The role of individual adaptive practices for sustainable adaptation

International Journal of Disaster Resilience in the BuiltEnvironmentThe role of individual adaptive practices for sustainable adaptationChristine Wamsler Ebba Brink

Article information:To cite this document:Christine Wamsler Ebba Brink , (2015),"The role of individual adaptive practices for sustainableadaptation", International Journal of Disaster Resilience in the Built Environment, Vol. 6 Iss 1 pp. 6 -29Permanent link to this document:http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJDRBE-09-2014-0070

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The role of individual adaptivepractices for sustainable

adaptationChristine Wamsler and Ebba Brink

Lund University Centre for Sustainability Studies (LUCSUS),Lund University, Lund, Sweden

AbstractPurpose – This paper aims to investigate the strategies used by Swedish citizens to adapt to changingclimate variability and extremes. There is an increasing consensus that individual adaptive capacitiesare critical to successfully adapt to climate change and achieve sustainable development. However, littleis known about individual adaptive practices, particularly in developed countries.Design/methodology/approach – The study covered a variety of geographical areas and includedsingle-case studies of specific locations, cross-case studies and country-wide studies. Data werecollected through literature review, interviews with at-risk people, observation and group discussionswith municipal staff.Findings – The paper provides an overview of Swedish citizens’ adaptive practices and highlightshow institutional development efforts affect individuals and their activities, including the equitabledistribution of adaptation needs and resources. The paper concludes that individual adaptive capacitiesdo not necessarily translate into adaptation.Practical implications – The results show that planned interventions are required. They emphasisethe importance of more people-oriented adaptation planning that fosters the sustainable transformationof cities, together with the role that South-North knowledge transfer can play in this context.Originality/value – The paper offers critical insights into the positive and negative effects of citizens’adaptation strategies (based on criteria such as effectiveness, sustainability and equity), and itdiscusses their relevance in the formulation of development policies and programmes.

Keywords Risk reduction, Risk governance, Sweden, Coping strategies, Climate change adaptation,Climate justice

Paper type Research paper

1. IntroductionClimate change poses a serious challenge to sustainable urban development and placesmany cities at risk. Sweden is no exception. According to the Swedish Committee onClimate and Vulnerability (SCCV, 2007), Sweden will face an increasing number ofhazards because of changes in both climate mean and variability.

The authors wish to thank the participants of the research circle on “planning under uncertainty”,organized by Scania’s Association of Local Authorities (Kommunförbundet Skåne), and thestudents at the Master Programme of Applied Climate Strategy at Lund University, for theirvaluable input. This research was supported by the Swedish Research Council Formas. Theauthors declare that they have no financial or personal relationship(s) that may haveinappropriately influenced them in writing this paper.

The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:www.emeraldinsight.com/1759-5908.htm

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Received 29 September 2014Revised 7 October 2014Accepted 19 October 2014

International Journal of DisasterResilience in the BuiltEnvironmentVol. 6 No. 1, 2015pp. 6-29© Emerald Group Publishing Limited1759-5908DOI 10.1108/IJDRBE-09-2014-0070

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Mean warming in Sweden is predicted to be higher than the global average, andextremely warm temperatures will become more common. This results in highermortality rates for vulnerable populations, especially in cities (Rocklöv et al., 2008;SCCV, 2007). According to studies on past temperature and mortality patterns in theStockholm region, the number of deaths is, for instance, lowest at an average dailytemperature of 12°C and increases linearly with around 1.4 per cent per changed degree(for both warmer and colder temperatures)[1]. When the temperature rises above a22-23-degree threshold for more than two days, the effect on mortality is much greater(FHI, 2010; Forsberg, 2009). In summer, parts of Sweden will be also exposed to longerdry spells and a higher risk of fire (Carlsson-Kanyama, 2012; SCCV, 2007).

Longer winters with temperatures around zero, together with higher precipitation,will also expose some areas to increases in ice-related damages to buildings, roads andrailways and are likely to lead to more road accidents (SCCV, 2007; SMHI, 2012).Extremely low temperatures and related problems for human wellbeing, urban servicesand infrastructures are other potential impacts of increased climate variability (Francisand Vavrus, 2012; Liu et al., 2012).

Heavy rain, extreme temperatures and dry spells can lead to water scarcity and ahigher risk of drinking water contamination and related diseases (Carlsson-Kanyama,2012; Rocklöv et al., 2008; SMI, 2011). A warmer climate can also increase the rate ofvector-borne diseases, such as tick-borne encephalitis and Lyme disease (SOU, 2007).

Furthermore, average and maximum wind speeds are likely to increase (SCCV, 2007).Combined with higher precipitation and changing temperatures, the expectedconsequences include more landslides and erosion (SCCV, 2007); damage to road andrailway networks (such as weakened bridges, roads washed away and heat-distortedrailway tracks); prolonged pollen seasons; higher levels of mould in houses, causingallergies and asthma (Rocklöv et al., 2008); a higher risk of electricity cuts (due towind-felled trees, floods and landslides) (SCCV, 2007) and more flash floods and cellarflooding due to overburdened sewerage systems and rising water levels (SCCV, 2007;SWWA, 2012; Westlin et al., 2012).

