THE PARADOX OF PROTECTED NATURAL AREA LANDSCAPES: AN INTERPRETATION OF KA'ENA POINT NATURAL AREA RESERVE, O'AHU, HAWAI'I AS A GARDENED SPACE A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DNISION OF THE UNNERSITY OF HAWAI'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN GEOGRAPHY DECEMBER 2002 By AdamO. Rose Thesis Committee: Brian Murton, Chairperson Everett Wingert Leslie Sponsel
120
Embed
THE PARADOX OF PROTECTED NATURAL AREA LANDSCAPES: A … · the paradox of protected natural area landscapes: an interpretation of ka'enapoint natural area reserve, o'ahu,hawai'ias
This document is posted to help you gain knowledge. Please leave a comment to let me know what you think about it! Share it to your friends and learn new things together.
Transcript
THE PARADOX OF PROTECTED NATURAL AREA LANDSCAPES:
AN INTERPRETATION OF KA'ENA POINT NATURAL AREA
RESERVE, O'AHU, HAWAI'I AS A GARDENED SPACE
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DNISION OF THEUNNERSITY OF HAWAI'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
IN
GEOGRAPHY
DECEMBER 2002
By
AdamO. Rose
Thesis Committee:Brian Murton, Chairperson
Everett WingertLeslie Sponsel
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the following for their time and assistance during my research;
Betsy Gagne (DLNR, NARS); Bruce Liesmyre (DLNR, NARS); David Hopper (FFWS);
and Ida Degener.
I particularly want to thank Brian Murton for exposing me to such a wide range of
knowledge and literature, and guiding me during my intellectual and academic pursuits.
Thanks also to Les Sponsel for our discussions about environmentalism and helping to
refine some of the ideas expressed in this thesis. And Also Jesse Markham for his great
help in 'pushing the papers and doing footwork' and being there on my distant behalfl
I would like to state that this thesis is not meant to be an 'attack' against
conservation biology or biologists. Rather, it should be read as a critique and
constructive questioning ofsome of the ideas and approaches that motivate and
direct conservation biology in theory and practice.
iii
ABSTRACT
This thesis critical1y evaluates protected natural areas in terms of the
production of space and the cultural representation and definition ofnature
within them. Idealized representations of nature in protected areas are
mediated through Western cultural discourses; space is seen as being wild,
natural and conceptually autonomous from the human realm. By using the
garden analogy as a metaphoric device, I deconstruct some common
representations of nature to reveal how various Western rhetorics and
discourses dominate ideas about natural space in protected areas. I
interpret the landscape of Ka'ena Point Natural Area Reserve and
illustrate that it can be seen as a socially produced space in which nature is
controlled, restored, and modified. Paradoxically, protected natural areas
are created as wilderness spaces, but their nature is partly constructed
(physically and conceptually) and wholly defined through cultural
discourse and representation.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iiiABSTRACT ivLIST OF FIGURES viiCHAPTER I NATURE AND PROTECTED AREAS I
I. I Introduction I1.2 Views ofNature 2
1.2.1 Biology and Conservation 21.1.2 The Social Construction ofNature 6
1.3 Wilderness and Garden 91.3.1 Wilderness as a Vision ofNature 91.3.2 Gardens as Visions ofNature 12
1.4 Nature Reserves in Hawai'i and State Conservation Ideals 141.5 Site of Study 161.6 Ka'ena Point: Wild, Remote, Empty, Picturesque and Uncivilized 17
1.6.1 Ka'ena as Wilderness 181.6.2 Ka'ena as Remote and Empty 201.6.3 Ka'ena as Picturesque Paradise 221.6.4 Ka'ena as the Uncivilized Other 231.6.5 Conclusions 25
1.7 Objectives and Research Questions 271.8 Approach 29
CHAPTER 2 GARDEN AS A METAPHOR 302.1 Introduction 302.2 The English Landscape Garden 312.3 The Garden of Eden 362.4 Colonial Gardens, Contact Zones 412.5 The Public Park 502.6 The Botanical Garden 542.7 Conclusions 58
CHAPTER 3 KA'ENA POINT NATURAL AREA RESERVE AS GARDEN 603.1 Introduction 603.2 Ka'ena as Eden 613.3 Ka'ena as Landscape Garden 643.4 Ka'ena as Colonial Garden and Contact Zone 693.5 Ka'ena as Public Park 793.6 Ka'ena as Botanical Garden 843.7 Conclusion 89
v
CHAPTER 4 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 914.1 Summary 914.2 Response to Research Questions and Implications 954.3 The Garden as Model a for Landscape Management 101
REFERENCES 107
vi
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
1. Site of Study Location Map: Ka'ena Point.. 17
2.Evidence ofPredator Control Trapping, or 'Pest Control '? 66
3. Evidence of Predator Control Poisoning, or 'Pest Control'? 66
4. Evidence of Alien Plant Removal, or 'Weeding'? 66
5. Evidence of Out-Plantings, or 'Planting-Scheme'? 67
6. State Sign Indicating Spiritual Significance of Site With Bullet Holes 77
7. Path System. A 'Park-Like' Landscape? 82
vii
CHAPTER 1
NATURE AND PROTECTED AREAS
1.1 Introduction
In this thesis I analyze protected areas and relate some oftheir
spatial qualities and management practices with those of selected types of
Westem garden. I aim to show that protected natural areas can be read as
symbolic landscapes. Interpreting the 'text' of these landscapes helps to
reveal ideas and attitudes about nature that pervade the major institutions
involved in conservation. This landscape interpretation will also attempt
to illustrate that protected areas are socially produced spaces in which
nature is both represented and culturally defined. Protected areas are
culturally determined idealized landscapes that share spatial and historical
qualities with certain forms ofgarden. Many analyses of conservation and
the development of nature protection practices focus on biology, life
sciences and the social history of scientific institutions and research
(Pyenson & Pyenson, 1999).
This thesis is an attempt to critically evaluate protected areas in the
light of cultural geographic studies that highlight the relationship between
the production of space, representation, the construction ofknowledge and
structures of domination. It is a conceptual analysis that is influenced by a
range of anthropological and colonial studies, poststructuralist studies,
1
contextual and critical studies related to the history of geographic ideas
and a wide range of thought related to environmental philosophy, ecology
and environmental history.
1.2 Views of Nature
1.2.1 Biology and Conservation
When discussing issues relating to conservation policy and
approaches to biological diversity protection, it is important to critically
examine the historical and philosophical roots ofWestern scientific
knowledge, epistemology and research as they relate to concepts ofnature
and its evaluation. For the purposes of this analysis, I will examine some
historical, philosophical and conceptual elements that relate to the
biological sciences, as well as examining the dominant approaches
adopted by conservation biologists towards the conservation of
biodiversity, the creation of protected areas, and the practice of restoration
ecology.
Most modem Western cultures conceive of nature as being "an
autonomous domain, essentially "other" to human culture" (Petersen,
1999; 342), an ahistorical, concrete, and essentially objective reality which
is thought of as being dichotomous to society (Petersen, 1999). Such a
nature is representative of ontological dualism in Western thought and is
considered the realm, subject and epistemological backdrop for rational,
2
mechanistic science, in particular biology (Sheldrake, 1990). Nature in
this respect is defined, studied and promoted by biologists with their
specialized forms of knowledge, language and structures ofpower.
Scientific positivism is assumed to give them privileged access to the
reality of nature as well as the right to research, represent, and delineate
'true' nature (Smith, L. 1999; Smith, M. 1999; Guha, 1997). Biologists
are also prominent in regards to nature conservation in both theory and
practice (Higgs, 1994; Guha, 1997). Although many biological disciplines
are now involved in nature conservation at some level, conservation
biology and restoration ecology are particularly relevant fields in regards
to nature conservation policy and practice in the contemporary global
arena with widespread concerns over biodiversity and habitat loss.
Conservation biology is a young sub-discipline ofbiology that
developed in the late 1970s in America. It is described in a contemporary
textbook on the subject as the "applied science ofmaintaining the earth's
biological diversity" and "as the crisis discipline focused upon saving life
on earth" (Hunter, 1996; 14). Restoration ecology is a field of ecology
(with theoretical and applied aspects) that has developed rapidly over the
last twenty years and is focused on actively trying to return ecosystems to
their original, natural state (Hunter, 1996). The notion ofa natural habitat
and concepts ofbiological integrity are integral to the field and to
normative concepts in conservation generally. These ideas are clearly
3
problematic notions and are acknowledged as such by many in the field
(see; Callicott, 1998; Higgs, 1994 & 1997).
Most biological conservation theory and practice is intellectually
and epistemologically rooted in scientific rationalism and philosophical
positivism. Nature is viewed and conceived of as an ontologically fixed
material entity composed ofphysical phenomena: an extemal reality that
can be objectively experienced and known through empirical methods,
and defined and studied through the scientific method. Humans are
typically seen as being separate and distinct from nature (although not in
terms ofbiological evolution), and anthropocentric impacts are seen as
being deleterious to natural phenomena and biodiversity. Biodiversity is a
concept that Hunter (1996:30) defines as being 'the diversity oflife in all
its forms (plants, animals, fungi, bacteria, and other microorganisms) and
at all levels of organization (genes, species, and ecosystems)'.
Humans are basically believed to impact nature (specifically
biodiversity) negatively by carrying out behaviors that either fragment,
modify or destroying habitats; over- exploit natural resources; pollute the
environment; and introduce alien, invasive species (Hunter, 1996).
Conservation policy generally works at three levels in biodiversity
conservation; to protect individual species, to create protected areas, and
attempts to manage entire ecosystem assemblies (Orlove & Glove, 1996).
4
The term, 'protected areas' was established by the International
Union for the Conservation of Nature in 1978. Protected areas is a blanket
term that includes nature reserves, national parks, wildlife sanctuaries and
other general terms and designations for set-aside natural lands (Oriove &
Glove, 1996). The criteria for the selection ofprotected areas are often
complex, but generally areas are chosen for their scientific value and as a
function of their biodiversity, species rarity, or other ecological criteria or
combinations of criteria (such as 'hot spots': concentrated centers of high
biodiversity) (Hunter, 1996). Some other factors that could influence the
selection ofprotected areas may include political and economic factors at
local and international levels, inter-reserve connectivity, wildlife
migration routes, and natural disturbances, (Hunter, 1996) as well as a
range other criteria.
