The Politic of Islamic Education

7/28/2019 The Politic of Islamic Education

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M A K I N GM O D E R N

M U S L I M S

THE POLITICS OF

ISLAMIC EDUCATION

IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

Edited by Robert W. Hefner

UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII PRESSHonolulu


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Acknowledgments

A Note on Spelling and Transliteration

1 Introduction: The Politics and Culturesof Islamic Education in Southeast AsiaROBERT W. HEFNER

2 Islamic Schools, Social Movements,and Democracy in IndonesiaROBERT W. HEFNER

3 Reforming Islamic Education inMalaysia: Doctrine or Dialogue?RICHARD G. KRAINCE

4 Islamic Education in SouthernThailand: Negotiating Islam, Identity,and Modernity

JOSEPH CHINYONG LIOW

5 Muslim Metamorphosis: Islamic

Education and Politics inContemporary CambodiaBJRN ATLE BLENGSLI

6 Islamic Education in the Philippines:Political Separatism and ReligiousPragmatismTHOMAS M. MCKENNA & ESMAEL A. ABDULA

List of Contributors

Index

C O N T E N T S


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Sincethe9/11attacksintheUnitedStatesand theOctober2002BalibombingsinIndonesia,IslamicschoolsinSoutheastAsiahavebeentheocusointernationalattention.TheyoungmenresponsibleortheBaliattack, inwhichmorethantwohundredpeopledied,hadbeenstudentsatanIslamicboardingschoolinEastJavaandhadtiestotheal-MukminboardingschoolinCentral

Java.Al-MukministhehomeoAbuBakarBaasyir,aseniorIslamicscholarwhoisallegedtohavebeenthespiritualleaderotheJemaahIslamiyah(JI),anundergroundorganizationthathasengagedinacampaignobombingandterrorsince2000.Inthe1990s,severalJImilitantshadalsoattendedanIslamicboardingschool inMalaysiarunbyBaasyirandhiscolleague,AbdullahSungkar(nowdeceased),atatimewhenbothwereinsel-imposedexileromIndonesia.1

TheJIscampaignwasnottheonlyeventtoraisequestionsabout

thepoliticaltemperamentoSoutheastAsiastythousandIslamicschools.SinceJanuary2004,Thailandhasbeenrockedbyarenewed

I N T RODUC T ION THEPOLITICSANDCULTURES

OFISLAMICEDUCATIONIN

SOUTHEASTASIA

ROB ERT W. H E FNER

1


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cycle o violence between state authorities and theMalay-Muslimpopulationconcentratedinthecountryssouth.In2004,studentsandteachersattwoIslamicschoolswereaccusedostagingattacksonThaigovernmentocials. InMay2005,al-Qaidadocumentswere

oundatanotherschool.InJune2007,radicalseparatistsburneddownelevenschoolsinYalaprovinceandexecutedtwoemaleThaiteachersinrontoonehundredchildrenplayinginthelibraryaterlunch.2

ThediscussionsurroundingIslamicschoolsinthePhilippineswasnomoreplacid.In2000,theMusliminsurgencythathasragedonandosincethe1970sfaredupagainaterPresidentJosephEs-tradaorderedthearmedorcestocapturetherebelsmaincamponthesouthernislandoMindanao.InadditiontocreatingthousandsoMuslimreugees,theassaultprovokedanunprecedentedterroristcampaigninManilaandotherPhilippinecities.In2003,theintel-ligence chie o thePhilippinesArmedForces placedmuch o theblameortheterrorismsquarelyonIslamic madrasas (moderndayschools).[T]heyareteachingthechildren,whilestillyoung,towageajihad.Theywillbecometheuturesuicidebombers.3

Cambodia,too,hasnotescapedtheMuslim-schoolcontroversy.Between2002and 2004, the JImilitarychie, Riduan Isamuddin,aliasHambali,spenttimeinthatBuddhist-majoritycountry,report-edlyvisitingIslamicschools.HissubsequentcaptureinThailandledtoadditionalarrestsbackinCambodiaatschoolsundedbyaSaudicharity.Cambodian authoritiesalleged thatmilitants hadplannedtoturntheircountryintoastaginggroundorterroristattacksonWesterntargets.

InMalaysiainearly2000,nally,armedmilitantslinkedtoin-dependentIslamicschoolslaunchedarmedattacksonthenationalpolice.FollowingarrestsinAugust2001,investigatorsrevealedthatthemilitantshadtrainedinAghanistanandhadreturnedtoMalaysiaaspartoacampaigntobringthegovernmentdown.

ForaWesternpublicthathadlongregardedMuslimpoliticsinSoutheastAsiaasrelativelymoderate, thesereports linkingIslamicschools to terrorism caused anxiety andconusion. Policy analystsspeculatedthatSoutheastAsiawasbeingtransormedintoasecondrontinanal-QaidainspiredcampaignagainsttheWest.4Concernslikethesewerenotlimited,however,toWesterncircles.IntheMus-lim-majoritycountriesoMalaysiaandIndonesia,ocialsintimated


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Introduction: Islamic Education in Southeast Asia

thattheytooearedthatsomeamongtheircountriesMuslimedu-catorsweremixingviolentjihadismintothecurriculum.InOctober2005,aewdaysaterBaliwashitbyasecondterroristbombing,theIndonesianvicepresident,JusuKallaaMuslimclosetoIndonesias

mainstream Islamic organizationsblamed the attack onmilitantsromanunnamedIslamicboardingschoolandwarnedthatthegov-ernmentwasgoing to haveto takeaction against schoolspromot-ingirresponsibleactions.Weekslater,KallastartledMuslimeduca-torsagainwhenheannouncedthatthegovernmentwaspreparingtongerprintallstudentsinthecountrystenthousandstrongIslamicboardingschoolnetwork(seeChapter2).5

Againstthisunsettledbackdrop,thepurposeothisbookistoshedlightonthevarietiesandpoliticsoIslamiceducationinmod-ernSoutheastAsia.Thecontributorsaimtoprovideasenseo justwhereIslamiceducationisgoingbyexaminingwhere,culturallyandpoliticallyspeaking,ithascomerom.Thebookocusesonschoolsinvecountries:theregionstwodominantMuslim-majoritycountries,Malaysia(60%Muslim)andIndonesia(87.8%),andthreecountrieswithespeciallyrestlessMuslimminorities,thePhilippines,Thailand,andCambodia.6

ThechaptersarebasedonaresearchprojectthatbeganinDe-cember 2004 and ended in January 2007. The initial research wasundedbytheNationalBureauoAsianResearch(NBR)inSeattle,Washington,anongovernmentalandnonpartisanresearchcenterthatsponsorsacademicresearchonpolicy-relevantissuesinthebroaderAsianregion.Duringeachothetwoyearsotheproject,NBRpro-videdtheveresearcherswithundsorresearchassistantsandorathree-toour-weekstayinSoutheastAsia.Alltogether,sometwenty-veresearcherswereinvolvedintheve-countryprojectonwhichthisbookisbased.AllotheU.S.researcherswererecognizedSoutheastAsiaspecialists,andallhadbackgroundsinthestudyoIslamicedu-cation.NBRssupportalsoallowedmeasprojectdirectortoextendaresearchcollaborationIhadbegunin20022004,withDr.AzyumardiAzra,thenrector,andDr.Jamhari,directorotheCenterortheStudyoIslamandSociety(PPIM)atIndonesiasfagshipIslamicuniversity,theSyariHidayatullahStateIslamicUniversity.Myearliercollabo-rationwiththePPIM,sponsoredbythePewCharitableTrusts,hadsought tomap variation inIslamicschoolingacross eightprovinces


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inthisvastcountry.7ThenewprojectincludedourcollaboratingontheconductosurveysoeducatorsatIndonesiasIslamicboardingschools(pesantren),moderndayschools(madrasas),andcolleges.ThesurveyswereconductedinJanuary2006andJanuary2007.8

NBRsaiminsupportingthisprojectwastocontributetoin-ormed public discussion o Islamic schooling in Southeast Asia.Coming rom the elds o education, anthropology, and politicalscience, thecontributors sharedNBRs interest inbringing publicscholarshiptobearonthetopicoIslamicschooling.Butwealsoeltthatitwasnecessarytosituatetheresearchinaculturalandhistoricalrameworkbroaderthanpresent-daypolicyalone.IndiscussionsotheMuslimworldsince9/11,therehasbeenatendencyonthepartoWesterncommentatorstovieweventsprimarilythroughtheopticotheirownsecurityconcerns.Inaworldourgentthreatsandscarcean-alyticresources,thisbiasisunderstandableenough,andthechaptersinthisvolumedonotshyawayrompolicyissues.Nonetheless,thecontributorseltthatiweallowedWesternsecurityconcernstosettheentireresearchagendawewouldloseanopportunitytounderstandtheculturalconcernsthatMuslimsthemselvesbringtotheirschools.WewouldalsolosesightotheactthatSoutheastAsianMuslimshavebeendebatingtheproper ormsoreligiouseducationandpolitics,notsince9/11,butsincethelatenineteenthcentury.Inthatcentury,muchotheworldenteredwhatTheodoreZeldinhasaptlycalledtheAgeoEducation.9FewotheworldspeopleshavemoreseriouslygrappledwiththequestionoexactlywhatmoderneducationshouldbethanMuslimleadershereinSoutheastAsia.

Intheremainderothisintroduction,then,Iwanttodothreethings:provideanoverviewothechaptersthatollow;examinethevarietiesandgenealogiesoIslamicschoolinginSoutheastAsia;andhighlight the relationship between Islamic education in SoutheastAsiaandthatintheMiddleEast.AlthoughcomparativeresearchonIslamiceducationinSoutheastAsiahasbeensparse,examinationothetopicoersourbenets.First,itprovidesauseulvantagepointromwhichtosurveythedevelopmentoIslamiccultureandpoliticsacrosstheregionandtotakethepoliticalpulseoboth.Second,itpro-videsinsightsintothechangingnatureostatesocietyrelationsromthelatecolonialperiodtotoday,andtheroleopublicIslaminthatrelationship.Third,educationhighlightstheastonishingdynamismo


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processesoIslamizationinthisregion,whichacceleratedinthelatenineteenthcenturyandcontinueindiverseormstoday.Bytheendothetwentiethcentury,religiousdevelopmentshadtransormedaworldareaonceknownoritspantheisticsyncretismintoaregionwheredoc-

trinallynormativevariantsoIslamholdsway.Fourthandnally,examinationothevarietiesoIslamicschool-

inginmodernSoutheastAsiaallowsustoappreciatethenatureothestruggleorMuslimheartsandmindscurrently takingplaceacrosstheregion.Thestrugglehaslesstodowithal-Qaidaterrorismamovementthatdemandseveryonesattentionatthemoment,yes,butonethatissooutostepwithmainstreamMuslimsocietyherethatitisboundtoailthanwithMuslimseortstodowhatbelieversinotherreligioustraditionshavehadtodointhemodernera:determinejustwhatistimelessandrequiredintheirtradition,andwhatmustbereormedinaworldwheremuchthatissolidmeltsintoair.

Centering islam

Inanarticlepublishedahal-centuryago,thecelebratedanthropolo-gistoIndonesianIslam,CliordGeertz,underscoredthecentralityoreligiouseducationinMuslimsocietiesandthecentralityotheIslamicboardingschool(pesantren;alsopondok,Ind.andMalay,lit.hut,cottage)inMuslimSoutheastAsia.UsingJavaashispointoreerence,Geertzobserved,Therehavebeenpesantren-likeinstitu-tionsinJavasincetheHindu-Buddhistperiod(i.e.romthesecondtoaboutthesixteenthcenturies),andmostlikelyevenbeore,ortheclusterostudentdisciplescollectedaroundaholymanisapatterncommon throughoutsouthand southeastAsia.10Withtheconver-sionogrowingnumbersopeopletoIslam,Geertzadded,whathadbeenHindu-BuddhistnowbecameIslamic,anewwineinaveryoldbottle(ibid.).