The extent of the changing climatic conditions is already reducing the capacity ofurban institutions and associated governance systems to deal with climatic extremesand variability (Bosher, 2008; Davoudi et al., 2009; Romero Lankao, 2008). In Sweden,climate change is predicted to undermine the effectiveness of institutional responses to“common” and “predictable” hazards and associated impacts, for instance, bynegatively affecting the safety and decision-making capacity of staff, and byincreasingly requiring institutions to respond to more than one crisis at a time(Carlsson-Kanyama, 2012; Mobjörk, 2011; MSB, 2012a; Pettersson-Strömbäck et al.,2012; Westlin et al., 2012). New approaches to urban climate change adaptation areurgently needed.

Individual adaptive capacities are increasingly being identified as critical tosuccessfully adapt to climate change and achieve sustainable development. This isbased on the growing consensus that society’s ability to cope with climate risk, disastersand crises depends not only on cooperation between institutions (authorities and otherorganisations) but also between institutions and citizens (the latter consisting of boththe general public and affected communities) (Enander, 2011; Hallin, 1988; Olofsson,2001). People do not adapt in a vacuum. Their adaptation actions may lead to equitydilemmas by impacting adaptation at other locations or scales, while they are, in turn,

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constantly shaped by aspects such as governmental and non-governmental policies,social practices and cultural values (Adger et al., 2005; Moser et al., 2010; Wamsler,2014). Furthermore, regardless of people’s level of adaptive capacity, policies aimed atstrengthening capacities are more likely to be successful if they build on what people arealready doing (Wamsler and Brink, 2014).

However, whilst there is a substantial body of research on the ability of Swedishinstitutions to adapt (FRIVA, 2013; Glaas et al., 2010; Johannessen and Hahn, 2013;Jonsson et al., 2012; Juhola et al., 2012; Langlais, 2009; Nilsson et al., 2012; Storbjörk andHedrén, 2011), there is a clear lack of knowledge about the capacities of individuals andhouseholds. An increasing number of publications state the need for further research onlocal adaptive capacities and practices both globally (Adger et al., 2004; Lutz, 2008) andin the Swedish context (Enander, 2010; Guldåker, 2009; Jonsson et al., 2011; SCCV, 2007).Against this background, this paper investigates the strategies undertaken by Swedishcitizens to adapt to (changing) climate variability and extremes. By looking into aspectssuch as effectiveness, sustainability and equity, it presents critical insights into thepositive and negative effects of such strategies, and discusses their relevance whenformulating development policies and programmes.

2. MethodologyThe purpose of this study is to contribute to knowledge development on individualadaptive practices. This includes intentional/deliberate and unintentional practices thatreduce (potential) climate change impacts. Research consisted of several methodologicalsteps.

• First, because of the scarce information available about people’s practices andcapacities to deal with adverse weather events in the Swedish context, both“white” and “grey” literature were reviewed. This included academic papers,governmental studies, reports, newspaper articles and local newsletters. Theycovered a variety of geographical areas[2] and included single-case studies ofspecific locations (Grönberg, 2005; Gustafsson, 2001; Hallin, 1988; Johansson,2009; Rydell et al., 2012; Simonsson et al., 2011; SMI, 2011; Tjörnbo, 2011; Wall,2011), cross-case studies (Carlsson-Kanyama et al., 2011; FRIVA, 2013; Guldåker,2009; Höst et al., 2010; Ivarsson, 2008; Johannessen and Hahn, 2013; Johansson,2013; Nieminen Kristofersson, 2007a, 2007b; Palm, 2009, 2008; Simonsson et al.,2011; Wall, 2010) and country-wide studies (Carlsson-Kanyama, 2012; Karlberg,2011; Langlais, 2009; Larsson and Enander, 1997; Maxe, 2007; MSB, 2011, 2012a,2012b; Öhman and Olofsson, 2006; Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012; Rocklövet al., 2008; Rydell et al., 2010; SCCV, 2007; VTI, 2011; Waller et al., 2012; Wester,2011; Westlin et al., 2012), where all of these accounted for citizens’ adaptivepractices.

• Second, from 2011-2013 a total of 142 interviews were carried out withpurposefully sampled at-risk households in Vellinge, Helsingborg and KalmarMunicipalities in Sweden; three municipalities that are exposed to increasing heat,storms, sea-level rise and coastal and inland flooding[3]. The interviews withat-risk households were combined with observations to identify adaptationmeasures that were not deliberately implemented. Attention was also paid to howthe connection between climate and institutional development efforts affects

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individuals and their activities. This aspect was then further investigated byWamsler and Brink (2014).

• Third, the initial outcomes from the literature review and interviews with at-riskcitizens were followed-up by group discussions with 11 staff members from 9Swedish municipalities. The municipal staff members were selected throughpurposeful sampling, based on their participation in a research circle on “planningunder increased uncertainty”, which was also the context within which thediscussions took place[4]. In addition to municipal planners and environmentalofficials, the research circle included professionals from the regional Fire andRescue Service and Scania’s Association of Local Authorities.

• Finally, the collected data were analyzed using a combination of literal reading,Grounded Theory (Glaser and Strauss, 1967) and Cultural Theory (Thompsonet al., 1990), which is further described in the analytical framework.

The work presented here forms part of a broader research project funded by the SwedishResearch Council, FORMAS.

