The Pre-hisPanic communiTies of The onavas valley New ArchAeologicAl reseArch iN the Middle YAqui river vAlleY, soNorA, Mexico

The Pre-hisPanic communiTies of The onavas valley

New ArchAeologicAl reseArch iN the Middle YAqui river vAlleY, soNorA, Mexico

Emiliano Gallaga

AbstrAct

Despite the impressive amount of archaeological research conducted in Sonora

in the last few decades, some areas remain little researched. The Middle Río Yaqui

region is one such area. Traditionally, this region has been identified as part of the

Río Sonora archaeological tradition that embraces the sierra region from near the

international border south to northern Sinaloa. No archaeological research has

been conducted in the middle of this region to verify this interpretative assump-

tion, however. This essay presents basic data from the Onavas Valley Archaeologi-

cal Project (OVAP), which was conducted in the Middle Río Yaqui Valley in the

summer of 2004 to obtain an initial understanding of an archaeologically poorly

researched area and to examine the area’s possible role in interactions with neigh-

boring archaeological areas. The data illustrate that the Onavas Valley population

appears to have been more related to the Huatabampo archaeological tradition

than to the Río Sonora archaeological tradition.

resumen

A pesar del impresionante numero de investigaciones arqueológicas efectuadas en Sonora

en las últimas décadas, existen áreas que siguen sin ser estudiadas a fondo. El Valle Medio

del Río Yaqui, es una de ellas. Tradicionalmente, esta región se identifica dentro de la

tradición del Río Sonora, que abarca desde la región de la sierra del estado, cerca de la

frontera internacional, hasta el norte de Sinaloa. Sin embargo, no se habían realizado

investigaciones en la porción media de esta región para verificar esta presunción. El pre-

sente artículo presenta los resultados preliminares obtenidos del Proyecto Arqueológico

Valle de Onavas (OVAP por sus siglas en Ingles), efectuado en la región media del Río

Yaqui durante el verano del 2004 para obtener un entendimiento inicial de una área que

ha sido pobremente investigada arqueológicamente e investigar el papel que esta área

haya tenido en interacciones con vecinas zonas arqueológicas. La información denota que

la población del Valle de Onavas parece estar mas relacionada con la tradición arque-

ológica de Huatabampo que con la tradición del Río Sonora.

KIVA: The Journal of Southwestern Anthropology and History, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Spring 2007), pp. 000–000. Copyright © 2005 Arizona Archaelological and Historical Society. All rights reserved. 327

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328 emiliAno gAllAgA

inTroducTion

Since the conference “Sonora: Arqueología del Desierto” in 1974 at Hermosillo, Sonora, Mexico, this state has experienced important developments in anthro-pological research. After 30 years of research, however, such advances have not been equal throughout the state, and certain areas are as unknown as they were in 1974, including the Middle Río Yaqui region. This essay presents a summary of data collected by the Onavas Valley Archaeological Project (OVAP) in one such area that has still undergone little archaeological investigation. The OVAP focuses on the Onavas Valley in the Middle Río Yaqui region between the modern Alvaro Obregon and El Novillo Dams (Figure 1). By means of a full-scale survey and data analysis, the OVAP recorded and examined the valley’s pre-Hispanic com-munities and their possible interactions with neighboring areas. In doing so, the OVAP arrived at more accurate cultural assignation than the previously existing assumed identification with the Río Sonora tradition. At the conference in 1974, researchers synthesized their archaeological interpretations and expanded the Río Sonora archaeological tradition from the northeast through the southern end of Sonora (Pailes 1994a, 1994b) (see Figure 1). This assessment was based on the similarity of material evidence found at both extremes of this large region (Doolittle 1988; Pailes 1972). Similarities in material culture were previously described by Amsden (1928) and include (1) stone foundations for habitation units composed of two lines of river cobbles and (2) ceramic material decorated with incising or punctuated geometric designs (Amsden 1928:45; Pailes 1994b:118). At the time, Pailes (1994a:81) cautioned that this territorial homogenization was speculative due to the lack of research in the central portion of the region.

