The Sacred and the Profane in Korean Shamanistic Music Music of Three Shamanistic Traditions in Central Korea Introduction Yong-Shik Lee Yang-In University T he Korean shamanistic ritual, called kut, is a cumulation of various cultural assets; philosophy, literature, fine arts, dance, and music. Among these elements, music is the core element because the deities for whom the kut is held for are invoked, entertained, and parted by the shaman's music. Without music, the deities cannot exist at the ritual site. In this paper, I will investigate the relationship between music and religiosity in Korean shamanism. Korean shamanistic music shows different traits - strict formality or artistic creativity - in accordance with its function and usage and with the region: in fact, the nature of the shaman. My study is focused especially on the central region of Korea, Seoul and Kyonggi-do Province, where spirit-descended and hereditary shamans coexist and where different styles of shamanistic musics are performed. Two types of shamans in Korea In Siberia and northeast Asia, induding Korea, a person becomes a shaman by hereditary transmission of the shamanistic profession or by spontaneous vocation or "election" (Eliade 1964: 20-21). Most scholars agree that Korean shamans - by means of the methods of shaman recruit, the manners of conducting ritual, ritual materials, and shamanistic performing arts - can roughly be divided into two types: spirit-descended shaman and hereditary shaman. The former, called naerim mudang, are typically found in the northern half of the Korean peninsula, while the latter, called tangol
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The Sacred and the Profane in Korean Shamanistic Music
Music of Three Shamanistic Traditions in Central Korea
Introduction
Yong-Shik Lee Yang-In University
T he Korean shamanistic ritual, called kut, is a cumulation of various cultural assets; philosophy, literature, fine arts, dance, and music.
Among these elements, music is the core element because the deities for whom the kut is held for are invoked, entertained, and parted by the shaman's music. Without music, the deities cannot exist at the ritual site.
In this paper, I will investigate the relationship between music and religiosity in Korean shamanism. Korean shamanistic music shows different traits - strict formality or artistic creativity - in accordance with its function and usage and with the region: in fact, the nature of the shaman. My study is focused especially on the central region of Korea, Seoul and Kyonggi-do Province, where spirit-descended and hereditary shamans coexist and where different styles of shamanistic musics are performed.
Two types of shamans in Korea
In Siberia and northeast Asia, induding Korea, a person becomes a shaman by hereditary transmission of the shamanistic profession or by spontaneous vocation or "election" (Eliade 1964: 20-21). Most scholars agree that Korean shamans - by means of the methods of shaman recruit, the manners of conducting ritual, ritual materials, and shamanistic performing arts - can roughly be divided into two types: spirit-descended shaman and hereditary shaman. The former, called naerim mudang, are typically found in the northern half of the Korean peninsula, while the latter, called tangol
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mlldang, occupy the southern half of the peninsula. The border between the two are regarded as the South Han River.
In general, a spirit-descended shaman denotes the one who has experienced the following procedures in her lifetime: 1) she has been suffering from a spirit illness which is interpreted as a symptom of shamanistic calling, a sine qua non of the shaman; 2) she has received an initiation ritual under the guidance of her "spirit mother" and becomes the "medium" through whose mouth the deity tells fortunes to the people; 3) she has learned ritual knowledges and techniques from her spirit mother for an extensive period of time; and 4) she eventually has become a full-fledged shaman who can conduct rituals by herself.
Hereditary shamans do not have experiences of a spirit illness or an initiation ritual. Therefore, they do not believe "in a god existing in the 'real'
<Map 1> Division of two types of Korean shamans
The Sacred and the Profane in Korean Shamanistic Music 211
<Map 2> Three types of shamans in central Korea
world" (Kim I.G. 1998: 15). They have "only the role of a priest 'conducting' the ceremony, which regards the god and the mudang as separate entities" (Kim I.e. 1998: 15).