3. Analytical frameworkThis study drew on several conceptual frameworks and theories to analyze people’sadaptive practice. Conceptually, adaptive practice includes all measures taken bycitizens to reduce or adapt to climatic hazards and related risk, including climaticvariability and extremes. Many different terms have been used by academics andpractitioners to denote such measures, including:

• private adaptation (IPCC, 2007a);• autonomous adaptation (Hamza et al., 2012; IPCC, 2007a);• coping strategies (Ayers et al., 2012; Béné et al., 2012; Wisner et al., 2004);• coping mechanisms (IPCC, 2012);• individual risk-reduction practices (Shaw et al., 2008);• adaptive responses (Dodman and Mitlin, 2013); and• adaptive practice and behaviour (Pelling et al., 2008).

Some academics further differentiate between adaptive practices (long-term orfundamental changes that systematically reduce potential harm or take advantage ofopportunities resulting from changing weather) and individual coping (localadjustments to extreme weather) (Gallopín, 2006; IPCC, 2012; Smit and Wandel, 2006).For this study, the terms were used as synonymous, as their differentiation is notclear-cut but rather context-specific (Béné et al., 2012).

Adaptive practices include here anticipatory measures implemented during“normal” times that aim to reduce the impact of potential small-scale or exceptionallylarge-scale hazards, and reactive measures taken during and after hazard impacts thataim to respond, recover and return as quickly as possible to “normalcy” or to a better-offstate (cf. Wamsler, 2014). They can be taken with the intention of reducing climatichazards and related risk or have adaptation as a secondary benefit (such as plantingtrees for aesthetic reasons, which also provides adaptation benefits).

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Disaster risk can be defined as the product of the probability of a hazard and itsconsequences, both of which are likely to increase in the future (IPCC, 2012; UNISDR,2009). Climate change influences the intensity and frequency of hazards (IPCC, 2007b).The consequences (or impacts) are an outcome of the direct exposure (e.g. the number ofpeople and buildings in an affected area) and sensitivity (i.e. their vulnerability toexperience harm and the capacities to respond and recover from them). Accordingly,adaptive capacities can be categorised into four objectives, namely, the reduction ofhazard exposure, vulnerability reduction, response preparedness and recoverypreparedness (cf. Twigg, 2004; Wisner et al., 2004; UNISDR, 2009; Wamsler, 2014). Thiscategorisation emphasises the need for adaptation to address both the natural andsocietal drivers of risk and all the phases – before, during and after – of a potentialdisaster. On this basis, the identified adaptive practices were categorised and assessedaccording to the following aspects:

• hazard focus (i.e. hazard specific or multi-hazard measures);• objectives (reduction of hazard exposure, vulnerability reduction, preparedness

for response and recovery and ad hoc response or recovery);• support (i.e. carried out with/without institutional support);• awareness (i.e. planned or ad hoc; intentional/deliberate or unintentional);• thematic foci (being physical, environmental, social, economic or institutional/

political);• underlying the patterns of social relations (being individualistic, communitarian,

hierarchical or fatalist), individualistic’ behaviour can be characterised as eitherself-help or fixing things without external assistance. This categorisation stemsfrom Cultural Theory (Douglas and Wildavsky, 1982; Thompson et al., 1990).“Communitarian” behaviour is based on the belief that everybody sinks or swimstogether and is characterised by community efforts. “Hierarchical” patterns relateto the belief in, and reliance on, official structures and strong leadership withrespect to assistance, control and organisation. “Fatalistic” behaviour is a“non-strategy” for survival, which is based on the idea that taking or not takingaction has the same (negative) result (Thompson et al., 1990); and

• sustainability, both in terms of effectiveness (i.e. short- or long-term effect) andequity.

As regards the latter, equity in adaptations can be evaluated both based on thedistribution of the more and less advantageous outcomes of an adaptation action(“winners” and “losers”), and with regard to who is involved in decision-making onadaptation (Adger et al., 2005). Conversely, effectiveness is described by Adger et al.(2005, p. 81) as “the capacity of an adaptation action to achieve its expressed objectives”.In practice, effectiveness may signify a measure’s success in preventing deaths andinjuries, as well as losses and damages to property, environment and livelihoods relatedto climate change and variability:

In view of this, the sustainability of an adaptation action can be described as being related toits potential impact from a systems perspective, in the sense that it should not compromise theadaptation of others (now or in the future) or further contribute to climate change (Adger et al.,2005; Wamsler, 2014; WCED, 1987).

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4. Individual adaptive practiceBoth the literature review and the interviews show that Swedes take few deliberateadaptive actions. In the areas studied, they accounted for around 15 per cent. This isdespite the fact that 95 per cent of Swedes aged 16-75 years think that climate change is,or will, affect the Swedish population, and of those, 78 per cent believe that their familywill experience adverse effects, and 72 per cent think that they will also experience theeffects personally (Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012). The fact that climatic hazards areseen by many not only as a future but also a current problem was demonstrated in thenational survey carried out by Pettersson-Strömbäck et al. (2012) and was confirmed inthe interviews carried out during this study.

Although only a minority of Swedish citizens take deliberate adaptive actions,several interesting measures were identified. Their analysis is presented in thefollowing sub-sections.