AsGeertzsremarkmakesclear,scholarshavelongsuspectedthattherewerecontinuitiesbetweenIslamicschoolsinSoutheastAsiaandtheir pre-Islamic predecessors. However, thewine-bottlemetaphorleavesunansweredthequestionojusthowmuchSoutheastAsiasIslamicschoolsactuallyowetoMiddleEasternprecedents,andhowmuchtheyrefectpre-Islamiclegacies.Welackthedetailedlocalhis-toriesrequiredtoullyanswerthisquestion,particularlyortheperiodromtheourteenthtoseventeenthcenturies,whenIslamrstspread


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across much o the Malayo-Indonesian archipelago. Since Geertzwrotehisarticle,however, twothingshavebecomemoreapparent:rst, the historical development o Islamic schooling in SoutheastAsiahasstrongerparallelswiththedevelopmentoIslamiceducation

intheMiddleEastthanGeertzimagined;and,second,Islamicedu-cationinSoutheastAsiahasoratleasttwocenturiesbeenmarkedbyceaseless changerather thanold-bottle stasis.Toappreciate thescale o this change requires thatwe understand how the advanceoreligiouseducationinmodernSoutheastAsiacompareswiththedevelopmentoIslamicschoolingintheMiddleEastromearliesttimestotoday.

Learning as Worship

Islam isareligiono thedivineword,andreligiousstudyhas longbeenregardedasanactoworshipinitsownright.Thestudyandtransmission o the revealed word oGod and the sayingsoHisprophet,andothesystemolawtowhichtherevelationpointed,are the undamental serviceGoddemandsohis creatures.11Forpiousindividuals,religiousstudyusuallybeginswithlearningtoreadandrecitebutnotliterallyunderstandtheQuran.TheQuranisthewordoGodasrevealedtotheProphetMuhammad(c.570632C.E.) by way o theAngel Jibriel (Gabriel) between 610 and632C.E.12 Historians o Islam believe that, while the Prophet was stillalive,theQuranwasnotwrittendown,butmemorizedandtransmit-tedorally.AlthoughscholarsdisagreeastoexactlywhentheQuranwasnallyputintomanuscriptorm,themostwidelyheldviewisthattherecensiontookplacenotlongaterthedeathotheProphetin632C.E.,attheinstructionothecaliphsUmar(63444)andUth-man(64456).13Itwasaroundthissametimethatalightlyormalizededucationalinstitutionappearedonthescene,dedicatedtoteachingindividualstoreadandrecitetheQuran.

AcrosstheMuslimworld,Quranicrecitationhasremainedthemodel or elementary religious education to this day, including inmodernSoutheastAsia.IntheMiddleEast,Quranicreadingandrecitationothissortotentakeplaceinasmallree-standingschoolknownasthekuttabormaktab.Althoughinmoderntimesthekuttabhasoccasionallybeenreightedwithothereducationalmissions(in-cluding,inseveralinstances,teachingsecularsubjects),14orthemost


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parttheinstitutionhasremainedtruetoitsoundingmission,servingasaschoolwhereyouthslearnArabicscriptsoastoreadandrecitetheQuran. Inmodern Southeast Asia, elementaryQuranic studyiscarriedoutinasimilarashion,inactivitiesknownaspengajianQuran (lit.Quranicstudy).15Thisinstructionusuallytakesplaceinmosques,prayerhouses(musholla,langgar),orteachershomes,ratherthanaspecial-purposebuilding.Inrecentyears,too,thereligiousclasses provided by governments inMalaysia, Indonesia, and theAutonomousRegionoMuslimMindanao(ARMM)inthesouthernPhilippineshavealsoincludedelementaryQuranicinstruction.16

OverthecourseotheeighthandninthcenturiesC.E.,thebodyoknowledgeassociatedwiththeIslamictraditionbecamericherandmorevariegatedthanthatoearliergenerations.Duringthesecen-turies,thehadith,therecordedandveriedwordsandactionsotheProphet Muhammad, were gathered into standardized collections,whicheventuallybecamethesecondoundationonwhichIslamsau-thoritativetraditions(Sunna)aregrounded.ThebodyoscholarshipassociatedwithIslamslegalschools(madhahib)wasalsocomposedduringthisperiod,althoughatrstthereweremanymorethantheourSunnischoolsthatexisttoday(Shiismhasitsownschool).ThecompositionandstandardizationoMuslimjurisprudence(fqh)wereallpartobroaderprocesseswherebythelawcametobemoreratio-nalizedandsystematicandscholarsothelawcametoplayamorecentralroleinreligiouseducationandpublicaairs.17

Theexpansionothereligioussciencesalsomeantthatthetimerequiredtobecomea learnedscholarbecamegreater.18Duringtherstpartothistwo-centuryperiod,moststudytookplaceininor-mallearningcircles(Ar.halaq,sing.halqa)thatmetinhomes,bazaarstalls,and,aboveall,mosques,underthedirectionoamasterscholar(shaykh).Bytheendotheninthcentury,however,mosquesthatpro-videdadvancedreligiousstudyalsobegantoerecthostelsorresidentstudents.Evenwiththischange,however,instructionstilltookplace,notinclassrooms,butininormallearningcirclesundertheguidanceoanindividualscholar.

In the tenth century, a ull three centuries ater theQuransrevelation,somecommunitieswenturther,establishingtherstma-drasas,ree-standingschoolsorintermediateandadvancedreligiouslearning.Therstotheseinstitutionswasoundedintenth-century


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KhurasanineasternIran,buttheinnovationquicklyspreadwestwardintocitiesandtownsintheArabheartland.Bythetwelthcentury,themadrasahadbecomeperhapsthemostcharacteristicreligiousinstitutionothemedievalNearEasternurbanlandscape.19Bythe

thirteenthcentury,theinstitutionhadreachedMuslimSpainandIn-dia.20Inmanyotheselocales,madrasaseducatednotonlyreligiousscholarsbutmuchothelocalculturalelite,includingmathematicians,medicaldoctors,andastronomers.21

Duringthesesamerstcenturies,themadrasacomplexgradu-allyassumedamoreorlessstandardorm.Mostmadrasascametohaveamosque,dormitories,andclassrooms,aswellasaresidenceor the shaykh-director and a washing area or ablutions prior toprayer.Overtime,manymadrasasalsoerectedmausoleumsortheoundingshaykhandhisamily.Ontheassumptionthatindeathasinlietheshaykh couldintercedewithGodandserveasachannelordivinegrace(barakah),manytombsbecametheobjectoreligiousprilgrimage(ziyarah).IntraditionalistmadrasasintheMiddleEastorSouthAsia,andinSoutheastAsiaspondokpesantren,pilgrim-agetotheshrinesogreatreligiousteachersisstillcommontoday.22However,wheremodernMuslimreormistsholdswaythepracticeiscondemnedandtombcomplexeshavebeendemolishedorsecular-izedasarchaeologicalmonuments.23

Not longintotheMiddlePeriodinIslamichistory(10001500C.E.),themadrasacurriculumhadalsotakenonamoreorlessamil-iarorm.ThelargerschoolsprovidedinstructioninQuranrecitation(qiraa),hadith,Arabicgrammar(nahw),Quranicinterpretation(tasir),jurisprudence(fqh),principlesoreligion(usul ad-din),thesourcesothelaw(usul al-fqh),anddidactictheology(kalam).

Notwithstandingthisstandardization,ormostohistorymadrasacurriculacontinuedtovaryromschooltoschoolandregiontoregion.Indeed,ingeneral,themadrasawasalessormalizedandcorporateentitythanitscounterpartinthelatemedievalWest,theuniversity.Madrasaswereundedbypiousendowments(waq,pl.awqa),whichwereormallyrecognizedinIslamiclaw.Itslegalstandingaside,thepremodernmadrasaneverdevelopedaboardogovernors,acentrallyregulated curriculum, institution-wide examinations, or a corporateidentitystrongerthanitsmastershaykhs.Atitsheart,religiouslearningremainedundamentallyandpersistentlyaninormalaair.24Itwas


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inormal,notinthesenseobeingcasual,butinitsbeinganchoredonthestudentsloveanddevotiontohisteacher,ratherthanenrollmentinacorporateinstitution.Astudentallweremalecouldstudywithseveral teachersand at several dierentmadrasas.His standing in

thecommunityoscholarswouldoreverbedened,however,bythereputationohisteacherorteachers,notbyadegreehereceivedromsomeormalinstitution.

Some medieval madrasas, particularly those in the Islamicnortheast(TurkeytoIndia),alsoprovidedinstructioninnonreligioussubjects,includingarithmetic,astronomy,medicine,philosophy,andpoetry.Fromtheeleventhtotheourteenthcenturies,mathematics,astronomy,andmedicineintheArabMiddleEastandnorthernIndiawerethemostsophisticatedintheworld,andsomemadrasasexcelledintheteachingothese,astheywereknown,oreignsciences.How-ever,theveryuseothephraseoreignsciencestoreertothesedisciplinesoknowledgewasindicativeotheirprecariousstandinginthemadrasacurriculum.BytheendotheMuslimMiddlePeriod,mostMiddleEasternmadrasasprovidedlittleianyinstructioninadvancedmathematics,astronomy,ormedicine. 25Instructionintheseeldshadmigratedoutomadrasasintohospitals(longastrongholdothenonreligioussciences)andtheprivatehomesoscholars.Inact,inmanyMuslimterritoriesadvancedinstructionintheseeldspassedawayentirely.26

HereinliesoneothegreatironiesotheOldWorldscivilizationalhistory.DuringwhatwasWesternEuropesMiddleAges,librariesandmadrasasintheMiddleEasthadpreservedGreekworksinphiloso-phyandnaturalscienceslosttoChristianEurope.Inthetwelthandthirteenthcenturies,Muslim,Christian,andJewishscholarsinSpainandotherMuslimlandstranslatedmanyotheseworksintoLatin.ThetranserothetranslatedclassicsbacktoWesternEuropesparkedarevivalointerestinthenaturalsciencesandhumanisticphilosophysostrongthatthesesubjectsweregivenprideoplaceinthenewlyestab-lisheduniversitiesotheWest.27AlthoughearlierpreservedandstudiedbygenerationsoArab-andIndian-Muslimscholars,thesameGreekworksweregraduallymarginalizedrommostmadrasacurricula.In-deed,bytheendotheMuslimMiddleAgestheirplaceinMiddleEasterneducationasawholewasgreatlydiminished.28Jurisprudencehadbecome thequeen o the advanced religious sciences and the


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centerpieceomadrasaeducation.Moresignicantyet,manyothejurists(uqaha)whointerpretedGodslawhadcometoviewthestudyophilosophyandtheoreignsciencesasuseless...anddisrespectuloreligionandlaw.29Theresultwasthatthephilosophyandnatural

scienceoncesointegraltoMuslimintellectualliedisappearedrommanyinstitutionsohigherlearning,nottobereviveduntilthegreateducationaltransormationsothemodernera.

Recentering Islam

TheevolutionothemadrasacurriculumduringtheMuslimMiddleAgeswaspartoabroaderrecenteringoIslamicknowledgeandau-thorityatthattime.Therecenteringhadtwoprimaryeatures,eachowhichanticipatedchangesintheeconomyoreligiousknowledgethat were to take place in SoutheastAsian Islam several centurieslater.First,theriseomadrasas ledtoarelativestandardizationandhomogenization o the knowledgeand texts transmitted in institu-tionsohigherreligiouslearning.Thisstandardizationwasacilitatedbythecollectionandvericationohadiths;thecreationothemainschoolsoIslamiclaw;andtherepositioningothelawasthemostauthoritativediscipline inadvanced institutions o learning.Bytheteenthcentury,RichardBullietsstatementaboutchangesinthehadith traditioncouldbeappliedtotheothercoretraditionsoIs-lamicknowledge: Theupshotothisprocesswas thedevelopmentoahomogeneouscorpusoauthoritativeIslamictextsthatcontrib-utedgreatlytoagrowinguniormityoIslamicbelieandpracticethroughoutthevastareainwhichMuslimslived.30AsimilarprocessostandardizationandcanonizationwouldtakeplaceinSoutheastAsiaduringthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,withtheriseonewormsoIslamicschooling.

The Middle Ages recentering had momentous implications,notonlyortextsandlearning,butorreligiousauthorityaswell.Thespreadomadrasasandthecreationoacanonmeantthatonesstandingamongulamanowdependedonmasteryokeytextsunderarecognizedreligiousmaster.Inotherwords,themadrasaandthecanonprovidedclearercriteriaordening justwhowas andwhowasnotareligiousauthority.As inall traditionsoknowledge,theeort todeterminewhoshouldbeincludedamongthe leadershipalsoinvolvedclariyingwhowastobeexcluded.Withtheriseoma-


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11Introduction: Islamic Education in Southeast Asia

drasas,thegroundsorthatexclusionbecameclearer,atleastasarasthereligiousestablishmentwasconcerned.Theulama...soughttorestricttheabilityoindividualswhopossessedonlyamodicumointellectualtraining,orwhomightevenbeilliterate,butwhonone-

thelessclaimedconsiderablereligiousauthorityamongtheuneducatedmasses,todeneortheiraudienceswhatwasproperlyIslamic.31

Itgoeswithoutsayingthatthisrecenteringandhomogeniza-tion32oIslamicknowledgedidnotapplyequallytoallormsolearn-ingandtoallspecialistsoreligiousknowledge.Theprocessosocialauthorizationwasmosteectiveat thecommandingheightsotheMuslimcommunity,amongpeopleresponsivetomadrasadisciplines.Itishelpultoremember,however,thatuntilthenineteenthcentury98to99percentothepopulationintheMiddleEastwasilliterate,andmostoitwasrural.33Beyondtheranksotheulama,then,lessstandardizedstreamsoreligiousknowledgecontinuedtofow,andmostwereconsideredIslamicbytheircustodians.Equallyimportant,claimantstothesenonstandardormsoesotericknowledge(Ar.ilm)wereotenheldinhighregardbythebroaderMuslimpublic.

