i Sahpuhr nám nihád, u-j hamé parvard tá ó dád i haft sálagmad."

I

26

SÁRK()7-Y: THE sURvlvAl- oF THE MYTH OF THE SASANIANS

"!7hen the mowbedán mowbed observedprostrated on his face before the king andthat the punishment oÍ matgarzan sinners,should be inflicted on me."

that Árdaxiir repented of his wife' he felladdressed him: May You be Immortal! Orderor of those who disobey the king's command,

Ardaxlir :poke to bin: lYfu do 1or rpeak so? Wbat it loar sin? Tbe novbed,in ntubtd taid:1oa

ortlerud to kill tbat aoman and that bo1 in her ptonb. Btt I did not kitt ltt, and a son bat betn

born yho is more bealtliJal and llandtone tban eler1 ro1al tbild. Ardaxiír spoke to hin: Vllal do

1oa sa1? The noabed,in noubed tpoke to bin: Ma1 Yoa be lnnortal! It is at I have said.

Ardaxíír ordered that lbe noath oJ tbe noubedart non,bed tboald be ltuffed with rubies and denors

and pearls and jewel:. At tbe tane tine tonebodl arriued saling tbat lntry,/hr wat broagltt tlLere.

ArdaxÍír, when he taw !abpabr llit son, Jlll prostrated and praited obrna7d The I'ord, the

Anabraspandt and tbe xn,arrab of the Kal,iridt and the aictoriout Lord o/ Fire.18

Ardaxslr thus cleared himself of the shame and the legitimacy of his power was alsofirmly established by the artival oí his heir Sahpuhr' Hówever the legitimacy of the

former dynasty is also saved by the íact that the heir to the throne was botn by the

daughter of the last Arsacid king. This legend seems to be a very archaic myth and one

can connect it with more ancient legends of the Achaemenians. The maternal line as a

way of succession - the marriage with a female member of the former, dethronized,family - is an important element of the legitimacy of the new victorious dynasty.

When comparing the Sásanian myth with that oíthe Báwandids' it seems to be that

there are strong similiÍaties between the tu/o legends' There is only one difference: one

cannot find any kin relationship between the Bávandid prince and Adhar !íaláó.According to the Iegend preserved in Ibn Isfandyár and Mar'aöI, Adhar !íalái does notbelong to the relatives of the Báwandid dynasties; on the contÍary, he is thought to be a

mernber of the Qárinwands, the arch-inemies of the Báwandíds.Let us now see the stÍuctufe of the two stories:

lE Kirnáaag, Part No. 1ó. ,,Mowbedán movbed ka-i did kü ArdaxSir az án kar ó paÍimánrh mad, pad róyöbast' u_$ guft kü,,Anó5ag bawéd! Ftamáyed tá Páditlalr i wináhgárán ud, nargztz.anán ud framán t

xwadáy spózgárán pad man kunéd. Ardaxjtr guft kü.cim edön gówéh? Tö óé wináh ast éstéd?Movbedán mowbed guít kű ,, án zzn ld an Etazand, i-i andar aikamb aÍmá framüd kü ,, bé ózám'' U-mán né ózad ud pus-ev zad 1 az harw nÓgzádán u írazand,an i xvadáyán nékögdar ud abáyiSnigdar ast.

ArdaxÍrr guft kü ,, éé hamé gowéh?'' Movbedán mowbed guft ku ,, AnÓiag bawéd! Hamgónag ast öiyön-am guft' ArdaxSir framrjd kú dahán i movbedán movbed purr az yákand dénár ud murwárJd i Íáhvár ud

góhr kard. Andar ham zamán kas mad, ké Sahpuhr ó anód ánid. Ardax$Ir ka-Í Sáhpuhr [razand t xwéÍdid, pad röy óbasr, o andar ohrmazd xwadáy ud Amahraspandán xvarrah I Kayán ud edüÍan sah ipérizgar vas sPás hangárd.''