Such an approach relates to a 'nature' which is objectively real and
epistemologically concrete. In Western thought, nature is presumed to be a
universal quality that is unaffected by culture, place and time (Coates,
1998). It is seen as being a polar opposite of society and in elemental
juxtaposition to culture (Coates, 1998). Nature is a term with a vast range
ofmeanings, associations and linguistic implications. It is perhaps
amongst the most complex words in the English language (Williams,
1976). There is a complex and convoluted cultural history ofnature that
5
contradicts notions of its purely ahistorical reality. It is an abstract idea as
much a fundamental physical space (Coates, 1998, Gold, 1984).
Never the less, nature can be bounded, defined and subjugated by
scientific'experts' and natural resource managers, for the purposes of
study and conservation. This study attempts to understand and reveal the
construction of a specific geographic space that occurs when 'nature' is
enclosed in a protected area for the purposes of biological conservation.
1.1.2 The Social Construction of Nature
Social constructivism is a form ofpostmodern analysis that stresses
the importance and "influence of different histories, traditions, and social
practices, power relations ... on the conceptual models we produce and
utilize" (Smith, 1999; 361). According to this view, nature itself is a
product ofhuman naming and practice, "a creation dependent on
historical, linguistic, and social contexts and conventions" (Petersen,
1999; 340). This kind of approach towards nature highlights how
uuderstandings and epistemologies of the natural world may vary
according to cultural, social and historical context. This is an important
step in realizing that 'nature' is not the same for everyone and that ideas of
nature and its reality are variable (Coates, 1998). Such a line ofreasoning
leads us to ask some important questions in regards to the politics, ethics,
ideals, practices and global agendas of contemporary biological
6
conservation organizations. What version of nature is being conserved?
Who defines it, and perhaps most importantly, who is empowered to speak
on its behalf?
Noel Castree (2001 :3) writes that an increasing number of critical
human geography researchers in the last few years have started to argue
for 'broader and deeper' approaches towards the study of the 'society
nature interface' that has traditionally been the focus ofmany
geographers. Castree (2001 :3) comments that a cohort of geographers
now see nature as 'inescapably social', and that it 'is defined, delimited,
and even physically reconstituted by different societies, often in order to
serve specific, and usually dominant social interests. In other words, the
social and the natural are seen to intertwine in ways that make their
separation - in either thought or practice - impossible'. This
'socialization' of nature has important implications and ramifications
theoretically, practically and politically (Castree, 2001).
Postrnodem critiques of this ethnocentric position towards ideas of
nature illustrate that 'nature' itself can be seen as a social construction and
that nature maybe as much 'in our own heads' as 'out there' to be
protected and studied (Demeritt, 1994). This is an important
philosophical premise with potentially widespread implications because
'knowledges of nature (even scientific ones) frequently express social
7
power relations' and 'have material effects, insofar as people may believe
and act according to them' (Castree, 2001:13).
In this light, it is clear that cultural values and social paradigms are
an implicit part of the nature we construct and that we strive to define,
bound and then protect (Gold, 1984). It is on these grounds that scientific
conservation can be implicated as a modern imperialist mission (Shiva,
1998) and conservation planning and the creation ofprotected areas often
leads to conflicts with local (often indigenous) people (Guha, 1994).
Many of these conflicts result from differing views ofnature's reality,
ways ofknowing and defining nature, and disputes over who owns and
has the right to intellectually and spatially define, control, manage, and
exploit 'natural' landscapes and resources (Park, 1995; McKibben, 1999;
Brosius, 1999).
In summary, conservation approaches are based on scientific
rationalist world-view and rooted in a Westem cosmology and ontology,
as well as being situated in a historical and cultural context.
Contemporary conservation thinking and policy relating to the creation
and management of protected areas rarely acknowledges this cultural bias,
and therefore tends to design and manage nature reserves with little regard
to other cultural perspectives, indigenous knowledge, or 'others'
traditional relationship to the land in question (Guha, 1997 (b).)
8
This insensitivity is usually justified by the 'fact' that conservation
biology is a crisis discipline and that drastic action is needed in order to
conserve the world's rapidly disappearing biodiversity (Hunter, 1996).
Scientific principles of ecology and biology form the basis for decisions
relating to reserves' creation, design, and management (Hunter, 1997).
Little attention is usually paid to other approaches to nature and non
Western cultural value systems (Guha, 1997 (b).), alternative
environmental ethics and philosophies, and issues relating to social equity
(Higgs, 1997).
1.3 Wilderness and Garden
1.3.1 Wilderness as a Vision of Nature
In Western notions of nature, there is a conception that some areas
are pristine wildernesses (Callicott, 1998). Such landscapes are perceived
as having been unaffected by anthropogenic activities and are therefore
more 'natural' and untrammeled (Kemp, 1999). The term wilderness has
many implications and meanings (Oe1schlaeger, 1992), and is itself
arguably a social construction reflecting hegemonic Euro-American ideas
and values relating to nature (Cronon, 1990).
In American nature conservation designated wilderness areas often
fall within the parameters ofNational Parks, Federal Wilderness areas or
other forms of designated protected areas (Hunter, 1996). These areas
9
often contain good quality habitat and high biological diversity (Hunter,
1996). This is why so-called wilderness areas are often seen as areas
worthy ofprotection and are made into biological reserves.
Research in environmental history, paeleobotany and biogeography
has shown that many areas that were previously believed to be 'naturai'
wilderness landscapes, actually have their present appearance and
ecological characteristics partly as a result oflong-term anthropogenic
modification and management (often through the use of fire, grazing, and
selective timber and plant resource utilization, and various forms of
shifting agriculture) (Nabhan, 1997). Case studies along these lines have
been researched in a wide range of global regions including, Australian
and African Savannah, American forests and prairies, and Amazonian
rainforest (Brosius, 1999). Indeed, it is now hard to relate to the idea of
pristine and natural wilderness that has not been influenced by humans
almost anywhere on the face of the planet (Oelschlaeger, 1991). In other
words, many environments that have been conceived of as wildernesses
and purely natural by the Western Academy, have been perceived ofand
interacted with as forms ofgarden to other cultural groups with
alternative mind-sets in regards to what nature is and how it relates to
society (Park, 1995). Gardening is a cultural activity, and is expressed in
different ways according to a complex set of social and ecological
10
parameters. What is a garden to one person, may appear as a wilderness
to another (Nabhan, 1997).
Although there are many examples in the anthropological literature
that illustrate how areas ofnatural wilderness are sometimes actually
gardens managed in non-Western ways by indigenous people (for
example of anthropogenic equatorial forests see extensive work ofRobert
Bailey, and also William Balee for similar studies on Ka'apor forest
historical ecology (1994», few studies have examined conservation
management of 'natural' areas by Western resource managers in terms of
these practices also being forms ofgardening.
Conservation management practices are often focused on natural
areas that are defined by the confines of a reserve, park or other type of
biologically oriented protected area. The goal of such regimes is usually
to promote, protect and restore those ecological characteristics that are
construed as being natural and indigenous to the area in question (Hunter,
1996). Natural resource managers and biologists responsible for such
tasks would see their role as being stewards and protectors ofnature. But
when such conservation practices are examined from an alternative
perspective, it is apparent that other interpretations can have validity.
For instance, conservation habitat management methods such as
pest control, weed control and out-planting would be familiar practices to
a gardener. In fact, there are many similar methods and practical actions
11
carried-out in common by both habitat managers and gardeners. But the
gardener would see the practices in a very different light to the
conservation biologist. To the gardener, such horticultural techniques
would be viewed as ways ofcontrolling and shaping nature. As means to
create and maintain the kind of landscape they envision according to their
practical and aesthetic ideals. It is clear to a gardener that what they do is
a cultural practice and that the nature they work with (or against) in their
garden is a socially constructed space.
1.3.2 Gardens as Visions of Nature
What is a garden? The following definitions of the word are taken
from two contemporary English language dictionaries. A garden is;
'a piece ofground usedfor growingflowers, fruit, vegetables and
as a place ofrecreation' (Oxford Pocket Dictionary, 2000);
'an area ofland usedfor the cultivation ofornamentalplants;
herbs, fruit, vegetables. trees etc.' (Collins English Dictionary,
1998).
Gardens have historically had many forms and functions and were
as diverse as the cultures that constructed them. They have always been
arranged spaces that are culturally defined and still tend to serve much
more than a utilitarian role in society. Their design elements often
symbolically portray representations of a culture's cosmology,
12
mythology, as well as social structures, societal values and ideals (Ogrin,
1993). Gardens are valuable physical representations of social
idealizations of nature and are often indicators of what kind of
relationship a society has with the natural world. Gardens have often been
modeled on ideas of nature and design features have tried to imitate
natural landscapes. In contrast, they have also been designed to
demonstrate human dominance and control of nature utilizing regimented,
inorganic designs that illustrate the power humans have in transforming
and subduing nature (Ogrin, 1993).
Gardens serve as social spaces that and model nature and establish
symbolic themes that represent aspects ofhuman relationship with nature.
For instance, the garden wall or hedge may represent the boundary
between tamed, cultivated space and the wild nature that is outside the
garden and removed from the human realm. Gardens in this way 'not
only embody but also affect our relation with nature', 'they are at once
the sign and the thing signified, and the two roles are often at odds'
(Eisenburg, 1998; 240).
Contemporary Western ideas ofnature have been affected by a
range of garden forms and traditions. The Persian pleasure gardens and
the Roman sacred groves are notable examples in this respect (Thacker,
1979). Western ideas of nature and its valuation are often manifested and
expressed in contemporary society through ideologies such as
13
environmentalism and practices like nature conservation and the creation
ofprotected areas (Coates, 1998).
