The Power of Rhetoric in Conflict Resolution. Theodoret of Cyrus and "A Cure for Pagan maladies".

BizantinisticaRivista di Studi Bizantini e Slavi

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Anno XV - 2013

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CENTRO ITALIANO DI STUDI SULL’ALTO MEDIOEVOSPOLETO

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INDICE

ANTONELLA CONTE, Libertà di parola e a’timía negli scrittidi Gregorio Nazianzeno ........................................... pag. 1

MAR MARCOS, Falsificación literaria y propaganda duran-te la Gran Persecución: las Acta Pilati entre paga-nos, judíos y cristianos ............................................ » 15

JUANA TORRES, The Power of Rethoric in Conflict Resolution.Theodoret of Cyrus and « a Cure for Pagan Maladies » » 33

EUGENIO RUSSO, L’intervento di Isidoro il Giovane nellasemicupola ovest di S. Sofia di Costantinopoli .......... » 51

PABLO FUENTES HINOJO Y MANUEL PARADA LÓPEZ DE CORSE-LAS, « El trono del Señor »: poder y simbología en elMediterráneo Tardoantiguo ..................................... » 65

EZIO ALBRILE, Le soglie della percezione Anime e visionitra gnosticismo e Iran ............................................. » 103

DANIELE MOROSSI, The governors of Byzantine Spain ........ » 131

CARMELO CRIMI, Parola e scrittura nel bios di S. Nilo daRossano .................................................................. » 157

ENRIQUE SANTOS MARINAS, Messianism and invading peoplesin Iberian and Slavonic Apocalypotic Literature ....... » 175

M. MARCELLA FERRACCIOLI - GIANFRANCO GIRAUDO, Venezia,Costantinopoli e l’idea dell’Impero cristiano ............ » 189

INDICEVI

RECENSIONI

ALESSANDRA MALQUORI, Il giardino dell’anima. Ascesi e propaganda nelle Tebaidi fiorentinedel Quattrocento (Massimo Bernabò), p. 199; Corpus della pittura monumentale bizantinain Italia. I. Umbria (Massimo Bernabò), p. 201; Byzantine Art and Renaissance Europe(Massimo Bernabò), p. 204; ALESSIO MONCIATTI, L’arte nel Duecento (Massimo Bernabò), p.207; KATHLEEN MAXWELL, An Illuminated Byzantine Gospel Book (Paris. Gr. 54) and theUnion of Churches (Massimo Bernabò), p. 211


JUANA TORRES

The Power of Rethoricin Conflict Resolution. Theodoret of Cyrus

and « a Cure for Pagan Maladies »*

The sociologist Michael Billig stated (Arguing and Thinking: A RhetoricalApproach to Social Psychology, Rev. Edition, Cambridge, 1996, p. 78) that« the power of speech is not the power to command obedience by replacingargument with silence. It is the power to challenge silent obedience byopening arguments. The former result can be attained by physical force aswell as by logos, but the latter can only be achieved by logos, or rather byanti-logos ». I fully share his point of view, which grants rhetoric an extraor-dinary capacity to convince and, consequently, to resolve conflicts, as it isclear that in order to persuade it is necessary to start with different opinions.As Kurt Spang says (Persuasión. Fundamentos de retórica, Pamplona, 2005,p. 86):

It is obvious that to be able to carry out persuasion, there must be prior differences inattitude and conviction between the participants in rhetorical communication,differences that in many cases also imply mental resistance that is attempted toovercome without applying coercion or making threats.

The conflict being studied here is of a religious nature and refers to thecoexistence of pagans and Christians in the first centuries after Christ. It is aproven fact that the coexistence of different religious communities in multicul-tural societies has always caused numerous problems, owing to the difficultyin living together and the complications derived from such a situation. Thereis a good example in the first centuries of Christianity: the polytheist period

* This study has been carried out with funding from MICINN Project: FFI2012-35686.


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was characterised by tolerance, whereas with Christian religion, intolerantattitudes were increasingly displayed by ones and the others. First the pagansreviled and persecuted the followers of the new religion, and these did thesame later, when Christianity formed part of the state religious system in theearly fourth century and later consolidated as the official and sole Statereligion at the end of the century. In this context of religious controversy, thefavourite weapon of both pagans and Christians, in addition to disciplinarymeasures, was literature. They made use of it as a way to defend themselvesand refute their adversaries’ attacks, and at the same time, to disseminatetheir beliefs. Thus arose the genre of apologetics, whose name comes fromits main purpose.

This term of “genre”, which has been used conventionally until quiterecently, needs to be clarified, as in recent years many researchers havequestioned its definition. Thus, among others, Dieter Timpe (RömischeGeschichte und Heilsgeschichte, Berlin, 2001, p. 65) states that apology isnot a genre in itself, as the authors used different forms, such as letters,dialogues, speeches and treatises, for their objectives. Averil Cameron (Apologe-tics in the Roman Empire. A Genre of Intolerance?, in “Humana Sapit”.Études d’Antiquité tardive offertes à Lellia Cracco Ruggini, ed. J. M. CARRIÉ

and R. LIZZI TESTA, Paris, 2002, pp. 219-227: 227) assures that « apologetic isnot a genre but a tone or method of argument; that it continued as a majordriver of Christian writing throughout Late Antiquity and after ». In a recentstudy, Bernard Pouderon (Aux origins du “genre” de l’apologie, in L’Apologé-tique Chrétienne. Expressions de la pensé religieuse de l’Antiquité à nos jours,coord. D. BOISSON, and E. PINTO-MATHIEU, Rennes, 2012, pp. 15-34: 25)points out that « presenting an ‘apology’ was understood by the apologists asa routine procedure and the word does not correspond to a precise literarygenre, endowed with fixed rules that must necessarily be respected to followthe norm » 1. On the other hand, the position of Anders KlostergaardPetersen (The Diversity of Apologetics: From Genre to a Mode of Thinking,in Critique and Apologetics. Jews, Christians and Pagans in Antiquity, ed.