The onavas valley

The Onavas Valley lies in south-central Sonora, in the geographical basin and range subprovince that characterizes this Pacific coast state. It lies in the buffer zone between the Sierra Madre Occidental and the Sonoran Desert. Physiographi-cally, the region is comprised of a system of parallel mountain ridges with narrow intermountain valleys, which range in elevation from 140

Figure 1. Location of the study area and the Huatabampo and Río Sonora archaeological traditions (adapted from Gallaga and Newell 2004).

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ArchAeologicAl reseArch in the middle yAqui river vAlley 329

m in the valleys to 600 m above sea level in the mountain ridges. The weather is normally semidry, with heavy rains in the summer and a short rainy season in the winter, locally named equipatas. The average annual precipitation measures 608.5 mm, and temperatures vary between 47°C (120°F) and –10°C (15°F) (Escárcega 1996; Pérez Bedolla 1996; West 1993). Several arroyos drain from the adjacent hills into the Río Yaqui, which bisects the research area and eventually empties into the Gulf of California. Currently, the Río Yaqui is one of the only riv-ers in Sonora that flows year-round. The local flora consists of desert shrub with riparian shrub along drainages and subtropical trees on the hills and mountains (Pérez Bedolla 1996). The diverse ecology of this area provided the inhabitants of the Onavas Valley area with a great variety of natural resources. In addition, the Río Yaqui offered important freshwater food sources. The geographical and physical characteristics of this region, in conjunction with rain, wind, and erosion processes, have produced a river valley rich in sedi-ments with good farming soils. These characteristics rendered the area capable of sustaining large numbers of people. Previous archaeological surveys (Doolittle 1988; Douglas and Quijada 2004a; Fish and Fish 2004; McGuire and Villalpando 1993; Pailes 1972) in similar areas of Sonora show that pre-Hispanic sites in this type of environment are usually found near water sources and farming land. A similar context was found in the Onavas Valley. Archaeological evidence in Sonora indicates that people, shell, and other products moved through river valleys from the coast and may have reached as far as Casas Grandes on the east side of the Sierra Madre Occidental or as far north as the U.S. Southwest. Different products and people moved from those inland places down the rivers to the coast. Marine shell, turquoise, obsidian, peyote, copper, feathers, and decorated wares exemplify some of the more exotic trade goods that exchanged hands, often over vast distances (Hammond and Rey 1940; Hopkins 1988; Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca 1993; Pérez de Ribas 1999). Excavations at Paquimé, Chihuahua, by Di Peso in the 1960s documented coastal and western Mexican goods at the site. Di Peso (1974:2:628) proposed that the Río Yaqui may have functioned as one of the trading routes. The geographical direction and location of the Río Yaqui positions this natural causeway as an ideal trade cor-ridor. Ethnohistorical data support that there were diverse cultural interactions among different ethnic groups sharing the Middle Río Yaqui Valley, including trade and warfare (Hammond and Rey 1940; Hopkins 1988; Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca 1993; Pérez de Ribas 1999).

eTnohisToric and eThnograPhic daTa

Ethnohistorical and ethnographic sources indicate that by the Late Pre-Hispanic period, this area had a high ethnic diversity with Opatas to the north, Lower