1.4 Nature Reserves in Hawai'i and State Conservation Ideals
Nature reserves or protected areas are attempts to isolate and protect
nature from anthropogenic damage and intrusion (Hunter, 1996). There is
little doubt that they serve an important role in this regard, but in reality
they often become sites ofvarious forms of conflict, territorial dispute and
contested ideologies of nature itself. Such problems make many protected
areas into contentious areas and possibly reduce their effectiveness and
social acceptance as means ofbiological conservation.
In Hawai'i, there are a range of protected areas that have been
created and are managed by both private organizations such as; The
Nature Conservancy, The Hawai'i Audubon Society, The National
Tropical Botanical Garden, and Federal and State governmental
organizations, Such as; the Federal National Park Service and the Fish &
Wildlife Service, and the State Department of Land & Natural Resources
(Culliney,1988).
Since Hawai'i became a U.S. State in 1959, the State government
became responsible for all public lands and the Department of Land and
Natural Resources (DLNR) 'was commissioned to oversee management of
14
lease lands, forestry and wildlife, game management, and parks and
recreation' (Josayma, 1996:9). In an attempt to conserve Hawai'i's
threatened native ecology, the State legislature passed Act 139 in 1970,
which mandated the creation of the Natural Area Reserve System. The
selection ofreserves was based on their uniqueness, biological
significance, diversity, and amount of threat posed to a range ofHawaiian
ecosystems and associated flora and fauna (Josayma, 1996). The Act
States that 'unique natural Assets should be protected and preserved... ' , so
that examples ofHawai'i's unique terrestrial and aquatic natural resources
should be 'preserved in perpetuity...as relatively unmodified as possible'
(NARS Act 139, from Josayma, 1996). The NARS now includes 19
reserves on five islands encompassing 109,165 acres of the State's most
'unique ecosystems' (State of Hawai'i, DLNR, DOFAW, 1995). The
NARS have been estimated to include 43% ofHawai'i's 180 natural
ecosystem types (Josayma, 1996).
The stated primary objectives the NARS were to control human and
biological negative impacts and disturbances (Josayma, 1996). The
reserves are actively managed 'in order to maintain the characteristics that
make them a unique part of the natural heritage ofHawai'i' (State of
Hawai'i, DLNR, DOFAW, 1995), 'so that future generations can enjoy,
study and experience the natural heritage that belongs only to our State'
15
(State of Hawai'i, DLNR, DOFAW, 1995). 'Enjoyment' in this context
was defined by the NARS Commission to mean cultural or scientific
enrichment and satisfaction, rather than recreational pleasures (Josayma,
1996).
1.5 Site ofStudy
I selected the Ka'ena Point Natural Area Reserve as a case study for
my analysis (see Fig. I, from brochure map: State of Hawai'i, DLNR;
DOFAW, 1993). Ka'ena Point is the westernmost point on Oahu and the
northwestern end of the Wai'anae volcano (Arrigoni, 1978). It is a thin
peninsula that is made up ofbasalt talus slopes, lava-rock shoreline, and
sand dunes (State ofHawai'i, DLNR; DOFAW, 1993). The sand dune and
boulder slope ecosystems are respectively characterized by two native
plant communities: Naupaka mixed coastal dry shrub, and 'ilima coastal
dry mixed shrub and grassland (State ofHawai'i, DLNR; NARS, 1998).
The Ka'ena Point Natural Area Reserve was established in 1983 to protect
these ecosystems and their native Hawaiian flora and fauna (State of
Hawai'i, DLNR; DOFAW, 1993). With an area of 12 acres, it is the
smallest reserve in the State's Natural Area Reserve System (State of
Hawai'i, DLNR, DOFAW, 1995).
16
Figure 1
1.6 Ka 'ena Point: Wild, Remote, Empty, Picturesque and Uncivilized
Ka 'ena is commonly represented as a natural environment. A place
that has been formed by, and is imbued with nature and natural
phenomena. In this vision ofKa 'ena there is a strong focus in the area's
wildlife, ecology and natural history. The landscape's origin and
appearance are seen as resulting from volcanic forces and geological
processes, and the region's native species and wildlife are seen to be the
result ofevolutionary processes and biological mechanisms. In short, the
landscape is a manifestation of 'the laws ofnature' as seen through a
scientific world view. This 'scientific nature' is apparent in most textual
17
representations of Ka'ena and its associated flora and fauna (there is also a
parallel emphasis on 'picturesque nature as we shall see).
Past textual representations of Ka'ena constructed a landscape that
contained all of the qualities that were worthy ofpreserving and restoring.
It is represented in these narratives as being wild, empty, remote,
picturesque, and uncivilized, perhaps a landscape from the past, ancient,
primitive and primeval. It becomes a domain ofnature that is separated
from the human world, the antithesis to the cultural landscape, inhabited
only by flora and fauna and 'spirits of the Hawaiian dead' (Grant, 92:98).
The following five sections will focus on this type ofrepresentation of
Ka'ena's landscape. Many of the texts are drawn from tourism and travel
literature, and others are from a range ofpublications focused on the
area's natural history.
1.6.1 Ka'ena as Wilderness
The wilderness trope is repeatedly used to describe Ka'ena Point in
a range of writings. This term has an array ofmeanings and conceptual
implications (See section 1.3.1), but is commonly accepted as a
description applied to an area which is perceived to be in a natural state
and to have been insignificantly disturbed by humans (Kemp, 1999). This
seems to be the implication of the term used in tourism related travel
18
descriptions of Ka'ena. For instance, The Frommer's 2000, Hawai' i
travel guide refers to Ka'ena as 'a remote, wild coastline ofjagged sea
cliffs' (Foster, 1999;155), and an article in the Pacific Connection calls it
'Oahu's last wilderness', and 'a wilderness untamed' (Seiden, 1997;31).
Naturalist travel writings and prose also stress that Ka'ena is a
wilderness. In a 1977 article for 'Elepaio (a prominent Hawai'i
environmentalist publication with a biological emphasis) which
documents one of four public meetings held by the Division of State Parks
for input to the then proposed development of a State park at Ka'ena
Point, the Hawai'i Audubon Society Conservation Chairman is quoted as
saying that Ka'ena is 'a relatively wild sand dune area... a rich example of
a unique Hawaiian ecosystem' (Howarth, 1977; 53). In 'A Nature Walk to
Ka 'ena Point' (Arrigoni, 1978), the author describes the 'semi-wilderness'
(Arrigoni, 1978; 2) found at Ka'ena as an attraction for those intrepid
hikers who are 'in search ofnatural values from which modern man has
lost contact' (Arrigoni, 1978; 2).
Ka'ena is also seen as having a wild quality. An untamed, lawless
'wild west', which has a reputation ofbeing used as a 'shooting range, a
late-night party spot and a dump for dead bodies', as well as being 'one of
Oahu's last wild playgrounds' (Emerson, 1996;5). Wild in this sense
19
describes an area that is untamed and removed from societal restrictions
and surveillance. Ka'ena's landscape is given an ominous and threatening
quality, almost as if the place itselfpromotes wild behavior and
encourages illicit activities.
Ka'ena commonly portrayed as being a wild (quality ofplace)
wilderness (spatially speaking). Both these rhetorics rely to varying
degrees on Ka'ena being constructed as spatially remote, empty, and
temporally distant natural landscape. It becomes a domain of nature that is
legitimately visited by naturalists and others who appreciate wilderness
and illicitly by criminals and social deviants.
1.6.2 Ka'ena as Remote and Empty
Geographically speaking, Ka'ena is the most westerly point of
Oahu. In travel writings it is constructed as being remote, empty and
beyond the reaches of 'civilization'. A place beyond the road system that
is 'barren' and 'remote' (Foster, 1999; 155). In 1921, T.P. Cadle, the then
president of the Hui Alo Pali mountaineering club, wrote an article for the
Paradise ofthe Pacific Magazine in which he documented his adventure
at Ka'ena Point. He and his fellow mountaineers, who he describes as
'mountaineers of the hard boiled sort', 'those who can tackle the rough
and win through' (Cadle,1921 ;58), ascended to the peak of Mount Ka'ala
20
from Ka'ena Point. Cadle describes his lure to the area to experience and
explore its 'unknown' quality and 'mysteries' (Cadle, 1921; 58). Ka'ena is
thus portrayed as an empty, mysterious and unexplored landscape.
This type ofimage often persists in contemporary travel writing
about the area. For example consider the following quote from a coffee
table style book of aerial photographs illustrating Oahu's picturesque
scenery: 'Towards Ka'ena Point, Oahu reverts to the past. Signs of
civilization vanish. Houses thin out. Valleys and beaches are deserted.
Finally, even the road ends. Only the hiker can enter this region of
untamed beauty, said to belong to the spirits of the Hawaiian dead' (Grant,
1992; 98).
This passage illustrates how Ka'ena is spatially, temporarily and
culturally distanced and Othered from hegemonic and civilized society
and the contemporary world. Ka'ena is made into anachronistic space,
backwards and behind the modem social/spatial arena. The scene is
portrayed as being only available to the intrepid hiker who dares to enter
the region that belongs to the Hawaiian dead.
In a passage by Arrigoni (1978) Ka'ena is constructed as a
landscape that is not only empty now, but was also sparsely inhabited by
Hawaiians historically, as 'this coastal area had few resources for anything
but marginal living' and 'poor conditions for inshore fishing' (Arrigoni,
21
1978;27). Perhaps there is some truth in this notion of a resource poor
region, but that doesn't necessarily mean that Ka'ena was remote and
empty to Hawaiians in terms of their perceptual geography, cosmology
and spatial understanding of the place.
1.6.3 Ka'ena as Picturesque Paradise
Ka'ena is also frequently constructed as a picturesque, romantic
paradise that is 'the perfect place to watch the sunset' from, and look out
to sea to watch 'cumulus clouds commute home after a long day of
watering the gardens ofparadise' (Barth, 1995; 120). Seiden also
resonates with this idea of Ka'ena representing an earthly paradise when
he writes that 'at Ka'ena you can also forget the idea that perfection is
only an abstraction' while you look out over the distant 'long stretches of
white sand beach and a sea of gemstone blues' (Seiden, 1997;31).