In central Korea, specifically Seoul and Kyonggi-do Province, two types of shamans exist side by side; the spirit-descended shaman in the northern part and the hereditary shaman1 in the southern part. Northern spiritdescended shamans are divided by their place of origin; one is the native shamans2 who have resided in the region for a long time and the other is the migrate shamans3 who came from the northern provinces to the Kyonggido Province after the Korean War (1950-1953). In short, there are three traditions of shamans in central Korea; two different spirit-descended shamans of Hwanghae and Seoul and the hereditary shaman in Suwon.
Musical areas of Korean shamanism
As the ritual practices of spirit-descended shamans and hereditary shamans are different, musics of two types of shamans - spirit-descended
lHereafter I will refer to a Suwon shaman as the representative of the hereditary shaman. 2Hereafter I will refer to a Seoul shaman as the representative of the native spirit-descended
shaman. 3Hereafter I will refer to a Hwanghae shaman as the representative of the migrate spirit
descended shaman.
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and hereditary - are different in many ways. Yi Po-hyong (1982: 214-225) argues that there are four musical areas in Korean shamanism based on their musical traits; northwestern ("kyongso tori"4), southwestern ("sinawi" or "Yllkcha-paegi tori"), eastern coast ("menari tori") and Cheju Island. The northwestern area is subdivided into two areas of northwestern ("sodo tori") and central ("kyong tori"). Three shamanistic traditions of Hwanghae, Seoul, and Suwon stands for each musical areas: the music of Hwanghae shaman represents soda tori, that of Seoul shaman typifies kyong tori, and that of the Suwon shaman denotes sinawi music.
<Map 3> Four musical areas of Korean shamanism
-IThe term "tori" denotes the musical idiom of a specific area.
The Sacred and the Profane in Korean Shamanistic Music 213
Instrumentation
The Suwon sinawi is an instrumental ensemble consisting of the piri (double-reed oboe), taegllm (transverse flute), haegllm (2-stringed fiddle), changgo (hourglass drum), and ching (gong). The sinmvi is regarded as the representative improvisatory music in Korea. Byong-Won Lee(1997: 36), in his writing of the variation and improvisation in Korean music, states that the sinawi performance depends upon "the highly developed spontaneous creativity of the musicians. The prescribed rhythmic patterns and abstract modal configuration are only points of reference for extemporization in the entire duration of the performance which may last for hours. The melodic multipart juxtaposition in sinawi is highly unpredictable; the music will be different each time it is played, even if it is performed by the same musicians." The ultimate purpose of the sinawi music is to exhibit the musicians' artistic creativity as much as possible.
Seoul shaman's music is accompanied by the piri, taegllm, haeg1l11l, clzanggo, and J-7llk (barrel drum). The accompanimental ensemble in this tradition is not called sinawi but samhyon yuggak. Although the term samhyol1 yuggak literally means "three strings and six winds," the ensemble does not include any chordophones at all. The ensemble was developed in the late Joseon dynasty to accompany not only shamanistic ritual and folk dance but also court dance. Presently, Seoul shamans do not use all these instruments; they employ one to three instruments depending upon the size of the ritual. In other words, melodic instruments are optional in Seoul samhyon yuggak while melodic instruments are more or less compulsory in Suwon sillawi.
In Hwanghae shamanistic ritual, there is no melodic instruments: only percussive instruments are played.5 As a norm, a c/zallggo accompanies the shaman's song and a c!zing is added when accompanying the shaman's dance. As in many cultures, a percussive instrument is closely linked to the trance state in Korea. It is an instrument through which the shaman communicates with the spirit and the other world through its rhythmic "noise" (Needham 1972: 392). The "loud" sound made by the reverberation of the membrane of the drum produces not only an acoustic effect but also a psychological effect through the physical response of the nervous systems of the human body. The "deafening" sound of the ching enhances the trance
SThe piri and the 11Ojok (conical oboe) are played in some occasions - mostly public performances. They are merely a recent insertion in the Hwanghae shamanistic music. Hwanghae shamans insist that these melodic instruments have been used after they resided in the South Korea after the Korean War (1950-1953).
