The Organization of Mining and Metal Production in Carthago Noua between the late Republic and Early Empire

A T H E N A E U MStudi di Letteratura e Storia dell’Antichita

pubblicati sotto gli auspici dell’Universita di Pavia

VOLUME CENTUNESIMO

II————

2013

Estratto

BORJA DIAZ ARINO – JUAN ANTOLINOS MARIN

The Organisation of Mining and Metal Production inCarthago Noua between the Late Republic and Early Empire

AMMINISTRAZIONE DI ATHENÆUMUNIVERSITA - PAVIA

COMO - NEW PRESS EDIZIONI - 2013

ISSN

004-6

574

A T H E N A E U MStudi Periodici di Letteratura e Storia dell’Antichita

DIRETTORI EMILIO GABBA (onorario)DARIO MANTOVANIGIANCARLO MAZZOLI (responsabile)

SEGRETARI DI REDAZIONE FABIO GASTI - DONATELLA ZORODDU

COMITATO SCIENTIFICO INTERNAZIONALE

Michael von Albrecht (Ruprecht-Karls-Universitat Heidelberg); Mireille Armisen-Marchetti (Universite de Toulouse II - Le Mirail); Francis Cairns (Florida StateUniversity); Carmen Codoner Merino (Universidad de Salamanca); Michael Crawford(University College London); Jean-Michel David (Universite Paris I Pantheon-Sorbonne); Werner Eck (Universitat Koln); Michael Erler (Julius-Maximilians-Universitat Wurzburg); Jean-Louis Ferrary (Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes -Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris); Pierre Gros (Universite de ProvenceAix-Marseille 1 - Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris); Jeffrey Henderson(Boston University); Nicholas Horsfall (Durham University); Michel Humbert(Universite Paris II Pantheon-Assas); Wolfgang Kaiser (Albert-Ludwigs-UniversitatFreiburg); Eckard Lefevre (Albert-Ludwigs-Universitat Freiburg); Matthew Leigh (StAnne’s College, Oxford); Carlos Levy (Universite Paris IV Sorbonne); Anna MorpurgoDavies (University of Oxford); Jan Opsomer (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven); IgnacioRodrıguez Alfageme (Universidad Complutense de Madrid); Alan H. Sommerstein(University of Nottingham); Pascal Thiercy (Universite de Bretagne Occidentale, Brest);Theo van den Hout (University of Chicago); Juan Pablo Vita (Consejo Superior deInvestigaciones Cientıficas, Madrid); Gregor Vogt-Spira (Philipps-Universitat Marburg);Paul Zanker (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat Munchen - SNS Pisa); Bernhard Zimmer-mann (Albert-Ludwigs-Universitat Freiburg)

Peer-review. Articoli e note inviati per la pubblicazione alla rivista sono sottoposti – nella formadel doppio anonimato – a peer-review di due esperti, di cui uno almeno esterno al ComitatoScientifico o alla Direzione. Ogni due anni sara pubblicato l’elenco dei revisori.

Norme per i collaboratori

Tutti i contributi, redatti in forma definitiva, debbono essere inviati su file allegandoPDF a:Redazione di Athenaeum, Universita, 27100 Pavia - E-mail: [email protected] contributi non accettati per la pubblicazione non si restituiscono.La Rivista da ai collaboratori gli estratti in formato PDF dei loro contributi.Per tutte le norme redazionali vd. pagina web della Rivista: http://athenaeum.unipv.itNella pagina web della Rivista sono consultabili gli indici generali e gli indici dei col-laboratori dal 1958 al 2013.

INDICE DEL FASCICOLO II

D. MANTOVANI, Emilio Gabba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pag. IV

Articoli

M. GILLETT, Mariners Transformed. The Etruscan Metamorphosis in Mythical Discourse . . . . . . . . . . » 401

M. LOMBARDI, L’arte del racconto tra epica, eloquenza e discorso storico. Novita nella continuita » 423

C. SIERRA-MARTIN, Di* aisa. Estilo de vida y alteridad en la Anabasis de Jenofonte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 463

A. RESCIGNO, Un commentario alessandrino al De caelo di Aristotele . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 479

I. ARRAYAS MORALES, Elites en conflicto. El impacto de las guerras mitridaticas en las poleis de AsiaMenor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 517

B. DIAZ ARINO - J.A. ANTOLINOS MARIN, The Organisation of Mining and Metal Production inCarthago Noua between the Late Republic and Early Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 535

