The Second Language Acquisition Process Differs From the First Language Acquisition in Most Cases

The second language acquisition process differs from the first language acquisition in most cases. Apart from the situations in which a child is raised by parents using two different languages on everyday basis, or in a country in which there are two languages in common use, the most usual situation is learning a second language not from infancy, but at school, or even later. therefore, the very circumstances of language acquisition are different, and thus the process itself shows certain distinctive features. In applied linguistics and language methodology various manners of second language learning/acquisition are acknowledged. Therefore, if a person learns a language in a community that uses a different mother tongue, then the process is called foreign language learning, so a German child learning English in a school in Germany learns it as a foreign language, because English is not usually used on everyday basis outside the classroom. However, if a German child living in Britain in a German-speaking community learns English the process is called learning English as a second language, since English is not foreign in Britain. Moreover, linguists and language teachers distinguish between learning and acquisition. Hence, the term learning is used to describe a conscious process that includes thorough explanation of grammar rules, practice of those rules, as well as memorizing lists of vocabulary. Learning is what we usually experience during classroom lessons. Acquisition, on the other hand, is an unconscious process which does not involve tutelage and is more dependent on the amount of exposure to language and interaction.There are numerous factors affecting the process of second language acquisition. It most frequently occurs in a classroom situation, which means fewer hours in which learners are exposed to language comparing to first language acquisition. Moreover, there are many things happening in classes that disturb the process, such as embarrassment and fear of making mistakes, lack of motivation to learn or unwillingness to sound foreign because of lack of sympathy towards the target language culture. When factors such as stress or self-consciousness also occur linguists tend to talk of affective factors which influence the entire process.What is characteristic of second language acquisition, but not of the first language acquisition process is so called transfer. This term denotes the act of trying to apply the pronunciation, word order, vocabulary or some expression form the mother tongue to the target language learnt at the moment. When the transfer is successful, for example a word from the learners native language has been used while using the target language and such a word indeed exists in the target language (either with different pronunciation, or not) the learner has benefited from a positive transfer. However, when in a similar attempt the learner tries to use a structure, or a word from the native language, but such a word, or structure does not exist in the target language the learner makes use of the negative transfer.When students learn some foreign language they do it gradually. They start with simple words and grammar constructions and proceed to more complex structures. The methods that are most frequently used to teach foreign languages stress that certain factors in the process resemble the process of the first language acquisition. Therefore, errors are often perceived as natural indication that the process of the second language acquisition occurs. As in the first language acquisition certain errors are predictable and determined by the current level of proficiency. However, there is also a large number of errors that cannot be accounted for as negative transfer, because the forms used do not exist in learners mother tongue, but also do not exist in the target language. That supports the idea that learners create a sort of in-between system of their own while learning a foreign language called interlanguage.Studies show that the earlier the process of second language acquisition begins the better the results will be. Although there are some exceptions to this rule usually people who started learning second language as young children have better linguistic competence. Most of the people learning a foreign language reach a certain level of fluency, or use some phrases that would not be used by the native users of the target language. Thus it is said that learners interlanguage fossilizes, which means that it does not improve anymore. Fossilization is most likely to occur in pronunciation as after puberty it is difficult to learn to sound like a native speaker.

While many discussions about learning a second language focus on teaching methodologies, little emphasis is given to the contextual factors-individual, social, and societal-that affect students' learning. These contextual factors can be considered from the perspective of the language, the learner, and the learning process. This digest discusses these perspectives as they relate to learning any second language, with a particular focus on how they affect adolescent learners of English as a second language. LANGUAGE Several factors related to students' first and second languages shape their second language learning. These factors include the linguistic distance between the two languages, students' level of proficiency in the native language and their knowledge of the second language, the dialect of the native language spoken by the students (i.e., whether it is standard or nonstandard), the relative status of the students' language in the community, and societal attitudes toward the students' native language. "Language Distance." Specific languages can be more or less difficult to learn, depending on how different from or similar they are to the languages the learner already knows. At the Defense Language Institute in Monterey, California, for example, languages are placed in four categories depending on their average learning difficulty from the perspective of a native English speaker. The basic intensive language course, which brings a student to an intermediate level, can be as short as 24 weeks for languages such as Dutch or Spanish, which are Indo European languages and use the same writing system as English, or as long as 65 weeks for languages such as Arabic, Korean, or Vietnamese, which are members of other language families and use different writing systems. "Native language proficiency." The student's level of proficiency in the native language-including not only oral language and literacy, but also metalinguistic development, training in formal and academic features of language use, and knowledge of rhetorical patterns and variations in genre and style-affects acquisition of a second language. The more academically sophisticated the student's native language knowledge and abilities, the easier it will be for that student to learn a second language. This helps explain why foreign exchange students tend to be successful in American high school classes: They already have high school level proficiency in their native language. "Knowledge of the second language." Students' prior knowledge of the second language is of course a significant factor in their current learning. High school students learning English as a second language in a U.S. classroom may possess skills ranging from conversational fluency acquired from contacts with the English-speaking world to formal knowledge obtained in English as a foreign language classes in their countries of origin. The extent and type of prior knowledge is an essential consideration in planning instruction. For example, a student with informal conversational English skills may have little understanding of English grammatical systems and may need specific instruction in English grammar. "Dialect and register." Learners may need to learn a dialect and a formal register in school that are different from those they encounter in their daily lives. This involves acquiring speech patterns that may differ significantly from those they are familiar with and value as members of a particular social group or speech community. "Language status." Consideration of dialects and registers of a language and of the relationships between two languages includes the relative prestige of different languages and dialects and of the cultures and ethnic groups associated with them. Students whose first language has a low status vis a vis the second may lose their first language, perhaps feeling they have to give up their own linguistic and cultural background to join the more prestigious society associated with the target language. "Language attitudes." Language attitudes in the learner, the peer group, the school, the neighborhood, and society at large can have an enormous effect on the second language learning process, both positive and negative. It is vital that teachers and students examine and understand these attitudes. In particular, they need to understand that learning a second language does not mean giving up one's first language or dialect. Rather, it involves adding a new language or dialect to one's repertoire. This is true even for students engaged in formal study of their first language. For example, students in Spanish for native speakers classes may feel bad when teachers tell them that the ways they speak Spanish are not right. Clearly, this is an issue of dialect difference. School (in this case, classroom Spanish) requires formal registers and standard dialects, while conversation with friends and relatives may call for informal registers and nonstandard dialects. If their ways of talking outside of school are valued when used in appropriate contexts, students are more likely to be open to learning a new language or dialect, knowing that the new discourses will expand their communicative repertoires rather than displace their familiar ways of communicating. THE LEARNER Students come from diverse backgrounds and have diverse needs and goals. With adolescent language learners, factors such as peer pressure, the presence of role models, and the level of home support can strongly affect the desire and ability to learn a second language. "Diverse needs" A basic educational principle is that new learning should be based on prior experiences and existing skills. Although this principle is known and generally agreed upon by educators, in practice it is often overshadowed by the administrative convenience of the linear curriculum and the single textbook. Homogeneous curricula and materials are problematic enough if all learners are from a single language and cultural background, but they are indefensible given the great diversity in today's classrooms. Such diversity requires a different conception of curricula and a different approach to materials. Differentiation and individualization are not a luxury in this context: They are a necessity. "Diverse goals." Learners' goals may determine how they use the language being learned, how native-like their pronunciation will be, how lexically elaborate and grammatically accurate their utterances will be, and how much energy they will expend to understand messages in the target language. Learners' goals can vary from wholly integrative-the desire to assimilate and become a full member of the English-speaking world-to primarily instrumental-oriented toward specific goals such as academic or professional success (Gardner, 1989). Educators working with English language learners must also consider whether the communities in which their students live, work, and study accept them, support their efforts, and offer them genuine English-learning opportunities. "Peer groups." Teenagers tend to be heavily influenced by their peer groups. In second language learning, peer pressure often undermines the goals set by parents and teachers. Peer pressure often reduces the desire of the student to work toward native pronunciation, because the sounds of the target language may be regarded as strange. For learners of English as a second language, speaking like a native speaker may unconsciously be regarded as a sign of no longer belonging to their native-language peer group. In working with secondary school students, it is important to keep these peer influences in mind and to foster a positive image for proficiency in a second language. "Role models." Students need to have positive and realistic role models who demonstrate the value of being proficient in more than one language. It is also helpful for students to read literature about the personal experiences of people from diverse language and dialect backgrounds. Through discussions of the challenges experienced by others, students can develop a better understanding of their own challenges. "Home support." Support from home is very important for successful second language learning. Some educators believe that parents of English language learners should speak only English in the home (see, e.g., recommendations made in Rodriguez, 1982). However, far more important than speaking English is that parents value both the native language and English, communicate with their children in whichever language is most comfortable, and show support for and interest in their children's progress. THE LEARNING PROCESS When we think of second language development as a learning process, we need to remember that different students have different learning styles, that intrinsic motivation aids learning, and that the quality of classroom interaction matters a great deal. "Learning styles." Research has shown that individuals vary greatly in the ways they learn a second language (Skehan, 1989). Some learners are more analytically oriented and thrive on picking apart words and sentences. Others are more globally oriented, needing to experience overall patterns of language in meaningful contexts before making sense of the linguistic parts and forms. Some learners are more visually oriented, others more geared to sounds. "Motivation." According to Deci and Ryan (1985), intrinsic motivation is related to basic human needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness. Intrinsically motivated activities are those that the learner engages in for their own sake because of their value, interest, and challenge. Such activities present the best possible opportunities for learning. "Classroom interaction." Language learning does not occur as a result of the transmission of facts about language or from a succession of rote memorization drills. It is the result of opportunities for meaningful interaction with others in the target language. Therefore, lecturing and recitation are not the most appropriate modes of language use in the second language classroom. Teachers need to move toward more richly interactive language use, such as that found in instructional conversations (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988) and collaborative classroom work (Adger, Kalyanpur, Peterson, & Bridger, 1995). CONCLUSION While this digest has focused on the second language acquisition process from the perspective of the language, the learner, and the learning process, it is important to point out that the larger social and cultural contexts of second language development have a tremendous impact on second language learning, especially for immigrant students. The status of students' ethnic groups in relation to the larger culture can help or hinder the acquisition of the language of mainstream society. REFERENCES Adger, C., Kalyanpur, M., Peterson, D., & Bridger, T. (1995). "Engaging students: Thinking, talking, cooperating." Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin. Deci, E.L., & Ryan, R.M. (1985). "Intrinsic motivation and self-determination in human behavior." New York: Plenum. Gardner, H. (1989). "To open minds: Chinese clues to the dilemma of contemporary education." New York: Basic. Rodriguez, R. (1982). "Hunger of memory: The education of Richard Rodriguez, an autobiography." Toronto: Bantam. Skehan, P. (1989). "Individual differences in second-language learning." London: Edward Arnold. Tharp, R.G., & Gallimore, R. (1988). "Rousing minds to life: Teaching, learning, and school in social context." New York: Cambridge University Press. This digest is drawn from "Access and Engagement: Program Design and Instructional Approaches for Immigrant Students in Secondary Schools," by Aida Walqui, the fourth volume in the Topics in Immigrant Education series.