4.1 Multi-hazard measuresThe predominant multi-hazard measure taken by interviewees was home insurancecover for property damage. Despite the fact that adaptation to climate change was notgenerally the primary objective, home insurance was seen as an important preparednessmeasure to enable recovery from hazard impacts (cf. Lindblad, 2012). Althoughsupplementary insurance was rare, some respondents had taken out cover for impactssuch as additional accommodation costs during the emergency or recovery phase(SCCV, 2007). Other financial measures to prepare for recovery, concerning assets suchas homes, savings, pensions, stock holdings or funds were hardly mentioned. In general,people trusted and respected regulations and decisions regarding where and how tobuild their homes. However, they were unaware of potential financial risks and relatedequity issues in relation to:

• reduced market value resulting from an increase in location-related risks or theimplementation of risk-reducing measures (such as embankments blocking theview);

• increased insurance premiums; or• reduced protection due to the fact that municipalities’ legal liability only lasts for

10 years following the issue of a building permit (Research circle, 2013; SCCV,2007; Wilhelmson, 2012).

As regards preparedness for response, the two most common measures wereparticipating in offered first-aid courses and taking part in emergency simulations atschool or work (Larsson and Enander, 1997). Other measures for preparedness andresponse, which relate to existing institutional structures and mechanisms, includedfinding out how to obtain information in case of an emergency; accessing officialinformation about existing risk and how to best protect property; participating intraining (e.g. civil defence or survival courses); or joining a voluntary organisation(Larsson and Enander, 1997; Lindblad, 2012; Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012)[5].Additional measures which show people’s confidence in institutional/politicalstructures and mechanisms was to engage politically to influence decision-makers onvarious issues (not only related to response preparedness; e.g. demanding betterservices, climate-resistant infrastructure or post-disaster compensation).

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The third most common response preparedness was, in accordance with Larsson andEnander (1997), the installation of smoke detectors[6]. Other examples of individualisticphysical measures that relate to hazard and vulnerability reduction included moving toa lower-risk area, installing alternative sources of energy and avoiding living near anuclear power station or other hazardous zones.

Furthermore, several individualistic social measures (both active and cognitive) wereidentified. Active measures included:

• having a first-aid kit;• planning how to evacuate the home and reach protective shelter in an emergency;• storing food or other items (batteries, etc.) for emergencies;• sharing vital resources with friends and neighbours;• crisis communication to locate and offer support to family members; or• taking the car to avoid risks or adverse impacts related to public transport (e.g.

delays due to poor weather or the risk of infection during a disease outbreak)(Grönberg, 2005; Höst et al., 2010; Larsson and Enander, 1997; NieminenKristofersson, 2007a).

The latter two strategies may work well on an individual level but represent a conflict ofinterest at other levels. Intense use of telephones in a crisis may overload the networkand block communication between response agencies (Enander, 2008), while increasedcar use contributes to climate change. Finally, some individualistic social measuresaimed to reduce vulnerability, for instance, by becoming less dependent on society. Aconcrete example is growing food (Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012). Cognitivemeasures included: staying informed, talking to others, preparing mentally and keepingspirits up (Grönberg, 2005; Höst et al., 2010; Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012).

4.2 Floods and increasing water levelsSpecific measures related to floods and rises in sea or water levels identified in Vellingeand Helsingborg Municipality were largely physical or environmental. They include:

• increasing green areas surrounding properties to improve water runoff;• improving the drainage system (in one case, by illegally connecting the property’s

downpipes to the municipal stormwater system);• flood-proofing the basement and/or garage;• buying a submersible pump (to pump water out of cellars);• respecting instructions regarding cellar use (i.e. not storing vulnerable

equipment);• raising the doorsill; and• building a small flood embankment or dyke (Green et al., 2012; Lindblad, 2012;

Research circle, 2013; Teran Öman et al., 2012).

Moving to higher ground or a second home was also an option for some (Håkanssonet al., 2012). These measures are consistent with studies from other parts of Sweden(Rydell et al., 2012), and confirm the findings of Pettersson-Strömbäck et al. (2012).

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Another measure to prevent riverine flooding was the removal of objects or rubblewhich can block the flow of streams or rivers (Höst et al., 2010).

Some of the identified individual water management practices can have adverseconsequences on a larger scale. Clearing rivers may violate environmental regulationsand have judicial repercussions (Höst et al., 2010), while sealing private land anddraining runoff from roofs into sewers increases the pressure on municipal stormwatersystems (Research circle, 2013).

4.3 Low temperatures, snow and iceMeasures relating to snowy or icy weather conditions were mostly ad hoc. Theyincluded staying at home; walking in the road (not the footpath) and looking up whenoutside in melting conditions to avoid falling icicles; calling hotlines to report icicles andice blocks that may fall from buildings; and wearing spiked shoes (Åstrand, 2010;Nyheter P4 Sörmland, 2013; Stengård and Hellmyrs, 2010). Identified responsepreparedness measures related to removing snow from footpaths in front of individualproperties; gritting or salting; and moving cars to allow municipal snow clearing (Calais,2012; City of Gothenburg, 2013; City of Stockholm, 2013).

4.4 HeatwavesThis study showed that people mainly use ad hoc measures to adapt to heat. Identifiedmeasures included:

• working less or working from home;• drinking more water;• swimming;• seeking shade (using parasols or a walker for the elderly);• spending time in air-conditioned locations (e.g. supermarkets);• sleeping in the cellar or on a balcony;• staying indoors at mid-day; and• calling the police or even smashing windows when children or dogs are seen in

overheated cars (cf. Sjölund and Carlqvist, 2006; Jönköpingsnytt, 2008; Lidén,2009; Höök, 2010; Carlsson-Kanyama et al., 2011; Green et al., 2012;Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012).