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state of the shaman. Thus, the percussion is the primary and elemental instrument: an instrument that makes the shaman's transition from this world to the other (Needham 1972: 395-396). In other words, the music of the Hwanghae shaman is primary and elemental because it is accompanied only by percussive instruments. For this reason, the Hwanghae shaman is regarded as the genuine spirit-descended shaman who is associated to the Siberian shamans, the genesis of Korean spirit-descended shaman, who use only percussions in their rituals (Bogoras 1972: 383).
Shamanistic songs
Shamanistic songs can be sorted in accordance with their subjects and functions. As the subject matter, there are four kinds of shamanistic songs; magical, lyrical, epic and dramatic (Cho T.I. 1980: 232). The function of the shamanistic songs are to usher deities to the ritual site, to send them off, and to entertain and revere the descended deities. Various songs are performed in different points of a ritual for different functions and subjects.
In a Hwanghae ritual, magical songs are performed to usher spirits to the ritual site and then send them off. Lyrical and dramatic songs are sung to entertain the descended spirits. No epic song is performed in this ritual.
Among the various songs, the ushering song, called manse baji,6 is the most important one in a Hwanghae ritual. The ritual site transforms from a mundane space to a sacred one only when deities are brought there; it returns to being a mundane space when they leave. In order for deities to descend, the shaman sings a "sacred" ushering song. The beginning part of a kut emphasizes the logical order of songs to establish the initial communicative code between the human in this world and the deity in the other.
The ushering song follows the sequence of Susanne K. Langer's (1967) symbolic function, subject-symbol-conception-object. The audience (subject), listening to manse baji (symbol), conceptualizes and envisions the existence of the deities at the site by listening to the ushering song (object). On the other hand, the shaman (subject), while listing names of deities (symbol) in a musical expression (object) asks them to descend to the site
"There are three kinds of ushering songs in Hwanghae shamanism; manse baji, kin manse baji, and clwjin lIlanse baji. The term IIwnse baji is a compound word of "manse," meaning "a long life" and "/mji," the noun form of "to respond" which is derived from the response part of the accompanist. Mallse baji is in two groups of asymetric rhythm of triple and duple meters (l0/8). Kin (lit. "long") lIlallse /mji is in four groups of triple meters (12/8) and chajin (lit. "fast") lIlanse baji is in four groups duple meters (4/4).
The Sacred and the Profane in Korean Shamanistic Music 215
(conceptualization). In either cases, the symbol stands for the word, the conception denotes the words signification, and the object specifies the musical type (Lee Y.5. 2001).
The most important element in the Hwanghae ushering song is the clear deliverance of texts. Since the song is the code to establish the communication with the deities and is the medium to make the place sacred, the shaman must deliver the texts as clearly as she can. If she sings it artistically the texts may not be delivered clearly to the clients. In order to avoid a vague delivery, the shaman minimizes articulation as much as she can. As Clifford Geertz (1973: 90) advocates, the ritual, unlike the arts, should produce "powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting moods and motivations in men."
There is little flexibility in the Hwanghae ushering song. For example, only three melodic cells are performed throughout the song (Lee YS. 2001). In this way, there is no room for the musician, i.e., the shaman, to show her artistic creativity. As Maurice Bloch (1989: 35-36) insists, the transformation from ordinary, free language to extremely limited song is the most powerful weapon to make the ritual sacred. The repetition of simple melodic patterns is the only possibility for emphasis of sacredness in the ritual.
Unlike most Korean music whose accompanist plays not the basic rhythmic pattern but unlimited variation in order to suit the melodic rhythm or to express rhythmic virtuosities (Lee B.W. 1997: 63), the Hwanghae changgo player beats the basic rhythmic pattern with little variation throughout the song. The aim of the instrumental accompanist is to minimize artistic creativity and to maximize the clear deliverance of texts (Lee YS. 2001). The almost total absence of individual creativity in drumming results in an extreme formalization of the song that leads to a specially stylized form of communication with the deity: polite, respectful, and holy (Bloch 1989: 27).