A. CANOBBIO, Rupto foedere regni. Il proemio di Lucano e le Phoenissae di Seneca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 555

A.M. RODRIGUEZ GONZALEZ, Duo testamenta (Ps.-Quint. decl. min. 308). El derecho en laescuela . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 569

A.J. QUIROGA PUERTAS, Themistius Or. 28. Between Singing and Philosophy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 605

F. BORDONE, Ennodio e la conversione dell’eloquenza. L’ hymnus sancti Cypriani (carm.1.12H=343V) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 621

Note e discussioni

M.CH. SCAPPATICCIO, Dalle sabbie all’apparato. Riflessioni su due recenti contributi alla Storia del-la tradizione di Livio e Sallustio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 669

G.A. MARRON, ¿Disonancia armonica? Las voces del ejercito en la obra de Claudiano . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 677

F. MUSCOLINO, Michele Amari e Theodor Mommsen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 683

L. D’ALFONSO - C. MORA, Missione archeologica a Ki�ni�k Hoyuk. Uno sguardo d’insieme a conclu-sione della seconda campagna di scavo (2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 693

Recensioni

G. BONAMENTE - R. LIZZI TESTA (a c. di), Istituzioni, carismi ed esercizio del potere (IV-VI secolod.C.) (A. Pellizzari) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 709

H. BRANDT, Am Ende des Lebens. Alter, Tod und Suizid in der Antike (L. Bessone) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 713

G. CALCANI, Skopas di Paros (S. Rambaldi) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 714

M. CHRISTOL, Une histoire provinciale. La Gaule narbonnaise de la fin du II e siecle av. J.-C. auIII e siecle ap. J.-C. (F. Frasson) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 717

S. FILOSINI (a c. di): Paolino di Nola, Carmi 10 e 11 (F. Bordone) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 719

P. FORNARO, Tradizione di tragedia. L’obiezione del disordine da Omero a Beckett (F. Cannas) » 723

M. FRASCA, Leontinoi. Archeologia di una colonia greca (G. Lepore) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 727

E.S. GRUEN, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (M. Lentano) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 731

P. JUDET DE LA COMBE, Les tragedies grecques sont-elles tragiques? Theatre et theorie (F. Massa) » 736

E.A. MEYER, Metics and the Athenian Phialai-Inscriptions. A Study in Athenian Epigraphy andLaw (V.J. Rosivach) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 739

M. NERI (a c. di): Ruricio di Limoges, Lettere (S. Filosini) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 742

J.J. PALAO VICENTE (ed.), Militares y civiles en la antigua Roma. Dos mundos diferentes, dos mun-dos unidos (M. Rocco) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 745

M. PANI, La repubblica romana (R. Scuderi) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 751

P. PARRONI (dir.), Lo spazio letterario di Roma antica, VII. I testi, 2. La prosa, a c. di A. FUSI - A.LUCERI - P. PARRONI - G. PIRAS (A. Canobbio) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 755

D. REITZENSTEIN, Die lykischen Bundespriester. Reprasentation der kaiserzeitlichen Elite Lykiens(D. Campanile) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 759

J.H. RICHARDSON, The Fabii and the Gauls: Studies in Historical Thought and Historiography inRepublican Rome (Ch. Smith) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 763

S.T. ROSELAAR, Public Land in the Roman Republic. A Social and Economic History of AgerPublicus in Italy, 396-89 BC (M. Balbo) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 767

A. SCHMITT - G. RADKE-UHLMANN (Hrsg.), Philosophie im Umbruch. Der Bruch mit demAristotelismus im Hellenismus und im spaten Mittelalter (F. Ferrari) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 769

L. SCIAJNO (a c. di): Paolino di Nola, Il carme 15 (Natalicium IV) (F. Bordone) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 773

A. STORCHI MARINO - G.D. MEROLA (edd.), Interventi imperiali in campo economico e sociale: daAugusto al tardoantico (M.F. Petraccia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 777

J. SZIDAT, Usurpator tanti nominis. Kaiser und Usurpator in der Spatantike (337-476 n. Chr.)(M. Rocco) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 781

R.J.A. TALBERT, Rome’s World. The Peutinger Map Reconsidered (M. Calzolari) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 786