Other planned measures to cope with high temperatures included buying airconditioners or fans (Carlsson-Kanyama et al., 2011; Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012).However, these measures contribute to climate change and can cause power outages onpeak usage days. Conversely, physical and environmental measures related tolonger-term vulnerability reduction included improved home insulation; installingblinds; and growing trees near to the house (Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012). For thosealready suffering from heatwaves, moving to colder areas is also an option, such as forthis respondent of a national survey:

I guess I will have to move away from the coast and further north. I am already facingdifficulties with the recent heatwaves […] (Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012, p. 79).

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4.5 Dry spells and water shortagesActions taken during dry spells and periods of water scarcity seemed to be mostlyinstitutional and restricted to following official instructions regarding hosepipe bansand lighting (h, 2010). Another institutional strategy was to request water from themunicipality when faced with shortages, or switching permanently from a private well(which may run dry) to the municipal network (Höst et al., 2010; Pettersson-Strömbäcket al., 2012). Individuals also took physical and environmental measures such as:improving a private well (e.g. drilling a new or deeper well) to be independent ofmunicipal services; maintaining a dry toilet (which can be used if the indoor toilet cannotbe flushed); and other measures aimed at protecting gardens during dry periods (Palm,2008; Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012). In cases where the water supply is shared, somepeople take showers at night when demand is lower (Amnell, 2012). Some individualmeasures identified were, however, not sustainable on a larger scale. These includedmaking (illegal) back-up connections between a private well and the municipal watersupply, which enables disease agents to spread from the private water source into themunicipal network (Tjörnbo, 2011) and increased watering of gardens during dry spellsand water scarcity.

Identified social measures to cope with water scarcity included:• storing receptacles which can be used to collect water;• sharing water with neighbours;• asking friends or relatives for water and laundry facilities;• taking fewer and shorter showers;• bathing and washing hair in nearby lakes; and• buying water (Nieminen Kristofersson, 2007a; Nilsson, 2008; Sandberg, 2006;

Sjölund and Carlqvist, 2006).

As regards the latter, in Lärbro, Gotland, low water levels and failing wells in 2006multiplied demand for 5-L water containers sold at the local supermarket. In the wordsof a cashier, interviewed in a national newspaper:

The next day they are sold out. It’s extreme! […] We can’t shower so often. You have to waituntil you smell bad (Sjölund and Carlqvist, 2006).

Year-round measures to save water were identified to be common, and can be seen aspart of a general trend towards ecological behaviour (European Commission, 2008),which also has benefits for adaptation. Examples included the installation of low-flowshowerheads and toilets; taking showers instead of baths; not washing dishes underrunning water; using water-efficient dishwashers and washing machines and washingfull loads; collecting rainwater for irrigation; and not washing the car at home (Karlberg,2011).

4.6 Water contamination and diseaseBoth the interviews and the literature review confirmed that citizens generally trust themunicipal water network to deliver high-quality tap water (cf. SMI, 2011, Waller et al.,2012). The most common measures taken to prevent water-borne diseases were payingattention to warnings and following official instructions about boiling water, if need be(SMI, 2011; Waller et al., 2012). Individuals who have a private water supply are

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responsible for ensuring its quality, and generally carry out regular checks (Maxe, 2007).Using commercial filters is less common, which is consistent with recommendationsfrom the Swedish Water and Wastewater Association (SWWA, 2011).

Most measures to cope with contaminated or diseased water were taken individually,but communitarian efforts were also identified. Examples come from the 2010 outbreakof Cryptosporidium in the municipality of Östersund, which made tap waterundrinkable for three months (SMI, 2011; Wall, 2011). Responses to this situationincluded:

• reminding others to not drink tap water;• taking turns to boil water at work;• distributing water from unaffected homes to colleagues;• monitoring dependent neighbours; and• in the aftermath of the outbreak, collectively claiming compensation (Montell,

2013; Wall, 2011).

In another case of Cryptosporidium contamination in the municipality of Skellefteå in2011, two citizens created an interactive online map where those affected could reporttheir location, thus providing a clear overview of the affected areas (Novak, 2012).

Another measure related to infectious (vector-borne) diseases was being vaccinated(e.g. for tick-borne encephalitis in the Stockholm region), also showing the general trustin institutional structures and crisis management mechanisms (SOU, 2007).

4.7 Landslides and erosionMeasures to cope with landslides and erosion were usually individualistic: citizensmonitor their environment for signs of increasing risk (cracks in the ground, leaningpoles, etc.) and measure groundwater levels (Baltscheffsky, 2010). Others place stoneblocks, rubble or cement along shorelines or riverbanks to prevent landslides anderosion (Baltscheffsky, 2010; Research circle, 2013). This uncoordinated implementationof “hard” or structural measures may however simply move erosion elsewhere(Research circle, 2013) – leading to a situation of inequitable distribution of outcomes.Physical and environmental measures can also be a time-consuming task, such as forthis respondent from a national survey:

Due to climate change I already have to put in circa 200 hours more maintenance work yearlyon my property compared to 10 years ago (Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012, p. 62).