Factors Influencing Second Language Acquisition

The rate at which a student develops proficiency in English, adapts to the new environment, and integrates into the mainstream academic program will be influenced by the following factors

The age at which students begin to learn English The length of time the student has lived away from the home country The student's stage of acculturation or orientation to France and the school The student's previous educational experiences The student's level of first-language literacy The student's previous exposure to English The language or languages spoken in the student's home The presence of learning exceptionalities The effect of possible personal trauma caused by natural disaster, political upheaval, war family disruption or other difficult circumstances

6 Top factors that influence second language acquisitionDecember 23, 2010Why language schools are often ineffective? I did about about one month German language course and found that I was gaining very little out of it. I had different teachers and I noticed that a good teacher can make a huge difference by creating a learning environment that involve students and do not bore them.When I started to read literature about the factors that influence language learning, but also learning in general, I found out that the approach that some of my teachers were following was totally wrong.I summarize what I think are crucial factors for efficient language learning and will then explain each one more in detail:1. Motivation2. Regular practice3. Emotional involvement4. Playfulness and willingness to make mistakes5. Humble approach The basic first6. Grammar is secondary to practice, theory is secondary to practice.1. MotivationTurns out that the more you are motivated toward learning the faster and better you will learn. This seems obvious but the crucial point is that to be motivated you have actually to believe that you can learn the language, and that you can learn it pretty quickly.2. Regular practiceIt is better to practice the language every day 20-30 minutes than 2 hours 2 times a week. Regular practice it is very much linked to other factors such as time management and motivation.3. Emotional involvementOur memory can retain much better information that is associated with strong emotions and more than one sense. For example, associating the sound of a word with images and smell could be more effective than just reading the word on a dictionary. One important factor is that a person memory may have preference for one of the senses. Therefore, discovering what is your favourite sense for memory retention can be highly useful to decide how to learn languages.4. Playfulness and willingness to make mistakesWhen we are bored we do not learn. When we are having fun we are more receptive. This is one of the reason why boring language school is usually very ineffective. I think that is also important to not worry about sounding a bit ridiculous during the first months speaking a foreign language. Willingness to make mistakes allows you to improve by getting feedback on what are you doing wrong and how to fix it. A playful approach to language learning can be highly rewarding because allows you to say anything and without having to worry too much about it.5. Humble approach Starting from the basicWe learn better when we interiorize very well some small knowledge chuncks or principles before adding new ones. Therefore, a beginner that start by an humble approach, and recognize that is better to learn very good very few things at the beginning before learning a lot of advanced rules will actually learn faster. In other words, I think that the secret to learn fast is actually to learn slowly (gradually).6. Grammar is secondary to practice.Generally speaking I believe that second language acquisition is more successful when it imitates children language acquisition. Children do not learn grammar first and then how to speak, they learn how to speak by a trial and error process which involve constant engaging with their environment. Children do not learn reading by starting to read literature. They learn to read by starting to read simple single words, and then simple single sentences. Grammar should be taught very sparingly and sparingly used to check the sentences that one has already pronounced instead than the opposite.PeterRelated content:

Second-language acquisition or second-language learning is the process by which people learn a second language. Second-language acquisition (often abbreviated to SLA) is also the name of the scientific discipline devoted to studying that process. Second language refers to any language learned in addition to a person's first language; although the concept is named second language acquisition, it can also incorporate the learning of third, fourth or subsequent languages.[1] Second-language acquisition refers to what learners do; it does not refer to practices in language teaching.The academic discipline of second-language acquisition is a sub-discipline of applied linguistics. It is broad-based and relatively new. As well as the various branches of linguistics, second-language acquisition is also closely related to psychology, cognitive psychology, and education. To separate the academic discipline from the learning process itself, the terms second-language acquisition research, second-language studies, and second-language acquisition studies are also used. SLA research began as an interdisciplinary field, and because of this it is difficult to identify a precise starting date. However, it does appear to have developed a great deal since the mid-1960s.[2] The term acquisition was originally used to emphasize the subconscious nature of the learning process,[3] but in recent years learning and acquisition have become largely synonymous.Second-language acquisition can incorporate heritage language learning,[4] but it does not usually incorporate bilingualism. Most SLA researchers see bilingualism as being the end result of learning a language, not the process itself, and see the term as referring to native-like fluency. Writers in fields such as education and psychology, however, often use bilingualism loosely to refer to all forms of multilingualism.[5] Second-language acquisition is also not to be contrasted with the acquisition of a foreign language; rather, the learning of second languages and the learning of foreign languages involve the same fundamental processes in different situations.[6].There has been much debate about exactly how language is learned, and many issues are still unresolved. There have been many theories of second-language acquisition that have been proposed, but none has been accepted as an overarching theory by all SLA researchers. Due to the interdisciplinary nature of the field of second-language acquisition, this is not expected to happen in the foreseeable future.Contents[hide] 1 History 2 Comparisons with first language acquisition 3 Learner language 3.1 Item and system learning 3.2 Interlanguage 3.3 Sequences of acquisition 3.4 Variability 4 External factors 4.1 Input and interaction 4.2 Social aspects 5 Internal factors 5.1 Cognitive approaches 5.2 Sociocultural approaches 5.3 Linguistic approaches 6 Individual variation 6.1 Affective factors 7 In the classroom 8 See also 9 Notes 10 References 11 Further reading 12 External links