G. VANNINI, Petronii Arbitri Satyricon 100-115 (L. Graverini) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 789

D. WHITEHEAD (ed.): Apollodorus Mechanicus, Siege-matters (Pokioqjgsija* ) (S. Cuomo) . . . » 792

Notizie di Pubblicazioni

F. BATTISTONI, Parenti dei Romani. Mito troiano e diplomazia (R. Scuderi) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 795

D.L. CAIRNS - J.G. HOWIE (eds.): Bacchylides, Five Epinician Odes (3, 5, 9, 11, 13) (S.Ferrarini) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 797

V.J. GRAY (ed.), Xenophon (F. Roscalla) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 799

E. LELLI (a c. di), L’Agricoltura antica. I Geoponica di Cassiano Basso (A. Marcone) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 801

H. LEPPIN, Das Erbe der Antike (W. Will) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 802

L. MAURIN - M. NAVARRO CABALLERO, Inscriptions latines d’Aquitaine (ILA). Bordeaux(R. Scuderi) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 804

G. SCROFANI, La religione impura. La riforma di Giuliano imperatore (A. Marcone) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 805

G. FACCHETTI, Su Scrittura e falsita. Replica a una recente recensione . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 807

Pubblicazioni ricevute . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 815

Elenco dei collaboratori dell’annata 2013 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 818

Indice generale dell’annata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 820

Elenco delle pubblicazioni periodiche ricevute in cambio di «Athenaeum» e distribuite fra le bi-blioteche del Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici dell’Universita di Pavia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » 823

THE ORGANISATION OF MINING AND METAL PRODUCTIONIN CARTHAGO NOVA

BETWEEN THE LATE REPUBLIC AND EARLY EMPIRE *

ABSTRACT. This paper analyses the process of transformation of the business structure for mining

and metal production around Carthago Noua between the latter years of the 2nd century BCE

and the second half of the 1st century CE, based on the archaeological and epigraphic documen-

tation available. Two main stages are defined in this process: the first one, between the latter years

of the 2nd and early 1st centuries BCE, is typified by the existence of a large number of mining

and metalworking companies. The second one starts in the middle of 1st century BCE, when the

mining-metalworking industry seemed to be in the hands of a very small number of ‘anonymous’

societates, only two of which we have certain detailed knowledge of: the Societas ArgentifodinarumIlucronensium and the Societas Montis Ficariensis. Finally, the paper briefly reflects on the nature of

these mining companies and their mining rights.

When the author of the First Book of the Maccabees explains to his readers,inhabitants of Palestine at the end of the 2nd century BCE, who the Romans were,he briefly mentions their military successes in Cisalpine Gaul and against the Hel-lenist kings. He also recalls their efficient conquest of Hispania, «even though theplace was far distant from them», which they had carried out with the aim of «to getcontrol of the silver and gold mines there» 1. It was thus no secret to those at thetime that access to natural resources was one of the main motives for the continuedRoman presence in the Iberian Peninsula, perhaps the most important one.

Control of the peninsula’s major mining districts and the promotion of theoptimum conditions for metal production must have been two of the main con-cerns for the Roman administration in Hispania, almost certainly with repercus-sions in the overall strategy for incorporating peninsular territories that weremore far-reaching than we tend to think. In fact, we are told by Livy that one of thefirst measures taken by Cato after the pacification of Hispania Citerior in 195BCE was to regulate the tax system pertaining to the iron and silver mines 2, theformer perhaps corresponding to those located in the mid-Ebro valley 3, the latter

Athenaeum 101/2 (2013), pp. 535-553

* This paper is inscribed within project «El nacimiento de las culturas epigraficas en el occidente me-

diterraneo (II-I a.E.)», financed by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness. An earlier version

was presented at the «III Coloquio internacional Occidens. Comunidades locales e imperialismo romano»,

organised by Prof. E. Garcıa Riaza (University of the Balearic Islands) in Palma de Mallorca on 23 and 24

June 2011.1 Macc. 1.8.2-4.2 Liv. 34.21.7; cf. A. Mateo, Observaciones sobre el regimen jurıdico de la minerıa en tierras publicas en

epoca romana, Santiago 2001, pp. 56-58.3 This zone was where the mines of the Sierra Menera and Moncayo were to be found. Their peak

activity occurred in the Republican era, cf. C. Polo, La metalurgia del hierro durante la epoca celtiberica en

being almost certainly the argentiferous galena exploitations in the CarthagoNoua area 4.