Tourism promotional literature tends to focus on the picturesque, natural
landscape at Ka'ena. There is an emphasis on the 'excellent views'
(Barth, 1995; 116) as 'the land and the sea sweep away in panoramic
embrace' (Seiden, 1997; 31) and the opportunities to see dolphins, whales
and 'sea birds circle overhead' (Foster, 1999; 155).
Ka'ena is also constructed as a natural paradise that is the last
refuge for threatened plants, animals and rare native ecosystems. Degener
22
& Degener (1963) describe Ka'ena as being 'outstanding botanically' and
'the last stronghold' for the rare endemic coastal plant Sesbania sp. The
area is a Natural Area Reserve under the State and harbors eight federally
endangered plants and rare animals such as the Laysan albatross and
Hawaiian monk seal (Emerson, 1996). The area is enclosed, monitored
and actively being managed by State biologists in an attempt to preserve
what is left of the 'Endangered ecosystem' which has been severely
degraded by off-road vehicles since the early 1960s (TenBruggencate,
1989:D4). The State is also trying to restore the native ecosystem 'back'
to its former 'natural' condition. The ideal ofrestoring a picturesque
natural paradise reflects the strong 'naturizing' trope that portrays the
area's landscape as being created by spontaneous and biological
processes, a primordial Garden of Eden. This biological aspect of
Ka'ena's picturesque landscape is reflected in most contemporary texts
about the area.
1.6.4 Ka'ena as the Uncivilized Other
This type ofrhetoric for Ka'ena includes such themes as the area's
archaeology, and its historical significance in Hawaiian myths, legends
and cultural practices. The temporal arena is firmly set in the past where
the landscape is represented as being uncivilized and visited (not
23
inhabited) by superstitious and primitive Hawaiians. The frequent
reference to Hawaiian cultural themes and interpretations of Hawaiian
epistemologies by non-Hawaiians in travel texts can be seen as an
example of cultural representation and at times, appropriation. Texts
emphasize how 'Ka'ena is steeped in numerous legends' (Foster,
1999;155), almost as if the landscape itself is infused with ancient stories,
somehow independent and removed from their cultural milieu and social
context. The only Hawaiian people mentioned are the spirits of the dead.
I could find no references to Hawaiian practices, or any recorded cultural
significance ofKa'ena to contemporary indigenous people in travel
literature.
Most travel texts refer to the legend ofMaui's activities at Ka'ena
and to the site being the departure point for the souls ofdead Hawaiians in
the past. Otto Degener, a famous botanist originally from Germany, made
many visits to Ka'ena to do field research and make botanical collections.
Although 1can find no direct references of his about Hawaiians at Ka'ena,
some ofhis comments in this regard in other travel writings are of interest.
For instance, in his 1970 article on native plants he states that over the last
100 years 'botanists from all civilized countries have come to our islands
to collect native plants or had resident botanists send them samples for
serious study' (Degener, 1970;46). He also refers to Hawai'i in this article
24
as 'a god given paradise' (Degener, 1970; 46). These comments reflect
his creation of the Other (uncivilized, those who do not conduct serious
study), and his intellectual displacement, and disempowerment of
Hawaiians from their land. In an earlier text he refers to Hawaiians as
'Kindly native people' who 'lived in the stone age [but who] developed a
culture, in many cases recalling Homeric Greece... ' (Degener, 1945; 312).
These tropes illustrate the powerful anti-conquest (Pratt, 1992) and
Othering that permeates much early travel and natural history writing and
continues to pervade ideas ofKa'ena's landscape.
1.6.5 Conclusions
Through using examples from texts about Ka'ena Point I have
shown that there is a tendency to represent Ka'ena as an empty
wilderness; a terra nullis, a place that is divorced from the cultural
landscape. It is constructed as a place that is inhabited by spirits of the
'Hawaiian dead' and visited by tourists, naturalists and criminals. The
rhetorics used in these travel writings emphasize Western idealizations of
nature and scientific descriptive tropes that characterize the landscape as a
kind picturesque wilderness. Through naturizing and naming ('the
wilderness') practices, these writings effectively dispossess indigenous
people from the land. The texts tend to be constructed by the 'seeing-
25
man', whose 'imperial eyes passively look out and posses' the landscape,
and can be seen as a strategy through which Western subjects 'assert their
innocence in the same moment as they assert... hegemony' (Pratt, 1992;
7). These travel and natural history writings can be seen as a form of
'anti-conquest', through which a hegemonic ownership, control and
management over land is initiated thereby excluding the uncivilized-other'
elements of society who would 'naturally' be attracted to such a 'wild'
place. Such dialogues displace native voices from discussions about
Ka'ena and promote the voices and epistemologies ofNatural resource
managers, travel writers and tourist promoters, travel guides, outdoor
adventure guides, hiking guides, botanists and academic researchers.
Ka'ena is constructed through these writings as being a natural wilderness
that needs protection, preservation and restoration. Such writings
emphasize and legitimize Western biological approaches towards
landscape management and conservation and situate Ka'ena as a site of
exclusion and conflict with the 'Other'.
Ka'ena is a place of great importance to Hawaiians historically
(Arrigoni, 1978). But the contemporary 'Hawaiian' voice is silent
(silenced?) and in no way apparent in popular twentieth century narratives
and texts about Ka'ena. Ka'ena Point can be seen in this light as an
example ofa place that has been constructed, represented and effectively
26
appropriated through colonial discourse and travel writing which tends to
emphasize binary opposites categories such as wild/tame;
inhabited/empty; then/now; naturallhurnan; and us/ the Other.
1.7 Objectives and Research Questions
I intend to interpret nature reserves as cultural landscapes, using the
analogy ofa garden as a metaphoric device to help reveal some ofthe
philosophical ambiguities, myths and ideals about nature that permeate
many conservation organizations and motivate their approaches, attitudes
and policies in regards to protected area management.
The garden trope shows that protected areas can be interpreted as
cultural landscapes. In this light, protected areas are no longer simply
natural spaces, but social ones, that have been constructed according to
Western cosmologies of nature and designed in the context ofWesteru
ideas about utilizing and valuing space. As such, protected area
landscapes need to be seen in the context of a range of social, historical
and cultural forces as well as purely natural ones.
The garden trope will also serve to highlight how contemporary
ecological management in many protected areas tends exclude indigenous
people and their cosmologies of nature, and thus constructs a nature that is
ethnocentric and firmly rooted in Western epistemology and history. It
will become apparent that the garden is a useful analogy and form of
27
analytical tool for this purpose as it exposes the various tropes and
ideologies of nature as they are culturally constructed, and helps identitY
and isolate some elements of contemporary Western environmental
philosophy as they relate to nature conservation and ecological restoration.
The Garden model will also serve to illustrate some ofthe ideological
underpinnings and historical contexts that help shape the conceptual basis,
production and management of biological nature reserves and other
protected areas.
The following broad questions guide the research:
1. Is Ka'ena Point Natural Area Reserve's landscape a natural space
or an artifice?
2. Is the ecology of the area today an expression of natural or
anthropogenic forces?
3. Has nature in the reserve been created or recreated as an imitation
of an idealized original native ecology that is, to a certain image of
nature?
28
4. Is the garden an appropriate metaphor for such reserves?
1.8 Approach
The remainder of the thesis will interpret the signifiers that are
elements of the Ka'ena Natural Area Reserve.
The next chapter uses evidence about gardens from studies of their
design, natural history and cultural significance to identify five forms of
Western garden that share spatial and conceptual aspects with protected
areas, such as that ofKa'ena Point. In other words, I will use the garden as
a lens through which to view the role and image ofnature conservation as
a social project with historical and cultural roots that are firmly embedded
in Western ideas, cosmologies, and a predominantly dualistic view of
nature.
The third chapter uses scientific and govermnent reports, popular
press accounts, natural resource management plans and strategic studies
dealing with the Ka'ena Natural Area Reserve to interpret the
representational language ofthe protected area landscape in terms of the
five selected forms of Western Garden.
29
CHAPTER 2
GARDEN AS A METAPHOR
2.1 Introduction
In this chapter I identify five garden types as a means of identifying
some historic, conceptual and spatial similarities between protected areas
and gardened landscapes. I have chosen these garden forms as they help
to identify and culturally contextualize key conceptual themes underlying
Western ideas about human and natural space. I compare certain garden
characteristics with those ofprotected natural areas as a way of exposing
and unpacking some of the rhetoric that underlies a dominant,
Westernized view of nature and conservation.
I will use these selected forms of garden analogy as metaphoric
devices to explore a range ofWestern cultural themes and ideas that are
common to, and often embodied in the conceptualization and physical
manifestation ofgardened and protected natural area landscapes. In this
way I hope to demonstrate that protected area landscapes are in some
ways as much cultural spaces as natural ones. They are not composed of
'empty nature', but are socially created spaces that embody a multiplicity
of cultural, political, philosophical and mythological discourses.
Interpreting protected area landscapes as types of garden helps to reveal a
30
set of social ideals, values and culturally relative abstract ideas of nature
that inform and influence reserve conceptualization and its practical
management.
The five forms of garden that I wish to focus on are the English
landscape garden, the colonial garden, the botanical garden, the public park,
and the Garden of Eden.
2.2 The English Landscape Garden
A tradition of gardening and landscape taste developed in England
during the 18th century that incorporated and expressed a range of
romantic ideals of nature as being picturesque and bucolic (Lowenthal &
Prince, 1965). Landscape architects such as Lancelot Brown refashioned
many estate gardens and created others in the image of what they
perceived of as 'nature' (Ogrin, 1993). In such designs there was a
tendency to reject former garden design ideals such as formality,
symmetry, and linear patterns, and to try to create landscapes that were
more irregular, organic and picturesque. Vistas were molded from the
terrain to induce an emotional and moral response from the viewer
(Lowenthal & Prince, 1965). Trees were planted and lakes were dug and
rolling hills were engineered in an effort to create natural and awe
inspiring landscapes.