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Pimas or Nébomes in the center, and Yaquis to the south (Moctezuma 1991; Pen-nington 1980, 1982; Pérez de Ribas 1999). In addition to these sedentary groups, nomadic Seris from the coast inhabited this region, albeit temporarily (Pérez de Ribas 1999:390). Ethnohistoric and ethnographic data further indicate that the pre-Hispanic communities settled in the Middle Río Yaqui Valley belonged to the Uto-Aztecan language family but were subdivided into several different groups. The Yaquis belong to the Cahita subgroup of the Taracahita group, the Nébomes to the Tepiman group, and the Opatas to the Opatan subgroup of the Taracahita group (Miller 1983; Moctezuma 1991; Pennington 1980, 1982; Spicer 1994). The Yaquis lived from the river delta to the location of the modern Alvaro Obregon dam. Lower Pimas or Nébomes, which Pérez de Ribas (1999:401) divided into upper and lower Nébomes, occupied the region between the Alvaro Obregon Dam and the modern town of Soyopa (see Figure 1). Pérez de Ribas (1999:401) suggests that the upper Nébomes settled near the east side of the river, whereas the lower Nébomes resided in the hills on the west side of the river. The northern portion was inhabited by different subgroups of Opatas. The Opatas from the south, also called Aivinos, lived next to the lower Nébomes. The Opa-tas neighboring the upper Nébomes were named Sisibotaris (Moctezuma 1991; Pérez de Ribas 1999). As early colonial documents indicate, settlement in the Onavas Valley area was generally dispersed on the alluvial plains. Colonial descriptions depict com-munities in the Onavas Valley as small rancherías with populations that ranged from a dozen to nearly a hundred people and some larger villages (Pérez de Ribas 1999:393). For the southern Sonora region, Reff (1991:218) approximates a pop-ulation of 20,000 Nébomes distributed in 90 rancherías and six large towns (at least for the upper Nébomes) in the Onavas, Movas, and Nuri Valleys (Guzmán 1615; Pennington 1980:17; Pérez de Ribas 1999:393) just prior to the arrival of Europeans around A.D. 1600. Colonial descriptions of houses indicate that they were made of adobe and in some cases were two stories high, although no archaeological evidence confirms this description (Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca 1993; Pérez de Ribas 1999). In addition, colonial documents mention water irrigation systems such as dams, canals, and terraces (Pérez de Ribas 1999:289–290).[Q1] The information from the colonial documents describes a region with a high population level and high cultural diversity. This assertion begs the question of whether it is possible to discuss a Río Sonora archaeological tradition, given the diversity present in sixteenth-century populations.

Previous research in The onavas valley

The first mention of the Onavas Valley, or the Nébomes, traces back to early Spanish colonial documents that consist mostly of descriptions of the Span-

If you want to begin the in-text citation with Hurdaide, you’ll need to add Hurdaide to the References Cited.

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ish entradas, such as those by Diego de Guzman (Heredia 1969), Francisco de Ibarra (Hopkins 1988), Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca (1993), and Vasquez de Coro-nado (Hammond and Rey 1940). Later missionaries, mostly Jesuits, noted their observations of the area in documents such as letters and reports. It was not until the end of the 1930s, when Gordon Ekholm (1939) conducted research with his Sonora-Sinaloa Archaeological Survey, that the first archaeological explora-tion of the area was conducted. Few sites were found or recorded in the Onavas Valley, however. From the four sites recorded, Ekholm excavated one near the town of Soyopa (Site –54 on Ekholm’s site list) but with limited success (Ekholm 1937–1940, 1939). Unfortunately, Ekholm never published his final reports or material analysis, with the exception of the excavation of the Guasave, Sinaloa, site (Ekholm 1942). During the early 1970s, Pailes (1972) directed the Río Sonora Project, con-ducting an extensive survey and limited test excavations between southern Sonora and northern Sinaloa. As a result of this research, the geographical reach of the Río Sonora archaeological tradition was expanded toward the border of Sonora and Sinaloa, and Pailes developed the first chronology for southern Sonora based on limited excavation and thus increased the limited archaeological knowledge of the region (Pailes 1972, 1994a). In the late 1990s, as a result of legal changes in the ejido system in Mexico, [Q2](INAH) conducted a national archaeological survey project on ejido lands called PROCEDE. In the Onavas Valley, PROCEDE recorded four sites near the ejido of Onavas (INAH 1998). Unfortunately, no further analysis of any material was conducted, and no results of the PROCEDE Sonora project have been published.

onavas valley archaeological ProjecT

The main objective of this essay is to provide a preliminary description and inter-pretation of the cultural landscape of the Onavas Valley in order to come to an understanding of the interactions at the local and regional levels. This project further aims to identify and describe the archaeological context of the valley and to test the Río Sonora model commonly applied to this region. Due to the lack of archaeological research in the area, I began by compiling a basic archaeological database, and I framed the research under the theoretical paradigm of landscape archaeology, which bases analyses on a broad configuration of an area (Anschuetz et al. 2001; Ashmore and Knapp 1999; Canuto and Yaeger 2000; Roberts 1996; Rossignol and Wandsnider 1992). The OVAP survey consisted of a full-coverage (Fish and Kowalewski 1990) systematic pedestrian survey at the center of the valley around the Onavas town, extending approximately 9 km to the north and 5 km to the south of the town and covering an area of more than 67 km2. The full-coverage method allows the

Spell out “INAH” here at first men-tion.