[edit] HistoryAs SLA began as an interdisciplinary field, it is hard to pin down a precise starting date.[2] However, there are two publications in particular that are seen as instrumental to the development of the modern study of SLA: Pitt Corder's 1967 essay The Significance of Learners' Errors, and Larry Selinker's 1972 article Interlanguage. Corder's essay rejected a behaviorist account of SLA and suggested that learners made use of intrinsic internal linguistic processes; Selinker's article argued that second language learners possess their own individual linguistic systems that are independent from both the first and second languages.[7]In the 1970s the general trend in SLA was for research exploring the ideas of Corder and Selinker, and refuting behaviorist theories of language acquisition. Examples include research into error analysis, studies in transitional stages of second-language ability, and the "morpheme studies" investigating the order in which learners acquired linguistic features. The 70s were dominated by naturalistic studies of people learning English as a second language.[7]By the 1980s, the theories of Stephen Krashen had become the prominent paradigm in SLA. In his theories, often collectively known as the Input Hypothesis, Krashen suggested that language acquisition is driven solely by comprehensible input, language input that learners can understand. Krashen's model was influential in the field of SLA and also had a large influence on language teaching, but it left some important processes in SLA unexplained. Research in the 1980s was characterized by the attempt to fill in these gaps. Some approaches included Lydia White's descriptions of learner competence, and Manfred Pienemann's use of speech processing models and lexical functional grammar to explain learner output. This period also saw the beginning of approaches based in other disciplines, such as the psychological approach of connectionism.[7]The 1990s saw a host of new theories introduced to the field, such as Michael Long's interaction hypothesis, Merrill Swain's output hypothesis, and Richard Schmidt's noticing hypothesis. However, the two main areas of research interest were linguistic theories of SLA based upon Noam Chomsky's universal grammar, and psychological approaches such as skill acquisition theory and connectionism. The latter category also saw the new theories of processability and input processing in this time period. The 1990s also saw the introduction of sociocultural theory, an approach to explain second-language acquisition in terms of the social environment of the learner.[7]In the 2000s research was focused on much the same areas as in the 1990s, with research split into two main camps of linguistic and psychological approaches. VanPatten and Benati do not see this state of affairs as changing in the near future, pointing to the support both areas of research have in the wider fields of linguistics and psychology, respectively.[7][edit] Comparisons with first language acquisitionPeople who learn a second language differ from children learning their first language in a number of ways. Perhaps the most striking of these is that very few adult second-language learners reach the same competence as native speakers of that language. Children learning a second language are more likely to achieve native-like fluency than adults, but in general it is very rare for someone speaking a second language to pass completely for a native speaker. When a learner's speech plateaus in this way it is known as fossilization.In addition, some errors that second-language learners make in their speech originate in their first language. For example, Spanish speakers learning English may say "Is raining" rather than "It is raining", leaving out the subject of the sentence. French speakers learning English, however, do not usually make the same mistake. This is because sentence subjects can be left out in Spanish, but not in French.[8] This influence of the first language on the second is known as language transfer.Also, when people learn a second language, the way they speak their first language changes in subtle ways. These changes can be with any aspect of language, from pronunciation and syntax to gestures the learner makes and the things they tend to notice.[9] For example, French speakers who spoke English as a second language pronounced the /t/ sound in French differently from monolingual French speakers.[10] When shown a fish tank, Chinese speakers of English tend to remember more fish and fewer plants than Chinese monolinguals.[11] This effect of the second language on the first led Vivian Cook to propose the idea of multi-competence, which sees the different languages a person speaks not as separate systems, but as related systems in their mind.[12][edit] Learner languageLearner language is the written or spoken language produced by a learner. It is also the main type of data used in second-language acquisition research.[13] Much research in second-language acquisition is concerned with the internal representations of a language in the mind of the learner, and in how those representations change over time. It is not yet possible to inspect these representations directly with brain scans or similar techniques, so SLA researchers are forced to make inferences about these rules from learners' speech or writing.[14][edit] Item and system learningThere are two types of learning that second-language learners engage in. The first is item learning, or the learning of formulaic chunks of language. These chunks can be individual words, set phrases, or formulas like Can I have a ___? The second kind of learning is system learning, or the learning of systematic rules.[15][edit] InterlanguageMain article: InterlanguageOriginally, attempts to describe learner language were based on comparing different languages and on analyzing learners' errors. However, these approaches weren't able to predict all the errors that learners made when in the process of learning a second language. For example, Serbo-Croat speakers learning English may say "What does Pat doing now?", although this is not a valid sentence in either language.[16]To explain these kind of systematic errors, the idea of the interlanguage was developed.[17] An interlanguage is an emerging language system in the mind of a second-language learner. A learner's interlanguage is not a deficient version of the language being learned filled with random errors, nor is it a language purely based on errors introduced from the learner's first language. Rather, it is a language in its own right, with its own systematic rules.[18] It is possible to view most aspects of language from an interlanguage perspective, including grammar, phonology, lexicon, and pragmatics.There are three different processes that influence the creation of interlanguages:[16] Language transfer. Learners fall back on their mother tongue to help create their language system. This is now recognized not as a mistake, but as a process that all learners go through. Overgeneralization. Learners use rules from the second language in a way that native speakers would not. For example, a learner may say "I goed home", overgeneralizing the English rule of adding -ed to create past tense verb forms. Simplification. Learners use a highly simplified form of language, similar to speech by children or in pidgins. This may be related to linguistic universals.The concept of interlanguage has become very widespread in SLA research, and is often a basic assumption made by researchers.[18][edit] Sequences of acquisitionA typical order of acquisition for English[19]

1.Plural -sGirls go.

2.Progressive -ingGirls going.

3.Copula forms of beGirls are here.

4.Auxiliary forms of beGirls are going.

5.Definite and indefinitearticles the and aThe girls go.

6.Irregular past tenseThe girls went.

7.Third person -sThe girl goes.

8.Possessive 'sThe girl's book.