27

, CULTUS DEORUM VOL..III

The [irst Sásán}an story (Sahpuhr) and the myth of Báwandids:

Ká rnámag Taríkl)-i Tabaristin

The hostility of thefamilie s

Sásánians versus Ársacids Báwandicls versus

Qárinwa ndsThe secret son Sáhpuhr i Árdaxiírán Surkháb b. Báw (Báwandid)"usurper" Ardaxöír i Paoapán Adhat !íaláö íoárinwand)The person offeringre fu se

the mowbedán mowbed The boy's grandrnothet(moth er)

The cause of refuge The attempt of the Arsacidsto resain their oower

Adhar \üíaláó kills Báw

Who finds the secret son? A mowbedán mowbed te|lsArdax(ir the storv

I(hurrzád Khusraw, a

s oldi etThe fate of the secret soo Sahpuhr becomes the heir

and successor of ÁrdaxiirSurkháb executes AdharWalá5 and restotes thekinsshio of the Báwandids

The late professor János Harmatta cal]ed attention to the relationship oE the legend ofCyrus the Great and the stoty of Árdax.óir pointing to tlre ancient roots of MiddlePersian stoÍy mentioned above. Hatmztta tried to comPaÍe the legend of Cytus theGreat [ound in Herodotus (I. 101 -112.) and the relevanr passages of the KdrninagFollowing Harmatta, one can see a v_eÍy ]ate continuation of an ancient Iranian lege nd inthe early Islamic version'of TabaÍistán.

The second story (duxt Í Mihrag and ohrmazd i sáhPuhrán)

When one reads the K,irnánag the story cited above is not the only one which can beconnectod with the Báwandids of Tabaristán. The legend on Hormizd (ohrmazd) I theson and successor of Sahpuhr i Árdaxöirán is also very exciting from the point of viewof the Báwandids.This story is quite similar to the fiÍst Sásánian myth. In this legend one can also find a

family that of Míhrag i Anösagzádán (!íardruwán) hostile to ihe Sásánians. Mihragpersonally disputes the authority of Ardaxöir, and that is why Ardaxöir decides theextermination ol Mihrag's family. He succesfully executes all the members of Mihrag'sfamily except a young daughter of Mihrag.

,,Ardaxiir, vltrn ltearing lhete ntords spoke tbat: lbtre utill il0t t0ile tbat dq wlLtn ronebodl oJMihrag i IVardrawdn c0ner t0 powcr in Eraníallr. IVbile tbe euil-princip/ed and infanoas Mibrag,yar Írry eilen), and bit clli/dren are a/! oJ lhen n1 tnenies and tlle enetties oJ n1 clli/dren. Becalle

28

sÁRKÖZY: THE sURVlVÁL oI] THE MYTH oF. THE sÁsÁN IÁNs

oJ bit anger and for reuenge Ardaxítr tlent to tbe territorr1 oJ Mihrag and he ordered lhe extct'ttion0í ererJ tllild rlf Mibrag. one o| tllt dauglllert oJ Mibrag was three 1ears old' The uillagert took bcrtecreti and entrarted her to a peasant for edaeating and taking care of ber, Tbe peatant did to andlle edltcaled Íhe girl fairl1."l'l

According ro Ehe Kdrildnrag, ye^Ís latet Sáhpuhr was hunting in the vicinity of Mihrag'sdaughter. Being thirsty he intented to provide wateÍ both for himself and for hissoldiers. However, none of his soldiers was able to draw up the bucket full of waterfrom the depth of the well. Then Mihrag's daughter appeared among them and sheimmediately pulled it up to their immense astonishment. The sutprised Sahpuhr engagedthe girl in conversarion, who ar once recog4ized the royal prince Then the storyconilnues:

,,Íatpil,, starled to laagb and tpoke lo tbe dalgbter: bow do yoa know tbat I an '{allplthr? Tbedanghter said: I beari| it Jron nan1 people, tllat lbere is onl1 one knfuht in all Ériniahr with tutlLstrength and power and aigoar and gait oJ bod1 atd dexterij, 1ou !ahptlhr í Ardaxiirdn. .f atpubrtold tlte daugltter: tell ne lht trutb, wbose daagltler are 1ol?Tlte daaghter taid: I an tlte daugbtcr oJ thit leasanr, who liues in tltis uillagt. lattprt, to/d htr:)0,1 dre not ttl/ing the trutb, becatte the dalgbters of peasantr do not ltuue tltis uirttte and uigourand decencl and gait that lott potrett. So tben 1ou eitber tel! ne tbe tratb or ate ue atil! not be oflhe rane lav. Tbe datghter told hin: gile ne protection Jor n1 bofu, n1 toll, for telling tbe trlth.tahprhr told ber: Protection! Do tot be afiaid! The darghter told hint: I an the daughtcr ofMibrag í AnoÍagryidan and I wat brorybl llere on úccrilnt oJ thl lear of Ardaxíír' None tlJ'tbeteuen children of Mihrag rcnained aliae excell ne. Aecording to lbe diaine Jate tbe daugbter betantpregnant witb Obrnaqd t labpabran the tane nigbt. iattprhr helrt tbe girl well and properj andtbe gaue birtb to Ohrnaqd i !ahpabran. Sahpuhr kept ObrnaT.d in terrir beJore his fatlter til/ ttttson reaclted reuett )edr[. "2t)

19 Kárnanag Parr. No l8. ,,Ardaxilr ka-i án saxwan a*nud guft ku: án róz mábud kű az töhm i Mihrag iwardruvan kas pad Éránlahr kámgár bawéd, Öé Mihrag gárántóhm ud anagtöhm duÍman r man búd udfrazandán i-$ ast hamag du$man í man ud frazandán i man hénd, Agnr ö nérógÓmandih rasénd ud kén ipidar xwahénd pad (tazandan i man wizandgár bawénd. Aidaxiir xéim ud k-n ráy ó gyág i Mihrag Íudud hamóyén ftazandán i Mihrag framid ór'adan. l)uxt-éw r Mihrag sé sáIag büd' Dáyagán pad nihán óbérön anid u_San ó varzigar mard-éw abespárd kú parward ud goÍ aziÍ dáit. Watzigar hamgönag kard,kanizag nékogihá parvard.''2{|Kirninag Part. No' 19' ',Sahpuhr bc xandid u-$ ó kanizag guft kü: tö éé dáneh kú man Sáhpuhr ham?KanÍzag guft kü: man Az was kas aSnud kú andar Érán$ahr aswar_cw ?st

^?' 7'()Í ud néróg ud tanbahr ud

didan ud éabukjh édon ciyón tö Sáhpuhr i Árclax*irán. Sahpuhr ó kanrzag gult kú: rast gów kü tö azÍrazandán i ké heh? KanTzag guft ku nran duxt i én watzigar ham r pad én déh mánéd Sallun' guft kú;né Íást gówéh óé duxtar i warzigatán én hunar ud nérög ud didan ud nékögih l tó ast né bawéd. Nún bekü rást göwéh enyá hamdadestán né bawém.KznÍzag guít kü at-am zénhár dahiÍn pad tan ud gyan tá man ríst be gówam. Sahpuhr guft kü: zénhárud má tars. KanÍzag guft kü: man dux[ i Mihrag l Ano$agzádán ham ud az bim i Ardaxjít ráy ó én gyágánid ham. Az haft frazand i Mihtag bé 4an tá any kas né mánd éstéd'

CUI-TUS DEORU.M VOL. ]I1

This second Sásánian stoÍy can be connected in many ways to the legend of theBáwandids. The representative oI the rival dynasty is also kil]ed here as in the case ofBáw. The only surviving child was brought from there and she was educated in a village.Sahpuhr just like Khurrzád Khusrau recognized the noble chatacter oI the daughter.The curiosity of this story lies in the Fact, that it is a double story, since the daughterof Mihrag, the former enemy of Ardaxöir gave birth to ohrmazd, Sahpuhr eldest sonand his heir, who was kept in secret for years before his grandfather coulcl recognizehim. Here again we can see the well-known phenomenon, the Iranian type of trantlatio'inptrii, because ohrmazd is the successor of both the Sásánians and of Mihrag.