We know very little about the organisation of mining, the processing of themineral and subsequent exportation. The ancient authors gave little importanceto these aspects. They merely refer to the mass influx of Italic peoples in the 2nd

century BCE looking for the economic benefits provided by mining 5, or the largenumber of hands who worked in the mines 6. We need to turn to epigraphy andarchaeology for a better understanding of these questions. Over the next few pageswe shall be analysing certain aspects related to them, reviewing materials that wehave known about for some time and incorporating recently discovered documents,as well as the latest findings from archaeological research. We shall be concentratingon the specific case of the Carthago Noua area, which is the one that has provided ahigher volume of epigraphic documentation 7.

Around Carthago Noua two different mining districts can be identified. Tothe east of the city lies the mining district of Sierra de Cartagena, near the modernlocation of La Union. Somewhat farther away from Carthago Noua, 30 km to thewest, is the second district, corresponding to the current municipality of Mazarron.Both areas had been scenes of intensive mining and metalworking activity sinceeven before the arrival of Rome 8. This activity was resumed in the 19th century,which led to the rediscovery of the Roman mines and the recovery of a large volumeof archaeological material 9.

The discovery in the Port of Mazarron of Phoenician wrecks carrying almost ex-clusively litharge shows that exploitation of the mining wealth went back at least to the

B. Dıaz Arino - J.A. Antolinos Marın, The Organisation of Mining and Metal Production536

Sierra Menera, in F. Burillo (ed.), IV Simposio sobre Celtıberos. Economıa, Zaragoza 1999, pp. 195-201; B.

Dıaz, La Hispania Citerior, desarrollo economico e integracion en epoca republicana. Una perspectiva epigrafica,

«DHA» 35/1 (2009), pp. 115-152, esp. 135-138.4 C. Domergue, Les mines de la Peninsule Iberique dans l’antiquite romaine, Rome 1990, pp. 62-64.5 Diod. 5.36.3-4.6 Str. 3.2.10.7 For the Cartagenan epigraphic documentation vd. J.M. Abascal - S.F. Ramallo, La ciudad de Cartha-

go Noua: La documentacion epigrafica, Murcia 1997; for the inscriptions from the Republican era, vd. B. Dıaz,

Epigrafıa latina republicana de Hispania (ELRH), Barcelona 2008, C10-53.8 As an introduction to the mining districts of Cartagena vd. J.A. Antolinos - J.M. Noguera - B. Soler,

Poblamiento y explotacion minero-metalurgica en el distrito minero de Carthago Noua, in J.M. Noguera (ed.),

Poblamiento rural romano en el sureste de Hispania quince anos despues, Murcia 2010, pp. 167-231, with an

extensive bibliography. Also useful are: C. Domergue, Catalogue des mines et fonderies antiques de la PeninsuleIberique II, Madrid 1987, pp. 356-405; S.F. Ramallo - M.C. Berrocal, Minerıa punica y romana en el Surestepeninsular, el foco de Carthago Noua, in Minerıa y Metalurgia en la Espana prerromana y romana, Cordoba

1994, pp. 79-149.9 J.A. Antolinos - B. Soler, Los orıgenes de la arqueominerıa en la Region de Murcia, I. Los hallazgos en la

sierra minera de Cartagena-La Union, «Mastia» 6 (2007), pp. 123-142; Id., Los orıgenes de la arqueominerıa enla Region de Murcia, II. Los descubrimientos en el area minera de Mazarron, «Mastia» 7 (2008), pp. 9-34.

7th century BCE, although it is difficult to establish the intensity of mining activity insuch an early period 10. We have clear evidence of an increase in this intensity as far backas the pre-Roman era 11 and a little after the conquest of Carthago Noua by P. CorneliusScipio in 209 BCE 12. It is easier to determine the moment it reached its peak, in bothdistricts it being around the final decades of the 2nd century BCE and early 1st centuryBCE. All the evidence suggests that intensive exploitation in Sierra de Cartagena endedaround the end of the 1st century BCE; by the Augustan era there were probably fewactive mines in this district 13. On the other hand, activity in the Mazarron area contin-ued apace until the Flavian era at least. Nor can the idea be ruled out that the Mazarrondistrict reached a new peak around the change of the era, coinciding with the gradualabandonment of the mines around Sierra de Cartagena - La Union 14.