Main article: Order of acquisitionIn the 1970s there were several studies that investigated the order in which learners acquired different grammatical structures.[20] These studies showed that there was little change in this order among learners with different first languages. Furthermore, it showed that the order was the same for adults as well as children, and that it did not even change if the learner had language lessons. This proved that there were factors other than language transfer involved in learning second languages, and was a strong confirmation of the concept of interlanguage.However, the studies did not find that the orders were exactly the same. Although there were remarkable similarities in the order in which all learners learned second-language grammar, there were still some differences among individuals and among learners with different first languages. It is also difficult to tell when exactly a grammatical structure has been learned, as learners may use structures correctly in some situations but not in others. Thus it is more accurate to speak of sequences of acquisition, where particular grammatical features in a language have a fixed sequence of development, but the overall order of acquisition is less rigid.[edit] VariabilityAlthough second-language acquisition proceeds in discrete sequences, it does not progress from one step of a sequence to the next in an orderly fashion. There can be considerable variability in features of learners' interlanguage while progressing from one stage to the next.[21] For example, in one study by Rod Ellis a learner used both "No look my card" and "Don't look my card" while playing a game of bingo.[22] A small fraction of variation in interlanguage is free variation, when the learner uses two forms interchangeably. However, most variation is systemic variation, variation which depends on the context of utterances the learner makes.[21] Forms can vary depending on linguistic context, such as whether the subject of a sentence is a pronoun or a noun; they can vary depending on social context, such as using formal expressions with superiors and informal expressions with friends; and also, they can vary depending on psycholinguistic context, or in other words, on whether learners have the chance to plan what they are going to say.[21] The causes of variability are a matter of great debate among SLA researchers.[22][edit] External factors[edit] Input and interactionThe primary factor affecting language acquisition appears to be the input that the learner receives. Stephen Krashen took a very strong position on the importance of input, asserting that comprehensible input is all that is necessary for second-language acquisition.[23][24] Krashen pointed to studies showing that the length of time a person stays in a foreign country is closely linked with his level of language acquisition. Further evidence for input comes from studies on reading: large amounts of free voluntary reading have a significant positive effect on learners' vocabulary, grammar, and writing.[25][26] Input is also the mechanism by which people learn languages according to the universal grammar model.[27]The type of input may also be important. One tenet of Krashen's theory is that input should not be grammatically sequenced. He claims that such sequencing, as found in language classrooms where lessons involve practicing a "structure of the day", is not necessary, and may even be harmful.[28]While input is of vital importance, Krashen's assertion that only input matters in second-language acquisition has been contradicted by more recent research. For example, students enrolled in French-language immersion programs in Canada still produced non-native-like grammar when they spoke, even though they had years of meaning-focused lessons and their listening skills were statistically native-level.[29] Output appears to play an important role, and among other things, can help provide learners with feedback, make them concentrate on the form of what they are saying, and help them to automatize their language knowledge.[30] These processes have been codified in the theory of comprehensible output.[31]Researchers have also pointed to interaction in the second language as being important for acquisition. According to Long's interaction hypothesis the conditions for acquisition are especially good when interacting in the second language; specifically, conditions are good when a breakdown in communication occurs and learners must negotiate for meaning. The modifications to speech arising from interactions like this help make input more comprehensible, provide feedback to the learner, and push learners to modify their speech.[32][edit] Social aspectsAlthough the dominant perspective in second-language research is a cognitive one, from the early days of the discipline researchers have also acknowledged that social aspects play an important role.[33] There have been many different approaches to sociolinguistic study of second-language acquisition, and indeed, according to Rod Ellis, this plurality has meant that "sociolinguistic SLA is replete with a bewildering set of terms referring to the social aspects of L2 acquisition".[34] Common to each of these approaches, however, is a rejection of language as a purely psychological phenomenon; instead, sociolinguistic research views the social context in which language is learned as essential for a proper understanding of the acquisition process.[35]Ellis identifies three types of social structure which can affect the acquisition of second languages: socialinguistic setting, specific social factors, and situational factors.[36] Socialinguistic setting refers to the role of the second language in society, such as whether it is spoken by a majority or a minority of the population, whether its use is widespread or restricted to a few functional roles, or whether the society is predominantly bilingual or monolingual.[37] Ellis also includes the distinction of whether the second language is learned in a natural or an educational setting.[38] Specific social factors that can affect second-language acquisition include age, gender, social class, and ethnic identity, with ethnic identity being the one that has received most research attention.[39] Situational factors are those which vary between each social interaction. For example, a learner may use more polite language when talking to someone of higher social status, but more informal language when talking with friends.[40]There have been several models developed to explain social effects on language acquisition. Schumann's acculturation model proposes that learners' rate of development and ultimate level of language achievement is a function of the "social distance" and the "psychological distance" between learners and the second-language community. In Schumann's model the social factors are most important, but the degree to which learners are comfortable with learning the second language also plays a role.[41] Another sociolinguistic model is Gardner's socio-educational model, which was designed to explain classroom language acquisition.[42] The inter-group model proposes "ethnolinguistic vitality" as a key construct for second-language acquisition.[43] Language socialization is an approach with the premise that "linguistic and cultural knowledge are constructed through each other",[44] and saw increased attention after the year 2000.[45] Finally, Norton's theory of social identity is an attempt to codify the relationship between power, identity, and language acquisition.[46][edit] Internal factorsInternal factors affecting second-language acquisition are those which stem from the learner's own mind. Attempts to account for the internal mechanisms of second-language acquisition can be divided into three general strands: cognitive, sociocultural, and linguistic. These explanations are not all compatible, and often differ significantly.[edit] Cognitive approachesMuch modern research in second-language acquisition has taken a cognitive approach.[47] Cognitive research is concerned with the mental processes involved in language acquisition, and how they can explain the nature of learners' language knowledge. This area of research is based in the more general area of cognitive science, and uses many concepts and models used in more general cognitive theories of learning. As such, cognitive theories view second-language acquisition as a special case of more general learning mechanisms in the brain. This puts them in direct contrast with linguistic theories, which posit that language acquisition uses a unique process different from other types of learning.[48][49]The dominant model in cognitive approaches to second-language acquisition, and indeed in all second-language acquisition research, is the computational model.[49] The computational model involves three stages. In the first stage, learners retain certain features of the language input in short-term memory. (This retained input is known as intake.) Then, learners convert some of this intake into second-language knowledge, which is stored in long-term memory. Finally, learners use this second-language knowledge to produce spoken output.[50] Cognitive theories attempt to codify both the nature of the mental representations of intake and language knowledge, and the mental processes which underlie these stages.In the early days of second-language acquisition research interlanguage was seen as the basic representation of second-language knowledge; however, more recent research has taken a number of different approaches in characterizing the mental representation of language knowledge.[51] There are theories that hypothesize that learner language is inherently variable,[52] and there is the functionalist perspective that sees acquisition of language as intimately tied to the function it provides.[53] Some researchers make the distinction between implicit and explicit language knowledge, and some between declarative and procedural language knowledge.