Thus,or example,even incities like late-medievalCairo,wellknownoritsmanymadrasas,therewasnoshortageounconventionalreligiousmasters.Acolorulcaseinpointwastheshaykh ummi,anilliteratereligiousteacherwhoclaimedtoobtainhisIslamicknowl-edge,notromtextsandgray-beardedscholars,butromvisionsotheProphetandthedepthsohisheart.HisreligiouslanguagewasalientothediscourseothejuristsandthemorelearnedSus34NotarawayinDamascusoneencounteredsimilarlyunconventionalreligiousgures,likethedervisheswhofoutedsocialandreligiousnorms:dressinginragsor(insomecases)notatall...;deliberatelydisregardingculticpracticessuchasprayer;publiclyindulgingintheuseohashish andother intoxicants, and...piercing variousbodilyparts,includingtheirgenitals.35Notwithstandingthedierencesotimeandspace,theparallelsbetweentheseunusualreligiousexpertsandthedhukuns, bomohs, andshamansomodernMuslimSoutheastAsiaarestriking.

Thepointothiscomparisonisthat,armorethanwasoncereal-izedbymanyWesternscholars,therearestrikingparallelsbetweentherecenteringoreligiousauthoritymadepossiblethroughthedevelop-mentoIslamiceducationinthemedievalMiddleEastandprocesses


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takingplaceinnineteenth-andearly-twentieth-centurySoutheastAsia.Forobvioushistoricalreasons,theexpansionoreligiouseducationandthecreationoapublicIslamiccultureinSoutheastAsialaggedwellbehindthatotheMiddleEast.However,inthenineteenthcen-

tury,whenSoutheastAsiawasnallydrawnintodeeperdialoguewithglobalMuslimcivilization,theschoolsthatemergedandtheculturalprocessesthatunoldedboreastrikingresemblancetothoseseenear-lierintheMiddleEast.Inparticular,thespreadonewormsoreli-giousschoolinginSoutheastAsiaplayedacentralroleinthecreationonetworksanddiscoursesorstipulatinginadisciplinedmannerjustwhowasareligiousauthorityandwhatcountedasIslam.36

TheearlyphasesotherecenteringoIslaminSoutheastAsiawerenotexactlylikethoseintheMuslimMiddleEast,however,be-causetheywereconstrainedbyculturalandpoliticalrealitiespeculiartomodernSoutheastAsia.TheseincludedthelatearrivaloIslamintheregion,theroleplayedbytheindigenousstateinIslamization,andtheshockandaweoaEuropeancolonialismevenmoredisruptiveinitsimpacttherethanintheMiddleEast.

IslamIzaTIONaNDEDUCaTIONINsOUTHEasTasIa

AgainstthisMiddleEasternbackdrop,onemightbetemptedtocon-cludethatmadrasaswerethevehiclethatcarriedIslamtoSoutheastAsia.Aterall,romearlyonSoutheastAsianMuslimsappearedtoengageinelementaryQuranicstudysimilartothatprovidedintheMiddleEasternkuttab. However,thehistoryoIslaminSoutheastAsiaarguesagainstsuchaconclusion.Thereasonorcautionisthat,until the nineteenth century, SoutheastAsia hadnobroad-basedinstitutionsorintermediateoradvancededucationintheIslamicsciencescomparabletothosethathadexistedintheMiddleEastoralmostathousandyears.Toputthematterbluntly,therstcentu-riesoIslamizationinSoutheastAsiawerecharacterizedbyadearthocentersoadvancedIslamiclearning,thepublicslimitedamil-iaritywiththedetailsoIslamiclaw(thesharia)and,aewerventperiodsexcepted,asociallycircumscribedroleorthecustodiansoGods law, theulama.Notwithstanding the relative poverty oormaleducationalinstitutions,earlymodernSoutheastAsiadevel-opedanIslamicpubliccultureoasort.Butthekeyelementsinthatculturewereproducedandreproducedthroughthemedium,noto


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organizedreligiousschooling,butoreligiousritualsponsoredinitsmostexemplaryormbysultansandkings.

Islamizations Plural Faces

ArabMuslimmerchantshadtraveledthroughSoutheastAsiaontheirwaytosouthernChinaatleastsincetheeighthcentury.Massconver-siontoIslamtookplaceonlyseveralcenturieslater,however,muchoitduringtheperiodthehistorianAnthonyReidhasaptlycalledSoutheastAsiasAgeoCommerce,rom1450to1680.37Duringthesecenturies,conversionollowedthetraderoutesundergirdingthecommercialboomtakingplaceinthismaritimeregion,withtherstlarge-scaleconversionsoccurringinoraroundmercantileports.Inthisearlyperiod,SoutheastAsiawasstillapanoplyoHindu-Buddhiststates,islandchiedoms,andtropicaloresttribes.Thecheckeredna-tureoSoutheastAsiansociety,andtheactthatIslamdidnotar-riveontheheelsohorse-mountedAraborTurkicarmies,guaranteedthatconversiontoIslamwasapatchworkprocess,occurringswitlyinsomeareasandslowlyornotatallinothers.Untiltheearlynineteenthcentury,centersoadvancedreligiouslearningwereew,andadvancedstudyintheIslamicsciencesplayedonlyamarginalroleintheIslam-izationothepopulace.

IslamsrstcenturiesinSoutheastAsiadisplayedtwoeaturesthatweretoinfuencethenatureoIslamwellintothemodernera.First,atthetoweringheightsopoliticalsociety,Islamizationassumedaraja-centricace,inthesensethatrulerswerecentralbothtotheini-tialconversionprocessandtotheexemplarypubliccultureconstructedinitswake.TheannalsoIslamsearlyperiodintheregionaboundwithaccountsohowadream,cure,orotherwisesupernaturaleventledalocalrulertoembraceIslam,typicallyaterencounteringamysticalshaykh.Aterthemiracle,therulercommandedhissubjectstoacceptthenewaithaswell.38Therulerscentralityinreligiousaairsisalsoseeninhisinterventioninscholarlydisputes.39Aboveallelse,however,therulerspivotalplaceinIslamicliewasexpressedingreatpubliccer-emonies,whichgavevisibleormtohisclaimtobetheaxis,notonlyothesecularpolity,butotheMuslimcommunityaswell.

A raja-centric proession o Islam was not something uniquetoSoutheastAsia;in act,itwas typicalothePersianizedmonar-chies40oundacrosstheAsian-MuslimworldromCentralAsiaand


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IndiatotheMalayarchipelago.Inthesesocieties,FarrombeinginideologicalconfictwithIslam,kingshipoundnewwaystoexpressitstranscendenceinIslamicterms.41Oneothesewayswastolimitthesocialspherestowhichtheshariawasapplied,ortohighlightthose

aspectso the law that buttressed the authorityo the ruler.42An-otherwayinwhichrulersexpressedtheirexemplaryreligiositywasbysponsoringscholarlylearningcirclesatthecourtorroyalmosque.Theimportanceotheseroyallysponsoredlearningcircleswasheightenedbytheactthatbeyondthepalacetheinrastructureoradvancedreli-giouseducationwaswoeullyundeveloped.Insomeplaces,especiallyinJava,theresultingimbalanceopowerbetweenrulerandulamaledtooccasionalsatirizingoshariah-mindedness. 43Inaewinstancestheimbalanceevenledtotheviolentpersecutionoulamaimprudentenoughtochallengetherulersreligiousandpoliticalprerogatives.44

TheactthattheheightsoIslamicculturetendedtoberaja-centricisnottosay,asoneusedtohearinSoutheastAsianstudies,thatIslamwasnomorethanaveneeronanotherwiseHindu-Buddhistsubstra-tum.Theveneermetaphoroverlooksthesociologicalactthat,unlikeinIndia,wheremuchothenon-IslamicinrastructuresurvivedtheMuslimconquests,thetemplesandmonasteriesoHindu-BuddhistworshipinislandSoutheastAsiaexperiencedanear-totalcollapseinthecenturiesollowinglocalrulersconversiontoIslam.(Baliwasthegreatexception.)JustpriortotheIslamizationoitscourtsinthelateteenthandearlysixteenthcenturies,thekingdomsinJavasheart-landareestimatedtohavehadsometwohundredcentersoHindu-Buddhistmonasticismandlearning.WiththenotableexceptionoasmallHinduJavaneseenclaveinacorneromountainousEastJava,45notoneotheseinstitutionssurvivedintothemodernera.

Anotherreasontheveneermetaphorismisleadingisthatitover-lookstheactthat,romearlyon,someamongSoutheastAsiassmallcommunityoIslamicscholarshadtiestoabroaderIslamicecumeneandwereamiliarwiththestandardsoreligiousobservanceupheldinotherMuslimlands.ManyinthescholarlycommunitymayhavebeenmembersoSuorders,orwereindependentulamainfuencedbySuideas.Themoreheterodoxamongtheseadeptsmayhavehad littleinterestintheshariaor(moreplausibly)understooditsmeaninginamysticaloranalogicalmanner.However,asMartinvanBruinessen,Th.G.Th.Pigeaud,andAnthonyReidhavealldemonstrated,there


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werelegaldigestsoamoreorlessorthodoxSunnismromearlyoninSoutheastAsiasMuslimperiod,andintheseventeenthcenturyrulersinseveralkingdomsattemptedtoenorceaspectsothelaw.46

Although therewerewhirlpoolso legal-minded Islam, andthe

toweringheightsopublicculturewereociallyIslamic,thebroaderlandscapeoknowledgeremainedvariegated,tosaytheleast;popularreligiousknowledge,inparticular,continuedtofowthroughatwistingvarietyoculturalstreams.InsomepartsoMuslimSoutheastAsia,pre-Islamictraditionsoexorcism,artisticperormance,andspiritcult-ismsurvivedwellintothetwentiethcentury.Court-sponsoredritualsoguardian-andancestral-spiritveneration,liketheMalayandJavaneserulersannualoeringstospiritsothesea,showedthateventheexem-plarybearersoocialIslamwereeagertotapthisspiritualistwell.47Inthisrichreligiouslandscape,Malay bomohandpawang,Javanesedhukuns,andsouthernSulawesistransgenderedpriests(bissu)allman-agedtondaplaceorthemselves.48

Therewasaculturalpricetobepaid,however,ithesenon-ulamatraditionsweretosurvive.Itwasthattheybeidentied,notasHinduorBuddhistorotherwisenon-Islamic,butasormsospiritualknowl-edge(Ar. ilm;Ind.ilmu)thatinsomesensewerecompatiblewithorevenencompassedbyIslam.Althoughsomeritualspecialistsoccasion-allytransgressedthisstipulation,overtimethearrangementcreatedapoliticaleconomyoknowledgequitedierentromthatoHindusinIndiaorJewsandChristiansinSyriaatertheMuslimconquests.EvenaterMuslimshadcapturedthecommandingpoliticalheights,theadherentsothesenon-Islamicreligionswerestillabletomaintainanon-Islamicidentity,consolidatewhatremainedotheirreligiousinsti-tutions,andcontinueculturalexchangeswithreligiousellowsbeyondtheirownterritory.ThecustodiansononstandardesotericainMuslimSoutheastAsia,however,wereobligedtodownplayorevensevertheirtiestoanybroaderecumene,thusbecomingjustoneamongthemanyspecialistsooccultartsoperatinginacommunitycalledIslamic.49

AsaninrastructureorreormedIslamiceducationwasputinplaceinthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,theclaimthatthesenon-ulamatraditionswereactuallyIslamicwastobeputtoanewtest;growingnumbersopopularritualspecialistsweretoail.LiketheirMiddleEasterncounterpartsaewcenturiesearlier,SoutheastAsianMuslimswereabouttoexperienceaneducation-leveragedrecentering


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oreligiousknowledgeandauthority.Ironically,theprocessinMuslimSoutheastAsiawashastenedbytheadvanceoWesterncolonialism.