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recovery of a broad array of pre-Hispanic settlement elements visible on the sur-face in the arid conditions of the Sonoran Desert. The area survey covered different geographical zones, from the valley bottom to the nearby mountains, in order to gain a better understanding of site distribution, exploitation of natural resources, and use of the landscape.

Landscape Structure of the Onavas Valley

In spite of the opening of communication lines (highways, roads, and electric lines), amateur pothunting and gold mining activities, and intense farming, ranching, and mining activities in the region, a total of 122 new sites and eight isolated projectile points was recorded for the SON P quadrant during the field work of the OVAP. Adding the OVAP sites to the four sites recorded by PROCEDE in 1998 yields a total of 126 sites recorded for the Onavas Valley. Of the 126 sites, 117 sites were identified as pre-Hispanic (most likely Late Pre-Hispanic), four as archaic, and one as a paleontological site. The latter consists of the remains of a horse (Equus, sp. unknown) without the presence of any apparent human association. In addition, six historic sites were recorded, two in direct association with pre-Hispanic contexts. From the 117 pre-Hispanic sites, 75 were identified as nonresidential temporary campsites; the remaining 42 sites were identified as residential or habitation settlements. Of the 42 recorded residential sites, 36 were identified as rancherías. These sites were identified by a combination of features, such as the presence of resi-dential structures, site area, or material assemblage. Rancherías or households sites were recorded or located along the valley on the floodplain on both sides of the Río Yaqui, most likely associated with farming activities. Only four sites were identified as aldeas or hamlets, all of them recorded on the northern por-tion of the valley. Aldeas were identified as such mostly by site area, presence and number of residential structures (between a dozen and a hundred people), and high density of archaeological material. Aldeas were located only on the east side of the river. Two sites presented characteristics of villages. The main characteristic that distinguishes these sites from the others is the presence of public architecture. On one site a probable stone altar was recorded, and on another site a possible earth mound was identified. In contrast to the aldeas, the villages were located on opposite ends of the valley. One village was found in the southern area of the valley, and the other village was found in the northern area surrounded by the aldeas. No regional center was recorded. I suspect, however, that the Onavas town is located on top of the pre-Hispanic regional center (Figure 2). Pre-Hispanic material observed in the patios and the old adobe houses in the Onavas town seems to confirm the existence of a large pre-Hispanic community. In addition, the stone slabs that constitute the base of the mission church appear similar to the stone structures found at some pre-Hispanic sites.

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Figure 2. Distribution of site types in the research area (by Emiliano Gallaga).

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The landscape analysis of the Onavas Valley presents an initial picture of the local social structure. From the 126 archaeological sites recorded, 32 sites were located on the west bank of the river, and the other 94 were located on the east bank. This suggests that both banks of the river were used during pre-Hispanic times, although the east bank had a greater numbers of settlements. Notably, the east bank of the river is better suited for floodplain agriculture than the west bank. An ideal position at the center of the valley with the best arable land and access to water further argues for the presence of a pre-Hispanic primary center at the location of the Onavas town. In addition, one of the villages was located at the north end of the valley, while the second lay at the southwest of the regional center. Four aldeas were concentrated on the northern portion of the area around the northern village. Finally, rancherías were distributed all along the river, as were campsites. The settlement pattern reveals a cluster pattern with a formal structured intersite interaction. This pattern is consistent with those iden-tified in other river valleys in Sonora, such as the Río Sonora and the Río Bavispe (Doolittle 1988; Douglas and Quijada 2004a, 2004b).