[54] There have also been approaches that argue for a dual-mode system in which some language knowledge is stored as rules, and other language knowledge as items.[55]The mental processes that underlie second-language acquisition can be broken down into micro-processes and macro-processes. Micro-processes include attention;[56] working memory;[57] integration and restructuring, the process by which learners change their interlanguage systems;[58] and monitoring, the conscious attending of learners to their own language output.[59] Macro-processes include the distinction between intentional learning and incidental learning; and also the distinction between explicit and implicit learning.[60] Some of the notable cognitive theories of second-language acquisition include the nativization model, the multidimensional model and processability theory, emergentist models, the competition model, and skill-acquisition theories.[61]Other cognitive approaches have looked at learners' speech production, particularly learners' speech planning and communication strategies. Speech planning can have an effect on learners' spoken output, and research in this area has focused on how planning affects three aspects of speech: complexity, accuracy, and fluency. Of these three, planning effects on fluency has had the most research attention.[62] Communication strategies are conscious strategies that learners employ to get around any instances of communication breakdown they may experience. Their effect on second-language acquisition is unclear, with some researchers claiming they help it, and others claiming the opposite.[63][edit] Sociocultural approachesWhile still essentially being based in the cognitive tradition, sociocultural theory has a fundamentally different set of assumptions to approaches to second-language acquisition based on the computational model.[64] Furthermore, although it is closely affiliated with other social approaches, it is a theory of mind and not of general social explanations of language acquisition. According to Ellis, "It is important to recognize ... that this paradigm, despite the label 'sociocultural' does not seek to explain how learners acquire the cultural values of the L2 but rather how knowledge of an L2 is internalized through experiences of a sociocultural nature."[64] The origins of sociocultural theory lie in the work of Lev Vygotsky, a Russian psychologist.[65][edit] Linguistic approachesLinguistic approaches to explaining second-language acquisition spring from the wider study of linguistics. They differ from cognitive approaches and sociocultural approaches in that they consider language knowledge to be unique and distinct from any other type of knowledge.[48][49] The linguistic research tradition in second-language acquisition has developed in relative isolation from the cognitive and sociocultural research traditions, and as of 2010 the influence from the wider field of linguistics was still strong.[47] Two main strands of research can be identified in the linguistic tradition: approaches informed by universal grammar, and typological approaches.[66]Typological universals are principles that hold for all the world's languages. They are found empirically, by surveying different languages and deducing which aspects of them could be universal; these aspects are then checked against other languages to verify the findings. The interlanguages of second-language learners have been shown to obey typological universals, and some researchers have suggested that typological universals may constrain interlanguage development.[67]The theory of universal grammar was proposed by Noam Chomsky in the 1950s, and has enjoyed considerable popularity in the field of linguistics. It is a narrowly-focused theory that only concentrates on describing the linguistic competence of an individual, as opposed to mechanisms of learning. It consists of a set of principles, which are universal and constant, and a set of parameters, which can be set differently for different languages.[68] The "universals" in universal grammar differ from typological universals in that they are a mental construct derived by researchers, whereas typological universals are readily verifiable by data from world languages.[67] It is widely accepted among researchers in the universal grammar framework that all first-language learners have access to universal grammar; this is not the case for second-language learners, however, and much research in the context of second-language acquisition has focused on what level of access learners may have.[68][edit] Individual variationMain article: Individual variation in second-language acquisitionThere is considerable variation in the rate at which people learn second languages, and in the language level that they ultimately reach. Some learners learn quickly and reach a near-native level of competence, but others learn slowly and get stuck at relatively early stages of acquisition, despite living in the country where the language is spoken for several years. The reason for this disparity was first addressed with the study of language learning aptitude in the 1950s, and later with the good language learner studies in the 1970s. More recently research has focused on a number of different factors that affect individuals' language learning, in particular strategy use, social and societal influences, personality, motivation, and anxiety. The relationship between age and the ability to learn languages has also been a subject of long-standing debate.The issue of age was first addressed with the critical period hypothesis.[69] The strict version of this hypothesis states that there is a cut-off age at about 12, after which learners lose the ability to fully learn a language. This strict version has since been rejected for second-language acquisition, as adult learners have been observed who reach native-like levels of pronunciation and general fluency. However, in general, adult learners of a second-language rarely achieve the native-like fluency that children display, despite often progressing faster in the initial stages. This has led to speculation that age is indirectly related to other, more central factors that affect language learning.There has been considerable attention paid to the strategies which learners use when learning a second language. Strategies have been found to be of critical importance, so much so that strategic competence has been suggested as a major component of communicative competence.[70] Strategies are commonly divided into learning strategies and communicative strategies, although there are other ways of categorizing them. Learning strategies are techniques used to improve learning, such as mnemonics or using a dictionary. Communicative strategies are strategies a learner uses to convey meaning even when she doesn't have access to the correct form, such as using pro-forms like thing, or using non-verbal means such as gestures.[edit] Affective factorsThe learner's attitude to the learning process has also been identified as being critically important to second-language acquisition. Anxiety in language-learning situations has been almost unanimously shown to be detrimental to successful learning. A related factor, personality, has also received attention. There has been discussion about the effects of extrovert and introvert personalities. However, one study has found that there were no significant differences between extroverts and introverts on the way they achieve success in a second language.[71]Social attitudes such as gender roles and community views toward language learning have also proven critical. Language learning can be severely hampered by cultural attitudes, with a frequently cited example being the difficulty of Navajo children in learning English. Also, the motivation of the individual learner is of vital importance to the success of language learning. Studies have consistently shown that intrinsic motivation, or a genuine interest in the language itself, is more effective over the long-term than extrinsic motivation, as in learning a language for a reward such as high grades or praise.[edit] In the classroomMain article: Second-language acquisition classroom researchWhile the majority of SLA research has been devoted to language learning in a natural setting, there have also been efforts made to investigate second-language acquisition in the classroom. This kind of research has a significant overlap with language education, but it is always empirical, based on data and statistics, and it is mainly concerned with the effect that instruction has on the learner, rather than what the teacher does.The research has been wide-ranging. There have been attempts made to systematically measure the effectiveness of language teaching practices for every level of language, from phonetics to pragmatics, and for almost every current teaching methodology. This research has indicated that many traditional language-teaching techniques are extremely inefficient.[72] cited in Ellis 1994 It is generally agreed that pedagogy restricted to teaching grammar rules and vocabulary lists does not give students the ability to use the L2 with accuracy and fluency. Rather, to become proficient in the second language, the learner must be given opportunities to use it for communicative purposes.[73][74]Another area of research has been on the effects of corrective feedback in assisting learners.This has been shown to vary depending on the technique used to make the correction, and the overall focus of the classroom, whether on formal accuracy or on communication of meaningful content.[75][76][77] There is also considerable interest in supplementing published research with approaches that engage language teachers in action research on learner language in their own classrooms.[78] As teachers become aware of the features of learner language produced by their students, they can refine their pedagogical intervention to maximize interlanguage development.[79][edit] See also Applied linguistics Bilingualism (neurology) Interlanguage Language education