Colonial Era Recenterings

Theactthattherulerwaswastheprimaryobjectoloyalty 50andthat the landscape was cross-cut bymultiple streams o religiousknowledgedoesnotmeanthatnooneinMuslimSoutheastAsiawasamiliarwiththeIslamicsciencesand,inparticular,Islamiclaw.AlthoughsomeWesternscholarsoncebelievedthatintheprecolonialeraMuslimkingdomsdidnothaveIslamiccourts or judges (qadis),recentresearchmakesitclearthatIslamicjudgesapplyingaspectsotheshariaoperatedorbrieperiodsinearlymodernMelaka,Aceh,WestJava,Brunei,Makassar,andSulu.51Inacomprehensiveanalysis,AnthonyReidhasobservedthattheapplicationotheshariapeakedintheearlyseventeenthcentury,aperiodthatcoincidedwiththeacmeostateabsolutismacrosstheregion.52However,asMichaelPeletzhasrecentlyargued,theactremainsthatortheperiodextendingromthecoming o Islam to the rise oWestern colonialism,most rulersappliedtheshariaselectivelyiatall,andmostdisputesbeyondelitecircleswerehandledbylocalnotablesdrawingoncustomaryregula-tions(someowhichhadIslamicelements)ratherthanadistinctbodyoreligiouslaw.53

Moreundamentally,andagaincontrarytowhatspecialistsoSoutheast Asian Islam once believed, a broad network o schoolsprovidingadvancedlearninginjurisprudenceandtheIslamiccanondoesnotappeartohavebeensolidlyinplaceuntilwellintothenine-teenthcentury.WesternscholarsoSoutheastAsianIslamhadoncethoughtotherwise,inpartbecauseindigenousmanuscriptscomposedorcourtlyaudiences,likeJavasSerat Centhini (writtenintheearlynineteenthcentury,butbasedonoldermaterials)andSundasSejarah

Banten, makereerencetoinstitutionsoIslamiclearningsaidtodateback to the seventeenth century.Anearlier generation oWesternscholarstookthesereerencesasproothatinstitutionsoradvancedIslamic learning similar to todays pondok pesantrenswere alreadywidespreadinseventeenth-centurySoutheastAsia.54

Theweightoevidencetoday,however,suggeststhatschoolsorintermediate-to-advancedIslamiclearningbegantoappearinsig-nicantnumbersonlytowardtheendotheeighteenthcentury,and


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becamewidespreadonlyinthenaldecadesothenineteenth.In-deed,schoolsorspecializedstudyintheIslamicsciencesreachedre-motecornersoMuslimSoutheastAsialikethesouthernPhilippines,Cambodia,andSulawesievenlater,inthersthalothetwentieth

century.Prior to this time, a small numbero scholars rom theseareasmayhavetraveledoverseasorstudy,tootherpartsoSouth-eastAsiaortheHijazinArabia.Buttheirabilitytoreshapepublicreligiousculturebackintheirhomelandswaslimited. 55

DevelopmentsinthesultanateoBanteninnorthwesternJavaillustratehowmuchthingschangedinthelateeighteenthandnine-teenthcenturieswiththespreadonewandmoreormallyorganizedreligiousschools.AlongwithAceh,Malacca,Patani,Brunei,andcoast-alcentralJava,Bantenwaslongrenownedasoneothemorecompre-hensivelyIslamicoSoutheastAsianterritories.IoneexpectedanyareainSoutheastAsiatohavehadanetworkoreligiousschoolsearlyon,then,Bantenwouldbesucharegion.Asearlyas1638,BantensruleracquiredthetitleoSultanromtheGrandSharioMecca,andintheseventeenthcenturythekingdomimportedaqadi-judgeromtheholylandaswell.Inathoughtulandimportantreview,however,MartinvanBruinessenhasshownthateveninBantenanetworkoboardingschools(pesantrens)oradvancedstudydidnotbegintobebuiltuntilthemid-eighteenthcentury,anditdidnotbecomeexten-siveuntilacenturylater.Priortothattime,in-depthreligiousstudywasoeredonlyincourtandurbansettings,usuallyunderthepatron-ageotheruler.Wanderingreligiousscholars,includingitinerantArabtraders,mayhavealsopassedthroughcourtsandtownsandprovidedoccasionalinstructioninareligioustext(kitab)ortwo.Forthemostpart,however,inBantenandotherpartsoJava,rural kiais [shaykhswho direct boarding schools] andpesantrens are a relatively recentphenomenon.56

Historicaldataromothersel-consciouslyIslamicpartsoSouth-eastAsia,suchasAceh,WestSumatra,Patani,andSouthSulawesi,suggestthatintheseregions,too,thespreadoschoolsoradvancedlearningwasamoderndevelopment.TheprocessprobablybeganinthelateeighteenthcenturyinWestSumatraandPatani,andmorethanacenturylaterinSouthSulawesiandKalimantan.CertainlythereweremodesoIslamiclearningpriortothelateeighteenthcentury,notleastoalloaSusticandolk-ritualisticsort.Nodoubt,too,


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theremayhavebeenMiddleEasternorSouthAsianscholarswhooccasionallyvisitedtheseareasandsharedbitsoknowledgewithlocalscholars.However,untilthemodernperiod,thesescholarsim-pactonpublicIslamicculturewasalsolimited.57

ThespreadoschoolsoradvancedIslamiclearningwasnallyspurredonbythreedevelopments.First,reormmovementsemphasiz-ingtheneedtopuriyIslamoirreligiousinnovationshadgainedgroundinArabiaandotherpartsotheMiddleEasttowhichSoutheastAsianMuslimstraveled.MuhammadIbnAbdal-Wahhabsreormistjihadineighteenth-centuryArabiawasthemostinfuentialotheseMiddleEasternmovements,butitwasnottheonlyone. 58AneforescenceoreormistscholarshipinsouthernThailandsPatanidistrict,andthePadriWarinWestSumatra,showedthattheArabianwindsoreli-giousreormhadbeguntoblowacrossSoutheastAsia.59

TheseconddevelopmentspurringschooldevelopmentwasthegreatereaseotraveltotheMiddleEastandwithinSoutheastAsiaitsel as a result o theexpansionoEuropean rule in the late eigh-teenthandearlynineteenthcenturies.Alreadyinthe1820s,pilgrim-ageromSingaporeandMalayatoArabiawason therise;thefowopilgrimssurgedatertheopeningotheSuezCanalinNovember1869.60AlthoughasyetewPhilippineorCambodianMuslimsmadethejourney,pilgrimsromSingapore,Malaya,theDutchEastIndies,andsouthernThailandtraveledinsuchlargenumbersthat,in1885,theDutchscholarandgovernmentocerChristiaanSnouckHurgronjeconcludedthatJawa(thenamegiventoSoutheastAsiansintheArablands)ormedthesinglelargestcommunityintheholycity.61In1927,64,000pilgrimsromtheDutchIndiesandBritishMalayamadethehajj,comprisingaull42percentotheoreigntotal.

Here,then,wasthehistoricalandsociologicalgroundortheestablishmentoanewnetworkoschoolsand,withit,aundamentalrecenteringoSoutheastAsianIslam.Whereas,initsrstcenturies,processesoIslamizationinSoutheastAsiahadbeenstimulatedbycontactwithMuslimsromIndia,Arabia,and southeasternChina,once signicant numbers o Indonesians had started making thepilgrimage...it was predominantly returning pilgrims and studentswhosteeredtheprocess.62AndtheydidsotypicallybyestablishingreligiousschoolsbasedonprototypesencounteredduringtravelandstudyintheMiddleEast.63


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TheeectsoheightenedtraveltotheMiddleEastwereseennotjustineducationandpilgrimagebutinthegrowthonewprintmedia.In1884,theOttomanrulershadestablishedagovernmentpressinMeccathatpublishedbooksinArabicandinMalayunder

thesupervisionoarespectedPatanischolar,Ahmad.B.MuhammadZaynal-Patani.64CombinedwithnewmodelsoreligiouseducationtowhichpilgrimswerealsoexposedinArabia,thesepublicationshadapowerulinfuenceonIslamiceducationbackintheJawilands.

ThethirddevelopmentuelingthespreadoIslamicschoolingwasthecrisisoauthoritycausedbythedeepeningpenetrationoco-lonialruleintoSoutheastAsiansociety.InsouthernThailandsMalayprovinces,theThaigovernmentwasratchetingupitscontrolsovertheMuslimpopulation.IntheEastIndies(todaysIndonesia),theDutchwerecompletingtheirconquestothearchipelago,oten,asinAceh,throughlongandbittermilitarycampaigns.Insomeotheseterrito-ries,the oreignerscooptationonative rulers causeda legitimationcrisisosuchproportionsthatthepopularclassesbegantolooktothenewlyascendantulamaratherthantoindigenousrulersaschampionsonativewelare.Thus,orexample,thenetworksprovidedbyboardingschoolsandSubrotherhoodssuppliedmuchothesocialorganizationorthepeasantrebellionthatsweptWestJavain1888.65

InCambodiaandthePhilippines,thesituationotheMuslimminoritywasquietbycomparisonwithsomepartsoSoutheastAsia,buttheseregions,too,wereabouttobeshakenbytwentieth-centuryprogramsocolonialismandnationbuilding.InMalaya,nally,the1874PangkorEngagementbetweentheBritishandMalayrulerswasostensiblypremisedona principleononintererence inIslamica-airs.Underthetermsotheagreement,theBritishassumedrespon-sibilityorthecolonyspolitical,economic,andoreignaairswhileleaving control o Malay religion and custom to the sultans andtheirregionalchies.Ratherthanreezingthestatusquo,theagree-mentopenedthewaytoBritish-sponsoredimmigrationbyChineseandIndians,adevelopmentthateventuallythreatenedtomaketheMuslimMalaysaminorityintheirownlands. 66

Althoughtheprecisecourseoeventsvariedbycountry, then,thehal-centuryrom1870tothe1920smarkedaturningpointintherecenteringoIslamiclearningandauthorityinSoutheastAsia.WiththequaliedexceptionothePhilippines(whichappearsnever


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tohavehadapondoktraditionandsawtheestablishmentomadrasadayschoolsonlyatertheSecondWorldWar),newreligiousschoolswerenowbeingestablishedinthecountrysideaswellasintowns.Theschoolsbecameoneothenucleiorthepietisticmovementsthat

weretosweepMuslimSoutheastAsianinthetwentiethcentury.TherevitalizationwasalsotoleadtothesuppressionomanyotheolkvariantsoIslamorwhichSoutheastAsiahadoncebeenrenowned.

Theorthodoctrinalturndidnotdoaway,however,withdivisionsintheMuslimcommunity.Acrossmuchotheregiontherewasanewand bitter rivalry between OldGroup (KaumTua) traditionalistsassociatedwithIslamicboardingschoolsandNewGroup (KaumMuda)modernistsintentonbuildingmadrasas.Thecontestwastocreateapoliticalandeducationallegacythathasenduredtothisday.

tHe aBODe DiViDeD: neW grOUP anD OlD grOUP islam

ThecompetitionbetweenNewGroupandOldGroupMuslimswasaSoutheastAsianversionoacontestthatragedinbroadexpansesotheMuslimworldattheendothenineteenthandthebeginningothetwentiethcenturies.InSoutheastAsia,thedivisionwasexacerbatedbythenewpoliticaleconomyoreligiousculture.Thekeyeaturesothatpoliticaleconomywererapidurbangrowth,theappearanceonewprinttechnologies,andaboveallelse,theintensiedeorttodeviseaneectiveMuslimresponsetotheunrelentingadvanceoWesterncolonialism.

Islam Detached from Place

NewGroupreormiststendedtoliveinSoutheastAsiasnewlyde-velopingurban centers, includingSingapore,Penang,Batavia, andthemajortownsoWestSumatraandCentralJava.67Bycontrast,liketheboardingschoolstheychampioned,OldGrouptraditionalistswerepredominantlyruralorsuburbanresidentslivinginareasnotyetdrawnintothemultiethnicmacrocosmemergingatthebordersothecolonialeconomy.Fromtheirurbanbases,NewGroupMuslimsral-liedtoamoreuniversalproessionoIslam,onerelativelydetachedromanyparticularplace68andlesscloselytiedtoethnicallydenedreligiousleaderships.