31
The idea that nature and natural forms were preferable to artificial
ones in both moral and aesthetic terms became widely accepted at this
time (Ogrin, 1993). The landscape garden that imitated or reproduced
nature, rather than 'enslaving' her, became a symbol for humanitarian
free thinking and political liberty that became popular social ideals during
this period in England (Ogrin, 1993).
The idea ofthe sublime and wilderness in design trends was another
development of interest in late 18th century England. The thrilling aspects
ofnatural wilderness such as cliffs and waterfalls were actively
incorporated into some garden designs (e.g. Hawkstone Park, Shropshire)
as a means of arousing strong feelings and ideals of wilderness to enhance
the viewers experience oflandscape contemplation (Taylor, 1995). This
idea of the sublime in natural landscapes became particularly important in
America with the development of American Transcendentalism, the idea
ofwilderness and wilderness reserves (Eisenberg, 1998), and the eventual
creation ofNational Parks in the later nineteenth century (Guha, 2000).
The landscape gardening tradition influenced social ideals and
perceptions ofnature and landscape taste in Europe (Ogrin, 1993). The
landscape tradition also affected the way that European colonists viewed
and perceived natural environments of new domains in settler colonies.
Aesthetics of the picturesque, beautiful and sublime were exported
directly from the l8'h. Century European landscape tradition to North
32
America (Coates, 1998) and other colonies including New Zealand (Park,
1995), where they helped to shape and direct ideas oflandscape
preservation and reserve creation. This is apparent in the creation of
scenic reserves in mid 19th century New Zealand (Park, 1995) and in the
conceptualization and creation of early national parks such as
Yellowstone in the United States later in the same century (Guha, 2000).
Park (1995: 142) states that 'By the mid 19'" century, the picturesque had
spread beyond England to the newly possessed edges of its empire'.
The English taste in garden design and landscaping imitations of
nature obviously had a large influence on the New World (Ogrin, 1993).
Thomas Jefferson introduced the landscape garden to America (a
landscape style garden was laid out at his house in Monticello) and the
style became popular in New England amongst the middle classes.
Leading American designers were very attracted and influenced by the
English 'natural' garden design style that was actively pioneered by A.J.
Downing who believed human control of nature should be "a means to re
create nature, in its 'purest forms ofbeauty..." (Price, 1994; 96).
The landscape garden tradition was therefore a major influence in
the development of conservation policies that set aside large tracts ofland
as pristine wilderness areas, and created parks, reserves and other forms
of protected areas (Park, 1995; Guha, 2000; Coates, 1998).
33
Landscape gardens were developed as private amenity landscapes
ofcountry retreats. They were strictly private spaces that excluded (and
displaced) those who didn't have legal rights to access the garden. As
such, they embody the values of private property regimes and ideals of
exclusive land ownership and control. In a similar way, natural protected
areas are landscapes that are defined, bounded and owned (or managed)
as forms of private property. The land and Resources within reserves
become the 'property' and private domain ofthose who are empowered
(by professional position, expertise or some other such 'right') to
appropriate, control and manipulate the space as they see fit. Others tend
to be excluded from free access to the reserve space, as well as from
decision-making processes relating to land use and resource definition
and valuation.
The aesthetics associated with the landscape gardening tradition
have had a profound effect on Western perceptions ofnature and
landscape (Coates, 1998). 18th century ideas of the sublime and
picturesque found their expression in the creation of gardens which
imitated nature and attempted to create natural landscapes within the
parameters ofthe garden. The contemporary practice ofrestoration
ecology seems to share many of the landscaping traditions objectives in
this respect, as it attempts to create (or recreate) natural ecosystems and
imitate natural landscapes within the confines of a protected area.
34
Hunter describes the type of ecosystem improvement that is "most
in concert with the goals of conservation biology is restoration, which
means actively trying to return the ecosystem to its original state"
(Hunter, 1996:285). In this growing field of conservation various
techniques are used to actively 'restore' ecosystems to a state or condition
that is believed to be more 'natural', and more 'native'. This often
implies trying to restore a plant community, or an entire ecosystem or
some habitat type back to its 'original' state (according to what temporal
scale and to what stage of succession or evolution?). This usually
involves removing the species that are not desired (i.e. non-native,
invasive alien species) and then creating the right conditions to foster
those that are desired (usually native, and often rare species). In many
cases desired species of plants are propagated ex-situ, and then out
planted back in 'nature'. Then the area in question is actively managed to
help the ecosystem 'back to a state ofhealth' and ecological integrity.
This could involve practices such as fencing, weed control, pest and
disease control, species introductions as well as other management
measures to encourage those species and ecosystem parameters that are
desired and designated as being 'good', 'natural', valuable and worthy.
Such an approach to biological conservation has many parallels with
garden creation and gardening. The major difference would appear to be
35
that conservation tends to practice in what is defined as the natural
landscape.
Although most restoration ecologists would probably reject the
thesis that their work is a culturally biased form of gardening, we can find
evidence to this effect in the language and rhetoric of restoration ecology
texts. Here are a few examples from an early, key text on restoration
ecology that was edited by William Jordan and published in 1987.
Frederick Turner writing an article in this text, states that restoration
ecology gets some ofits ideas and aesthetics from the landscape
gardening tradition of Engiand and states that restoration ecologists could
become the 'True gardeners of the planet...' (Turner, 1987:49). J. L.
Harper in a later article relates examples of ecological management
techniques employed in agriculture and agroforestry and relates these
practices to restoration ecology and the 'design' and 'creation' of
ecological communities (Harper, 1987:46). Although he doesn't
specifically mention gardening, the language he uses could easily be
applied to gardening.
2.3 The Garden of Eden
Although an Edenic garden is not strictly a form ofhistoric garden
design, the mythological Garden of Eden is an important and recurrent
theme in Western conceptions and cultural ideals ofNature (Coates,
36
1998). The biblical Garden of Eden has played a large role in the creation
ofmyths and the development of ideas about pure and pristine
manifestations of nature. The mythology of Eden has also helped form
concepts ofhumans place within, or outside nature, and ethics of
stewardship and protection of nature (Eisenberg, 1998).
The Garden of Eden is seen by Western civilization as a natura!
paradise, God's garden where He created nature with its plants and
animals. Humans were then created and placed in the Garden to 'work
and protect it' (Genesis 2:15, in Eisenberg, 1998:289), and to name and
have knowledge of 'every beast of the field, and every fowl ofthe air'
(Genesis 1:19, in Almond, 1999:114). Humans were then banished from
Eden; evicted from paradise and separated from nature.
This divorce from nature and fall from paradise are key themes in
Western thought, art and literature (Eisenberg, 1998), and are possibly the
origin of the dualistic idea that humans are separate from nature (White,
1967). Most Western environmental philosophy has 'a firm if amorphous
idea about Eden' at its heart (Eisenberg, 1998:xv) and evocations of Eden
and Edenic narratives (Slater, 1995) are often integral elements in the
idealized form of nature and 'natura!' landscapes that conservation
biologists long for, and work towards.
Candace Slater argues that there is a tendency to view Amazonian
nature as a kind of Eden in his 1995 paper 'Amazonia as Edenic
37
Narrative'. A place where 'spectacular topography and immense
biological variety' (Slater, 1995:115) tend to generate an Edenic
narrative, in which there are 'presentations of a natural or seemingly
natural landscape in terms that consciously-or, more often,
unconsciously-evoke a biblical account of Eden' (Slater, 1995:115). He
argues that this vision tends to foster a static and skewed idealization of
reality that 'obscures the people and places that actually exist there'
(Slater, 1995:114).
Ideas of natural wilderness areas are often closely associated with
Edenic rhetorics. Idealized landscapes of 'untouched wilderness' are
commonly portrayed as being fonns of Eden. As such they are
represented as being empty of people (after humans' fall from paradise
and banishment from Eden) and as being anachronistic spaces that are
ancient, primal, and essentially innocent and pure.
Such portrayals can be seen in many fonns, especially in media
representations of wild places and natural history. For example,
television productions often represent natural landscapes as being Edenic
wildernesses. Programs with titles like 'The Living Edens: Etosha
Africa's Untamed Wilderness' (Public Broadcasting Service feature,
1997); or 'The Garden of Eden' (by The Nature Conservancy, (1983)
about protected areas in Florida) are typical in this regard. Such language
and rhetoric in popular representations ofnature reflects commonly held
38
images, ideas and beliefs about our conceptualization and valuation of
wild areas.
Books and popular literature that could be found shelved under the
'ecology and nature' section in a contemporary bookshop also often have
titles featuring the word Eden. For instance, 'Reinventing Eden: the Past,
the Present and the Future of Our Fragile Planet' (Griggs, 2001), or;
'Forgotten Edens: Exploring the World's Wild Places' (National
Geographic Society, 1991) are both titles that illustrate this tendency to
portray wild nature as Eden explicitly.
Representations ofwilderness as Eden are not limited to popular
culture. Scientific conservation projects often use images of Eden and
Edenic rhetorics when describing areas of high biological value, or
naming biodiversity protection oriented programs. For Instance, 'Project
Eden' is a project developed by Western Australia's Department of
Conservation and Land Management (CALM), that aims to restore the
native ecology of Peron Peninsula in Western Australia by fencing it off
and eliminating non-native species (Parfit, 2000). This idea of wild
nature being Eden and paradise is often promoted by parties who wish to
protect, or 'imagine and preserve nature-the more virginal, the more
virtuous .. .' (Park, 1995:283).
This tendency to see natural areas as Edenic wilderness, primal and
pristine, is a common theme in the values of contemporary conservation
39
biology. It is a rhetoric that is particularly common in representations of
nature and wilderness that originate from settler colonies. Early
American puritanical visions of the continental natural landscape being an
Edenic paradise were typical (Eisenberg, 1998), as were similar
representations ofNew Zealand and Australia as being a paradises (Park,
1995).