Identified response and recovery measures included being able to quickly evacuate thehouse, temporarily moving to a campervan, and taking out insurance which coverslandslides and related damage (Hünhe von Seth, 2013). The pricing of insurance basedon risk may, in the near future, in addition to the issuing of building permits, become aninstrument to help people avoid settling in high-risk areas (Alestig, 2014). However,given the key status of insurance and relocation as measures for coping with bothlandslides and floods, this may create new dilemmas for equitable adaptation. Forhomeowners whose financial capacity (or debt) is largely tied to their house, it mayinstead become a “trap”, as the house becomes uninsurable (de facto or due to highpremiums) and unsellable. For landslides, an “uninsurable grey area” has beenidentified concerning cases in which risk assessments suddenly deem an area unsafe or

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people experience precursor stages to landslides, but cannot be recompensed via theirinsurance as long as nothing has happened (SCCV, 2007). Financially constrained frommoving to a safer place, people may see no other way out then to sell their house withoutdisclosing the risk (cf. Wamsler and Lawson, 2012).

There were also several cognitive strategies used to cope with landslide risk:• citizens alter their gardens to try to forget damage caused by past incidents;• resist the idea that something dangerous could happen;• take refuge in the idea that their property is regularly supervised by authorities;• accept that there is a risk; or• use humour to live with it (Baltscheffsky, 2010; Hünhe von Seth, 2013).

4.8 WindstormsMost information about adaptive behaviour and practice related to windstorms (andconsequent flooding) came from interviews carried out in Helsingborg Municipalityfollowing the Advent storm in 2011 and studies following the Gudrun Storm in 2004.Identified measures were:

• citizens staying inside (and work from home) to avoid exposure to high winds andrelated accidents (in direct response to official warnings);

• bringing unsecured objects, usually left outside, inside;• taking care when parking the car;• purchasing a generator;• reinforcing physical structures (e.g. securing fences); and• clearing wind-felled trees from roads or ask authorities to do it (cf. Nieminen

Kristofersson, 2007a, 2007b; Lindblad, 2012).

Further measures related to floods caused by windstorms (see Section 4.2) and poweroutages (Section 4.9). In the study by Pettersson-Strömbäck et al. (2012, p. 79),respondents mentioned the need to better protect their properties against the wind andcutting down nearby trees as, “already today the wind poses a real problem”.

4.9 Power shortages and outagesMany measures were identified following the Gudrun Storm in 2004. This event left730,000 end-users without power for up to 20 days, caused widespread failures intelephone and computer networks and, for those who relied on energy to get water fromtheir wells, disruption to the water supply (Swedish Energy Agency, 2007). Powershortages and outages are a secondary hazard that can be caused by increasedprecipitation, icing, floods, windstorms and landslides. Consequently, related measurescan also be characterised as multi-hazard (cf. Section 4.1).

Identified communitarian measures related to power shortages and outagesincluded:

• drawing upon social networks for psychological support;• organising meetings to share information; and

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• getting help from neighbours or friends with electricity (e.g. for water, laundry,using the Internet or storing food) (Grönberg, 2005; Höst et al., 2010; NieminenKristofersson, 2007a).

Following the Gudrun Storm, some people made it their business to check on progressregarding telephone lines and inform others (Grönberg, 2005). Passive behaviour(because of confidence in official structures and mechanisms) such as sitting andwaiting for the power and municipal services to come back was also widely observed(Grönberg, 2005). Such behaviour can make it impossible for authorities to direct theirresources to those who are unable to take care of themselves (e.g. the sick and the elderly)(MSB, 2011; Research circle, 2013). Other equity dilemmas can arise because of the factthat some people are more disadvantaged or more demanding than others, leading tomunicipalities struggling with applying the principle of offering the same help to allresidents. This was, for instance, the case during the energy outage following theGudrun Storm. Whilst some residents managed to get an emergency electricitygenerator from the municipality, others had to cope without electricity (Höst et al., 2010).

The Gudrun Storm also demonstrated that (often elderly) people who could drawupon experiences of past storms were generally better prepared (Höst et al., 2010;Nieminen Kristofersson, 2007b). This preparedness is a result of knowledge of thepotential impact of a disaster (e.g. power and water supply outages). They are morelikely to be used to life without electricity and running water, own a battery-operatedradio, have preserved old features of their house such as a wood-burning stove and drytoilet and store important emergency supplies (Grönberg, 2005; Höst et al., 2010; Palm,2008; Swedish Energy Agency, 2007). Their knowledge enables them, for instance, totake measures such as filling receptacles with water (to be able to handle days withoutbeing able to pump water); cooking and keeping warm using the fireplace, stove or acamping stove; lighting a large number of candles to maintain the temperature; andhaving an emergency generator.

The 1973 Oil Embargo also provided additional insights into how individuals copewith energy shortages and increasing oil prices. Physical measures included:

• lowering the indoor temperature (e.g. at night) and the hot water temperature;• installing thermostats;• improving isolation;• placing aluminium foil behind radiators; and• installing a wood-burning stove (Hallin, 1988).

Socially oriented measures included adopting energy-efficient behaviours regardingdishwashing, showering and ventilation (Hallin, 1988). Adaptation to a rapid increase inenergy prices for Swedish end-users may become relevant in the context of climatechange as energy companies introduce steep rises in charges due to, for example, thecost of storm-proofing energy lines (Alestig, 2013).