siTe TyPes

Residential Structures

Eighty-three residential structures were recorded by the OVAP, and eight residen-tial types were identified: (1) alignments of river cobbles one coble wide with spaces between cobbles (N = 52); (2) alignments of stone slabs, one slab wide with spaces between slabs (N = 4); (3) double alignments of river cobbles with-out spaces (N = 4); (4) stone platforms (N = 3); (5) stone circles (N = 1); (6) rectangular depressions of thick river cobble walls (N = 2); (7) historic structures (N = 5); and (8) possible residential structures (n = 12). Type 1 was the most abundant. Type 3 is similar to structures identified at the Río Sonora tradition, but only four units were recorded. Because this method of construction is also common throughout eastern and northwestern Sonora, along the Sierra Madre Occidental, and in western Chihuahua and northern Durango, it is difficult to associate this structure into a particular archaeological tradition without addi-tional material association or research (Douglas and Quijada 2004a, 2004b; Newell and Gallaga 2004).

Ceremonial Structures

Two sites, both identified as villages, may contain ceremonial structures. The first appears to include a small earthen mound, the first recorded in this research area. This feature measured 16 7 m by 2.5 m high, consists of packed earth, and was likely covered by large river cobbles; some still cover the west-side surface. Unfortu-nately, human and animal activities have systematically destroyed the site, and only

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a fraction of the cobbles remain. Another interesting type of ceremonial or public architecture was found at the second village. At this site, a structure was tentatively identified as an altar on top of a small hill. This structure consists of two stone slab platforms, one 8 6 m and another (4 4 m) superimposed on the first. Other stone structures or platforms, probably used for habitation, were also found. In addition, a possible funerary mound was recorded near the Onavas town. This mound is a large feature 100 65 m by approximately 2 m high. Unfor-tunately, the site has been slowly destroyed over the years by several invasive and destructive activities, including pothunting, roads, irrigation canals, electric posts, agriculture, and ranching. At the time of the OVAP project, less than one-third of the site remained intact. Local informants mentioned that when they built a concrete canal in the area in 1999, it cut the mound in half, and several inhumations and cremations were observed and pothunted. This context has to be confirmed yet.

maTerial culTure and local chronology

Because little archaeological work has been conducted in the Middle Río Yaqui region, the material analyses completed for the OVAP were geared toward defin-ing and describing material types and varieties. In addition to the site recording, a total of 10,717 sherds—more than 113.502 kg of ceramic material—were col-lected from the surface. Table 1 illustrates that more than 96 percent of the samples were identi-fied as plain ware and the remainder as decorated sherds. Among the plain ware, 236 (2.28 percent) sherds were identified as red-slipped monochromes similar to those from southern Sonora, such as Cuchujaqui Red, Batacosa Red, and Huata-bampo Red (Álvarez 1990; Ekholm 1939, 1942; Pailes 1972). In addition, some had the interior shell scraping similar to those wares from the coast, revealing a possible interaction with coastal groups. Both local and nonlocal decorated wares were identified. Although the nonlocal sherds are not numerous (only 19), this assemblage shows a large vari-ety of types, including Ramos Polychrome (N = 6), Babicora Polychrome (N = 6), Huerigos Polychrome (N = 2), one Carretas sherd from the Casas Grandes region to the northeast, one Nogales Polychrome from the Trincheras tradition to the northwest, one unidentified sherd possibly from northern Sinaloa, one incised sherd, and one corrugated sherd of unknown origin. The recovery of more than ten sherds from the Casas Grandes region is relevant considering the distance between the two areas of more than 300 km. The identification of a Nogales Polychrome sherd in the Onavas Valley extends the previously known southern limit for this ceramic type (Gallaga 1997). A local decorated ceramic type was identified (N = 360) that had not been previously recorded. This type was named Onavas Purple-on-red (Figure 3). The