1 The same idea is shared by such authors as M. EDWARDS, M. GOODMAN, S. PRICE, Ch. ROWLAND,Introduction: Apologetics in the Roman World, in Apologetics in the Roman Empire. Pagans, Jews andChristians, ed. M. EDWARDS, M. GOODMAN and S. PRICE, Oxford, 1999, pp. 1-2: « Several contributors tothe volume have argued that there was no formal genre of apologetic in the ancient world »; and F.YOUNG, Greek Apologists of the second Century, ibid., pp. 81-104: 103-104: « Literary genre is not thebest way of characterizing what the second-century Greek apologists have in common. They write invarious genres, and their object was not simply defending themselves against charges ».


THE POWER OF RETHORIC IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION 35

A.-Ch. JACOBSEN, J. ULRICH, and D. BRAKKE, Frankfurt, 2005, pp. 15-41) isdifferent:

I have come to think that the conception of the term as a generic category istheoretically indispensable in order to an essential theory to endorse the morecomprehensive understanding of the phenomenon. I find it theoreticallyunsatisfactory to speak of apologetics as a mode of writing or as a particular textualstrategy, if we are not capable of defining the genre proper (p. 24).

From my point of view, apologetics may well be such a general feature thatinvolves a variety of different forms and modes (p. 25) 2.

I tend to think that apologetics is not a literary genre, as the writingsincluded under this term cover several “genres” strictly speaking, such asdialogue, discourse, treatise, epistles, poetry, etc. What really unites all theseworks, independently of the form being used, is the objective of defendingand persuading 3.

The present study is framed within a more ambitious research whosegoal consists of analysing the use of rhetorical and argumentative artificesseen in the different types of works in polemic literature. Several papers havebeen published, in which I have differentiated the various literary genres 4.Here A Cure for Pagan Maladies will be examined in order to show thevariety of rhetorical strategies used by the author to challenge and discreditpagans, whilst pondering the virtues of Christianity 5. This was in the fifthcentury, a time of tranquillity and expansion for Christians. The authors had

2 J.-C. FREDOUILLE, L’Apologétique chrétienne: naissance d’un genre littéraire, in Revue des ÉtudesAugustiniennes, XXXVIII (1992), pp. 219-234: 234, is of the same opinion.

3 Cfr. J. TORRES, Ars persuadendi: Estrategias retóricas en la polémica entre paganos y cristianos alfinal de la Antigüedad, Santander, 2013, pp. 10-12.

4 Cfr. J. TORRES, Recursos retóricos en la polémica literaria entre cristianos y paganos (ss. II-V): elgénero del Diálogo, in De cara al Más Allá: Conflicto, convivencia y asimilación de modelos paganos enel cristianismo antiguo, ed. M. LÓPEZ SALVÁ, Zaragoza, 2010, pp. 95-115. EAD., La retórica como arma depropaganda y persuasión en la literatura polémica cristiana: El Discurso contra los griegos de Taciano,in Propaganda y persuasión en el mundo romano, ed. G. BRAVO y R. GONZÁLEZ SALINERO,Madrid–Salamanca, 2011, pp. 269-278. EAD., Ars persuadendi cit. above; EAD., La retórica de laintolerancia en la Apologética cristiana: Raíces antiguas de problemas modernos, in Religio inlabyrintho. Religiones en sociedades complejas: encuentros y desencuentros, ed. J. J. CAEROLS, Madrid,2013, pp. 103-109. EAD., Christiani contra paganos: la retórica de la persuasión en los discursospolémicos del s. IV, in Polydoros. Studi offerti a Antonio Carile, ed. G. VESPIGNANI, Spoleto, Centroitaliano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 2013, pp. 59-77.

5 A preliminary version of this study, here enlarged, was presented in October 13th-15th 2011 at the


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no need to vindicate the right to practice their religion, nor question thepagans’ persecutions, as the defence of their existence had given way to theproclamation of their triumph. In reality, according to the terminologysuggested by other scholars like Jean Claude Fredouille (Tertullien dansl’histoire de l’apologetique, in Les apologistes chrétiens et la culture grecque,ed. B. POUDERON and J. DORÉ, Paris, 1998, pp. 271-281: 279) and MaijastinaKahlos, in the post-Constantinian period, the previous defence (apología) ofChristianity had turned into an attack (kategoría) on paganism. We should,therefore, consider dividing Christian apologetic literature into two stages:the defence pro christianis and the attack contra gentes 6. In accordancewith this criterion, the time when Theodoret of Cyrus wrote A Cure forPagan Maladies corresponds to the predominance of a polemic, offensivegoal in Christian works adversus paganos.