The ushering song seems to be less important in Seoul and Suwon shamanistic musics than that of Hwanghae music. Two kinds of ushering songs are peformed in a Seoul ritual; cllOngbae and mansu baji. Chollgbae, literally means "to usher," is performed at the beginning part of a ritual, i.e., plljOllg and kamang koris. The meter is in two groups of asymetric rhythm of triple and duple meters, i.e., 10/8, like manse baji of Hwanghae music. Unlike Hwanghae 11lanse baji that is performed in the call-and-response form and is strictly formalized, Seoul clLOllgbae is performed by the shaman who beats the changgo herself. There is much flexibility in singing of the cllOngbae.
The other ushering song in Seoul music is nwnsli baji which is the same term as Hwanghae manse baji. Seoul IIWllSlI baji is similar to Hwanghae
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manse baji in its performing practice: call-and-response form. It is performed in four groups of triple meter, i.e., 12/8. It was, however, originally performed in 10/8, like Hwanghae manse baji, in the earlier times and has changed to 12/8 (Yi PH. 1992: 7-8). This implies that this music is not strictly formalized as the Hwanghae manse baji.
In a Seoul ritual, two songs are more important and are frequently performed than any other songs; norae karak and taryong. Both songs are performed in the middle of a ritual to revere and entertain descended deities. While "sacred" ushering songs are accompanied only by the clwnggo, these "profane" entertain songs are accompanied by the samhyon Yllggak ensemble. The melodic interaction of voice and instruments is heterop honic.
The rhythmic structure of norae karak consists of combined beats of five and eight that is derived from rhythmic structure of the classical song, sijo. For this reason, norae karak is regarded as prestige artistic music because it shares the same rhythmic structure as the song of the upper class.
T' anjol1g is performed in four groups of triple meter (12/8). Various themes are sung in accordance with the content of a kori. In pulsa kori, for instance, para t'aryong - "para" is the cymbals - is performed to describe the Buddhist deities. In ch'angbll kori, Clz'angbll t'aryong is sung to revere the clz'al1gbll deity, the spirit of a musician or an actor. Since the late Chosun dynasty, this song has been performed outside the ritual context and has become one of the most popular folk songs in Korea. In short, the "sacred" ushering songs are performed to the deity while the exuberant "profane" songs are performed to the human.
An epic shamanistic song is performed in a Seoul ritual. The epic song is a long narrative music which has a lot of prestige because it depicts the myth; it sings the life of a hero or heroine who becomes a tutelary deity of the shaman. The epic song performed in Seoul seance is Ch'il Kongju, a variation of Princess Pari, a famous epic song distributed widely in the southern part of Korea (Hong T.H. 1998: 25-28).
In a Suwon ritual, ushering song is less important than that in Hwanghae and Seoul rituals. Unlike the spirit-descended shaman who has to sing the ushering song in order to invite the deities to the ritual site, the hereditary
<Table 1> Dual traits of Seoul shamanistic music
sacred
ushering songs
accompanied by the cllIlI1gg0
performed to the deity
profane
entertainment songs
accompanied by the sal1lizyoll l/lIggnk
performed to the human
The Sacred and the Profane in Korean Shamanistic Music 217
Suwon shaman may not perform the ushering song because she does not have the spiritual power. As I mentioned earlier, hereditary shaman is not the medium to whom the deities descend but is only a priest who is not able to communicate with deities directly.
The Suwon shaman occasionally performs the ushering song. The ushering song is performed either in karaeja or tasaIp'uri rhythmic patterns; the former consists of two groups of asymetric rhythm of triple and duple meters (10/8) and the latter, six groups of duple meter (6/4) .