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local type has a coarse paste with 30–40 percent of nonplastic material that ranges between medium (.25–0.5 mm) to large (+0.5 mm). Some finer examples exist as well. This ware is made with the coil-and-scrape technique, has a plain interior, and is well polished or at least has a plain exterior surface. It is possible, in some cases, that a fine clay slip was added to the surface. The color used for decoration ranges from a dark purple or red (7.5R 3/4) to a light red (10R 4/8) but erodes easily when wet. The designs are mostly lines and geometric figures, but in some cases solid figures or bands were depicted. An important finding of the ceramic analysis was the lack of the Río Sonora ceramic types, both incised and punctuated (Pailes 1972). The paucity of these ceramic types is relevant because it shows a discontinuity in the Río Sonora tradi-tion between the northern and southern regions as had been assumed by Pailes (1972, 1994a, 1994b). In addition, 2,363 lithic items were recorded (64.051 kg), including 1,871 flakes (15.948 kg) as well as 231 pieces of obsidian (0.252 kg), 15 pieces of tur-

Table 1. Total of OVAP Ceramics.

sherds % weight (kg) %

Plain ware 10,338 96.46% 109.056 96.08%Decorated 379 3.54% 4.446 3.92% Total 10,717 100% 113.502 100%

Figure 3. Onavas Purple-on-red ceramics (photo by Emiliano Gallaga).

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quoise (0.019 kg), 125 pieces of stone tools (46.515 kg), 21 bifacial tools (0.815 kg), and 107 projectile points (0.502 kg). The lithic analysis shows that a large variety of local and nonlocal raw material was used by pre-Hispanic occupants of the Onavas Valley, including rhyolite, basalt, chert, vesicular basalt, quartz, slate, sandstone, obsidian (green, gray, and black), and turquoise. A large variety of tools was identified, including abraders (N = 3); axes, both three-quarter grooved and a type similar to those found by Ekholm in southern Sonora and northern Sinaloa (Gallaga 2004a) (N = 9); stone bowls (N = 2); stone disks (N = 2); hoes (N = 3); one stone donut; lapstones (N = 2); metates (trough and slab) (N = 8); manos (rectangular, round, overhanging (N = 6); one mortar; ornaments (N = 17); polishing stones (N = 7); reamers (N = 11); hammer stones, bifacial tools (N = 24); projectile points (Archaic to Late Pre-Hispanic types (N = 101); agave knifes (N = 3); and net sinkers (N = 8). Because of documented high frequencies of local decorated pottery, con-siderable variability in plain ware, the frequent occurrence of intrusive types that have been dated elsewhere, and considerable variability in projectile points, an initial and reasonably refined chronology emerges as a feasible and productive goal (Douglas and Quijada 2004b). Of course, in this case a local chronology is a work in progress, especially because of the limitations imposed by working only with surface material. Four general periods have been proposed: (1) Paleoindian-Archaic (10,000 B.C. to A.D. 150), (2) Late Archaic–Early Agriculture (800 B.C. to A.D. 150), (3) Early Ceramic (A.D. 150 to 500–600), and (4) Onavas period. The last period is divided provisionally into four phases: Onavas I (before A.D. 800), Onavas II (A.D. 800–1200), Onavas III (A.D. 1200–1450), and Onavas IV (after A.D. 1450).

Shell Goods

Material data gathered by the OVAP indicates that considerable evidence of craft production existed for the pre-Hispanic communities in the valley, including weaving, stone tool manufacture, ceramic production, and consumption and use of shell. Furthermore, our expectations and reasons for selecting Onavas as a suitable research area to measure possible extraregional interactions was fulfilled with the documentation of 1,191 marine shell pieces (1.113 kg) (Gallaga 2004b; Magaña 2004). Marine shell remains received special attention by the OVAP for two reasons: (1) their relevance as trade goods (Braniff 1989; Di Peso 1974; Nelson 1991) and (2) their opportune preservation in the arid field conditions (Bradley 1993; Vargas 1998). Analysis of shell from the OVAP illustrates that the pre-Hispanic commu-nities of the Onavas Valley had access to marine shell, not only as finished goods but also as raw material. Of the 122 pre-Hispanic sites recorded, 1,191 shell pieces were collected from the surface of 46 sites. Finished goods (N = 448), work refuse