Theodoret of Cyrus came from Antioch, where he was born in the latefourth century (393), and he died in the second half of the fifth century(between 458 and 466). Belonging to a wealthy family, he was educated bymonks and therefore his culture equally reflects Christian principles and aprofound classical training. In 423 he was made Bishop of Cyrus (Syria) andfrom that time on he was very active combating heathens, Jews and heretics.He was also involved in several dogmatic controversies on account of whichhe was regarded as the last great theologian in the Antiochian school. He wasthe author of a large number of works, some of which are not extant. Two ofthe most important are his Church History, which continues the narrationwhere Eusebius of Caesarea had left it, and A Cure for Pagan Maladies,considered the last Christian apologetic work and the best refutation ofpaganism. It was written before 449 and consists of 12 books divided intotwo large groups of five books (2 to 6 and 7 to 11), while the first and lastbooks are respectively the introduction and conclusion. This division iscoherent with the author’s intention of combining two complementary parts

IX Congreso de la SECR. Religiones en sociedades complejas: encuentros y desencuentros, Madrid,whose proceedings have been published in J. TORRES, La retórica de la intolerancia cit. above.

6 M. KAHLOS, Debate and Dialogue. Christian and Pagan Cultures, c. 360-430, Hampsire-Burlington,2007, p. 56: « Apología was transformed into categoría and defenders of Christianity became prosecutorsof paganism ». EAD., The Rhetoric of Tolerance and Intolerance: From Lactantius to Firmicus Maternus,in Continuity and Discontinuity in Early Christian Apologetics, ed. J. ULRICH, A. C. JACOBSEN, and M.

KAHLOS, Frankfurt, 2009 (ECCA 5), pp. 79-95: 79:: « The defence of Christianity has been transformedinto an attack against polytheistic religions. I call this a transformation from apologetics into“categoretics” ».



in a single work. Thus, in the preface, Theodoret gives a double title to hisapology: A Cure for Pagan Maladies and Understanding of Evangelical Truththrough Greek Philosophy, in a clear allusion to the two aspects of the work,one negative and the other positive, and also to the theoretical-dogmaticnature of one part compared to the practical and moral character of the other.This dispositio, according to which the refutation of criticism precedes thedescription of Christian beliefs, is a common device found in several worksof the same type, such as Lactantius’s Divine Institutions and Augustine’sCity of God 7.

It is difficult to determine a genre in which this work clearly belongs,although it has traditionally been considered a treatise, as the author’sapproach consists of addressing his audience in the form of conversations,with a close and familiar attitude. Thus, each of the 12 books takes the formof a conversation. As his editor Pierre Canivet says (Théodoret de Cyr.Thérapeutique des maladies helléniques, ed. et tr. fr., I-II, Paris, 1935 et1958, Sources Chrétiennes, 57, p. 65):

Théodoret possède la technique de l’écrivain, mais son oeuvre apologétique n’entrepas dans aucun genre littéraire [...] Il s’en explique dès la Préface: son ouvragen’est ni une diatribe contre des adversaires, ni un plaidoyer pro domo, mais unasuite d’entretiens cordiaux avec des malades qu’il faut guerir. Pour garder toujoursun contact chaleureux avec le lecteur, le style será donc varié, et le ton familier etdirect.

In Book IX the author provides a clear definition of this and all otherChristian apologetic works:

On the other hand, our fishermen, our publicans and our tent-maker (the ChristianApostles) have brought the Laws of the Gospel to all peoples. And it is not only tothe Romans [...] but to the people of every nation and every race who have beenpersuaded to accept the laws of the Crucified, using, not the weapons of war and thecountless of soldiers, and not using now the force of the savage Persians, but ratherby persuasion and by showing the laws were beneficial (Therap., IX, 15) 8.

7 Cfr. J.-C. FREDOUILLE, L’Apologétique latine pre-constantinienne (Tertullien, Minucius Felix,

Cyprien). Essai de typologie, in L’Apologétique chrétienne à l’époque prénicenienne, ed. A. WLOSOK, et

F. PASCHOUD, Vandoeuvres-Genéve, 2005 (Entretiens sur l’Antiquité Classique 51), pp. 39-67: 54.8 Ed. CANIVET, cit. and trans.Th. HALTON, Theodoret of Cyrus: A Cure for Pagan Maladies, New

York/Mahwah (NJ), 2013.


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Indeed, conveniently using rhetoric and arguments to demonstrate thevalidity of Christian doctrine and convince pagans was the main objective ofthe apologists. Just like his predecessors, Theodoret replies to the sameobjections of his adversaries and criticises their positions equally. In fact,after a first impression, it is surprising to note the similarity of his argumentswith those used in the works of the first apologists in the second century, likeTatian and Justin. The procedure is practically the same: discredit Greekphilosophical systems by showing their incoherences in order to prove theneed for Christian faith. However, the great differences between the worksof the two periods should be stressed, especially because it is no longer necessaryto allude to the calumnious accusations the first Christians suffered, andwhose paradigmatic example is found in Minucious Felix’s Octavius. Ourauthor also refers to the pursuer emperors, but in a different way from Justin,Tertulian and Lactantius, as he no longer needs to protest about theproclamation of imperial decrees nor claim religious freedom. In reality, hementions the most important names of persecutors, but with the clear aim ofshowing that the persecution did not destroy the laws of the Gospel but madethem stronger (Therap., IX, 20-26).