It should be noted that asymetric rhythm of triple and duple meters (10/8) is performed for ushering songs in all three shamanistic traditions. The lO-beat music is closely related to religious character in Korea. In pansari, it is performed to describe an extraordinary character such as a Buddhist monk, a Taoist divine man, or a powerful general (Yi P.H. 1969: 89-
CHINA
Central area 11
Southwestern area 17
Cheju Island 0 CHijU- JAPAN
<Map 4> Distribution of Princess Pari
218
91). In a Suwon ritual, epic song is very important. Nojonggi, literally means
"the song of travel," is performed in the Suwon ritual. It is performed in son kut to describe the travel of the deity of smallpox, called sonnim, and in kunung kut to depict the heroic achievements of the deities of general. The performance of the Suwon epic song is similar to that of pansori, epic vocal music. It is performed by a solo singer accompanied by a changgo7 in a various rhythmic patterns of tosalp'lIri (6/4), mori (4/4) and tongdokkungi (12/8). Like pansori, the singer alternates between singing and speech to tell the long story.
In fact, epic shamanistic songs are mostly performed by hereditary
CHINA
YEl..LOWSE"A
Northwestern area 2 Estern coastal area 10 Eastern coastal area
10 Southwestern area
10 Cheju Island 5
<Map 5> Distribution of Chesok p(JIII"lIri
rv" ~c'l' JAPAN
7Pallsori is accompanied not by the c1wllggo but by the puk, or barrel drum.
The Sacred and the Profane in Korean Shamanistic Music 219
shamans. Spirit-descended shamans seldom perform the epic song. For example, Princess Pari is not performed by spirit-descend shamans from the northern half of Korea; it is only the Seoul shaman who sings the Princess Pari among the spirit-descend shamans (Hong T.H. 1998: 25-28).
Another popular epic shamanistic song, Chesok ponp'uri,8 which is sung to revere Buddhist deities, is also widely distributed in the area where the hereditary shamans occupy (So T.S. 1980: 23).
Why do hereditary shamans perform long narrative epic song? A spiritdescended shaman can display her spiritual power through kongsu, speech of diety, and the acrobatic performances, such as the dance on the edge of sharp blades. A hereditary shaman who does not have the spiritual power has to have a skillful manifestation to attract the clients' attention. It is the music, especially an epic song, with which the hereditary shaman can show her ability. The epic song is not accompanied by melodic instruments. The only reference for the performance is the prescribed rhythmic patterns performed by a clzanggo. It is the proper moment that the shaman can exhibit her artistic creativity without any instrumental interruption. It can be said that a powerful spirit-descended shaman fascinates clients with kongsu and a skillful hereditary shaman attracts them with music.
Conclusion
Three shaman traditions intermingle in the central Korea; spiritdescended shamans of Hwanghae and Seoul, and hereditary shaman of Suwon. The Hwanghae shaman is regarded as bona fide spirit-descend shaman whose music is the simplest among three traditions. The strictly formalized ushering song, accompanied only by a changgo, is the most important one in Hwanghae shamanism since it is the communicative code between the human and the deity. The hereditary shaman's music is accompanied not only by the percussive instruments but also by such melodic instruments as the piri, taegunl, and haegum. The accompanying ensemble and the character of the music is called sinawi, in which the musicians' artistic creativity is expressed. Ushering song is not important in this tradition because the hereditary shaman is not a medium but merely a "human" priest. The Seoul shaman places the midpoint of the two traditions. She is a spirit-descended shaman whose ritual includes melodic
8Cllcsok pOllp'lIri and Princess Pari are two epic shamanistic songs that are widely distributed in Korea. While Cllesok pOllp'uri is related to the deity of the life, Princess Pari is linked to the deity of the death. Therefore, the Princess Pari is generally performed at a seance (So TS. 1980: 23).
220
Area
Type of shaman
Accompaniment of ushering songs
Accompaniment of revering and entertainment songs
Shaman's artistic crativity
Hwanghae
genuine spirit-descended shaman
changgo
changgo
Strictly restricted
Seoul Suwon
spirit-descended genuine shaman hereditary shaman
changgo changgo
samhyon yuggak sinawi
Mostly welcomed
instruments. The shaman's "sacred" ushering song is accompanied only by the changgo as in the Hwanghae music; the "profane" entertainment songs are accompanied not only by the percussive instruments but also by melodic instruments.