Language Acquisition and Affective Variables Jill McCainAs the global society in which we live flows more easily across state borders, our people, cultures, companies, governments, and institutions from around the world have more contact. Borders are blurred and the importance of bi- and multi-lingualism becomes necessary to sustain this constant contact. As a result of this increase in language acquisition and teaching, much research has been devoted to exploring ways in which a diverse set of factors affects learning and acquisition. The significance of these variables lies in the impact on how we teach second languages. In a where barriers to inter-cultural and inter-linguistic interaction are being torn down, this research will have a great impact on its future. Evolution has shown the immense importance of the capability of language in human beings. Because language allows for cooperation and the spread of technology and knowledge more easily, it has benefited the advancement in technology for humans. Pinker (1)writes that "the shape of the human vocal tract seems to have been modified in evolution for the demands of speech. Our larynxes are low in our throats, and our vocal tracts have a sharp right angle bend that creates two independently-modifiable resonant cavities (the mouth and the pharynx or throat) that defines a large two-dimensional range of vowel sounds.... But it comes at a sacrifice of efficiency for breathing, swallowing, and chewing (Lieberman, 1984). Before the invention of the Heimlich maneuver, choking on food was a common cause of accidental death in humans, causing 6,000 deaths a year in the United States. The evolutionary selective advantages must have been very large to outweigh such a disadvantage." While chimps have been trained to mimic human speech, Pinker points out, they do not naturally acquire it without training as humans do. Thus, humans are unique in their ability to acquire and pass on language. More recent changes in human society have increased our need for and use of multi-lingual communication. Our world has become more global, leaving fewer realms to exist in state boundaries and expanding the number of activities involving different cultures and languages. Migration, inter-language marriages, bilingual education, multi-national corporations, and international organizations are just a few phenomena on the rise that require bilingual (or multilingual) participants. This trend has in turn spawned research into two overlapping areas-- initial language acquisition in young children and that on acquisition of subsequent languages. I will first turn to initial language acquisition. INITIAL LANGUAGE ACQUISITIONThe most important factor affecting initial language acquisition is neurological developments in the brain. Unless completely deprived of language input (see (1)) in the form of hearing others speak, or physical limitations prohibiting speech, children invariably learn to talk (1). Pinker summarizes the first two years of neurological development relating to language use:Before birth, virtually all neurons (nerve cells) are formed, and they migrate to their proper locations in the brain. But head size, brain weight, and thickness of the cerebral cortex (gray matter), where the synapses (junctions) subserving mental computation take place, continue to increase rapidly in the year after birth. Long-distance connections (white matter are not complete until nine months, and continue to grow in their speed-inducing myelin insulation throughout childhood. Synapses continue to develop peaking in number between nine months and two years (depending on the brain region), at which point the child has 50% more synapses that the adult. Metabolic activity in the brain reaches adult levels by nine to ten months , and soon exceeds it, peaking around the age of four. In addition, huge numbers of neurons die in utero, and the dying continues during the first two years before leveling off at age seven. Synapses whither from the age of two through the rest of childhood and into adolescence, when the brain's metabolic rate falls back to adult levels." (1)The brain can also recover from damage to crucial language areas by reassigning functions to unaffected areas, while adults cannot perform similar types of recovery after the same types of damage (1).While these are the most important factors affecting development of language, children can also have other characteristics that aid in rapid acquisition-- they are unselfconscious, learn clear positive advantages associated with successful communication (getting food, attention, etc.), and have no other language to fall back on. These types of advantages play a role in how fast and well children acquire language. In second language acquisition similar factors determine whether or not the language is acquired at all.SUBSEQUENT LANGUAGE ACQUISITIONWhile initial language acquisition relies mainly on neurological development over time, second (and subsequent) language acquisition relies on age only in associated characteristics and not in actual brain structure. Past the age of two, brain structure and differences play only a nominal role. More relevant to second language acquisition (SLA) are four other factors: motivation, opportunity, environment, and personality.MOTIVATIONA person's motivation behind learning a second language (L2) and the views she holds regarding the L2-speaking community both come into play in speed of SLA and degree of proficiency achieved. Motivation is differentiated along a continuum-- integrative at one end and instrumental at the other. Integrative motivation is seen in language learners whose desire to learn is rooted in wanting to become part of the L2-speaking community, wants more contact with it, or is genuinely interested in it. On the other end of the spectrum is instrumental motivation. A student who sees language as a means to obtaining some reward (good grades, employment, a diploma or for mere appreciation) would reflect instrumental motivation. Integrative motivation is more helpful in SLA and proficiency because there is more desire for interaction with the community and the language that helps acquisition. Those students with mainly instrumental motivation are less likely to seek out situations where there language skills will be needed and will be improved, like social occasions in the L2 community, readings in the L2, or friends in the L2 community. Also, students with low views of the L2 community are likely to not see benefits in learning the language. If a language community is associated with poverty, crime or other negative characteristics, there is less motivation for students to be associated with that community. OPPORTUNITYOpportunity and motivation work together to affect language acquisition. Motivated students are more likely to seek out more opportunities that utilize language skills. Stephen Krashen has argued that "the learner improves and progresses... when he or she receives second language input that is one step beyond his/her current stage of linguistic competence. For example, if a learner is at stage 'i', then acquisition takes place when he/she is exposed to 'comprehensible input' that belongs to level 'i+1'" (2). The learner can still follow the conversation, but is exposed to new words or concepts. Many theorists and teachers (3) (4) (5) stress that varied and frequent comprehensible input is key to acquisition. It would make sense that the number of the opportunities the brain has to store and reinforce patterns, accents, concepts, and meanings of a language, that the better this information would be stored and processed. ENVIRONMENTThe environment in which these opportunities take place also affects SLA. As explored before, the level of input provided has maximum effect at the 'i+1' level, In addition to this, an environment which encourages the greatest amount of use of the language is beneficial. Dulay and Burt (6) proposed that people use an 'affective filter' that "regulates how much input is received by a language processing mechanism" (6). If the affective filter is over-used, a person tries to compose grammatically perfect sentences every times she speaks, and if it is underused she speaks without regard to the 'rules' she is aware of. The optimal user of the affective filter speaks naturally and often and eventually incorporates more rules into her speech. In this way, the brain is provided with more experience and input while also progressing toward more fluent speech. PERSONALITYPersonality can also affect SLA. In combination with environment it can act to inhibit learners or to encourage increased opportunity. Introversion has the greatest chance of negatively affecting SLA. Students that are afraid of embarrassing themselves by speaking incorrectly or by not being able to speak at all may try to avoid opportunities that would otherwise aid their learning. If teachers correct mistakes and further embarrass shy students, it may isolate students even more. Instead, repeating back the corrected statement allows feedback without a damaging student's ego. For example, if Marcia says "Yesterday I go to the store with my madre," the teacher would respond, "You went to the store with your mother yesterday?" She has effectively provided corrected input while also continuing the conversation. If a student shuts down after an outright correction then opportunity for more input and practice has been lost. All of these external and internal characteristics affect the way in which language is acquired by the brain. Increased input, lowered anxiety, strong integrative motivation and positive environments can help processes of language acquisition progress. It is an interesting overlap between the physical processes of the brain and the more mental processes of the mind. While language acquisition is ultimately completed and stored in the brain, emotional and environmental factors greatly affect the process by which it is acquired. Because these factors and many others all interact in the acquisition of language, it is incredibly difficult to research the effect of one specific aspect. Many studies have ignored this fact and have tried to attribute too much weight to one factor, while others have undoubtedly affected the outcomes. Since single factors and how they affect acquisition cannot be completely isolated, research should be concentrated on the outcomes of certain teaching techniques. They will not be universally applicable, but will help to eliminate less effective or damaging techniques. This area of teaching will be increasingly important as our world continues to become more bilingual and multilingual. WWW Sources1)Number one , 2) Number two, 3) Number three, 4) number four, 5) number five, 6) number six,