Theodoret justifies the first title of his work (Therapy) by arguing thatthe lack of faith is a malady of the soul that is hard to heal, but it has itsdoctors and its cures. In this way, he aims to treat the unbelievers withcompassion instead of fear, as a doctor would do, and also succeed in healingtheir disease with this treatment 9. He sets out to cure the “Greeks”(hellenoi), that is to say the pagans, by applying an efficacious cure: « Weshould seek all means to dissipate the cloud hanging over them and enablethem to see again the splendour of the intelligible light » (Therap., I, 6). Theassimilation of diseases and their cure with unbelievers and their conversionis a characteristic of the Scriptures and was taken up again by the Fathers ofthe Church. Hence Origen refers to the effects produced by the faith, whichhealed souls and regenerated them 10. Actually, the Christians were only

9 Cfr. J. N. GUINOT, Le recours à l’argument medical dans l’exégèse de Théodoret de Cyr, in Regardssur le monde antique: hommages à Guy Sabbah, ed. M. PIOT, Lyon, 2002, pp. 131-151; and Y.PAPADOGIANNAKIS, The Notion of Therapeia in Theodoret: The Apologetic Use and Role of Greek Medicineand Philosophy against the Greeks, in ID., Christianity and Hellenism in the Fith-Century Greek East.Theodoret’s Apologetics Against the Greeks in Context, Cambridge (Mass.) -London, 2012, pp. 31-51.

10 Origen, Against Celsus, VIII, 51: « But I think Celsus has been far surpassed in consideration forhis fellow-men by Chrysippus in his treatise, On the Subjugation of the Passions. For when he sought toapply remedies to the affections and passions which oppress and distract the human spirit, after



returning the criticism that pagans had made of them, when they claimed thatChristian religion was an illness (nósos) that affected intelligence. Forexample, Emperor Julian regarded the Galileans as sick people who needmore piety than hate and prayed to the gods to liberate them and healthem 11. This was therefore a metaphor used repeatedly by both Christianand pagan writers.

Christianity had triumphed and relationships between Christians andheathens had changed. In the words of Blandine Colot and Bruno Bureau (Lethème de la philosophie païenne dans la polémique chrétienne, de Lactanceà Augustin , in La Parole polémique, ed. G. DECLERCQ, M. MURAT, et J.DANGEL, Paris, 2003, pp. 57-102), from the fourth century onwards occurredl’inversion du rapport de forces entre paganisme et christianisme, ou mieux:la victoire des chrétiens. Therefore, Theodoret addressed his adversariesfrom the viewpoint of the victor and allowed himself certain indulgence withthem, even though the triumphant tone is evident:

Hellenism has disappeared, buried in complete oblivion, but the teachings of thefishermen have spread and the God whom they preach is believed in as the God ofthe universe (Therap., IX, 28). The cities are filled with people who share theChristian faith; the rural areas are likewise filled, and the mountainsides are freedfrom error because, in place of the pagan altars and the imposture of old, choirs ofascetics have taken their stand who chant the praise of the Crucified, and of HisFather, and of the Holy Spirit (Therap., IX, 29).

Despite this, at that time the anti-Christian reaction was still alive, and itwas necessary to make clear the truth of Christian beliefs. To do this, he usesseveral strategies and attacks the great masters of Hellenism, like Plato,Plotinus and Porphyry.

employing such arguments as seemed to himself to be strong, he did not shrink from using in the second

and third place others which he did not himself approve of » (ed. M. BORRET, Origène. Contre Celse, t. IV,

Paris, 1969; trans. F. CROMBIE, Ante-Nicene Fathers, IV, ed. A. ROBERTS, J. DONALDSON, and A. C. COXE,

Buffalo, NY, 1885).11 Julian, Ep. 114, 438b (J. Bidez, L’Empereur Julien. Oeuvres completes, I, Lettres et Fragments, ed.

et. tr. fr., Paris, 1972) = Ep. 41, 438b (ed. & trans. W. C. WRIGHT, The Works of the Emperor Julian, III,

London/New York, 1923, The Loeb Classical Library): « Nay, we ought to pity rather than hate men who

in matters of the greatest importance are in such evil case. [...] Since we suffer in sympathy with those

who are affected by disease, but rejoice with those who are being released and set free by aid of the

gods ».


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The most representative rhetorical aspects and arguments in this treatise,aimed ultimately at persuading the pagans, are analysed below 12.

1. The author pretends to despise rhetorical artifices, like most of theFathers of the Church. Indeed, the number of patristic texts about this topic isconsiderable. We may recall that Basil of Caesarea called rhetors “masters inthe art of lying” 13. Some authors even apparently showed negligence in theirstyle to protest against the interest in the form over the matter. This is thecase of our author, who challenges the Greeks’ criticism of the style of theScriptures, as they considered it elementary and unrefined: « I have oftenencountered those devotees of Greek mythology who are convinced of itstruth, and who make fun of our faith [...]. They accused the Apostles ofignorance, and regard them as barbarians, because they lack the refinementof elegant diction » (Therap., I, Preface). He also claims that the form has noimportance and only the underlying truth in the texts is of value. Againstartifice and elaborate rhetoric, he resorts to the following comparison: « Forthe more natural beauty surpasses the artificial beauty derived fromcosmetics, so much superior is the simple decorum of truth to contrivedcleverness of diction » (Therap., VIII, 1). He later takes up the motif again,saying:

My friends, you long to hear well-embellished speeches and seek to be enchanted bythem. And if, by chance, you do not get them, then you jeer and mock and stop upyour ears, and you refuse to listen to what is said (Therap., IX, 1). You should haveconsidered how most of the very highly prized products come concealed in cheapcontainers [...] (Therap., IX, 2). It is, then, perfectly normal also that true beliefsabout God and humanity should be heralded, not in majestic, brilliant discourses, butrather in simple, down-to-earth, easily understood terms, and that this noble,ineffable treasure should be contained within very modest covers (Therap., IX, 5).