In sum, the music of spirit-descended shaman is more strictly formalized than that of the hereditary shaman. The music for the spirit-descended shaman is a medium to establish a communicative code between the human and the deity. It should be formalized in order to produce an aura of "sacred" atmosphere. On the other hand, the music for hereditary shaman is to exhibit her artistic creativity as much as she can. It should be elaborated in order to make a joyful "profane" performance.
References Cited
Bloch, Maurice 1989 Ritual, History, and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology. London School
of Economic Monographs on Social Anthropology No. 58. London: The Athlone Press.
Bogoras, Waldemar 1972 Shamanic performance in the inner room. In Reader in Comparative Religion:
An Anthropological Approach, 3rd ed. Edited by William A. Lessa and Evon Z. Vogt. New York: Harper & Row Publishers.
Eliade, Mircea 1964 Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. Translated by Willard R. Trask.
Princeton: Princeton University Press. Geertz, Clifford
1973 The Interpretation of Culture. New York: Basic Books. Hong, T'ae-han
1998 Sosa Muga Pari Kongju Yon'gu. Seoul: Minsogwon.
The Sacred and the Profane in Korean Shamanistic Music 221
Kim, T' ae-gon 1998 Korean Shamanism: Muism. Translaetd and edited by Chang Soo-kyung.
Seoul: Jimoondang Publishing Company. Langer, Susane K.
1967 Philosophy in a New Key. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Lee, Byong-Won
1997 Styles and Esthetics in Korean Traditional Music. Seoul: The National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts.
Lee, Yong-Shik 2001 Sacred music: symbol and power in Korean shamanistic music. Paper
presented at the Conference for Korean Musiclogy, Honolulu, Hawaii. Needham, Rodney
1971 Percussion and transition. In Reader in Comparative Religion: An Anthropological Approach, 3rd ed. Edited by William A. Lessa and Evon Z. Vogt. New York: Harper & Row Publishers.
So, Tae-sok 1980 Han'guk Muga ui Yon'gu. Seoul: Munhak Sasangsa.
Yi, Po-hyong 1969 Muga wa p'ansori wa sanjo eso ui otmori karak pigyo. In Umakhak
Nonch'ong. Seoul: Korean Musicological Society. 1982 Han'guk mu uisik ui umak. Han'guk Musok ui Chonghapchok Koch'a/. Edited
by Kim Inhoe. Seoul: Koryo University, Minjok Munhwa Yon'guso. 1991 Chont'ong umak ui pak·pubak ui pyonhwa e taehan koch'al. Han'guk Umak
San 'go. v. 3.
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Appendix
<Appendix 1> Accompanying instruments in each regional shamanistic rituals
함, 신성함이라는 신과의 소통의 특별한 형태 (Bloch 1989: 27)라는 노래의 형식화
의 극대화로나타난다.
서울 굿과 수원 굿에서 청배 무가는 황해도 굿에서만큼 중요하지는 않다. 서울
굿에서는 청배와 만수바지라는 두 종류의 청배 무가가 불려진다 청배는 부정거리
와 가망거리에 불려지며 황해도 만세바지와 마찬가지로 10/8로 되어 있다. 황해도
만세바지가 메기고 받는 형식으로 불려지고 극도로 정형화된 반면, 서울 청배는
무당이 장고를치면서 독창으로부르고그리 정형화되어 있지 않다.
서울 만수바지는 황해도 만세바지와 같은 의미의 노래이다. 서울 만수바지도 메
기고 받는 형식으로 불려지지만 황해도 만세바지와 달리 3분박 4박자(12/8)로 되
어 있다. 이보형 (1992: 7-8) 에 의하면 서울 만수바지도 이전에는 황해도 만세바지
와 마찬가지로 10/8로 불려지다가 3분박 4박자로 변한 것이라 한다. 이것은 서울
만수바지가 황해도 만세바지에 비해 덜 형식화한 것이라는 것을 의미한다.
서울 굿에서 다른 어떤 노래보다 많이 불려지는 것이 노랫가락과 타령이다. 두
노래는 굿의 중간에 신을 놀리고 찬양하기 위해 불려진다. 청배와 만셰바지와 같
이 “신성한” 노래가 장고만으로 반주되어지는데 반하여 노랫가락과 타령이라는
“세속적”인 노래는 삼현육각 반주로 불려진다. 노래와 악기는 헤테로포낙하게 불
려진다.