Sahpuhr, a son of an Ársacid princess a4d his son Ohrmazd as a grandchild of Mihrag iAnö!agzádán successfully unite the heritage and the legitimacy of the [ormer dynasties'the enemies of the rising new family the Sásánians in the Karnrinag.No doubt the only difference between the Pahlavi legend and the early Muslim version,is that one cannot see any kinship link betwee'n the protagonists.Let us see the structural similarities of the second Pahlavi legend and the myth of rhe

Báwandids.

The second Sasánian story (duxt í Mihrag and ohrmazd í Sáhpuhrán) and the Báwandidlegend:

Kárnáinag Túrikb-i Tabaristan

The hostility of thefamilie s

Sásánians veÍsus Mihrag'sfamilv

Báwandids v€rsusoárinwands

The secret son Duxt i Mihrag (Ohrmazd iSahpuhran

S.urkháb b. Báw (Báwandid)

usurDef Ardaxöit i Páoasán Adhar !íaláő (oárinwand)

The person offeringre fuse

a Peasant (warzigar) The boy's grandmother(mo th et)

The cause of refuge The rivalization of Mihragwrth the Sasanlans

Adhar !íalái kills Báw

Who finds the secret son? Sáhpuhr (in the case ofOhrmazd Ardaxiir himself!)

Khurtzád I(husraw, a

soldi erThe fate of the secret son Mihrag's daughter becomes

the mother of Sahpuhr'sheir

Surkháb executes Ádhar'0íalá5 and restores thekinsshiD- of the Báwandids

Bréhéniin ray (kü abáyéd büdan) pad

^zalmig ud grámig dáÍt ud ohrmazd

ka ó dád i haft silag mad.''

ham Sab abar ohrmazd i Sehpuhrán ábestan büd.i Sáhpuhrán azji zid. Sahpuhr ohrmazd az pidar

Sáhpuhr kanizagnihán dást lá nn

30

SÁRKÖ7-Y: THE sURVIVAL oF THE'MYTH oI; THE sÁsÁN]ANs

SÁupugn i PÁPAGÁN AND THE DEATH oF BÁw

In one aspect the story found inTarikb-iTabaristan seeÍns to be linked with one episodeof Ardaxőir in Tabari's TtirikI a!-r'/tu! ura'l-nglttk This is the story of the murder ofBáw' In the case of Tabart, we aÍe informed of a similar ",a.-p, against the elderbrother of Ardaxöir. s7hen departing from Istakbr, Sehpuhr was kilied by a brick which''.fell'' from the height of a palace of Khumáy near Dárabgird. Sáhpuhr i Pápagán wasthe heir and successor_ of Pápag, according to Tabarí, ú..rur. lap^g t'^j resignedshortly before. Thus Sáhpuhr was an obstacle for Árclaxöír on the way to the throne. Itis not by chance that this stoty can be read in the context of the wars with local rulers,and the eufemizing style of Tabarl cannot convince us of the creclibílity of the story;instead, it seems to be that it was not an accident causecl by an "innocent', btick but an

i'::'P.,_ "| Árdaxiir against his brother Sahpuhr' 2lSimilarly in the Triríkb-i TabaristattÁdhar !íalái himself throws a brick on the back ol Baw'Tbis unusual form oF assassination disguised as an accident is thus reiterated in earlyMuslim Iran in the stories of Ádhar WaIáS and Báw. Both Arclaxíir and Ádhar Walásobtain power - the same PeÍsons whose enemies'children fled ancl took shelter in fear