5. Discussion and conclusionsThis study showed that only a small minority of Swedish citizens are actively adaptingtheir living conditions and lifestyles to climate change, not to mention supportingadaptation efforts at city or regional level. This is despite the fact that 95 per cent of

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Swedes aged 16-75 years believe that climate change already does, or will in the future,affect the Swedish population (Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012). This situation is instark contrast to actions taken to mitigate climate change, where 83 per cent of Swedesactively and deliberately try to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (Naturvårdsverket,2009).

The lack of information on individual adaptive practice and behaviour makes relatedanalyses challenging (Carmin et al., 2012; Satterthwaite et al., 2007; UNISDR, 2012). This isespecially true in so-called developed countries where adaptive capacity is generallyconsidered to be high (IPCC, 2007b; O’Brien et al., 2006; Wolf, 2011). This study shows thatSweden is no exception. Although there are some studies that have examined the capacity ofthe Swedish population to prepare and respond to hazards, there is a paucity of research thathas analysed other adaptive practices (e.g. for the reduction of hazard exposure andvulnerability, recovery preparedness and post-disaster recovery). This bias in Swedish riskliterature was also reflected in the frequent use of the term krishanteringsförmåga (“crisismanagement capacity”) as opposed to anpassningsförmåga (“adaptive capacity”) in theanalysed studies.

Our primary data analysis did, however, not demonstrate a focus on response andrelated preparedness measures, which confirms the identified information biasconcerning individual adaptive practice. Heatwaves were the exception, probablybecause of the fact that they are a relatively new hazard in Sweden and, thus, are mostlydealt with using ad hoc responses.

Furthermore, this study indicates that individual adaptive practice can createconflicts between benefits at the individual and the city level. Several measures wereidentified which reduce individual risk levels, but are counterproductive at city level – interms of both climate change adaptation and mitigation. Examples include:

• energy-intensive measures such as air conditioners and fans;• the increased use of cars in adverse weather;• poorly built embankments;• (illegal) connections between private wells and the municipal water network;• sealing of gardens; and• (illegal) runoff downpipes that increase pressure on stormwater systems – all of

which were direct and deliberate responses to climate change.

Furthermore, a trend observed in all hazard contexts was the prevalence ofindividualistic and hierarchical patterns of social behaviour. Individuals ask for, andgenerally adhere to, official information, instructions, regulations and institutionalmechanisms and services. Citizens tend to be passive when it comes to taking furtheraction. A tendency to hand over responsibility to authorities was especially observed inyounger generations (Nieminen Kristofersson, 2007b; Research circle, 2013).

In view of the lack of individual adaptation actions in general, the extensive relianceon authorities, and the unsustainable measures that were identified, we argue thatadaptive capacity does not necessarily translate into sustainable adaptation. This isconsistent with findings from other studies that have focussed on developed nations(Ford and Berrang-Ford, 2011; Lagadec, 2004; O’Brien et al., 2006; Parkins andMacKendrick, 2007).

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The discrepancy between adaptive capacity and actual adaptation seems to beespecially true for new hazards, such as heatwaves. Despite the generally high adaptivecapacity of Swedes (Juhola et al., 2012; Simonsson et al., 2011), they continue toexperience high levels of heat stress mortality, amounting to hundreds of prematuredeaths every year (Forsberg, 2012). Notably, the mortality rate of Swedes born outsideScandinavia is lower (FHI, 2010). Models that attempt to explain individuals’ hazardresponse in terms of: how people perceive their ability to control a hazard and how clearor tangible the hazard risk is (Enander, 2008) are insufficient to explain this situation.Adaptive practice and behaviour are far more multifaceted, especially as they includeand link cognitive and active (re-)actions during response, recovery and developmentphases and were shown to be strongly affected by related institutional endeavours.

The discrepancy between adaptive capacity and actual adaptation also links toissues of equity. Heatwaves and rising mean temperatures in Sweden are, for instance,expected to disproportionally affect certain population groups. Higher morbidity duringheatwaves has already been noted among resource-poor groups, including the elderly,single-person households and those who are chronically or mentally ill (FHI, 2010). Ourresults further suggest that many of the measures mentioned as part of people’sresponses to heat (use of air conditioners, having a summerhouse or waterfrontresidence, the possibility of sleeping with open windows [in secure living environments]or visiting green recreational areas) are often connected to a lifestyle of affluence, andrelated privileges as regards safety, mobility and excessive material and energyconsumption. The inequitable effect of such measures thereby becomes twofold – firstbecause some population groups lack access to such measures, and second because they,through their extensive carbon footprint, are drivers of global climate change and risk.

Furthermore, independent from the hazard type, adaptation measures differentiallyaffect stakeholders. Some individuals may, for instance, be negatively affected byadaptive measures that benefit the majority (such as real estate value loss due tofloodwalls blocking the view of some properties). It is thus crucial that diverse interests,expectations and values are recognised in decision-making processes on adaptation.

To translate adaptive capacity into adaptation, planned and targeted interventionsthat provide (better and more equitable) support for citizens’ adaptive practice at locallevel are thus required. Despite of the need for such interventions, only some Swedishmunicipalities have started to propose and develop adaptation strategies and measures,others have yet to begin (Pettersson-Strömbäck et al., 2012). Moreover, regulatoryframeworks are often ambiguous regarding the (complementary) responsibilities ofinstitutions and citizens for climate change adaptation (MSB, 2011).