econd Language Acquisition: An Introductory Course Susan Gass and Larry Selinker (1994)Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Pp. xvi + 357 ISBN 0-8058-0494-3 (paper); 0-8058-0493-5 (cloth)US $34.50 (paper); $79.57 (cloth)Second Language Acquisition: An Introductory Course (SLAIC) is a welcome addition to the growing number of introductory texts on second language acquisition. Gass and Selinker take a multidisciplinary approach to adult second language acquisition (SLA), in which insights and research material from several perspectives, primarily linguistics, psychology, and sociolinguistics, are linked to SLA research itself. Their book attempts to bring together these disparate threads [and] to place them within a coherent framework (p. xiv). Thus, although the authors do not specifically say so, their book is written from an integrative, applied linguistics point of view, such as that described in Kaplan & Grabe (1992). Gass and Selinker state (p. xiii) that they designed SLAIC so that it can be used in an introductory course for undergraduate or graduate students, whether such students have had any background in linguistics or not. Their goal is to make the subject accessible to large numbers of students by presenting in an understandable way the complexities of the field through providing a clear review of the issues and pertinent literature in SLA, often in an inductive manner. The eleven chapters in SLAIC cover most of the topics one would expect in an overview of SLA: the role of the native language, typological universals and Universal Grammar, interlanguage, variation, input and interaction, and individual factors. However, Gass and Selinker also include valuable material on other topics of importance in an introductory text, such as how SLA data is obtained and analyzed and the place of the lexicon. The book concludes with the authors integrated view of SLA. A glossary, along with indexes covering both authors and subjects, is added after the list of references. One of the attractive features of the book is the Points for Discussion section at the end of each chapter. On the whole, Gass and Selinker have devised useful and challenging questions, situations, and problems, often based on actual second language data, to lead students, both individually and as a class, into further exploration of the material covered in the chapter. In chapter 1, in the section on the nature of language, the authors briefly mention six areas of language which can be described systematically: phonology, syntax, morphology, the lexicon, semantics, and pragmatics. Missing, however, is any mention of discourse which, according to Grabe (1992), is the most important area of research for applied linguistics (p. 53), an area which is now at the heart of applied linguistics research (p. 56). Although [-1-] the notions of discourse function and discourse domain are mentioned briefly in the chapter on variation, and some reference to discourse is made in the discussion of input, comprehension, output, and interaction, discourse analysis and its importance in second language learning is given insufficient attention, given the extensive literature on the analysis of both conversation and a wide range of written materials. Chapter 2 is a helpful transition between the introductory chapter and the specific content chapters to follow. Gass and Selinker lead the reader through the process of analyzing SLA data, pointing out that data can be ambiguous in their interpretation. Thus rather than thinking of solutions as right or wrong, the reader needs to consider arguments and proposed solutions as being better or worse. The authors then discuss how SLA data are collected, how the data are elicited, and the effect of ones theoretical position on ones research design. The final section of the chapter looks at other issues in the analysis of SLA data. This process of working through the elicitation, collection, and analysis of data, Gass and Selinker state, will help the reader do the problems and evaluate the research in the remainder of the book. Gass and Selinker devote chapters 3 and 4 to a consideration of the role of the native language (NL) in SLA. In chapter 3, they examine earlier positions on the NL, critiquing both contrastive analysis and error analysis. In chapter 4, they look at the morpheme order studies and recent reactions to that body of research, which have led to a new perspective on the NL, particularly via studies of transfer and cross-linguistic influences. Chapters 5 to 7 focus on how SLA has been influenced by three disciplines: linguistics (how to describe and explain the L2 system produced by learners), psychology (how to describe and explain the process by which learners create their L2 system, or interlanguage) and sociolinguistics (how to describe and explain the effect social factors have on the way learners vary their use of their L2 system). Chapter 5 covers issues related to universals and how they are dealt with within typological universals and Universal Grammar. Chapter 6 looks at how learners organize and use their developing knowledge of L2 and how learning new material has an effect on the structure of their interlanguage. Chapter 7 examines issues relating to the external variables which affect L2 production and to the communication strategies learners use. The last section of chapter 7 mentions other disciplines which potentially can contribute to SLA studies. It also looks at ways in which SLA studies can have a return effect on the three major contributing disciplines. Again, this is very much an applied linguistics perspective in the sense put forward in Kaplan (1980) and the Annual Review of Applied Linguistics. Applied linguistics (in this case the subfield of SLA) does not merely consume theories generated by other disciplines but, according to [-2-] Gass and Selinker, also gives back to those disciplines crucial data and a broad, multidisciplinary perspective which may challenge or at least enhance, certain positions on language which those disciplines currently hold. In chapter 8, Gass and Selinker discuss the nature of input and the factors which make it understandable and thus able to become intake, along with the role of output and negotiated interaction in SLA. This is a social interactionist view in which language and cognition develop within a social context. The authors reject Krashens view that comprehensible input is the only causal factor in SLA, taking instead [comprehended] linguistic input coupled with conversational interaction as the driving force of language development (p. 215). Chapter 9 examines individual differences in SLA (e.g., age, aptitude, motivation). Gass and Selinker prefer to call these factors nonlanguage influences since they can have a societal rather than idiosyncratic basis. This is an extremely valuable chapter because the authors carefully examine each of these nonlanguage influences (NLIs) and show that research does not always support commonly held positions. The authors begin by looking at research traditions. They point out that linguistics has tended to minimize the role of aptitude while cognitive psychology has played down the role of attitudes and motivation. They note that SLA researchers coming out of these disciplines, particularly mainline linguistics, seem reluctant to explore these NLIs. Gass and Selinker look next at specific NLIs to see what effect they have on SLA. They accept social distance (acculturation) as a contributing but not a causal factor. Despite the differences in the rate and ultimate attainment of child and adult L2 learners, they note that there is as yet no consensus among researchers about the reasons why children are more able to reach native-like fluency than adults. Gass and Selinker see aptitude as of crucial importance (p. 247) but largely ignored in SLA research on differential success among L2 learners. The authors then deal with motivation and attitudes, noting some difficulties with Gardners often-cited work (e.g., the Canadian setting may be atypical for the integrative-instrumental distinction, and self-report data may be unreliable for the study of motivation). Their sections covering the relationship between motivation and goals over time and between motivation and success are interesting but short. On personality factors in SLA, Gass and Selinker find no evidence of any traits able to predict success in learning an L2. Finally, on learning strategies, the authors consider the research to date as being merely preliminary. Chapter 10 is a welcome addition to overviews of SLA. In it, the authors deal with the lexicon, an area which they consider to be neglected in SLA research because of its complexity. Nevertheless, they claim that the lexicon may be the most important component for learners (p. 270). In support of this claim, they point out that lexical errors are numerous and disruptive and that good lexical skills help learners to comprehend input and produce output, both of [-3-] which aid acquisition. Recent work by Hoey (1991) within a discourse framework should also be considered. In their final chapter, Gass and Selinker try to pull together the various factors that influence second language learning, integrating what is learned and what is not learned, as well as the contexts in which that learning and nonlearning take place (p. 295). Much of the material in the chapter is based on Gass (1988). Gass and Selinker maintain that five levels are necessary to account for the way in which input is converted to output: (a) Apperceived input, (b) comprehended input, (c) intake, (d) integration, and (e) output (p. 298). Between or within these levels, there are a number of factors, or filters, which help or hinder language learners in their efforts to process the incoming material. The authors conclude their book by pointing out that they have tried to present a dynamic and interactive view of second language acquisition which shows the diverse factors that have an impact on this complex and multifaceted process. Two final comments. First, I question whether the book is really suitable for the broad range of students targeted by the authors: both undergraduates and graduates, with or without a background in linguistics. Those without a knowledge of linguistics, particularly undergraduates, will find some of the discussions technical and rather difficult. Others, for example language teachers or graduate students of TESOL whose program is not housed in a linguistics department, may find the book less accessible and less applicable to their needs than, say, Brown (1994). Second, readers will notice an occasional printing error and a few exercises that do not work particularly well. Nevertheless, Gass and Selinker are to be congratulated for having produced a stimulating, highly readable book which should become one of the standard introductory texts in the field of SLA. References Brown, H. D. (1994). Principles of language learning and teaching (3rd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall Regents. Gass, S. (1988). Integrating research areas: A framework for second language studies. Applied Linguistics, 9, 198-217. Grabe, W. (1992). Applied linguistics and linguistics. In W. Grabe & R. Kaplan (Eds.), Introducing applied linguistics (pp. 35- 58). Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Hoey, M. (1991). Patterns of lexis in text. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [-4-] Kaplan, R. (1980). On the scope of applied linguistics. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. Kaplan, R. & Grabe, W. (1992). Introduction. In W. Grabe & R. Kaplan (Eds.), Introducing applied linguistics (pp. 1-9). Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Herb PurnellBiola University [-5-]