21 Tabari,Gesclichle der Pcrter tnl Arubcr qar Zeil der sataniden. Att ier arabisclten Cltronik t!et Tabariiibtnet{ a.nd nit atsfiihrliilter Erli rngen te rseltn u.ot Ttt. Ntildeke.. l_eiden 19i3. g. ,, Afrcr ( i'e' lallprllr i Pa\agán) art .I ar lntl rie ll int Ban tler Cllnái at.[ tler !'lratle raclDáráhgerd niedetgelatsen llarte, Jiel der alf ibn Lerab lll rödlele il)I. J'ohaltl Art!aíír iieKlnrle uernahn, <0! er lelen lstaklr|'" But this version fo NöIdeke is [ound only in onc TabarÍmanuscript' as Nö]deke himself states in the nole added to this passage; ,,I)er Inhalt der Klammer istvon Tabari selbst aus Versehen ausgelassen; ich habe ihn ergánzt

""u, Spr' (= cod. Sprenger 30,Berliner Handschift), welcher dieselbe Quelle ausschrieb." The same fact is srressed by de Goele who

exclude"- this part from his rext, referring ro it onry in a note :,,na ntqara bind,r Khtnay,ari nadrufa

ie' Thjs version ocurs in rhe above mentioned manuscript of Berlin, s. de Goe;e, M. J (ed ) ÁnlalttAlclore Abr Djafar Mollannet! Ibn Djarir lt-Tahari l. (P,3i1-640) Leiden 1880. 81,ó. ,'a,i j. The famousHungarian scholar, István Hahn also refers to the same problem in his Hungarian translation of thjspart of Tabari, s' Harmatta, J' @d.) Ókori Keleti Törtéteri Cllrtttotzallia' Budapest 1999. 348.9. n. lt isvery lmPortan! to note that in Bal'ami's early new Persian Tabari p"raphrase, there is another versionconcerning !he accession of Ardaxirr. ,,I{/a ill a7 lt!a r btran iltad)nl, btj4aÍlantl ua !tiIir-rti hantlkardanl wa Árdaíir'ra nlina kartlalt!.",,Antl uhtn /bry !aprr's hrotllers) |r1, trroklrr, tLry retarletl,nanacled iaptir ant! !leil wr0le !o Ártlaiir." RouÍan, ]\. (ed.) Tarikllnrina-.1i Tabari gartlinirla'-7i nansih hiBll'ani' vol. l. ó()l' Tihran 1380. But the facr that in both of the stories, in Tabarí,s and in Bal"amI,sversion Sáhpuhr has an unnatural death strengthens our suspicion againsr ArdaxÍir as a murdcrcr oí hjsbrorher Sahpuhr the legitimare successor ol Pápag. Beyond this, th... are other early lslamic sources,mainly Arabic ones, where one can Íind other versions less similar to that oa Tabari' F'or extmple thetríiba-\al ot-irab which mentions the Plot of Ardaxsrrs's brothers not Sáhpuhr himself, who were kil]ed ina simi]ar manner by the falling of a dome on rhem when sleeping, *. !íid.ngr.n' G. The establishmentof the Sasanian dynasty in the light of new evidence, Ll Pertia ,r!'íIutirurr, Al/i tlel calutgnointe.rrulionale (Rona, )l ndr<0 - 5 aprilt 1970), Accnde mia Nazionale dej l-incei, Roma 197,| . j20-j22.and Farahvaüi, B' (ed.) K,irn,inc.1e Art!a!ir-e Bdbakdl, Tihrán 2003, the excerpt and translations oí theSáhnama, ]bn al_Athir' Dinawari, Mas"üdi, lbn aI-Balkhi, the MQnal a!-lupdrikb ua, l-qitar.215-296.