Although Theodoret pretends to mock careful styles, he tries to writewell because he aims to please in order to make himself be understood and

12 Cfr. TORRES, Ars persuadendi cit. (note 3), where I compare the style in different literary genre, andreach the conclusion that no specific differences can be seen between dialogue, discourse and treatise inthe use of strategies aimed at defending Christian ideas and persuading the readers.

13 Basil of Caesarea, Address to Young Men on the Right Use of Greek Literature 4, 7: « Andcertainly we shall not follow the example of the rhetoricians in the art of lying. For neither in the courts ofjustice nor in other business affairs will falsehood be of any help to us Christians, who, having chosen thestraight and true path of life, are forbidden by the gospel to go to law ». (ed. F. BOULENGER Saint Basile.Aux jeunes gens sur la manière de tirer profit des lettres helléniques, ed. et tr. fr., Paris, 1935; trans. F. M.PADELFORD, Essays on the Study and Use of Poetry by Plutarch and Basil the Great, Yale, 1902).



then persuade 14; following the statement in The Gorgias: « (The greatestgood is) The power of persuading by words, I should call it, the judges in acourt of law, or the councillors in a council-room, or the assembly men in anassembly, or any other kind of meeting which is convened for a publicpurpose » 15.

2. In expressing his ideas, Theodoret often resorts to a sententious toneand shows his taste for antithetic expressions to achieve greater emphasis, asseen in the following examples: « The beginning of knowledge, then, is theknowledge of our own ignorance » (Therap., I, 85); « To know is one thing,but to think that you know when you know nothing is another » (Therap., II,21); « They laugh at visible things and are haunted by fear of what is notvisible » (Therap., IX, 33); and « Others live [...] withholding their eyes fromthe enjoyment of visible things and providing leisure to their mind for theenjoyment of the contemplation of intellectual things » (Therap., III, 93).Indeed, he structures the work in a play of contrasts between the practicesand beliefs of paganism and Christianity. In this way:

– He contrasts the “external” nature of pagan sacrifices with the value ofthe “internal” sacrifice of a pure heart, practised by the Christians.

– He states that rules of life are not found in the deceitful oracles ofpaganism, but in the Scriptures, the only true ones.

– He claims that Christian morals are far superior to any legislation byman.

– He also compares pagan philosophy with the true, Christian philosophy,as the philosophers’ ideas are incoherent and they contradict each other.

– He makes clear that the veneration of the martyrs has now replaced theworship of pagan gods.

3. The author resorts to numerous comparisons and metaphors, revealinghis predilection for images instead of abstract expressions. To do this, herefers to situations in everyday life, jobs and professions, the countryside andthe city, nature, and so on. Accordingly, we should imitate the gardener, whopicks the blooms from a rose bush and leaves the thorns; or bees, who extractnectar but also bitter elements from flowers, yet make honey, the sweetestthing there is; or doctors who make efficacious medicine to heal diseasesusing venomous animals. In other words, Christians have to make use of thework of poets, historians and pagan philosophers and ignore the part that is

14 On the style of Theodoret’s Cure, cfr. Papadogiannakis, The Notion of Therapeia cit. (note 9), pp.119-140.

15 Plato, Gorgias 452d-e (ed. E. R. DODDS, Plato. Gorgias, Oxford, 1906.; trans. E. M. COPE, Plato’sGorgias, Oxford, 1864).


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harmful (Therap., I, 126-127) 16. This is the same message that Basil ofCaesarea transmitted to young men some years before, showing that thesimile of the bees circulated in Antiquity like a proverb 17. In his desire toextol the value of content over formal appearance, as mentioned above, heaffirms that the most valuable objects are often found in poor wrappings. Todo this, he compares simple but very useful speeches with precious pearls,which are very valuable despite being hidden in lowly oysters. He says thesame about gold, silver, gemstones, etc. hidden in the earth but highly desired(Therap., IX, 1-4).

He also uses frequent analogies to explain his arguments. For example,he claims that Christians were not destroyed or reduced because of thepersecutions, but returned stronger, in the same way as oil thrown on a fire toextinguish it only makes it worse (Therap., IX, 26); he says:

So now the persecuted were not destroyed by the acts of their persecutors. On thecontrary, just as when foresters cut down trees and more offshoots blossom fromroots than those cut down, so likewise at the same time as the pious were beingsuppressed, even greater numbers were coming to the schools of the evangelists, andthe blood of the sacrificed Christians became a nourishing stream for the newconverts (Therap., IX, 27).

Referring to the silence imposed on all the oracles after the coming ofChrist, he claims that the oracle of Apollo in Daphne had been left mute bythe presence of the relics of the bishop and martyr Babylas: « Just as themighty Paul rebuked the spirit of the Python, so also the remains of themartyr bridled the falsehood of the oracle » (Therap., X, 48). About theanchorites he says that « like the best artists, they paint their spiritual imageafter the best models of virtue » (Therap., XII, 27). He explains that divinelaws should not be vilified because they are often broken by men as:

Bad grapes do not call for giving up good ones. Bitter almonds do not turn us againstsweet ones. We do not criticize true gold because of gold that has an admixture ofcopper. Nor do we scoff at genuine clothes of purple because of those that are only

16 On the attitude of Christian authors towards classical literature, cfr. K. O. SANDNES, Challenge ofHomer: School, Pagan Poets and Early Christianity, London, 2009; and I. Uytterhoeven, Know YourClassics! Manifestations of Classical Culture in Late Antique Elite Houses, in Faces of Hellenism:Studies in the History of the Eastern Mediterranean (4th Century B.C.-5th Century), ed. P. VAN NUFFELEN,Leuven, 2009, pp. 321-342.