ModernideasoIslamicreormhadbecomepopularamongSouth-eastAsiansstudyinginMeccainthe1880sand1890sandinCairoa

0 ROBERTW.HEFNER


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ewyearslater.However,intheMiddleEastatthistime,theJawicom-munitysdebateoverreormistideashadnotyetassumedthepolarizedormitwastotakeonbackincolonialSoutheastAsiainthe1910s. 69Whentherivalrynallyreachedthearchipelago,themajorissuesover

whichthetwosidesarguedocusedonwhatcountedastruereligiousknowledge,andhowandbywhomitwastobetransmitted.

InfuencedbytheideasothegreatMiddleEasternreormistsJamal al-Din al-Aghani (18381897) and hismost celebrated dis-ciple, the EgyptianMuhammadAbduh (18491905),NewGroupMuslimsemphasizedtheclarityandperectionotheQuranandtheSunna,andtheneedtopurgeIslamictraditionsoallunacceptablein-novations(bida).Amongthepracticesreormistssawasinappropri-atewereseveraldeartotheheartsoMuslimtraditionalists:aithulreliance(taqlid)onthestudyoclassicalreligioustexts(kitabs);ali-ationwithanestablishedschooloIslamicjurisprudence( madhab);therecitationoacatechism(thetalqin)tothedeceasedimmediatelyaterburial;theutteranceoanexpressionointentbeoreonesdailyprayers;andpilgrimage(ziyarah)totheburialsitesoMuslimsaints.

NewGroupreormistsalsodieredromOldGrouptraditional-istsonseverallessdoctrinalbutstillpressingissues.Theormerwerekeenonwomenseducation,althoughthisreormwassoonadoptedbytraditionalistsintheDutchIndiesandBritishMalaya(seeChapter2,thisvolume).Themodernistsalsopromotedthestudyoscienceandtechnology,bothowhichtheysaw,notasWesterncreations,butasproductsoahumanreasonwhoseuseGodhadintendedorallhumanity.NewGroupMuslimsalsomadereadyuseonewspapersandjournals,organizedthemselvesintoeducationalandwelareas-sociationsonthemodeloWesterncitizens,andreplacedthetradi-tionalistscholarlycostumeosarongandtunicwithtiesandWesternpants.Onthevitalquestionowomensdress,thereormiststendedtobemoreconservativethanthealreadymodesttraditionalists.NewGroupenthusiastspromotedlong-sleevedandmorefowing(ratherthantight-tting)tunics,longskirts,andamoreencompassingveil.

Onmattersolocalcustom,moderniststendedtobelesstolerantthantraditionalistswhenthecustominquestionseemedtoveerintoreligiousterrains,aswith,orexample,thelong-cherishedhabitopresentingoodoeringstodeceasedancestors.Overtime,however,OldGrouptraditionalistscametoagreewiththeNewGroupreorm-


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istsonmattersothissort,insistingthatolkritualsinconsistentwithIslamshouldbesuppressed.70Thecumulativeeectobothgroupseducationalactivitieswasthecreationoanewideaowhatreligionandorthodoxycomprise.Ratherthanamatteroinitiaticdiscipline

andineablewonder,religionwasbeingredenedassomethingob-jective, easily transmitted,clearly separable rom local custom,andbasedonexplicitscripturalprecedent.71

The Traditionalist Monopoly Broken

Whatevertheirdierencesinmattersodoctrineandcustom,itwaswithregardtoschoolsthatthecompetitionbetweenNewGroupandOldGroupMuslimsbecamemostheated.TheobservationotheIn-donesianhistorianTaukAbdullahontheNewGroupmovementinWestSumatraappliesequallytootherpartsoSoutheastAsia:Inthelongrun,themostimportantaspectotheIslamicmodernistmove-mentwasitsschoolreormwhichormedtheoundationorarapidincreaseoitsollowersandorcontinuityinthemovement.72

Whereas at the beginning o the twentieth century the tradi-tionalistsboardingschoolsenjoyedamonopolyonadvancedIslamiceducation,themodernistschallengedthattrustbyintroducinganewtypeoreligiousschool,whichtheyreerredtobytheArabicwordmadrasa. Therstmadrasaswereestablishedinthe1910sand1920sinstrongholdsoNewGroupreormlikeSingapore,WestSumatra,andsouth-centralJava.However,bythebeginningotheSecondWorldWar,madrasashadspreadtosouthernThailand,Kalimantan,Sulawesi,andeven(albeitatrstunsuccessully)Cambodia.

AlthoughNewGroupreormersusedtheamiliarArabicterm,themadrasainmodernSoutheastAsiadieredromtheinstitutionothesamenameintheMiddleEast.AlthoughintheArab-speakingMiddleEasttodaythetermmadrasacanbeappliedtoanytypeoschool(in-cludingsecularones),inearlierMuslimhistoryitreerredtoaninstitu-tionohigherIslamiclearningasopposedtoschoolsprovidingelemen-taryreligiousinstruction,likethekuttabusedorQuranicrecitation.Bycontrast,intwentieth-centurySoutheastAsia,thetermmadrasacametoreerto,notaninstitutionoadvancedIslamiclearning,buttoIslamicelementary,middle,orhighschoolsthatcombinedgeneral(secular)educationwithreligiousinstruction.Inadditiontotheseinnovations,madrasasdieredromOldGroupboardingschoolsby


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doingawaywithlearningcircles(halaqah)withtheirstudentshuddledonthefooraroundareligiousmaster.Inplaceolearningcircles,ma-drasasusedwell-keptclassrooms,blackboards,age-gradedclasses,andexaminations.WhentheyrstappearedontheSoutheastAsianscene

intheearly1900s,madrasaswerealsoassociatedwithgirlseducation,scoutclubs,studentnewspapers,andsportsoWesternprovenance.InMalaya,Indonesia,andsouthernThailand,madrasasalsoledthewayinintroducingtextbooksprintedinRomanlettersratherthanthemodiedArabicscriptknownlocallyasjawi.

Themostcontroversialomadrasainnovationswastheinclu-sionogeneralorseculareducationinthecurriculum.NewGroupreormists claimed that theOldGroups neglect o science,math-ematics,andhistorywasoneothecausesotheMuslimpoliticaldeclineintheaceoWesterncolonialism.ModernistsinsistedthattheneglectrefectedtheOldGroupsemphasisonimitation( taqlid)ocenturies-oldmastersratherthantheapplicationoindependentreasoning(ijtihad).

TheNewGroupcritiqueeventuallytransormedIslamiceduca-tionacrossSoutheastAsia,evenimpactingtraditionalistinstitutions.However,itsaccusationthatOldGroupschoolswerestubbornlyre-sistanttochangewasamisrepresentationohistoricalreality.Asinthecaseotheeducationoyoungwomen,someOldGroupscholarsmovedquicklytoadoptNewGroupreorms.Inthe1920sand1930s,aewOldGroupschoolstookstepstointroducegeneraleducationintotheircurricula,creatingahybridboardingschoolthatblendedreligiousstudywithgeneraleducation.Moreundamentally,theNewGroupsallegationthattheOldGroupwasresistanttochangeoverlookedtheactthat,evenpriortotheNewGroupsarrival,thetraditionalistshadbeeninthethroesoeducationalreormsotheirown.

Making Traditionalists Modern

The sacred texts long at theheart o SoutheastAsiaspondok andpesantren boarding schools are collectively known as the yellowbooks(kitab kuning),becauseothecolorothepaperonwhichtheywerewritteninthelatenineteenthcentury.Mostkitabsarecommen-taries(Ind.syarah;Ar.sharh),inthelocaldialectand/orArabic,onanArabictextthatwasitselacommentaryorglossonsomeolderArabictext.Formanyyears,scholarsoIslamichistoryhadassumedthat


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thekitab curriculuminlate-twentieth-centuryboardingschoolswasidenticaltothatusedinthenineteenthcentury.However,twostudiesothekitabkuning,therstpublishedin1886bytheDutchcolonialscholarL.W.C.vandenBerg,andthesecondapathbreakingwork

publishedin1989bytheDutchanthropologistMartinvanBruinessen,revealjusthowmuchthecurriculumotraditionalistboardingschoolshaschanged.73

VandenBergsstudyshowedthat,althoughcommentariesdraw-ingontheQuranandhadithwereusedinboardingschools,hadithcollectionswerenotyetstudiedintheirownright.Theabsenceissurprising,becausehadithstudyhaslongbeenpartothecorecur-riculumoinstitutionsohigherreligiouslearningintheMiddleEast.Equallysurprising,invandenBergseratherewasonlyonekitabintheboardingschoolcurriculumdedicatedtotheexegesis(tasir)otheQuran.A century later, based on exhaustive travel to schoolsacrossSoutheastAsiaandthecollectiononinehundredtextbooks,vanBruinessenwasabletodemonstratejusthowmuchtheboardingschoolcurriculumhadchanged:

[A]signicantchangehastakenplaceinthepastcentury.

TherearenolessthantendierentQuraniccommentaries

(inArabic,Malay,Javanese,andIndonesian)inthecollection,

besidesstraightorwardtranslations(alsocalledtasir)into

JavaneseandSundanese.Thenumberohadith compilations

isevenmorestriking.Thereisalmostnopesantrennowwhere

hadith isnottaughtasaseparatesubject.Themainemphasis

ininstructionremains,however,onfqh, theIslamicscience

parexcellence.Therehavebeennoremarkablechangesinthe

fqh textsstudied,butthedisciplineousul al-fqh (theounda-

tionsorbasesofqh)hasbeenaddedtothecurriculumo

manypesantren, therebyallowingamorefexibleanddynamic

viewofqh.74

Injustonecentury,then,thestudyokitab inSoutheastAsianboard-ingschoolshadbeenrealignedsoastogroundthecurriculummorermlyonthreesubjects:Quranicinterpretation;studyotheTra-

ditionsotheProphet(hadith);andqh,nowexpandedtoincludethe principles o jurisprudence.75 These changes demonstrate that


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traditionalisteducationwasanythingbutstatic.ThechangesarealsonoteworthyorthewayinwhichtheybroughtIslamiceducationinSoutheastAsiaintocloseralignmentwiththeeducationalrecenteringeectedbyMiddleEasternmadrasasseveralcenturiesearlier.

THEBOOkCHapTERs

This,then,isthehistoricalbackgroundtothevechaptersthatollow.Eachchapterpicksuptheschoolstoryintheearlyyearsothetwen-tiethcenturyandtracesthedevelopmentoIslamiceducationtothisday.Alongtheway,eachalsoaddressesahostoissues,includingthevarietyoIslamicschoolsineachcountry;themessageotheiredu-cationalcurriculumregardingcitizenship,gender,andpluralism;andtheimplicationsotheschoolsystemorpubliccultureandpoliticsincontemporarySoutheastAsia.

Educational Dynamism in Islamic Indonesia

ThesituationoIslamiceducationinIndonesiaisarguablythemostdy-namicinSoutheastAsia.ThereormoSoutheastAsiaskitabkuningcurriculumwenturtherinIndonesiathaninanyotherSoutheastAsiancountry.Nowhere,too,wastheexpansionoIslamicboardingschoolsattheendothenineteenthandbeginningothetwentiethcenturiesmoresociallymomentous.TheunhesitantdynamismshownbytraditionalisteducatorsensuredthatwhentheNewGroupreormistsarrivedonthesceneinthe1910sandthe1920s,thetraditionalistsrespondedwithedu-cationalreormsotheirown.Althoughsometraditionalistschoolskepttoareligion-onlycurriculum,severalothemostdistinguished,liketheamousTebuirengpesantreninEastJava,76movedquicklytointegrategeneraleducationintotheirschoolprograms,otenbybuildingmadrasaontheschoolcomplexsgrounds.TraditionalistsrespondedtootherNewGroupinnovationsinanequallyboldmanner.Theyestablishedtherstboardingschoolsorgirlsinthelate1920s,77andanationalassociationoIslamicscholarsin1926.Inthe1930s,theylenttheirsupporttoIn-donesiasfedglingnationalistmovement,evensignalingtheirpreerenceorSukarnooverhismoresel-consciouslyIslamicrivals.78

Although,unlikeinotherpartsoSoutheastAsia,traditionalistsinIndonesiahavecontinuedtoenjoybroaderpopularsupportthantheirmodernistrivals,modernistsassociatedwithgroupsliketheMuham-madiyah(estab.1912)madeevenmoreeectiveuseoWestern-inspired


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stylesoassociation,management,andund-raising.Inthelate1910s,theMuhammadiyahbeganthepatientconstructionoaninstitutionalnetworkthattodaycomprisesthousandoschools,dozensohospitals,andsome166acultiesohighereducation,mostowhichoergeneral

proessionalaswellasIslamiceducation. 79Political and economic developments in the 1950s and early

1960sgaveaddedimpetustoMuslimeortstoexpandandmodern-ize theirschoolsystems.In theearly1950s, thenewlyindependentrepublicangovernmentembarkedonitsownschoolbuildingprogram,andadegree romgovernmentschoolsquicklybecameaconditionoremploymentinbusinessandgovernment.80AsmoreMuslimpar-entsoptedtoplacetheirchildreninstateschools,theMuslimsectorsshare o total enrollmentsplummeted.However, both traditionalistandmodernisteducatorsrespondedtothecrisiswithcharacteristicvigor,upgradingtheircommitmenttogeneralaswellasreligiousedu-cation,andevenaddinghighschoolstotheireducationalprograms.