31

I:l

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il

CUI,TUS DEORUM VOI-. III

of them. The only difference is that Ádhar Waláö becomes the negative protagonistwhile Ardaxörr is finally glorified in the Karnanag.The similarity of these stories seems to be clear, and evén Ibn Isfandyár could have

known an Árabic or Middle Persian or classical Persian version oí Tabarí (that ofBal.ami) oÍ at least the sources of Tabari, yet it is true that he did not use this PAssa8ebecause.Tabari's work does not include the miracolous stories oÍ the Karnanag'

SUMMARY

My arguments can be summarized as follows:

1. As the similarities of the two storie$ show us, the cultural heritage of the Sásánian

Empire and its legitimacy survived among the rulers of Tabatistán. The legend

concetning the Bawaodid dynasty found in the local chrooicIes oFTabaristán in the 13-

15th centuries can be surely linked with the previous Sásánian myth Íooted in ancientNear Eastern, old Persian traditions. The two episodes presetved in rhe Kárnanog íArdaxÍír í Pn?r7al, that served to suPPort the legitimacy of the Sásánians, can be found

in a more abbreviated form in the legends of the very alchaic atea of Tabaristán, which

PÍeserved its pre_Islamic ttaditions faithfully.

2. The importance of thestory ábout the secret son lies io the fact that in this story pne

can gÍasP an element of the previous PÍe_Islamic era, ie' the Iranian legend oI royal

legitimacy. Ánd, taking into consideration that this myth may probably be thought to be

a mele descendant of an aricient old Persian legend, the stor!'of the Báwandi,ds is

therefore the latest version of an aichaic Iranian myth.

3. It is also fascinating to see, that in the case of the local rulers there existed a

continous tradition direct|y from Sásánian times, and that was not an ertificia|,politically motivated tendency constructed much later as seen in many cases in early

Islamic history (Saffárids, Buwayhids). The Sásánian tradition was never interrupted in

Tabaristin: rhose aristocrats who fled there succeeded in reestablishing the institutionsand culture of rhe ptevious centuries. There was no need for an kantqn tenaissance of

aÍicient customs because the tradition had never died out. The tecurrence of the story

oE the Kárn,inag fits well in this context as an evidence of this phenomenon. It is very

important to note that this very ancient legend about the Báwandids preserved in thé

local chronicles never occuts in other contemPoraÍy oÍ earlier, pre-Ilkhánid historicalsources of other Iranian provinces.

4' The main problem is the tradition oI the sources. one can only suÍmise which text

was the soutce of Ibn Isfandyár. Before the Tarikb-i Tabarirtón there are no traces of

32

SÁRKÖZY: THE sURv]VAI- oI] THE MYTH oi'_ THE SASANIANs

this story except the ialtnana This insoluble question causes great difficulties when we

tty to follow the traces of the Iocal traditions and their presumable contacts wi th thePahlavi literature. But it seems to be the case that many oF the local ruling families hada Sásánian descendance-consciousness. A]beit we cannot substantiate this fact, yet thestory of the Báwandids shown above was surely a Íecurrence' a late or Post-Sesánianversion of the well-known Pahlavi'legend of the Sásánians found in the Karnana3. Onecan speak about a "Sásánian microcosmos" in Tabaristán, where the myths oí the newlyestablished dynasties (Sásánian aristocrats in reality) deliberately reca]lecl the ancientSásáriian myth about ArdaxöIr's accession to the throne. Ás had been the case of the

Sásánians themselves who had used the elements of the Áchaemenid heritage for theirown legitimacy.

33

CULTUS DEORUM VOL. III

So URcEs

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Firdausi, Ábü'l-Qásim Mansür 1374l1995: lahnana, Mohl, J.(.d.), vol. I-IV' Sirkat-iIntiSarát_i .IlmI va Farhangi, Tihrán

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