노랫가락은 시조와 마찬가지로 5박과 8박의 혼합으로 구성된다. 노랫가락이 정
악인 시조와 같은 리듬구조로 되어 있기 때문에 이 노래는 예술적인 노래로 여겨
진다. 타령은 3분박 4박자로 불려진다. 거리에 따라 다른주제의 노래가불려진다
예를 들어 불교 계통의 선을 모시는 불사거리에서는 불교를 상정하는 〈바라타령〉
을 부른다. 장부거리에서는 창부신을 찬양하는 〈창부타령〉을 부르는데, 이 노래는
조선 말기 이후 굿판을 벗어나 서울 지방의 대표적인 민요로 불려진다. 결국, “신
234
성한” 청배 무가는 신을 위해 부르는 노래이지만 노랫가락이나 타령과 같이 홍겨
운 “세속” 무가는 인간을 위해 부르는 노래이다.
서울 굿에서는 서사 무가가 불려진다. 서사 무가는 장시간에 걸쳐 신화를 노래
하는 것이가 때문에 수준 높은 노래로 여겨진다. 서울 오귀굿에서 불려지는 칠공
주는 우리나라에 널리 퍼진 바리공주의 변형 무가이다(홍태한 1998: 25-28). 수원 굿에서 청배 무가는 황해도 굿이나 서울 굿에 비해 덜 중요하다. 신을 청하
기 위해 청배 무가를 불러야 하는 강신무와는 달리 수원의 세습무는 신과 소통하
는 능력이 없기 때문에 청배 무가를 꼭 부를 펄요가 없다. 앞서 언급했듯이 세습무
는 신이 강림하고 신과 직접 소통하는 매개체가 아니라 단순한 사제자이기 때문이
다. 수원 무당도 청배 무가를 부르기는 한다. 청배 무가는 가래조나 도살푸리 장단
으로 부르는데, 가래조는 10/8박이고 도살푸리는 2분박 6박자(6/4) 이다.
YELLOWSEA
서북지방 O
서울 · 경기지방 11
동부지방 14
남서지방 17
제주 O
〈지도 4> 바리공주 분포도
CH~U따α .,“ v tι
<•‘:) +
'-'
JAPAN
한국 굿 음악의 성(휠)과 속(jm 235
모든 전통에서 5박 장단의 노래가 청배 무가로 불려진다는 점에 주목해야 할 것
이다. 한국에서 5박은 종교적 성질과 관련이 었다. 예를 들어, 판소리에서 5박인
엇모리 장단은 불교 승려, 도교의 도사, 힘센 장수 등 비범한 인물을 기술하는 대
옥에서 불려진다(이보행 1969:89-91)
수원 굿에서 서사 무가는 매우 중요하다. 노정기라 불리는 서사 무가는 홍역신
을 모시는 손굿이나 군웅장수를 모시는 군웅굿에서 불려진다 수원 굿에서의 서사
무가의 구연 형태는 판소리와 유사하다 노챙기는 장고 반주에 맞추어 독창으로
불려지며 도살푸리 (6/4) , 모리 (4/4) , 덩덕궁이(12/8) 등의 장단에 노래와 아니리
로불려진다.