This idea of large tracts ofland being empty, natural paradises in
some sort ofstate imagined innocence led to the emergence in the 19th
century ofpreservationism movement and the eventual creation of
National Parks and scenic reserves (Guha, 2000; Park, 1995). Natural
landscapes were seen as Edens that needed to be bounded, named and
protected. The creation of early protected areas was a way to have nature
and its perceived primeval grandeur preserved from the environmental
destruction carried out by pioneers and settlers (Guha, 2000). The Edenic
idealization of wilderness is apparent in John Muir's thinking, writing
and ideology. He was the son of evangelical preacher and was steeped in
Christian doctrine from an early age (Guha, 2000), so perhaps it is not
surprising to read his words that 'the smallest forest reserve, and the first
I heard of, was in the Garden of Eden; and its boundaries were drawn by
the lord' (Muir,1896; quoted in Guha, 2000:54).
The idea ofprotecting and enclosing wilderness areas as forms of
God-given Edens has continued from the preservationist movement in the
40
19th century through to the creation ofcontempormy biological reserves
and protected areas. The wilderness vision ofnature that is being
promoted as Edenic in this context is arguably a construct of Western
cultural ideals ofnature. When tracts ofland have been defined in these
Edenic tenns there is a tendency to fonn protected areas and expel people
from the area. This results from a tendency to view Edenic, natural,
wilderness as inherently incompatible and antagonistic to human society
(Slater, 1995). This approach towards nature seems to have shaped
conservation policies (in regards to the creation ofprotected areas) on a
worldwide basis (Guha, 2000). Seen in this light, the creation ofprotected
areas can be seen as a fonn of colonial project in both historic and
contempormy contexts. Are protected areas a means ofcreating or
protecting Edens? Whose vision of nature is being promoted and what
cosmologies of nature are being excluded when a protected area is
defined?
2.4 Colonial Gardens, Contact Zones
Although the colonial garden is not an established fonn in terms of
typical garden classification systems, it is a type oflandscape that can be
found in settler colonies, or other areas (often tropical regions) that have
been subject to colonization. I use the tenn colonial garden to refer to
ways that imperial powers have historically appropriated land to create
41
gardens and impose their management regimes on the wider natural
landscape, while displacing indigenous people and their cosmologies of
nature. Such practices have been part of the means by which imperial
powers maintained and extended their authority in terms ofterritory and
cultural hegemony over other places and peoples. I argue that modem
forms ofprotected area that are created by Western institutions and
imposed on non-Western landscapes are contemporary forms of colonial
gardening and green imperialism. Protected areas can become arenas in
which the epistemological reality ofnature and its cultural, spiritual and
traditional values are under dispute (Durie, 1998). In this light, protected
areas can be seen as contemporary forms of 'contact zone'; 'the space in
which peoples of geographically and historically separated come into
contact with each other and establish ongoing relations, usually involving
conditions of coercion, radical inequality, and intractable conflict' (Pratt,
1992:6).
The institutional and administrative apparatus used to obtain land
for protected area creation, or to extend power and control over natural
environments (natural resource management) are usually in place as a
consequence of a landscape's history of imperialism, cultural hegemony
and various forms of colonial discourse. Conservation through protected
area creation can perhaps be seen as a form ofneocolonialist practice.
Such neocolonial practices tend to 'persist in 'postcolonial'
42
societies...surfacing time and again in everyday practices of
representation, producing and legitimizing new forms of colonial
domination' (Willems-Braun, 1997:25).
Protected areas in many tropical regions and settler colonies are
often landscapes that are permeated with evidence ofa colonial past. If
one critically examines the definition of nature itself, the demarcation of
reserve boundaries, or the administrative infrastructure and management
regime that oversee a designated area, it becomes clear that protected
areas are often landscape types that have been imposed, or overlaid on
places that previously existed as part of an alternative culture's space.
This can apply to indigenous concepts ofland ownership, access rights,
resource harvesting regimes, and an array of other management and
spiritual practices that related the indigenous society to the landscape and
its features. Protected area creation tends to disregard all non-Western
ideas, beliefs and values that relate to a site. Whether the indigenous
culture is present or absent, its relationship with the land, including place
names, mythologies and traditional knowledge tend to be effectively
erased, or at best (or worst) utilized as sources of information in a site's
interpretive schemes for visitors. The site becomes a form of colonial
'nature' garden.
Protected areas are frequently the sites of conflicts between
indigenous people and state (or other) authorities that manage them.
43
Protected areas, in this context are often contested areas as they become
flash points, or microcosms ofa larger argument about issues related to
land dispossession, natural resource control and valuation of nature.
Durie comments about the contemporary political situation in New
Zealand in this regard: 'Ifland and its alienation were the main points of
contention between Maori and the state in the late nineteenth century,
then the management and ownership of the environment and its natural
resources has the potential for similar misunderstandings a hundred years
later' (Durie, 1998:6)
In this context, it becomes clear that the idea of viewing protected
areas as being forms of colonial garden is pertinent to discussions about
contemporary nature conservation in settler colonies and other post
colonial settings. Historically, some ofthe earliest forms ofcolonial
garden resulted from the migration of cultural idealized landscapes and
garden elements from Europe to other ethnic regions and geographic
zones. This can be seen as a form oftransported landscape and is
historically apparent in settler colonies and colonized tropical regions.
Europeans in the tropics often attempted to reproduce landscapes from
their places of origin as means of symbolically repelling the riotous
jungle, conjuring up nostalgic memories of home and imposing control
and power over other people and places (Warren, 1991). This process of
transported landscape occurred with architectural styles as it also did with
44
garden designs and plantings (Warren, 1991). The landscape was
fashioned according to Western aesthetics and cultural ideals. Western
idealizations, spatial representations, interpretations and designations of
nature were often imposed on alternative mythologies and cosmologies of
what nature is and how human society relates to it. In early settler
colonies, the garden became a metaphor for colonial expansion and settler
colonies' attitudes towards subordinating and utilizing indigenous, natural
landscapes and converting them to productive, tamed land (Park, 1995).
As the natural landscape was destroyed, some settler colonists mourned
its loss and began trying to preserve and protect what was left.
The creation of protected areas as a means ofconservation is
arguably a technique that evolved in a colonial historic context (Guha,
2000, Guha, 1997). Although the practice ofnature conservation has
ancient and culturally diverse roots (i.e. sacred-groves protection in Asia),
modem nature conservation's traditions (including the growth of the
wilderness idea and establishment of national parks) can be traced
primarily to the United States and European colonies during the later half
of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century (Guha, 2000).
During this period, scientific approaches to conservation and the creation
ofprotected areas became established as the dominant approach towards
managing natural resources in America and the European colonies (Guha,
2000). This was a response to the decimation ofwildlife and natural
45
habitat in both settler and non-settler colonies as industrial and urban
development, hunting and economic changes took their toll on the natural
world (Guha, 2000).
Throughout the European colonies wildlife conservation and the
establishment ofprotected areas became another form of colonial control
over lands and peoples. This was particularly apparent in parts of
colonial Africa during the early twentieth century, where local people
were barred from hunting and forcibly dispossessed of their land ifit fell
within a designated sanctuary. African people were seen as antagonistic
to and incompatible with natural wilderness protection. Guha, (2000; 47)
comments that conservation in this context was viewed as "part of the
white man's necessary burden to save the nations national heritage from
African despoilation".
Kruger National Park in South Africa is an example ofa
contemporary African protected area that helps to illustrate how such
designated areas can appear to be continuing the practices of a colonial
heritage characterized by social inequity, and authoritarian land control.
vegetation) and extensive economic activities (e.g., perhaps collecting of
ethnobotanic plants for medicine, fiber, and religious practices, or hunting
of sea birds and seals) carried out by Hawaiians at Ka'ena over the
centuries that influenced and helped determine the area's present ecology.
Looking beyond the obviously physical and 'natural' ecological
determinants that effect Ka'ena's ecology, we can conclude by saying that
97
the ecological character of Ka'ena Point Natural Area Reserve is also the
result of anthropogenic modification and active habitat management. The
ecological landscape of Ka'ena Point Natural Area Reserve looks like it
does today because it has been bounded, weeded, and planted. As I've
stressed in this thesis, Ka'ena's landscape is effectively gardened and
therefore clearly at some level culturally constructed.
The process of designating and administratively defining a natural area
reserve at Ka'ena Point does not in itself create a physically 'natural'
landscape, although it may construct the idea of a natural space in lingnistic
and cultural terms. In this sense, the creation ofthe Reserve can be seen as a
ethnocentric and culturally mediated landscape feature that creates a
conceptual boundary which attempts to divide the natural from the unnatural,
and the human environment from the natural environment. The Reserve can
thus be seen as a artifice, that dictates and defines an abstract, idealized idea
of 'nature'. The nature at Ka'ena Point Natural Area Reserve can be
considered from this perspective to be as much an epistemological and social
construct as a spontaneous, natural entity.
As I have shown in this thesis, Ka'ena Point Natural Area Reserve
shares many properties with a gardened landscape. Both are culturally
created bounded spaces that highlight social ideas about nature and ideals
about humanity's relationship to relation to it. Both are also bounded and
controlled spaces that represent nature in socially constructed and cultura1ly
98
detennined contexts. For this reason the garden analogy and theories of social
constructionism provide valuable perspectives when approaching nature
conservation and the design of protected areas. They help to reveal cultural
biases in the dominant discourses and representations ofnature that underlie
most conservation projects and their approaches towards protected area
management
Social constructivism in its extreme argues that there is no nature 'out
there', just a series ofsocial constructs that reflect meanings that we ourselves
create. I reject this philosophical position and prefer to accept that there is an
ontologically 'real' nature of sorts, and that we are embedded in it and
constantly engaging with it. Although I argue that Ka'ena is not a natural
landscape, I would also stress that natural forces, processes and spontaneous,
'non-human' elements are fundamental and definitive parts of its space. But I
would stress that visions and beliefs about nature are always mediated
through, and informed by our socialization and cultural heritage.