In 1975, the Islamic sectors growing involvement in seculareducationwasgivenaddedimpetuswiththesigningoaministerialmemorandumstipulatingthatallstudentsinMuslimschoolsshouldreceiveageneralelementaryeducationoatleastsixyearsinadditiontotheirreligiousstudies.Moregenerally,thememorandumsoughttobringIslamiceducationuptothesamestandardasthatmaintainedbynonreligiousstateschoolsbyallowingstudentsatMuslimschoolstoenterstatecollegesitheyullledthegeneral-educationrequire-mentsandpassedanentranceexamination.Toachievethisparity,madrasashadtoteachanassortmentorequiredgeneralcoursesandrevisetheircurriculumsothat70percentotheinstructionaldaywasdevotedtogenerallearningand30percenttoreligious.

Intheseandotherways,the1975agreementacceleratedthetrendolargepesantrens openingmadrasasortheprovisionogen-eral education. The agreement also encouraged madrasas to aligntheirgeneralcurriculumwiththoseo statepublicschools,and ledthemostprestigiousboardingschoolstoaddseniorhighschoolsandevencollegeprogramstotheireducationalcomplexes.Meanwhile,sincethelate1970s,enrollmentintheIslamiceducationalsectorhassoaredunderthetwininfuencesotheIslamicresurgenceandtheopeningoIslamicschoolscurricula togeneral studies.Asdemon-stratedintheseandotherinitiatives,MuslimeducatorsinIndonesia


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havetakenenormousstridestobreakdownthedualitybetweengen-eralandIslamiceducation.

Withregardtopoliticsandpublicculture,thesituationinIndo-nesiaismoremixed.Ononehand,thelargestMuslimassociations

andschoolnetworkshavedemonstratedaproudcommitmenttotheidealsoIndonesiannationalism,whicharemultiethnicandmulti-religiousinorm.Duringthe1990s,theleadersoIndonesiastwobiggestassociations,theNahdlatulUlama(35millionollowers)andMuhammadiyah(25million),becameoutspokensupportersothedemocracy movement against President Soeharto. Although theircurrentleadershipismoreconservative,theseorganizationsremainpillarsoIndonesiancivilsocietystilltoday.Inlinewiththislegacy,mostothecountrys47,000Islamicschoolssteerclearodirectpo-liticalinvolvement,bothonprincipledgroundsandorthepracticalreasonthattheMuslimcommunityitseldoesnotlineupbehindanysinglepartyorideology.

AsIexplaininChapter2,however,sincethe1990sasmallnumberoIslamicschoolshavedevelopedqualitiessimilartowhatpoliticaltheo-ristshaverecentlycometodescribeassocialmovements.Socialmove-mentschoolsaimnotonlytoeducatestudentsbuttousethenetworksandsocialidealismthatresultromeducationtobuildmomentumorthetransormationosocietyaswellas,typically,thestate.Theschoolsdisplayanotherkeyeaturehighlightedintheliteratureonsocialmove-ments.Theyprovideculturalramesordiagnosingsocietalproblems,recommendstrategiesortheproblemssolution,andtrytorallypeopletotheproposedcourseoremedialaction.

Aswiththeschoolnetworknowblossomingunderthepatron-age o the moderately Islamist Prosperous Justice Party (PKS),manyothesesocialmovementschoolshavebeeninspiredbyajur-isprudentiallyconservativebuttacticallymoderatewingoEgyptsMuslimBrotherhood. Socialmovementschoolso this sort,then,arenotpoliticallyradical.MostsubscribetothenotionthatIslamanddemocracycanbecompatible.AlthoughtheypromoteadeeperIslamizationopubliclie,theseschoolsaresystem-reormingratherthansystem-upending.

Atthemarginsothemovementschoolnetwork,however,areasmallnumberoschoolsopposedtotheexistingormotheIndonesianstateanddemandingtheormationoatotallydierentpoliticalorder.


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The ideologiesand tacticsotheseradical schools vary.TheyrangeromSaudi-undedSalayyahschools,whichnownumbersometwohundred,toradicalmodernistslikeAbuBakarBaasyirsal-MukminschoolinNgruki,CentralJava.Whattheseschoolshaveincommonis

theconvictionthatIslamiceducatorsandtheMuslimcommunityasawholemustnotresignthemselvestothepoliticalstatusquo.Thedis-coursetheseschoolsenunciateisnotmerelytheoretical.From1999to2003,radicalIslamistschoolsplayedacentralroleinthecampaigntodispatchmujahidin ghterstotheMalukuregionoeasternIndonesia,wheretheirclasheswith(equallyviolent)Christiangangsresultedinthousandsodeaths.

OIndonesias47,000Islamicschools,antisystemicradicalsrep-resentonlyatinypercentageothewhole,and,becausetheirschoolenrollments averagemuch less than theirmainstream counterparts,theirshareothetotalMuslimstudentpopulationisevensmaller.ThepollingdataonathousandeducatorsthatIpresentinChapter2pro-videsanothergaugeohowunrepresentativetheradicalsare.Thedatashowthat86percentoMuslimeducatorsbelievethatdemocracyisthebestormogovernmentorIndonesia.Equallystriking,theeduca-torssupportisneitherormalisticnorbasedonacrudelymajoritarianunderstandingodemocracy,butextendstosubtlecivilrights,includingsupportortheequalityoallcitizensbeorethelaw(94.2%support),reedomtojoinpoliticalorganizations(82.5%),andlegalprotectionsorthemediaromarbitrarygovernmentaction(92.8%).

Atthesametime,however,thesesurveydata,supplementedbysometwohundredin-depthinterviews,indicatethatmosteducatorssupporttheimplementationoIslamiclawalthoughpreciselywhatthismeansisamatterodisagreement.Notwithstandingtheirstatedcommitmenttodemocracy,72.2percentotheeducatorsbelievethestateshouldbebasedontheQuranandSunnaandguidedbyreli-giousexperts;82.8percentthinkthestateshouldworktoimplementthesharia.Interestingly,however,wheneducatorsgointothepollingboothonelectionday,themajoritydonotmakeimplementationotheshariatheirrstconsiderationinchoosingaparty.

Theseandotherdatasuggestthreethings:rst,thatthereisadeepreservoirosupportordemocraticgovernanceamongIndone-siasMuslimeducators;second,thateducatorscommitmenttothesharia isalmostasstrongasthattodemocracy;and,third,thereis


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avastgrayspaceoculturaluncertainty,whereMuslimeducatorsandthepublichaveyettoresolvejusthowtobalancethesetwovaluecommitments.AradicalringeinIndonesiamayattempttopresstheirellowstowardamoreimmediateandtotalizingresolutionothisten-

sion.Butallevidenceindicatesthatthepublicandeducatorsarewaryoanythinghintingatextremismandpreerthatthesequestionsberesolvedpeaceullyanddemocratically.

Malaysia and the Etatization of Islamic Education

AsdescribedbyRichardKrainceinChapter3,thesituationinMalay-siashowshowanIslamicschoolsysteminitiallyquitesimilartothatinIndonesiahasoverthepastcenturyturned intosomethingquitedierent.Intheearlytwentiethcentury,MalaysiasIslamicschoolsresembled those in Indonesia, in that they were divided betweentraditionalist-dominatedboardingschools(knownintheMalaysiansettingaspondok)andmodernist-operatedmadrasas.Buttheeduca-tionalsituationwassoontochange.

AlthoughbytheendothenineteenthcenturytheBritishhadwoncontrolomostotheMalaypeninsula,theyletintactthere-gional sultanships that had exercised light-handed authority overmuchotheMalaypopulation.Althoughday-to-dayreligiousaairshadlongbeenhandledattheregionalandvillagelevelratherthanbyrulersorIslamiccourts,theBritishcompensatedthenativesultansortheirlossosovereigntybyawardingthemresponsibilityorreligiousandcustomaryaairs.Theresultwas that,severaldecadespriortoindependencein1957,Malayrulershadbeguntodevelopanexten-siveadministrationorreligiousaairs.81Atrst,theMalayrulersandtheiradministratorstendedtosidewithOldGrouptraditionalists,atonepointevenorbiddingpublicteachingonIslamwithoutthesultanswrittenapproval.82

AsKrainceremindsus,opinionineliteMalaycirclesshitedto-wardNewGroupmodernistsintheatermathotheFirstWorldWar.83Bythattime,theMalayelitehadbeguntorealizethatBritisheducationoeredgreateropportunitiesthandidIslamicschoolsorsocialadvance-ment.Inaddition,oneaspectothereligiousbureaucracysexpansionwasitsappropriationothelocalreligiousalms(zakat)onwhichIslamicboardingschoolshadheretooredepended.Thelossothezakatundsdeprivedthetraditionalistsotheireconomicindependenceandmade


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themmorewarythantheirDutchIndiescounterpartsoengaginginintellectualandeducationalreorm.

AterMalaysian independence in 1957, themadrasawing oIslamiceducationhelditsown,buttraditionalistboardingschools

continued todecline.Ironically, thepondoksatewas exacerbatedbythenationalgovernmentspolicyomandatingreligiouseducationinstateschools.Chinese,Indian,andChristianMalaysiansworriedthatthegrowingemphasisonIslamiceducationinotherwisesecu-larschoolswouldheightenethnoreligioustensions.84Conversely,theinsertionoIslamicinstructionintopublicschoolcurriculareassuredMalayMuslimparentsthatpubliceducationwouldnotestrangetheirchildrenromtheiraith.Seeingthatpubliceducationwasnotirreli-gious,andthatstateschoolsprovidedmobilityintothemorelucrativesectorsoMalaysias economy,growingnumbersoMalayMuslimparentsoptedtosendtheirchildrenintothestateschoolsystem.

Inthe1990sand2000s,politicaldivisionswithintheMalayMus-limcommunityalsoworkedtothedisadvantageoindependentIslamicschools,nowidentiedingovernmentparlanceaspeoplesreligiousschools(SAR, sekolah agama rakyat).Rivalrybetweenthedominantpartyintherulingcoalition,theUnitedMalaysNationalOrganization(UMNO),andconservativeIslamistsintheAll-MalaysianIslamicParty(PAS),impactedtheSARsnegatively,especiallyaterthegovernmentrealizedthatmanySARshadtiestoPAS.85InaneorttounderminetheoppositionandimproveeducationalopportunitiesorMuslimstu-dents,theederalgovernmentencouragedstudentsplanningtopursueIslamicstudiestodosoininstitutionsthatollowedanationalcurricu-lumandenjoyedederalorstatesupport.Aidedbyparentscondencethattheirchildrencouldreceivegoodreligioustraininginstateschools,andbystudentsdesireorvocationaltraining,thegovernmentseortsbroughtaboutadrasticdeclineinenrollmentsinMalaysiasindepen-dentIslamicschools.

ThedeclinedoesnotmeanthatIslamicinstructionasawholehasadedrompubliclie.Rather,overthepastgeneration,thestatehasbecomethemainprovideroreligiousandmoraleducation.To-dayallstudentsinMalaysiaarerequiredtotakevehoursoclasseseachweekonIslam(itheyareMuslim)ormoraleducation(inon-Muslim).AlthoughPrimeMinisterAbdullahBadawihasusedstateschoolstopromoteananticlash-o-civilizationsprogramknownas


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Civilizational Islam (Islam Hadhari), the religious curriculum isvettedbyMuslimscholarswiththeirownideasabouthumanrights,genderequality,andthesharia.AsKraincenotes,non-MuslimsandpluralistMuslimsingroups likethe eministSisters inIslam86have

complained that, notwithstanding Badawis impressive eorts, thestatesreligiouscurriculumisquiteconservative.Inasmuchasthisisthecase,publicreligiousdevelopmentsinMalaysiabearastrikingresemblancetothoseinEgypt.Inbothcountries,thegoverningeliteseortstocoopttheIslamistoppositionhaveresultedinthestatesmakinglargeportionsotheoppositionsconservativereligiousplat-ormitsown.87

Islamic Education and Ethnoreligious Polarization

in Southern Thailand

GovernmentpoliciesandIslamicschoolinginsouthernThailandhavelongresembledthoseinMalaysia,but,orpoliticalreasons,theout-comeotheirimplementationhasbeenentirelydierent.