Motivation, an influential factor for L2 Acquisition?-------How can the less intelligent learners enhance motivationSecond language acquisition (SLA) is the study of how second languages are learned and the factors that influence the process. , According to the research, motivation serves as the influential factors for L2 acquisition.What is motivation?Motivation, defined as the impetus to create and sustain intentions and goal-seeking acts (Ames & Ames, 1989), is important because it determines the extent of the learner's active involvement and attitude toward learning. In other word, it is an inner drive, impulse, emotion, or desire that moves one to a particular action. More specially, humans universally have needs or drive which are more or less innate, yet their intensity is environmentally conditioned.(Brown)Motivation is the learners orientation regarding the goal of learning a second language (Crookes and Schmidt 1991). It is extremely important to understand the nature of student motivation because research shows that motivation plays a major part in students' choices of language learning strategies and the proficiency levels they achieve. However, language instructors often are not aware of the specific motivations of their students. The work is based on the extensive research of the role of attitudes and motivation in second language acquisition by Gardner and Lambert (1972), Dornyei (1998), and others. An eventual theory of second-language teaching should take into account not only scientific knowledge coming from contributing sciences (linguistics, psychology, etc.), but also practical knowledge of language teachers.Maslow(1970) listed hierarchical human needs. The picture is as follows: Being Needs Self-actualization Esteem needs Belonging needs Safety needs Physiological needs Instrumental Motivation and Integrative MotivationCurrent second language acquisition research discusses two types of attitudes labeled as an "integrative orientation" and an "instrumental" orientation. Two Types of Motivation: Instrumental Motivation is characterized by the desire to obtain something practical from studying a second language. It is typical of second language acquisition where little or no social integration of the learner into a community using the target language takes place, such as in a foreign language classroom. The learners purpose in language acquisition is more practical, such as meeting a requirement for school or university graduation, applying for a job, reaching technical material.Integrative Motivation is characterized by the learners positive attitudes towards the target language group and comes into play when one desires to become a part of a community that uses the target language in social situations. Integrative motivation has been found to sustain long-term success when learning a second language. The distinction between integrative and instrumental motivation is that in the former, the learner wishes to learn a language in order to integrate into the culture and society of the language group, whereas in the latter learning of a language is motivated by the desire to achieve instrumental goals, such as academic achievement, and/or professional and economic advancement.How can the less intelligent learners appeal to their inner needs and enhance motivation?Motivation, like self-esteem, can be global, situational or task-oriented.That is,there are two casesI dont like learning English, but I like this attractive young teacher.(situation) I dont like learning English , but I like this English game.(task) In our English teaching, we can use these two cases to stimulate the students passion into English learning . .That is to say, the reason why people who want to pass TOEFL are instrumentally oriented. As we all know, Students with instrumental motivation are more successful in Second Language Learning(SLA), compared with people with integrative motivation .When a learning wishes to integrate him/her within the culture of the target language group, toIdentify him/her with and become a part of that society.transfer and motivation Research suggests that transfer and motivation are mutually supportive in creating an optimal learning environment. If the learner perceives what he is learning to be relevant and transferable to other situations, he will find learning meaningful, and his motivation to acquire the skill or knowledge will increase. Similarly, for transfer to take place, the learner must be motivated to do two things. First, he must be able to recognize opportunities for transfer (Prawat, 1989); second, he needs to possess the motivation to take advantage of these opportunities (Pea, 1988).Teachers can observe circumstances under which learners acquire language and can make adjustments toward creating optimal learning conditions. In designing learning activities, the language teacher should remember that because language learning focuses on both the accuracy and appropriateness of application in various contexts of use, learners must be given opportunities to participate as language users in multiple contexts. These opportunities will result in learners' heightened motivation and awareness of the intricacies of language use, including Encourage learned to take ownership in learning. First, have learners take ownership of the learning assignment by letting them identify and decide for themselves relevant learning goals. This will motivate them to apply what they have learned to attain these learning goals. Promote international cognition or mindfulness to learning in various contexts. second, learners must be able to practice language in multiple contexts in order to bridge domains and foster active abstraction of concepts learned (Bransford, et al. 1990). This will help learners recognize the relevance and transferability of different learning skills or knowledge. Increase authenticity of learning and goals.Last but not least, learners should recognize a real need to accomplish learning goals that are relevant and holistic (rather than task-specific). This prepares them for the complexities of real-world tasks that require them to use language skills and knowledge that have to be continually transferred. Who is winnerKrashen claims that learners with high motivation, self-confidence, a good self-image, and a low level of anxiety are better equipped for success in second language acquisition. Low motivation, low self-esteem, and debilitating anxiety can combine to 'raise' the affective filter and form a 'mental block' that prevents comprehensible input from being used for acquisition. In other words, when the filter is 'up' it impedes language acquisition. On the other hand, positive affect is necessary, but not sufficient on its own, for acquisition to take place.motivation is perceived to be composed of three elements. These include effort, desire and affect. Effort refers to the time spent studying the language and the drive of the learner. Desire indicates how much the learner wants to become proficient in the language, and affect illustrates the learner's emotional reactions with regard to language study (Gardner 1982). Gardner's Socio-Educational ModelThe work conducted by Gardner in the area of motivation was largely influenced by Mowrer (1950, cited in Larson-Freeman and Long 1994), whose focus was on first language acquisition. Mowrer proposed that a child's success when learning a first language could be attributed to the desire to gain identity within the family unit and then the wider language community. Using this as the basis for his own research Gardner went on to investigate motivation as an influencing factor in L2 acquisition. Motivation has been identified as the learner's orientation with regard to the goal of learning a second language (Crookes and Schmidt 1991). It is thought that students who are most successful when learning a target language are those who like the people that speak the language, admire the culture and have a desire to become familiar with or even integrate into the society in which the language is used (Falk 1978). This form of motivation is known as integrative motivation. When someone becomes a resident in a new community that uses the target language in its social interactions, integrative motivation is a key component in assisting the learner to develop some level of proficiency in the language. It becomes a necessity, in order to operate socially in the community and become one of its members. It is also theorised that "integrative motivation typically underlies successful acquisition of a wide range of registers and a nativelike pronunciation" (Finegan 1999:568). In the same study (Berwick et al. 1989) it was proposed that motivation for studying English peaks in the final year of high school when students channel all their energy into studying for university entrance. Once students gain entrance to a university, motivation to continue English study is sometimes diminished . Many first-year students appear to have no academic purpose. In direct contrast to this, however, is the strong desire of many adults to once again resume study. This often takes place in the many private foreign language schools which provide classes at all hours of the day, catering for the busy employee who is often occupied until late in the evening. Some of the many reasons for the renewed interest of adults in studying include acquiring new skills necessary for the workplace and preparation for an overseas work transfer. What does research say about learner motivation in SLA?Motivation has been a focus of SLA research for many years. Identifies motivation as "why people decide to do something, how long they are willing to sustain the activity [and] how hard they are going to pursue it." Linguist Robert Gardner (1985; Masgoret & Gardner, 2003) examined factors that affected French- and English-speaking Canadians learning the language of the other community. His studies support the theory that integrative motivation (wanting to learn a language in order to identify with the community that speaks the language) promotes SLA. This motivation seems to promote SLA regardless of the age of the learner or whether the language is being learned as a second or foreign language. Even if individuals do not have this positive attitude toward learning the language, they may have instrumental motivation-that is, they may want to learn the language to meet their needs and goals, such as to get a job or to talk to their children's teachers (Morris, 2001; Oxford & Shearin, 1994). Whatever the learners' motivation, research seems to support the practice of teachers discovering and responding to learners' needs and goals when planning instruction (Weddel & Van Duzer, 1997). Teachers can facilitate motivation by helping learners identify short-term goals and reflect on their progress and achievements. For example, teachers can provide learners with self-assessment checklists to identify skill strengths and weaknesses, weekly checklists to track their progress on meeting a learning goal, and self-reflection tools (e.g., learning diaries) to help learners build autonomy and take charge of their learning (Marshall, 2002). Recent research looks at how instructional contexts also affect motivation. A learner's motivation may vary from day to day and even from task to task ( Kormos, 2000). Using varied and challenging instructional activities can help learners stay focused and engaged in instructional content. Research examining how to improve learner motivation suggests that social factors (e.g., group dynamics, learning environment, and a partner's motivation) affect a learner's attitude, effort, classroom behavior, and achievement). Therefore, teachers should create an environment that is conducive to learning by encouraging group cohesion in the classroom. Pair and group work activities can provide learners with opportunities to share information and build a sense of community (Florez & Burt, 2001). Research also suggests that teachers cultivate opportunities that continue to stimulate language use when learners are not in class Noels, 1994). Project work provides learners with a bridge between practice in and outside of class. In addition, projects provide opportunities for learners to work with others to accomplish tasks, using English in real-life situations (Moss & Van Duzer, 1998). Research on the relationship between motivation and second language acquisition is ongoing. Current research looks at instructional practices that teachers use to generate and maintain learner motivation and strategies through which learners themselves take control of factors that have an impact on their motivation and learning, such as lack of self-confidence, change of goals, or distractions Noels, Clement, & Pelletier, 2003). What is the role of interaction in SLA?Another area of SLA research focuses on how interaction contributes to second language acquisition. Interaction refers to communication between individuals, particularly when they are negotiating meaning in order to prevent a breakdown in communication (Ellis, 1999). Research on interaction is conducted within the framework of the Interactive Hypothesis, which states that conversational interaction "facilitates [language] acquisition because it connects input [what learners hear and read]; internal learner capacities, particularly selective attention; and output [what learners produce] in productive ways" (Long, 1996, pp. 451-452). Interaction provides learners with opportunities to receive comprehensible input and feedback (Gass, 1997; Long, 1996; Pica, 1994) as well as to make changes in their own linguistic output (Swain, 1995). This allows learners to "notice the gap" (Schmidt & Frota, 1986, p. 311) between their command of the language and correct, or target-like, use of the language. A person's motivation behind learning a second language (L2) and the views she holds regarding the L2-speaking community both come into play in speed of SLA and degree of proficiency achieved. Integrative motivation is more helpful in SLA and proficiency because there is more desire for interaction with the community and the language that helps acquisition. Those students with mainly instrumental motivation are less likely to seek out situations where there language skills will be needed and will be improved, like social occasions in the L2 community, readings in the L2, or friends in the L2 community. Many studies have ignored this fact and have tried to attribute too much weight to one factor, while others have undoubtedly affected the outcomes. Since single factors and how they affect acquisition cannot be completely isolated, research should be concentrated on the outcomes of certain teaching techniques. They will not be universally applicable, but will help to eliminate less effective or damaging techniques. This area of teaching will be increasingly important as our world continues to become more bilingual and multilingual. Let me conclude this paper with a quotati