Nature tends to be physically and conceptually shaped and defined by
our values and actions, which are themselves usually predominantly driven by
cultural factors. As the 'ways that people see and value nature are strongly
influenced by their cultural context', and 'understandings ofnature and
relations to the non human world differ widely by culture and epoch'
(Peterson, 1999:340), biologists and resource managers should learn to have a
certain humility about the ways that they understand and attempt to manage
99
nature. There needs to be an awareness that there are alternative cosmologies
and epistemologies of nature and that nature is not an autonomous domain
that is essentially'other' to human culture.
3. Is the garden an appropriate metaphorfor protected areas?
The garden analogy is perhaps most appropriate when examining
protected areas that are small, highly managed and in densely populated rural
or semi-urban areas. It also has value when analyzing protected areas in
natural landscapes that are, or have traditionally been used by local
populations or indigenous people. In these situations, the garden analogy
contrasts with most current approaches towards protected area
conceptualization because it stresses the importance ofcultural and social
elements in the landscape's origins and interpretation. Conceptualization of
nature in most contemporary protected area conservation projects tends to
focus on a scientific vision of nature that is sharply divided from any human
content. The garden analogy focuses on the human aspects in the landscape,
and highlights the role that cultural practices have had in fonning,
representing and maintaining an area's ecology. The garden analogy also
draws attention to the fact that ecological management in protected areas is
itself a fonn of cultural practice.
Viewing protected areas as gardens may provide an analytical model
with which to re-evaluate conservation goals and ideals, and could serve
as a means to broaden the discourse and develop new perspectives relating
100
to conservation and the politics ofprotected areas. This could help to
make for more effective and culturally sensitive planning and policy
development in the field of conservation biology.
The garden analogy could also help to remove the sharp conceptual
boundaries, which at present divide the natural from the unnatural, the
human environment from the natural environment, and 'our' idea of
nature from 'their' idea of nature. These boundaries which are used to
define 'nature' are currently the epistemological constructs that divide and
separate various stakeholders and user groups in regards to many
conservation issues.
4.3 The Garden as Model a for Landscape Management
The garden metaphor could be used as a conceptual model to help
develop more holistic, inclusive and culturally sensitive approaches when
designing conservation and resource management regimes for ofprotected
area landscapes.
Contemporary conservation attitudes and ideas are deeply rooted in
dualistic approaches to nature and Western scientific rationalism. The
ontological separation ofnature and society has been an influential and
important dualism in post- Enlightenment Western thought (Castree,
2001). This conceptual separation ofhumans from nature, and wilderness
from civilization has philosophically helped to shape Western cultural
101
attitudes towards nature. The dualistic philosophical concept of nature is
an essential element in scientific approaches towards the world of
phenomena. This dualism and its scientific application in regards to the
natural world has also historically influenced and helped characterize
many of the ideas and strategies related to nature conservation. The ideal
of a protected natural area is a case in point.
The idea of a wilderness preserve, or a protected natural area is a
conceptual model that historically developed in a Western cultural context
and has since been 'exported' around the world as a strategy to aid nature
conservation (Guha, 2000). It has helped shape and guide conservation
policies worldwide (Runte, 1995), and has undoubtedly had a profound
effect on a diversity of global landscapes and peoples.
There is usually an assumed primacy of Westem epistemologies of
nature in conservation ideologies. The globalized conservation movement
can be viewed in this light as a new form of 'green imperialism' who's
projects are appropriating and attempting to control and represent
contested domains of the 'natural world'.
The garden metaphor shifts the emphasis ofnature conservation
from being a predominantly scientific, Western cultural enterprise (that
aims to exclusively control and manage protected natural areas), to being a
movement that incorporates and actively engages with a pluralism of
views about nature and environmental ethics.
102
The establishment ofnatural protected areas and associated
legislation has resulted in many instances of forced displacements of
communities and local people from a diverse range ofglobal geographic
locations. Globally, official approaches towards conservation often tend to
overlook, or simply bypass traditional beliefs, practices and knowledges
related to biological conservation in specific localities and places. This
has sometimes resulted in indigenous people being socially disempowered
and politically distanced from decision making processes and policy
fonnation regarding conservation practice, natural resources and control
over land. In some cases the exclusion ofindigenous people has also
served to reduce the protected area's biodiversity and degrade its habitat
(Cotton, 1996).
The garden model could be used as a means to asses a site's cultural
elements and historical significance when considering how to design
protected natural areas in a more culturally sensitive way. It could help
managers to focus on prospective sites' specific cultural landscape
properties and their relationship to local populations and indigenous
people in tenns of past land uses, traditional knowledges, resource
utilization regimes and spiritual significance. These findings could then
perhaps be incorporated with sites' biological characteristics and factors to
create a broader and more holistic database about prospective sites.
103
The garden model for landscape analysis could help to expand and
develop protected area planning, design and management approaches that
actively seek to involve a range ofcultural values, interests, and
alternative philosophies towards resource management and biological
conservation. This could help to develop a less dogmatic and ethnocentric
idea ofnature as the basis of contemporary nature conservation projects.
The garden analogy could help to broaden approaches, policies and goals
of conservation projects involving protected areas. A new approach
would reflect an extended range ofideas of nature that should incorporate
traditional knowledge on resource management, and would actively seek
to integrate indigenous knowledge and communities when designing and
creating protected areas for particular places. This would necessitate
involving indigenous people in creating projects that are more
participatory and community based (Berkes, 1999). Such an approach
could perhaps form the basis of a more holistic and comprehensive
approach towards designing management strategies for protected areas.
The garden analogy would also aim to incorporate culturally
diverse concepts of space and spiritual values about nature. The garden is
a concept that could broaden the ethical base of conservation policy, and
help to facilitate the design ofmanagement regimes that respect and draw
upon a range of environmental ethics and philosophies when creating a
protected area.
104
A part from anything else, the garden analogy presents a new
linguistic approach towards ideas of conservation and protected area
management. The garden is a word that presents a union ofnatural
features and human constructs. In Western thought, the garden represents
a place that is both human and natural. The garden symbolizes the
interplay and interdependence of culture and nature. Although gardens are
cultural constructions, they are founded upon, and literally made of natural
elements. They are landscapes that symbolize humans' place within
nature, and nature's dynamic and varied expression as a construct of
culture. I think that one ofthe major and most important challenges of
contemporary conservation practice and philosophy is to try to remove the
rigid conceptual barriers that presently exist between ideas of 'natural'
space and cultural space. By attempting to do this, we as a society can
perhaps accept greater responsibility for the ways that we influence and
determine natural space, by realizing how our individual actions, cultural
perspectives and conceptualizations of space often effect nature's
construction and as well as its destruction. Protected areas should be
places where people can appreciate biodiverse and rich nature in its
relationship to the multiplicity ofways that humans interact with it,
depend on it and culturally construct and represent it. They are also places
where nature should be left alone and respected for its ontological
autonomy, its creativity and its ecological complexity and powers of self
105
generation. While these aims seem to be contradictory they don't
necessarily have to be conflicting: After all, who grows the flowers in the
garden, nature or the gardener?
106
REFERENCES
Almond, P. C. 1999. 'Adam and Eve in Seventeenth-Century Thought.'Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.
Arrigoni, E. 1978. 'A Nature Walk to Ka'ena Point.' TopgallantPublishing: Honolulu.
Balee, W. 1994. 'Footprints of the Forest: Ka'apor Ethnobotany - TheHistorical Ecology of Plant Utilization by an Amazonian People.'Columbia University Press: New York.
Barth, S. 1995. 'Smithsonian guides to Natural America: The Pacific,Hawai'i & Alaska.' Smithsonian Books: Washington DC.
Berkes, F. 1999. 'Sacred Ecology. Traditional EcologicalKnowledge & Resource Management.' Taylor & Francis:Philadelphia, US.
Castree, N. 2001. 'Socializing Nature: Theory, Practice, and Politics.'In; Castree, N. & Braun, B. 2001. 'Social Nature: Theory,Practice, and Politics.' Blackwell: Mass, US.
Clark, H. 1999. 'Hunters Feel Crowded Out.' Honolulu Advertiser,3.8.99. p. BI.
Coates, P. 1998. 'Nature; Western Attitudes Since Ancient Times.'University of California Press: Los Angeles.
Cohn, B. S. 1989. 'Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge. TheBritish in India.' Princeton University Press: Princeton.
Collins English Dictionary. 1998. Fourth Edition. Harper Collins:Glasgow.
Cronon, W. 1990. 'Modes of Prophesy and Production: PlacingNature in History.' Journal of American History. VoI.76:4. P. 1123.
Crosby, A. W. 1986. 'Ecological Imperialism: the BiologicalExpansion of Europe.' Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.
Culliney, J.L. 1988. 'Islands in a Far Sea.' Sierra Club Books: SanFrancisco.
Degener, 0.1945. 'Plants of Hawai'i National Park.'
Degener, O. 1951. 'Botanists Adventure in Kalalau Valley.' Paradise ofthe Pacific; Vol. 63, #3,1951. pp.I8-20.
Degener, O. & I. Degener. 1963. 'Ka'ena Point Oahu.' Newsletter ofHawaiian Botanical Society: Vol. II, # 6, June 1963.
108
Degener, O. & I. Degener. 1970. 'Do you give much thought to ournative plants? Shouldn't you?' Honolulu Magazine: Vol. 4, No.9, P.46.
Degener, O. & I. Degener. 1978. 'Ka'ena Point, Hawaiian Islandsand a Prodromus Regarding Some Taxa in Sesbania (Leguminosae).'Phytologia: Vol. 39, #3, P. 147-160.
Degener, Isa. 1999. Personal communication, Jan 8"', at herresidence in Manoa, Honolulu.
Demeritt, D. 1994. 'The nature of Metaphors in Cultural Geography& Environmental History.' Progress in Human Geography, 18,2(1994), pp. 163-185.