Equitable adaptation does, however, not necessarily mean equal distribution ofresources; in fact, better support for citizens’ adaptive practice at local level, andempowering them to take responsibility for themselves, is crucial in enabling authoritiesto direct resources to those who need help more (e.g. children, the sick and the elderly).This issue becomes critical in a context of climate change and a growing number ofdisasters, which are predicted to considerably increase demands on Swedishinstitutions, and the coordination and prioritisation of resources (Carlsson-Kanyama,2012; Mobjörk, 2011; MSB, 2012a).

In Sweden, the need for planned and more targeted interventions to provide (better)support for individual adaptation at the local level is, in contrast to climate changemitigation, more related to improvements in processes and institutions than in

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“hardware”. In the context of equitable adaptation, this also relates to the issue of howdevelopment and adaptation activities in the Global North influence adaptation needs inthe Global South, touching on the ongoing debate on climate justice. An implication ofthis is the responsibility of the post-industrial economies to provide resources andknow-how for adaptation in the South. Meanwhile, the potential for South-Northknowledge transfer of (capable, yet low-CO2) practices is, in this context, oftenoverlooked (IPCC, 2000; Johnson and Wilson, 2006). Knowledge that could betransferred from Southern cities (with a longer history of, and experience in, dealingwith hazards and bottom-up risk reduction) comes from the vast body of information oncommunity-based mechanisms to plan, design, implement and monitor adaptationmeasures; ways to support physical/technological measures with soft measures; thescaling-up of local adaptation practices to city level; and risk assessment methods thatinclude the analysis of people’s adaptive capacities (Ayers et al., 2012, Wamsler, 2014).Regarding the latter, it should be noted that while Swedish municipalities must carryout a full risk assessment every four years (MSB, 2012b), such assessments do notrequire the consideration of individual adaptive capacities and only address citizens asa passive subject to be protected.

Based on the outcomes of this study, further research is needed to answer questionssuch as: what influences individual hazard-specific adaptation capacity and safetyattitudes, what prompts people to use their adaptive capacity and how could citizensand their capacities be better supported and new capacities be incentivised? Meanwhile,if the aim is sustainable and equitable adaptation, there is also a need of furtherassessing how people’s adaptation practices affect others’ adaptation needs andresources, both locally and globally.

Notes1. Corresponding “optimal temperatures” have been calculated, for example, Oslo (�12°C), London

(�20°C) and Athens (�25°C). The differences are largely attributable to how individuals andsociety as a whole have adapted to the local climate conditions (Forsberg, 2009).

2. These include, amongst others, the municipalities of Borgholm, Helsingborg, Kalmar,Mörbylånga, Stockholm, Torsås, Vellinge and Östersund, and the counties of Jönköping,Kronoberg and Östergötland.

3. They were carried out by graduate students under the supervision of the main author and inthe context of: student assignments which analysed the adaptation capacity of individualsliving in the Vellinge Municipality and their relation to institutional adaptation efforts, andtwo masters’ theses that focused on the Kalmar and Helsingborg Municipalities (Johansson,2013; Lindblad, 2012).

4. The municipalities participating in the research circle were Båstad, Eslöv, Helsingborg,Hässleholm, Höör, Kristianstad, Lomma, Simrishamn and Östra Göinge.

5. The latter is a national survey of 1,050 respondents that examined individual perceptions of thepotential negative effects of climate change and the measures they would be willing to take. Whilethe survey questions were hypothetical and referred to potential, future impacts of climate change,it could be assumed and noted that some measures have already been deployed.

6. Fire is often a secondary hazard that can occur during, or in the aftermath of, other hazards.Related measures were thus categorized as multi-hazard.

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Further readingCornander, Å., Daramus, A., Hedgren, B. and Pelin, O. (2011), Climate Risk Management and

Adaptation - A Study on the Falsterbo Peninsula (Course assignment in MVEN18: PartI-IV), Lund University, Lund.

Garczyna, S., Göransson, T., Jeraeus, J. and Westregård, H. (2011), Climate Risk Management andAdaptation: The Falsterbo Peninsula (Course assignment in MVEN18: Part I-IV), LundUniversity, Lund.

About the authorsChristine Wamsler is Associate Professor at Lund University Centre for Sustainability Studies(LUCSUS), Honorary Fellow at the University of Manchester, Visiting Professor at the TechnicalUniversity of Munich (TUM) and International Consultant. She is specialized in sustainable citydevelopment with a focus on climate change adaptation, disaster risk reduction, urban resilienceand transformation planning. Christine Wamsler is the corresponding author and can becontacted at: [email protected]

Ebba Brink is a Doctoral Candidate at the Lund University Centre for Sustainability Studies(LUCSUS) and member of the Lund University Centre of Excellence for Integration of Social andNatural Dimensions of Sustainability (LUCID) Research School. Her research interests centrearound cities’ adaptation to climate-related risk, in particular how people deal with and engage inthe governance of urban risk in Sweden, as well as in Brazil.

For instructions on how to order reprints of this article, please visit our website:www.emeraldgrouppublishing.com/licensing/reprints.htmOr contact us for further details: [email protected]

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