AsVirginiaMathesonandM.B.Hookerhaveshown,inthenine-teenthandearlytwentiethcentury,theprovinceoPataniinsouthernThailandwasarenownedcenteroIslamiclearning,producingsomeoSoutheastAsiasmostcelebratedtraditionalistscholars. 88AsJosephLiowshowsinChapter3,thetypesoIslamicschoolsoundinsouth-ernThailandresembledthoseinthenearbyMalaypeninsula.Decadeslater,atthebeginningothetwentiethcentury,theeducationalsceneinsouthernThailandalsoresembledthatinMalaya,inthatitwasbu-etedbytherivalrybetweenOldGrouptraditionalistsandNewGroupmodernists.ThemaindierencebetweenIslamiceducationinthesetwocountrieshastodowiththeactthatinMalaysiaMuslimsarepoliticallydominant,andIslamhasbeenaccordedaprivilegedplaceinnationalpoliticsandculture.InThailand,bycontrast,theMuslimminorityconrontsastatethatiscentralizing,Buddhist-dominated,andintentonorginganationalcultureinwhichIslamisconspicuousbyitsabsence.

From1898on,theeducationalpoliciespursuedbyThaigov-ernmentswereopenlyassimilationistwithregardtothecountrysnon-Buddhistminorities,includingadherentsotraditionalreligionsinnorthernThailandaswellastheMalayMuslimsinthesouth.UnlikethetribalpeoplesinnorthernThailand,however,theMalay


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eliteinthesouthhadorseveralcenturiesseenitselaspartoabroaderIslamicecumene.Inthenineteenthcentury,thisratherdi-usereligioussensibilitywasbroughtintoocusbyhighratesopil-grimageromPatanitoArabiaandthedistinguishedroleoPatani

scholarsintheholyland.When,in1921,Thaiauthoritiesintroducedcompulsoryeducation,theMalaypopulationearedthatthestateschoolsintendedtodivertlocalMuslimsromIslam.Mostparentsboycottedtheschools.89

In the ace o continuing Malay intransigence, in 1961 thegovernment resolved to work with rather than against the Islamicboarding schools. The states Pondok Educational ImprovementProgram(PEIP)promisednancialassistancetoboardingschoolsthat registeredwith thegovernment, provided instruction inThai,andadoptedelementsothegovernmentcurriculum.Althoughourhundredschoolsregisteredundertheprogram,anotheronehundredclosedorwentunderground.RatherthanThai-iyingtheboardingschools,thegovernmenthadunwittinglyturnedtheminto,inLiowsaptphrase,arontlineinthecontestbetweenBangkokandthesouthernprovinces.

Notwithstanding these tensions, by the 1970s southernThai-landsIslamicschoolswerechanginginawaythatseemedtoindicatetheymightbecomeabridgebetweenMuslimsandthestateratherthantherontlineinaculturewar.OneconsequenceostateeortstobringpondokandmadrasaeducationintoalignmentwithnationalcurriculawasthatMalayenrollmentsinnationalcollegessoared.Theestablishmentotwostate-assistedIslamiccollegesinthesouth,withplansorathird,wasalsowellreceivedintheMuslimcommunity.ThecollegesweredesignedtoprovidehighereducationinIslamaswellascoursesonIslamornon-Muslims,includinggovernmentocialspostedtothesouth.

Othereducational trends,however,showedthateducationandpoliticsintheMuslimsouthwerebeingbuetedbylessintegrativewinds.Beginning in the1980s,growing numbers o studentsoptedtocompletetheirreligiouseducationintheMiddleEast,particularlyinSaudiArabia.AccordingtoreportsthatIslamicleadersprovidedLiow, today sometwenty toorty schools inthe south promulgateWahhabiteachings.TheliehistoryotheSaudi-trainedreormistandYalaCollegerectorIsmailLutillustratethatnotallotheSaudi-style


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Salas(Islamicreormistswhomodeltheireortsonthepiousances-tors,i.e.,therstthreegenerationsoMuslims)areanti-integrationist.AlthoughSauditrained,Lut isagitedandwarmspeaker,andad-vocatesagradualistandcontextualistapproachtotheunderstanding

oIslamiclaw.Butrecenteventshaveshownthat,hardenedbytheheavy-handedtacticsotheThaiauthorities,90asmallminoritywithinthe Islamicschool systemhas concluded thatcompromisewith thestateisnolongeranoption.

Onmattersogender,LiowpointsoutthatSaudi-inspiredSalasdonotdiergreatlyromtraditionalistscholarsorNewGroupreorm-ists.AlthoughinIndonesiaitisnotatallunusualtomeettraditionalistthinkersandactivistswhopromotegender-equitableinterpretationsoIslam(althoughitmustbesaidthateveninIndonesiathisremainsaminoritytrend,asmanyboardingschoolscontinuetousekitabswithinegalitariangendermessages),91suchgenderliberalismisvirtuallyun-knowninsouthernThailand.Scholarsoallstripessubscribetocon-servativeinterpretationsowomensroles.AsinmanyotherMuslimcountries,ocialgenderconservatismhasnotpreventedar-reachingchangesinwomensroles,notleastowhichregardtheirparticipationineducation.Indeed,asLiowobserves,inmodernizedIslamicschoolsemalestudentstypicallyoutnumbermales.

Anotherdevelopment towhichLiowdrawsourattention istherapidgrowthotheTablighiJemaah.FoundedinIndiaintheearlyde-cadesothetwentiethcentury,theTablighiJemaahisapietisticmove-mentoagentlyconservativesortthat,sincethe1960s,hasturneditselintooneothelargesttransnationalIslamicmovementsintheworld.Itsaimsaresimpleandostensiblynonpolitical.TablighisaspiretoleadMuslimstoapurerproessionotheiraithbymodelingallaspectsotheirlivesontheProphetMuhammadandhiscompanions.92Ocourse,whereotherMuslimsdisagreeonjusthowthismodelingshouldwork,argumentsoverreligiousauthenticitycanquicklyturnpolitical.Fortac-ticalaswellasjurisprudentialreasons,however,Tablighisattempttokeepthisreligiouspoliticsclearothestate.

TablighisrstcametoThailandinthe1960sbywayoMalaysia.Itwasonlyinthe1980s,however,thatthemovementbecameamass-basedorganization.AsinneighboringCambodia(butnottheMalaypeninsula,wherethemovementisprimarilyaphenomenonotheurbanmiddle class), Tablighi preachers travel so requently to the


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countrysidethat,asLiowobserves,theyvisitmost,inotall,othevillagesinthesouthernprovincesatleastonceaweek,typicallyap-proachingeveryhouseholdinthevillage.ThemovementworkshardtorecruitlocalleadersandtransportsthebestothemtoPakistanor

education.NewleadersalsoreceivetraininginUrdu,thelanguageoglobalTablighism.AsinCambodia,whichalsohasa largeTablighicommunity,theTablighiadvancehasraisedtempersinotherMuslimcircles,notleastoallamongSaudi-orientedSalas.

In comparison withMalaysia or even Indonesia, then, IslamiceducationinsouthernThailandisinadeeplyunsettledstate.Tiedasitsevolutionistopoliticalevents,itsuturealsoremainsunclear.93Fueledbya senseopoliticaldisenranchisement,Malays inThailandhavecometoseeIslamicschoolsasbothsymbolsandinstrumentsoresis-tancetoThaiauthority.Onecannotemphasizetoostrongly,however,thattheschoolsarenotthecauseothepoliticalviolenceafictingsouthernThailandtoday.EducationremainsakeyinstrumentintheMalaypopulationseortstomaintainadistinctethnoreligiousidentity,however,andwillbecentraltoanyeorttoresolvetheregionscrisis.

Cambodia: Islamic Education after the Collapse

ThesituationdescribedbyBjornBlengsliinCambodiaisarguablyoneothemostunusualinMuslimAsia.Historicallyspeaking,Cam-bodiassmallMuslimpopulationwasdividedbetweentwoprimaryethnic communities, the Cham (descendants o teenth-centuryimmigrantsromcoastalVietnam)andtheChvea(descendantsoMalayimmigrantsromSumatraandtheMalaypeninsula).ThereisalsoasmallsubgroupoChamknownastheImamSanwhoseethemselvesaskeepersoancient(andlargelysyncretic)rituals,thoughtodaytheyblendthisolderheritagewithmorereormedtraditionsoknowledge.TheImamSanareanexampleonormativelyheterodoxMuslims,liketheabanganinJavaduringthe1950sortheWetuTeluopre-1970sLombok,94whosenumbersinmoderntimeshavedwin-dledintheaceovigorouscampaignsoIslamicreorm.

AsinsouthernThailand,aregiontowhichithaslonghadties,IslamicschoolinginCambodiaunderwentar-reachingchangesintherstdecadesothetwentiethcenturyundertheinfuenceoMalaypreachersromMalayaandsouthernThailand.CambodianMuslimshad long had village-based institutions orQuranic recitation,but


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theylackedschoolsorintermediatetoadvancedstudyintheIslamicsciences.IslamicboardingschoolsonthemodeloMalaypondokswereonlynally established in theearly twentiethcentury,makingthestudyokitabkuning textsbroadlyavailableorthersttime.

Tellingly,whenengagedinreligiousstudy,CambodianMuslimsusedMalay,nottheirowndialects.Fromthe1930son,growingnumbersoCambodianMuslimsalsowenttosouthernThailandandMalayatopursuereligiousstudies.By1940,itisestimatedthatvehundredCambodianMuslimshadmadethepilgrimagetoMecca.

AterWorldWarII,returnedpilgrims ledtheway inestablish-ingschoolsormoreadvancedreligiousstudy.AreormedvariantotheMalayboardingschoolwasalsoestablished,onethatcombinedintermediate study in the Islamic sciences with xed curricula andprintedbooks.Aewyearslater,however,thereormedpondoks werethemselveschallengedbyanotherMalay-inspiredinnovation:madrasascombining generaland religious education.Modelingthemselves onNewGroup(KaumTua)reormistsinMalayaandsouthernThailand,Cambodiasreormistsdecriedtheallegedbackwardnessotheirtradi-tionalistrivalsaswellasthelattersirreligiousinnovations.AsalsoinMalaya,theNewGroupOldGrouprivalrysunderedamiliesandcom-munities.Stilltoday,CambodianMuslimstalkaboutothervarietiesoIslamthroughtheprismothisearly-twentieth-centuryschism,evenwhere,aswiththeTablighisandSaudi-infuencedSalas, themove-mentsinquestiondonotactuallyteasilyintoeithercamp.

TheselatterreormmovementsarrivedontheCambodiansceneintheatermathothecatastrophicdestructionoIslamicinstitutionswroughtbyPolPotsDemocraticKampuchea(DK,19751979).Some1.7millionCambodiansdiedduringtheDKperiod,butCambodiassmallMuslimminoritywassingledoutorespeciallybrutaltreatment.OnlyahandulomosquesandaewdozenIslamicscholarssurvivedtheerasdevastation.

IntheatermathotheDKhorrors,theMalaysiangovernmentwas therst toprovide assistance to the traumatizedMuslim com-munity,rebuildingschoolsandmosques,andoeringscholarshipstopromisingyoungstudents.In1989,theTablighiJemaaharrivedaswell,launchinganambitious,village-basedprogramorthere-IslamizationoCambodianMuslim society.Yetanother example o the growinginfuenceoglobalizedMuslimmovementsinSoutheastAsia,today


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thegroupsannualmeetingsattractthousandsoCambodianMuslimsaswellashundredsoTablighisromSouthAsiaandnearbypartsoSoutheastAsia.

In themid-1990s, aKuwait-based Salayyahorganizationalso

arrivedontheCambodianscene,theRevivaloIslamicHeritageSoci-ety(RIHS).ComprisedoconservativeSalasactivearoundtheMus-limworld,theRIHSuseddevelopmentassistance,mosquebuilding,orphanages,andschoolprogramstopromotescripturalistpiety.TheRIHSvisionoIslamisstrikinglyun-local,premisedon,asBlengsliputsit,aversionoIslamwhichissupposedtobeun-contaminatedbylocalculture.

Inthelate1990s,aSaudi-basedSalayyahorganizationalsoar-rivedinCambodia,andittooemphasizedascripturalistapproachtoIslam.ThegroupwastheUmmal-QuraCharitableOrganization,theorganizationshutdownbygovernmentauthoritiesin2003aterallegationsthatithadlentsupporttoterrorists.