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(N = 732), and raw material (N = 11) were all identified. Among the finished goods, there are several types, including beads, rings, tinklers, bracelets, reworked bracelets, pendants, awls, and unidentified pieces (Magaña 2004). In addition, several stone tools for working shell including reamers and lapstones were also found. This material context suggests that shell jewelry manufacture played an important role in the craft production of the Onavas Valley pre-Hispanic com-munities and that the Nébomes were not only consumers but also producers of marine shell goods. At this point, it is too early to establish or even differenti-ate whether the foregoing confirms local consumption, use as trade goods with neighboring areas, or both, and if the Nébomes acquired the shell directly or via trade with coastal communities.

conclusion

The OVAP survey demonstrates that the Onavas Valley was occupied at least since the Archaic period (8000–1000 B.C.) with population peaking during the Late Pre-Hispanic period (A.D. 1200–1500). Preliminary population density analysis reveals that the valley could have supported high numbers of people during the pre-Hispanic period. Additional research needs to be completed to better estab-lish demographic trends, however. Material evidence and analysis illustrates that inhabitants of the area not only exploited and used local resources but also had access to local and nonlocal goods, such as turquoise, decorated ceramics, and marine shell. These interactions can be traced to the southern Sonora coast in one direction and to the Sierra Madre Occidental (to the Casas Grandes and Trin-cheras archaeological traditions) in the other. Additional research is necessary to establish exactly when, how, and to what degree those interactions took place. Despite the inevitable limitations in a rather newly researched area, this analysis has provided archaeological insight into an area that previously was practically unknown area and was assumed to be part of the Río Sonora archae-ological tradition. The lack of incised and punctuated Río Sonora wares and the presence of more than one residential structure type, not only the few Río Sonora double stone foundation residential structures, directly contradicts the previously existing deduction that the Onavas area belonged to the Río Sonora archaeological tradition. The presence of considerable amounts of red wares with interior shell scraping similar to those of Huatabampo sites, the high density of marine shell, and the possibility of a funerary mound (Álvarez 2003:9; Ekholm 1942:125; Pailes 1972:334) suggest a Huatabampo archaeological tradition affil-iation instead. A better understanding of the archaeological context emerged that in turn yielded the likelihood that this region shares more affinity with the Hua-tabampo tradition than the Río Sonora tradition, probably with those communi-ties with similar material culture identified by Pailes (1972) in the lower foothills in southern Sonora of the late Cuchujaki phase (A.D. 1200–1500). The identifi-

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cation of Onavas Purple-on-red indicates that the Onavas Valley developed local material culture also. An alternative interpretation is that the Onavas Valley is a transitional region between the two archaeological traditions and later developed into what was known as the Nébomes in Colonial times. Clearly, more research is necessary in the Middle Río Yaqui region and other parts of Sonora in order to present a better and complete picture of the pre-Hispanic period.

acknowledgmenTs

This project was financed by a Dissertation Improvement Grant from the National Science Foundation (BCS-0424743), the Anthropology Department of the University of Arizona, the Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society, and [Q3]CONACYT. I am grateful for the permission and support of the Consejo de Arqueología, INAH-Mexico, and the Onavas community and authorities. I thank Dr. Paul Fish, Dr. Suzanne Fish, Dr. Takeshi Inomata, Dr. Richard Pailes, Dr. Charles Spencer, Dr. Christina M. Elson, and Dr. Pennington. Thanks to Lic. Elisa Villalpando, the staff of INAH-Sonora, Mayela Pastrana, Cory Harris, Cesar Villalobos, Marycruz Magaña, Coral Montero, “Inge” Armando, Art MacWilliams, Anna Neuzil, and Gillian Newell. Any omissions or factual errors are, of course, my responsibility.

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Dr. Emiliano Gallaga MurrietaDirector Del Centro INAH, ChiapasCalzada de los Hombres Ilustres s/n

(Museo Regional de Chiapas)c.p.29000, Col. Centro.

Tuxtla Gutierrez, [email protected]

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The Pre-hisPanic communiTies of The onavas valley New ArchAeologicAl reseArch iN the Middle YAqui river vAlleY, soNorA, Mexico

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