17 Basil, Address to Young Men, 4, 8-10; cfr. T. MARTÍNEZ MANZANO, Basilio de Cesarea, A los jóvenessobre el provecho de la literatura clásica, Madrid, 1998, p. 37, note 42.



imitation. Nor do we bring accusations against skilled painters because of those whoare untrained. Neither do we hate upright men because of the immoral ones [...](Therap., XII, 82).

4. Our author displays great skill in the use of arguments and counter-arguments. In the face of pagan’s criticism and mockery of the worship ofmartyrs, Theodoret replies by going on the offensive, as usually happened inapologetic literature. He first recalls that the Greeks carried out libations andofferings to the dead, heroes 18, semi-gods and deified men, their gods. Herebukes them with the following words:

Why, then, do you, who have given the name of gods to so many of the dead,express such indignation at us who, without deifying them, honour our martyrs inthat they are witnesses to God and faithful servants? And why do you think thatanyone who approaches the tomb of a martyr incurs some sort of taint? (Therap.,VIII, 29)

He provides some exempla, like the one of Heracles, a man of humanorigin like his mother Alcmene, to whom altars and temples were consecrateddespite knowing he was a man and that he had embraced neither temperancenor a philosophical life, but had spent his time amidst dissolution and vice(Therap., VIII, 12-19). He also refers to other mythological tales describingthe human origin and disorderly life of such gods as Asclepius, Dionysusand Cleomedes; he even mentions Antinous, Hadrian’s lover (Therap., VIII19-29). The objective is to show that they have no right to be outraged bythese practises, as they originated in themselves. Some emperors had donethe same, they proclaimed themselves to be gods and had temples made tothemselves; for this, he calls them “stupid beings” (anoétoi) (Therap., VIII,62). In contrast, he says, Christians do not make sacrifices to their martyrsnor offer libations, but simply honour them as “divine men” (zéioi ándres)and friends of God. He equally mentions a large number of pagan philosophersand poets who in their writings acknowledge the need to surround cities andvenerate the tombs of those who lived a perfect life, describing them atlength (Therap., VIII, 35-55). In consequence, Christians display the sameattitude towards their martyrs. He also compares pagan processions, withtheir rites, obscene gestures, drunkenness, dancing and exaggerated laughter

18 On the identification of Christian martyrs with pagan heroes, cfr. Papadogiannakis, The Notion ofTherapeia cit. (note 9), pp. 71-91.


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with the chaste panegyrics, divine songs, sacred speeches and prayersaccompanied by abundant tears (Therap., VIII, 69). As can be seen, thewriter resorts to all kinds of arguments to counter his adversaries’ criticismand to make clear that they are without any basis, because they havepractised more stupid customs, whereas Christian activities are completelyworthy. This is seen in the profusion of martyria all over the world, as heconcludes by stating:

And yet some of those foolish ones both proclaimed themselves gods and erectedtemples to themselves [...] On the other hand, the sanctuaries of our triumphantmartyrs are resplendent and admired, imposing in size, of different colours, andluminous in beauty (Therap., VIII, 62).

5. In fact, Book 8 is quite an elegy to the phenomenon of the worship ofrelics, with a detailed account of pilgrimages to shrines, which he attributesthaumaturgical properties. Many people go to them to ask for interventionbefore God, as they regarded the martyrs as go-betweens or ambassadors(presbeutai); they call them divine men (theíoi anthrópoi) as they are closerto divinity 19. The reasons why they ask for help are as varied as humanneeds can be: illness, infertility, safety in travels, fortune in life, etc. Inaddition, few sources explain in such detail the custom of ex-votos, when thepeople’s requests are answered, as in the following paragraph:

The ex-voto offerings of those who are cured testify to the success of the intercessionof those who plead with faith. Some leave as offerings statues of eyes, others of feet,others of hands. Some of the replicas are made of gold, others of wood. TheirMaster, in fact, accepts offerings that are small and have no monetary value,assessing the gift in accordance with the means of the donor. These offeringsproclaim the cure of ailments, placed there as souvenirs by those who have recentlycured (Therap., VIII, 64). They proclaim the power of the martyrs who repose there,and this power guarantees that their God is the true God (Therap., VIII, 65).

In contrast with the decadence of philosophers, orators, emperors andgods, whose names people have forgotten, the names of the best-known

19 An international conference was held on this theme in Palma de Mallorca in 2005: “Homoreligiosus”. Mediators with the divine in the ancient Mediterranean world, in which I took part andwhose proceedings are about to be published. Cfr. J. TORRES, El poder de los ídolos y de las reliquias: Un

conflicto de competencias, in “Homo religiosus”. Mediadores con lo divino en el mundo mediterráneoantiguo, ed. M. L. SÁNCHEZ LEÓN, Palma de Mallorca, en press, pp. 1233-1248.



martyrs are remembered and people even give them to their children. It isevidently an intentional hyperbole of the writer, to remove validity andprestige from the characteristic elements of paganism and give greaterweight to the worship of Christian martyrs and their buildings. He also statesthat heathen temples have been razed to their foundations, just like the altars,so that it is no longer possible to see where they stood, as the materials havebeen reused to build the sanctuaries of the martyrs (Therap., VIII, 67-68) 20.At the end of the chapter he summarises the intentionality of his argumentsby urging them to abandon the error of the “demons”, as Christian writerstraditionally called heathen gods, and to be guided by the martyrs, whodoubtlessly will direct them on the path leading to God. In short, he attemptsto convince the Greeks to convert to Christianity. He later once morepresents the tombs of the martyrs as the best evidence of Christianity’ssuccess, stating « they bear witness to this; they are resplendent throughoutland and sea, and they confirm the truth of the divine preachings. But He didnot merely foretell difficulties to them; He also foretold victory » (Therap.,XI, 75). He goes on to explain one of the consequences of the spread of thenew faith, which is differences within families, when one of the spouses hasnot converted. However, what at first sight might seem a negative result isturned into a positive one, as the following oxymoron shows: « So anecessary separation produces a praiseworthy union » (Therap., XI, 76).