Oalltheseneworganizations,theRIHShashadthegreatestin-fuenceintheeducationalsphere.IthasalsobeentheleasthesitanttocondemnindigenousMuslimcustoms,whichitseesasun-Islamic.TheRIHSdenunciationseventuallypromptedCambodiasnativeMuslimleadershiptoappealtothegovernmenttotakeactionagainstit.Facedwiththeprospectogovernmentcensure,theRIHShastoneddownitscriticismsandencourageditsmemberstojointhegovernment-linkedCambodian PeoplesParty. Theseaccommodationshave done little,however,todeusethesimmeringtensionsintheMuslimcommunity.

AlthoughorthemomenttheSalasndthemselvesatsomethingoapoliticaldisadvantage,educationallytheyhavetheupperhand.InapatternwithoutparallelelsewhereinMuslimSoutheastAsia,Salaschoolstodayeducatesome50percentoCambodianMuslimyouth.Byappealingtothegovernmentorprotection,theindigenousSunniestablishmenthasorthemomentslowedSalaprogress.Buttheu-tureisnotlikelytodiminishtheSalasdetermination,orreversethedisastrousdeclineotraditionalistIslaminCambodia.

Insurgency and Pragmatism in the Philippines

Atrstblush,thePhilippinesistheSoutheastAsiancountrywhereonewouldmostexpectIslamiceducationtobepoliticizedandradi-cal.Aterall,theMuslimsouthothiscountryhashadanon-again,


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o-againinsurgencyormorethanthirtyyears.ThereareanestimatedteenthousandMuslimregularsdoingbattlewithgovernmentorces,andanotherhundredthousandtrainedmilitiamemberswillingtopro-videbackup to the regulars.95However,asThomasMcKennaand

EsmaelA.AbdulaexplaininChapter6,allevidenceindicatesthattheconfictinthesouthhasnotledtoanyseriousradicalizationoIslamic education.Onmattersoreligious schooling, parentsandeducatorsalikeshowalevel-headedpragmatism.Nolesssurprising,and again notwithstanding the thirty-year insurgency, nopoliticalpartyorumbrellaorganizationhasbeenabletoseizecontrolothedecentralizedreligiousschoolsystem.UntiltherecentestablishmentotheAutonomousRegionoMuslimMindanao(ARMM),Islamicschoolingwasmanagedatthelocallevel,andschooldirectorswerejustlyamousortheirindependent-mindedness.

Untiltheearlytwentiethcentury,thePhilippineshadnoeduca-tionalinstitutionorintermediateoradvancedIslamiclearningcom-parabletotheJavanesepesantrenortheMalaypondok.WhatlittleormalIslamiceducationtherewastookplaceinlooselyorganized

panditaschools.InPhilippineMuslimlanguages,panditareerstoaritualspecialistwhopossessessometypeoesotericreligiousknowl-edge(ilmu;Ar.ilm).Notschoolsintheormalsenseotheterm,thepanditaschoolswerePhilippinevariationsonthelearningcirclesusedorelementaryQuranicrecitationacrossSoutheastAsia. 96AlthoughaewscholarsmayhavemadethetrektoMalayaortheMiddleEastorreligiousstudy,theirinfuenceaterreturningwaslimited,andthesouthernPhilippines remainedoneoMuslimSoutheastAsiaseducationalbackwaters.

AterpaciyingtheMuslimsouthintheearly1900satacostothousandsonativelives,97theAmericansestablishedacooperativerelationshipwithlocalMuslimbig-men(datus).TheAmericanadmin-istrationreliedonthedatustointroduceacentralizedgovernmentad-ministrationinthesouth,somethingthePhilippinesormerSpanishrulershadnevermanagedtodo.Fearingunrest,theAmericanadmin-istrationoptedtoblocktheestablishmentolargecapitalistplanta-tionsinthesouth.However,theAmericansdidencourageamove-mentoChristianFilipinosettlersromtheimpoverishednorthintothesouthslightlypopulatedorestlands.DuringtheAmericancolo-nialperiod,theprogramsimpactonthesouthsMuslimsremained


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modest.However,underthePhilippineCommonwealth(1935)andthepostwarRepublic(1945) theprogramaltered thedemographicbalance in Mindanao, the largest o the southern islands, makingMuslimsaminorityintheirhomeland.TheinfuxoChristiansettlers

andbosseswastobeoneothecatalystsortheMuslimseparatistmovementthatfaredupinthe1960sand1970s.TheAmericansalsointroducedpubliceducationorthePhilippineMuslimelite.ContrarytotheDutchpolicyintheIndies,whichsoughttoreinorceethnicdivisions,theAmericanshopedthateducationwouldpromoteasenseounityamongthesouthsssiparousethnicgroupsandpropelthemorwardtocivilization.98

Beginning in the commonwealth period, the Christian-ledgovernmentresolvedtousepubliceducationinanevenmorein-terventionistmanner,promotingaunitarynationalcultureattheexpenseothesouthsMuslimidentities.In1935,PresidentMan-uelQuezondeclaredthattheso-calledMoroProblemisathingothepastandannouncedtheestablishmentoeducationalprogramsdesigned to assimilateMuslims into Filipino culture.99 ScholarshipprogramsbroughteliteMuslimstoManilaorcollege,whileinthesouthlargenumbersocommonerMuslimsenrolledinpublicschools.OwingtotheirpositiveexperiencewithAmerican-sponsoredschools,PhilippineMuslimsshowedlittleothehesitationtheircounterpartsinsouthernThailanddisplayedtowardgeneraleducation.However,politicaleventsinthe1960sand1970sweretoreversethisprogressto-wardMuslim-Christianaccommodation,culminatingintheoutbreakoseparatisthostilitiesin1972.

In1976,thegovernmentoFerdinandMarcosreachedatenta-tiveagreementwiththeMuslimrebels.TheaccordgaveMuslimstherighttosetupschoolsconsistentwithMuslimvaluesintheirownter-ritories;thepolicywasrearmedintheconstitutionalrevisionso1986andwith theocialestablishmento theARMM.Formostothisperiod,however,theviolenceinthesouthmadeimplementationotheeducationalprovisionsotheaccordimpossible.Nonetheless,whentheconfictbegantosubside,theARMMtookstepstoreinvigorateIslamiceducationby,amongotherthings,introducinganintegratedcurriculumthatcombinedreligiouswithgeneraleducation. 100

AsMcKennaandAbdulashow,theMuslimpublicsinterestinreormedIslamiceducationwasapostwardevelopmentdrivenbytwo


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bigchanges.Therstwasaneconomicboominthesouth,oneresultowhichwasatendencyonthepartoeliteMuslimstoinvestsomeotheirwealthinIslamicactivities.GrowingnumbersoMuslimsmadethepilgrimagetoMecca.Uponreturningtothesouth,manyadded

totheirreligiouslusterbybuildingmosquesandmadrasas.ThenewmadrasasdieredromtraditionalpanditaschoolsinemphasizingtheunderstandingoArabicratherthansimplerecitationotheQuran.Thenewschoolsalsostressedtheneedoramoredoctrinallyobjecti-edunderstandingoIslam.Meanwhile,theMuslimelitesinterestinpromotingIslamalsogrewasaresultostate-sponsoredChristianmigrationtotheMuslimsouth.AsthefowomigrantsromtheChristiannorthplacedthematademographicandpoliticaldisad-vantage,Muslimsrespondedwithaboundary-maintainingassertionotheirreligiousidentity.

ThesecondmajorinfuenceonthepostwarsurgeinIslamicedu-cationwasthestrengtheningotiesbetweenthesouthernPhilippinesandtheMiddleEast.In1950,thegovernmentoEgyptbegantosendmissionariestrainedatal-AzharUniversitytothePhilippinestoteachinmadrasasundedbylocalnotables.In1955,theEgyptiangovern-mentlaunchedascholarshipprogramtoallowlocalMuslimstostudyatCairosamedal-Azhar;by1978,twohundredlocalyoungmenhadtakenadvantageotheprogram.Mostotheprogramsgradu-atesreturnedtothePhilippinestoteachinmadrasas.Aterthe1976ceasereagreement,additionalaidfowedintothesouthromSaudiArabiaandLibya.Thisnewunding,McKennaandAbdulaobserve,allowedtheMiddleEastgraduates...toopenmadrasaswithoutrely-ingonthepatronageotraditionalleaders.Althoughtheseparatiststruggleothe1970sslowedthepaceomadrasadevelopment,eventu-allyhundredsoschoolswerebuilt.Bythemid-1980s,anewclassowell-educatedreormistshademergedandwaschallenginglocalunder-standingsoIslam.

Today, Islamiceducation intheMuslim southcomes inmanyorms,includingweekendsupplementsorstudentsinpublicschools,ull-timemadrasas,andnewacademiesthatblendgeneralandreligiouseducation.Moststudentsattendcommunitymadrasasothetwo-day-a-weeksort,whileattendingregularpublicschoolstherestotheweek.Evenorstudentswhoattendull-timeIslamicschools,Englishtracksremainthemorepopulareducationaloption.AsinotherpartsoMus-


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limSoutheastAsia,anotherstrikingdevelopmentinrecentyearshasbeentheexpansionoIslamichighereducation.Onemoresignothetimes,7090percentothestudentsintheseprogramsarewomen.Mosthopetousetheireducationaltrainingtoserveasteacherso

Arabicinthegovernment-sponsoredIslamicschoolsystem.Inalltheseregards,IslamiceducationinthePhilippinesoers

astrikingexampleothefexibilityandpracticalitycharacteristicoMuslimeducationinmostoSoutheastAsia.ParentsappreciateIs-lamiceducationoritsabilitytoinstillpietyandareligiousidentityinanunstableworldinwhichneithercanbetakenorgranted.Atthe same time,parentswant their ospring toacquiremarketableskills.Islamicschoolsaimtostrikeabalancebetweenthesetwoval-ued ends.Meanwhile,McKenna andAbdula note, despite vagueclaimsbythePhilippinegovernmentandmilitary...nodirectlinkhasbeenestablishedbetweenPhilippinemadrasasandIslamistextremistgroups.TheypointtothebittersweetironythatAbdulrajakJanjalani,theounderoAbuSayya(thePhilippinesmostnotoriousterroristgroup)wasaproductoaJesuithighschool,notamadrasa.

Inaneducationalsystemnotableoritspragmatism,thereisstilloneworryingnote.ItisthatbothstateschoolsandMuslimschoolsinthesouthernPhilippinesaremostlysilentonmattersoreligiousdiversityandinterreligiousdialogue.AsanotheranalystoPhilippineIslamicschoolshasobserved,TheIslamizationoeducationinMuslimMindanaocouldreinorceFilipinoMuslimbiasagainsttheirChristianellowcitizens,whilethelackoamulticulturaleducationthatpromotespositiveawarenessoIslamintheresto thecountryails toaddressFilipinoChristianbiasesagainsttheirMuslimellowcitizens.101Thechallengeostrikingabalancebetweensel-armationandtoleranceotheotherisonewithwhichMuslimsandnon-MuslimsinotherpartsoSoutheastAsiacontinuetograppleaswell.

CONClUsION

Thestudiesinthisvolumepointtoseveralconclusions.First,andmostgenerally,Islamiceducationinthesecountriesisneitherunchangingnorbackward-looking.Onthecontrary,ithasbeeninthethroesoar-reachingchangeormorethanacentury.UnliketheircounterpartsintheMuslimMiddleEast,however,atthedawnothemoderneraSoutheastAsianMuslimsdidnotyethaveanetworkomadrasasin


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placeorintermediateandadvancedreligiousstudy.Inearliertimes,royalcourtsmayhavesponsoredstudycirclesorsomespecializedlearning,andaewscholarsmadethetrektoArabiaorstudy.Thepresenceomoreorlessorthodoxlegaldigestsinwesternportionso

thearchipelagoalsoindicatesthataewscholarshadbeenamiliarwithportionsothelawsinceatleasttheseventeenthcentury.102Un-tilthenineteenthcentury(andevenlaterinsomeregions),however,popularIslamiccultureshowedtheimprintoraja-centricceremonyandapantheisticolkIslammorethanitdidsustainedengagementwiththeIslamicsciences.InthisportionotheMuslimworld,then,advancedIslamiceducationandtheschool-leveragedrecenteringoIslamhavebothbeenrecentdevelopments,productsoasustainedengagementwithadistinctlyMuslimmodernity.

PublicIslamicculturebegantochangeintherstdecadesothenineteenthcentury,asgrowingnumberso

The Politic of Islamic Education

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