Diamond, J. 1987. 'Reflections on Goals & on the RelationshipBetween Theory & Practice.' In; Jordan, W.R. et al. 1987.'Restoration Ecology.' Chp. 23, pp. 329-337. Cambridge UniversityPress: Cambridge.
Durie, M. 1998. 'Te Mana, Te Kawanatanga. The Politics of MaoriSelf Determination.' Oxford University Press: New York.
Eisenberg, E. 1998. 'The Ecology of Eden.' Vintage: New York.
Emerson, E. 1996. 'The End ofthe Road?' Honolulu Weekly; vol.6, # 12, 1996. P.5.
Foster, J. & Fuji, J. 1999. 'Frommer's 2000; Hawai'i.' Macmillan:New York.
Godwin, P. 2001. 'Without Borders: Uniting Africa's WildlifeReserves.' National Geographic, vol. 200. No.3, Sept. 2001.
Gold, M. 1984. 'A History ofNature.' In; Massey, D. 1984.'Geography Matters.' University ofCambridge: UK.
Gonser, J. 2000. 'Ka'ena Group Posts Heritage.' HonoluluAdvertiser. 28'h April, 2000.
Grant, G.1992. 'The Skies of Paradise, Oahu'. Mutual Publishing:Honolulu.
109
Gregory, D. 1994. 'Geographical Imaginations.' Blackwell: Oxford.
Grierson, M. & Green, P. 1996. 'A Hawaiian Florilegium.'National Tropical Botanical Garden: Lawai. (W. Klein quoted fromforward V-VI).
Griggs, B. 2001. 'Reinventing Eden: The Past, The Present and TheFuture ofOur Fragile Planet.' Quadrille: London.
Guha, R. 1994. 'Radical American Environmentalism andWilderness Preservation: a Third World Critique.' In; VanDeVeer, D& Pearce, C. 1994. 'The Environmental Ethics and PolicyHandbook.' Wadsworth Pub: Belmont.
Guha, R. 1997, (b). 'The Authoritarian Biologist and the Arroganceof Anti-Humanism Wildlife Conservation in the Third World' TheEcologist, Vol. 27, No. I, JanlFeb, 1997.
Guha, R. 2000. 'Environmentalism a Global History.' Longman:New York.
Harper, J. L. 1987. 'The Heuristic Value of Ecological Restoration.'In; Jordan, W. J. et aI. 1987. 'Restoration Ecology.' Chpt. 3, pp.3545. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.
Harvey, D. 1996. 'Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference. 'Oxford: Blackwell.
Hawai'i Design Associates, Inc. et aI. 1986. 'Ka'ena Point StatePark Conceptual Plan.' Prepared for the State ofHawai'i, DLNR.Division of State Parks, Outdoor Recreation & Historic Sites.
Higgs, E. S. 1994. 'Expanding the Scope of Restoration Ecology.'Restoration Ecology, Vol. 2, No 3. September 1994. Pp. 137-147.
Higgs, E. S. 1997. 'What is Good Ecological Restoration?'Conservation Biology, Vol 11, No.2. April 1997. pp.338-348.
110
Hopper, D. 2000. US. Fish and Wildlife Service. Personalcommunication on 23'd of march 2000, at the University ofHawai 'i,Manoa, Honolulu.
Howarth, F. 1977. 'What Kind ofa Park on Ka'ena Point?' 'Elepaio;Vol. 38, # 5. p. 53.
Hunter, M. L. 1996. 'Fundamentals of Conservation Biology.'Blackwell Science: USA.
Josayma, C. 1996. 'Facilitating Collaborative Planning in Hawai'i'sNatural Area Reserves.' Research Network Report, No.8. Asia ForestNetwork: Berkley.
Kemp, D. 1998. 'The Environmental Dictionary.' Routledge: NewYork.
Kothari, A., Suri, S., Singh, N. 1995. 'Rethinking Conservation inIndia.' The Ecologist. Vol. 25, No.5, 1995.
Leismyre, B. 2000. DLNR. Natural Area Reserves Manager.Personal communication on 8th of March 2000, at the Division ofFish& Wildlife HQ., Makiki base yard, Honolulu.
Livingstone, D. 1984. 'The Geographic Tradition.' ??????
Lowenthal, D. & Prince, H. 1965. 'English Landscape Tastes.'Geographic Review. Vol. 55. Pp. 186-222.
McKibben, B. 1999. 'Nature Without People.' New York Review ofBooks. Vol. XLVI, No. 13, Aug. 1999.
Merry, S. E. 2000. 'Colonizing Hawai'i the Cultural Power of Law.'Princeton University Press: Princeton.
Nabhan, G.P. 1997. 'Cultures of Habitat.' Counterpoint:Washington D. C..
Oelschlaeger, M. 1991. 'The Idea ofWildemess.' Yale UniversityPress: New Haven.
Oelschlaeger, M. 1992. 'The Wilderness Condition.' Sierra ClubBooks: San Francisco.
111
Ogrin, D. 1993. 'The World Heritage of Gardens.' Thames &Hudson: New York.
Orlove, B. S. & Brush, S. B. 1996. 'Anthropology & theConservation ofBiodiversity. ' Annual Review ofAnthropology, 1996,25: pp. 329-52.
Panarella, S. J. 1998. 'Not in my Backyard Pash V. HPC: The ClashBetween Native Hawaiian Gathering Rights and Western Concepts OfProperty in Hawai'i.' Environmental Law1998, Vol. 28, No.2. Pp. 467-486.
Parfit, M. 2000. 'A Harsh Awakening Australia.' NationalGeographic, July 2000, Vol. 198, No. 1. pp. 2-32.
Park, G. 1995. 'Nga Uruora; Ecology & History in New Zealand.'Victoria University Press: Wellington.
Peterson, A. 1999. 'Environmental Ethics and the SocialConstruction of Nature.' Environmental Ethics, Vol. 21, No 4,1999.
Pond, W. 1997. 'The Land with all the Woods and Water.' WaitangiTribunal Rungahaua Series.
Pratt, M. L. 1992. 'Imperial Eyes Travel Writing andTransculturation.' Routledge: London, New York.
Price, J.1994. 'A NaturaJ History of the Pink Flamingo.' In; 'TheNature ofNature.' Shore, W. 1994. Harcourt Brace & Co: New York.
Proctor, J. D. 1998. 'The Social Construction ofNature: RelativistAccusations, Pragmatist and Critical Realist Responses.' Annals of theAssociation ofAmerican geographers, 88(3), 1998. pp. 352-376.
Pyenson, L. & Sheets-Pyenson, S. 1999. 'Servants ofNature; aHistory of Scientific Institutions Enterprises and Sensibilities.' W. W.Norton & Co.: New York.
112
Quammen, D. 1998. 'Wild Thoughts from Wild Places.'Touchstone.
Runte, A. 1994. 'Yosemite: The Embattled Wilderness.' UniversityofNebraska Press.
Sheldrake, R. 1990. 'The Rebirth ofNature. ' Rider: London.
Shiva, V. 1998. 'Biopiracy; the Plunder ofNature and Knowledge.'Green Books Ltd. Foxhole.
Slater, C. 1995. 'Amazonia as Edenic Discourse.' In; Cronon, W.1995. 'Uncommon Ground Towards Reinventing Nature.' P. 114-131.Published; W. W. Norton: New York.
Smith, M. 1999. 'To Speak ofTrees: Social Constructivism,Environmental Values, and the Futures of Deep Ecology.'Environmental Ethics, Vol. 21, No.4, winter 1999.
Smith, N. & Godlewska, A. 1994. 'Introduction: Critical Historiesof Geography.'In; Smith, N. & Godlewska, A. 1994. 'Geography and Empire.'Blackwell: Oxford.
Sonle, M.E. & Lease, G. 1994. 'Reinventing Nature: Responses topostrnodem deconstruction.' Island Press: Washington D. C..
State of Hawai'i, Department of Land and Natural Resources(DLNR); Division of Forestry and WildIife(DFW) Natural AreaReserves System (NARS), 1988. 'Ka'ena Point Natural Area ReserveManagement Plan.'State of Hawai'i, DLNR, DFW, 1993. 'Ka'ena Point Natural areaReserve.' Brochure.
State of Hawai'i, DLNR, DFW, 1995. 'The Hawai'i Natural AreaReserve System.' Brochure.
113
TenBruggencate, J. 1989. 'Ka'ena Point: Success Story ofanEcosystem.' The Star Bulletin. Sunday, December 24th, 1989; D4.
Taylor, P. 1995. 'One Hundred English Gardens; the Best of theEnglish Heritage Parks & Gardens Register.' Headline Books:London.
Thacker, C. 1979. 'The History of Gardens.' University ofCalifornia Press: Los Angeles.
Thorndike, K. 1991. 'Ka'ena Point Recovers.' (DLNR Publication)Resource, Vol. II, No.4. Sept. 1991.
Turner, J. 1996. 'The Abstract Wild.' University of Arizona Press:Tucson.
us. Department of Agriculture, 1992. 'Report of the PredatorAssessment Conducted at the Ka'ena Point NAR on Oahu.' Preparedfor DLNR, Division ofForestry & Wildlife by us Dept. OfAgriculture, Animal Plant & Health Inspection Service, AnimalDamage Control.
Van Wyck, P. C. 1997. 'Primitives in the Wilderness.' StateUniversity ofNew York Press: New York.
Warren, W. 1991. 'The Tropical Garden.' Thames & Hudson: NewYork.
White, L. 1967. 'The Historical Roots ofour Environmental Crisis.'Science, vol. 155. Pp. 1203-7.
Wilcox, B. 1999. 'Origin & Evolution of the Idea of Biodiversity.'Transcript of Talk given by author at East West Center, University ofHawai'i at Manoa, October 1999.
Willems-Braun, B. 1997. 'Buried Epistemologies: the Politics ofNature in (Post) Colonial British Columbia.' Annals of the AssociationofAmerican Geographers, 87(1),1997. pp.3-31.
Williams, R. 1976. Keywords: 'A Vocabulary of Culture and Ideas.'Oxford University Press: Oxford.