6. In order to demonstrate the moral superiority of the laws of theGospels over Greco-Roman civil laws, Theodoret describes the immoralitiesin the laws of Plato: “the best of the philosophers”, as he calls him. Heattributes him with supporting free unions between men and women, thecommunity of wives and children among warriors, abortion, pederasty andmurder (Therap., IX, 37 & 39-56). He goes on to give numerous quotationsfrom the Bible to contrast Christian doctrine with that of pagan philosophers(Therap., IX, 57-63). Compared with the citizens of Sparta, Athens andCrete, none of whom was prepared to die for the laws of their most illustriouslawgivers, whether it was Lycurgus, Solon or Minos, tens of thousands ofChristian men and women gave up their lives for the laws of “fishermen”and the “tent-maker”, in allusion to the jobs of most apostles and, in particular tothe profession of Paul of Tarsus. This is shown by « The witnesses are the

20 On the re-use of places and sacred material, cfr. J. TORRES, La ocupación de espacios sagradoscomo fuente de conflicto entre paganos y cristianos, in Libertad e intolerancia religiosa en el Imperioromano, ed. J. FERNÁNDEZ UBIÑA y M. MARCOS, Madrid, 2007 (Anejos de Ilu, Universidad Complutense deMadrid), pp. 83-96.


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tombs of the martyrs, illustrious cities and distinguished places which bringbenefits to their inhabitants and to strangers alike » (Therap., IX, 72). Herehe mentions the significant economic role played by the martiria when theybecame the destination of pilgrims. Indeed, any centre of pilgrimages was amajor source of income as a series of commercial activities grew up aroundthem with their consequent profits, such as the sale of objects and replicas ofthe venerated objects, as well as the necessary infrastructures for board andlodgings.

7. In Book XI our author demonstrates extraordinary erudition and agreat knowledge of pagan philosophers by describing the objectives of themain philosophical schools and summarising their doctrines, especially inconnection with the Last Judgement. To do this, he explains the opinions ofsuch philosophers as Epicurus, Pythagoras, Plato, Socrates, Aristotle,Plutarch and the Stoics (Therap., XI, 6-46). He then compares them with thedoctrine in the Gospels and the predictions they make about future life. Heconcludes that Christian prophets are right whereas heathen oracles arewrong. As many of prophecies had already been fulfilled, he invites theGreeks to believe in those made for the future and which affect earthly life.He uses some examples of Christian prophesies that had comes true, like thedestruction of the temple in Jerusalem and the dispersion of the Jews aroundthe world, announced by Jesus, as well as the dangers and struggles faced bythe Apostles, after being foreseen by their Teacher (Therap., XI, 69-74). Inconclusion, he urges the pagans to believe in the dogmas of Christianity,which he summarises as: 1, the eternal life in Christ Jesus; 2, the resurrectionof the body; 3, the Final Judgement and the triumph of the just ones(Therap., XI, 47-68).

8. He finally exhorts practical virtue, rather than a theoretical orcontemplative kind, as he says that: « It is not enough to know what shouldbe thought about Divinity, but also to arrange life according to its laws »(Therap., XII, 6). To do this, he once again makes comparisons:

In fact, just as those who are taught painting, or shoemaking, or any other craft, donot seek to be proficient merely for the sake of knowledge, but to produce somethingwith their hands and to show in their works imitations of these masters, so too it isnecessary that those who love the religion should not confine themselves to thestudy of theology and natural philosophy, but should also study the laws of practicalvirtue and observe them to the best of their ability, and should try to fashion andmodel the type of their soul in accordance with these laws (Therap., XII, 6).



To describe the substance of the philosophy, he resorts to some quitebeautiful metaphors and figures of speech, placing trees on one hand andhuman bodies on the other. In this way, he says:

Roots produce trees and nourish them; branches and leaves adorn them, and fruitdangles aloft in their midst. If one lops the branches or strips the foliage, the treesbecome useless. They are despoiled of their beauty and the roots at the base aremade to appear completely superfluous (Therap., XII, 1). Likewise, the body is inneed of eyes to see and direct the other senses; it is in need of feet to walk and tosupport itself. It is in need of hands to work and to procure for the other organsnourishment, drink, and other necessities (Therap., XII, 2).

He sums up this idea in a sentence once again making use of a parallelism:« In fact, what the root is to the tree, what the eye is to the body, what thethread is to the fabric, knowledge of truth is to souls, as faith testifies »(Therap., XII, 5). He establishes a contrast between heathen philosophers,who had a theoretical conception of virtue, and Christians, who truly practisethat virtue. After giving several examples taken from Plato and Socratesabout the need for practical virtue, our author reaches the conclusion that it isthe ascetics who most closely incarnate that ideal, as their life resembles thatof angels:

And so we call them ‘saints’ because they have nothing of earth and are exemptfrom carnal passions [...] (Therap., III, 91). But those who have become enamouredof the philosophy of the Gospel have distance themselves from political troubles.For having installed themselves on mountain tops, or enjoying the life in desertplaces, they have chosen a life spent in contemplating divine things and their chosenlot in life is in harmonizing themselves with this contemplation, with no care forwives, children, and material possessions, but directing their souls in accordancewith the canon of divine laws and, like the best artists, they paint their spiritualimage after the best models of virtue (Therap., XII, 27).