서사 무가는 대개 세습무들에 의해 불려지고 강신무가 서사 무가를 부르는 경우
는 극히 드물다. 예를 들어 바리공주는 한반도의 북부에서는 발견되지 않는다 바
서륙지방 2
서울 · 갱기지방 0
동부지방 10
남서지방 10
제주 5
〈지도 5) 제석본풀이 분포도
~ ;-~ ι~‘
• ‘ 6
‘F ~'V o + JAPAN
236
리공주를 부르는 강신무는 오직 서울 무당 뿐이다(홍태한 1998: 25-28). 바리공주와 더불어 많이 불려지는 서사무가가 제석본풀이다. 이는 불교 계통의
신언 제석을 모시는 굿에 불려지는데, 다양한 변형으로 불려진다 제석본풀이도
대개 셰습무들이 부른다(서 대석 1980:23) 왜 세습 무당이 서사 무가를 부르는 것일까? 강신무는 신의 계시인 공수라든가
작두를 다면서 그들의 신통력을 단골에게 보여준다 그러나 이런 신통력이 없는
세습무들은 무언가 다른 방법으로 단골의 흥미와 관심을 유발하여야 한다 세습무
가 그러한 능력을 보여줄 수 있는 것은 무가, 그 중에서도 특히 서사 무가이다. 서
사 무가는 선율악기 없이 장고 반주만으로 연주되기 때문에 무당의 예술적 창조성
을 악기의 간섭 없이 보여줄 수 있는 유일한 기회이다. 그렇기 때문에 이런 속언이
있다; 영험한 강신무는 공수로 단골을 끌고 능숙한 세습무는 음악으로 단골을 매
혹시킨다
결론
한국 중부지방에는 세 가지 전통의 무당이 공존하는데, 이는 황해도 무당과 서
울 무당의 강신무와 수원 무당의 세습무이다. 황해도 무당은 강신무의 전범 (典範)
으로 여겨지며 셋 중 가장 단순한 음악을 가졌다 황해도 굿에셔 장고만으로 반주
되는 청배 무가는 극히 형식적인 노래이지만 가장 중요한 노래로 여겨진다 이는
청배 무가가 인간과 신의 소통을 가능하게 하는 코드이기 때문이다 세습무의 노
래는 타악기뿐만 아니라 대금, 피리, 해금 등의 션율악기로도 반주되어진다. 세습
무의 반주음악인 시나위는 음악가의 예술적 창조성을 표현할 수 있는 장이다. 세
습무에게 청배 무가는 그리 중요한 것이 아닌데, 이는 세습무가 단순히 사제, 즉
“인간”이기 때문이다 서울 무당은 황해도 무당과 세습무의 중간 지점에 위치
한다.
황해도무당 서울무당 수원 무당
-D「다 。의 ~* 혀 강신무의 왼형 강신무 셰습무의 원행
청배무가 반주악기 장고 ::<J.:I1. ~J- .J2.
오신무가반주악기 장고 삼현육각 시나위
무당의 예술적 창조력 극히 제한됨 최대한 발휘됨
〈표 1) 무당의 지역별 유형과 음악
서울 무당은 강신무이지만 그들의 음악은 선율악기로 반주된다. 황해도 굿과 마
찬가지로 서울 굿의 “신성한” 청배 무가는 장고로만 반주되지만, 흥겹고 “세속적
인” 무가는 타악기뿐만 아니라 선율악기도 포함하여 반주한다.
한국 굿 음악의 성 (뿔)과 속(ifr ) 237
결국 강신무의 음악은 세습무의 음악에 비해 훨씬 더 형식화 -정형화되어 있다.
강신무에게 음악은 인간과 신간의 소통 코드를 확립하는 매개체이다. 강신무의 음
악은 “신성한” 분위기를 만들기 위해 정형화되어야 한다. 그러나 세습무의 음악은
그들의 예술적 창조성을 최대한 발휘할 수 있는 장이다. 세습무의 음악은 흥겹고
“세속적인” 연행을 위해 보다 더 세련되어져야 한다.
참고문현
셔대석 1980 w한국무가의 연구」 서울: 문학사상사,
이보형 1969 “무가와 판소리와 엇모리 가락 비교 w이혜구박사 송수기념 음악학논총~. 서
울 한국국악학회 1982 “한국 무의식의 음악 w한국 무속의 종합적 고찰~. 서울: 고려대학교 민족문
화연구소, 1991 “전통음악의 박 -분박의 변화에 대한 고찰 w한국음악산고』 저13집
조동얼 1980 ["구비문학의 세계」 서울: 새문사
홍태한 1998 r서사무가 바리공주 연구』 서울: 민속원.
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238
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