Together with this fragment, the book provides a summary of ascesis andthe different ways of life, which is very useful to gain general informationabout this point:

Imitating their (of the angels) way of life, so many humans embrace the service ofGod. For they flee even legitimate carnal intercourse as drawing them away fromdivine things; they leave fatherland and family behind, so they may devote all theircares to divine things and so no bond may restrain their spirit, eager to fly upward tothe heavens to contemplate the invisible and ineffable beauty of God (Therap., III,


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92). They fill the towns and villages, the mountaintops and ravines. Some dwell incommunities and carve on their souls the images of wisdom; others live in twos orthrees or even as complete solitaires, withholding their eyes from the enjoyment ofvisible things and providing leisure to their mind for the enjoyment of thecontemplation of intellectual things (Therap., III, 93).

To support his ideas about the way to practice virtue, Theodoret providesexamples from Socrates and Plato that coincide with his ideal of a Christianphilosopher. He similarly claims that numerous Greek writers, philosophersand poets agree in pointing out how difficult and tough the path to virtue is,despite which some pagan men and women had also succeeded. Amongothers, he mentions Homer, Hesiod, Anacarsis, Antisthenes the Cynic,Diogenes of Sinope, Crates of Thebes, Aristippus of Cyrene, etc. He givesseveral examples of non-Christian women whose life was a paradigm ofadmirable virtue, such as Lysidica, who washed without even removing herblouse, out of exceeding bashfulness; Philotera, who bathed by taking hertunic off slowly as she submerged in the bath, until the water totally coveredher body and dressed in the same way when she came out of the water;Theano, Pythagoras’s wife had many admirers and when one exclaimed« what a splendid arm », she replied, « yes, but it is not public property ».Somebody once asked her how much time should go by for a woman to takepart in the Thesmophoria 21, after having intercourse with a man, to whichshe answered « immediately if it was with her own husband, but never if itwas with somebody else’s » (Therap., XII, 26-52 & 73) 22.

All these examples agree with the spirit of philosophy and thereforeTheodoret approves them. He then carries out a firm defence of marriage. Hepraises Plato’s ideas, which are justified as a « desire of immortality andguarantee of stability for the species ». He reproves Democritus andEpicurus for recommending that men should abstain from marriage andprocreation, as their only objective is pleasure and the avoidance of worries.In contrast, the Bible proposes another way of life to be free of cares:chastity. In this, he accepts chaste marriages as a lesser good, because they

21 The Thesmophoria was a festival held in Eleusis and some other cities in Ancient Greece in honourof the goddess Demeter and her daughter Persephone, in late October. Only women married to Atheniancitizens could attend the festival, in which neither unmarried women nor men were present, although themen were expected to send their wives and pay the expenses. They were treated very harshly if they triedto spy on the ceremonies. These are thought to have promoted fertility, but the women prepared for themwith sexual abstinence. They also bathed in order to purify themselves.

22 Cfr. Clement of Alexandria, Stromata IV, 19, 120-121.



free from the debacle those who wish to be virtuous and also increase thespecies. Another very different matter is fornication, a practice he calls « abehaviour fitting for pigs » (Therap., XII, 75). He concludes with a sentencethat praises the attitude of Christians compared with that of paganphilosophers: « And so our teachers (the Apostles) have set forth a way oflife adapted to rational beings, while the most outstanding of the paganphilosophers have themselves been enslaved to pleasure and have draftedlaws to inculcate debauchery » (Therap., XII, 77).

As stated above, A Cure for Pagan Maladies was written in a time ofgrowing triumph for Christianity. It was no longer necessary to vindicate theright to practise the religion, nor point out the illegality of the persecutions,as previous apologists had done. Victory was unquestionable but Theodoretknew that a great deal remained to be done, especially in the conversion ofcultured classes, who continued to write texts against the Christians. It isimpossible to assess how effective this treatise was in its attempt to persuadeheathens and whether it succeeded in converting some to Christianity, but itdoubtlessly played a major role as it is a work aimed at responding to theintellectuals of the time and proving to them the truth that they refused toaccept. This is the reason for the prolific use of arguments intended topersuade, especially those taken from pagan philosophers themselves.

Of the three categories in which Greek and Latin rhetors classified« ways of persuasion », that is, the strategies an orator might use inpresenting his discourse: docere, delectare and movere, the latter is the mostimportant in A Cure of Greek Maladies. Its author employs a wide range ofarguments to « move or incline » his readers to accept the truth of his faithand, ultimately, to convert. As Cicero said: « The eloquent orator, then [...] isa man who speaks in the forum and in civil causes in such a manner as toprove (probet), to delight (delectet), and to persuade (flectet). To prove, isnecessary for him; to delight, is a proof of his sweetness, to persuade, is atoken of victory » 23.

23 Cicerón, Orator 21, 69: Erit igitur eloquens [...] is, qui in foro causisque civilibus ita dicet, utprobet, ut delectet, ut flectat. Probare necessitatis est, delectare suavitatis, flectere victoriae; nam idunum ex omnibus ad obtinendas causas potest plurimum; (trans.: www.egs.edu/library/cicero/articles/the-orator).



The Power of Rhetoric in Conflict Resolution. Theodoret of Cyrus and "A Cure for Pagan maladies".

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