Lead ingots are our main source of information. They all have a stamp ontheir back and sometimes they also have cold-pressed countermarks 15. The stamps

Athenaeum 101/2 (2013) 537

10 D. Alonso, Minerıa y trafico marıtimo. Pecios y enclaves costeros para el estudio de la actividad mineraen Carthago Noua, «Argentum» 1 (2009), pp. 11-55, esp. 13-15.

11 Such is the case with the site at Punta de Gavilanes, a coastal promontory located in the Port of Ma-

zarron, for where there is documentary evidence of a foundry from the 4th to the 3rd centuries BCE for the

production of silver, M.M. Ros - R. Arana - J.A. Antolinos, The Metallurgical Furnaces from IV-III c. B.C.of Punta de Gavilanes (Mazarron Port, Murcia, Spain): an Approximation to the Cupellation Process in the WestMediterranean, in International Conference Archaeometallurgy in Europe I, Milan 2003, pp. 315-325.

12 From the end of the 3rd century BCE we have evidence in the Sierra de Cartagena and Mazarron of

the first workings from the Roman era, for the mining of silver almost exclusively, as well as the first popula-

tion centres linked to these activities, as is attested in numismatic and ceramic materials, documented, among

other sites, in Mina Balsa (La Union), situated in the middle of a mining range, the mining-metal production

complex of Lo Poyo, situated on the coastal plain of the Mar Menor, and the Roman foundry of Los Beatos,

located in the Campo de Cartagena and away from the mining area, C. Domergue, Ceramique de Cales dansles antiques mines d’argent de Carthagene, «AEspA» 42 (1969), pp. 159-165; M. Lechuga, Moneda y territorioen el entorno de Carthago Noua (siglos II-I a.C.), in J. Uroz - J.M. Noguera - F. Coarelli (eds.), Iberia e Italia:modelos romanos de integracion territorial, Murcia 2008, pp. 659-668, esp. 660 s.; Antolinos-Noguera-Soler,

Poblamiento y explotacion cit., pp. 216 s.; B. Dıaz - J.A. Antolinos, Una inscripcion funeraria republicana pro-cedente de Los Beatos (Cartagena, Murcia), «ZPE» 179 (2011), pp. 291-294.

13 Archaeological explorations at various mining-metal production sites enable us to date the extensive

mining between the Caesarian and Augustan era, as is the case with La Huertecica, Alonso, Minerıa y traficomarıtimo cit., pp. 30-33, or the Cabezo de la Atalaya, J.A. Antolinos, El complejo arqueologico del Cabezo de laAtalaya (El Algar, Cartagena), in XVIII Jornadas de Patrimonio Cultural. Intervenciones en el patrimonio arqui-tectonico, arqueologico y etnografico de la Region de Murcia I, Murcia 2007, pp. 151-162, esp. 158-160. How-

ever, after that time some of these sites continued, albeit fragmentarily, with mining-metal production activ-

ity, while others underwent a change in their productive and economic orientation, related to farming, fish-

eries or commercial activities. Cf. Domergue, Catalogue des mines cit. II, pp. 358-390; Antolinos-Noguera-So-

ler, Poblamiento y explotacion cit.14 Cf. J.A. Antolinos - B. Dıaz, La societas argentifodinarum Ilurcronensium y la explotacion de las

minas romanas de Carthago Noua, «Chiron» 42 (2012), pp. 25-43.15 For the Cartagenan lead ingots, vd. Domergue, Les mines de la Peninsule Iberique cit., pp. 253-277;

ELRH, SP1-43, with prior bibliography. Also of interest is the work by P.R. Trincherini - C. Domergue - I.

were impressed in the mould in which the ingots were melted, thus making themdirectly related to the final stage of the mineral processing. Countermarks were veryscarce until the imperial era. The interpretation of those from the Republican era isstill very uncertain, but they were probably related to the supervision of metal con-signments at the time of their exportation 16.

It should be remembered, however, that lead was a by-product obtained fromthe use of litharge (lead oxide) residue resulting from the processing of argentiferousgalena to obtain silver through cupellation 17. The mass production of lead and theappearance of standardised ingots is a phenomenon that can be dated as being fromthe final decades of the 2nd century BCE; previously, the production of lead wouldhave been uncommon and probably only in exceptional circumstances would ithave been destined for export 18.

The mass production of lead and the use of standardised ingots must haveconstituted a genuine revolution in Cartagenan metalworking activity since it in-creased output and probably brought about the appearance of new metalworkingestablishments, that could benefit from the existence of the many slag heaps result-ing from decades of silver production which hitherto had not been exploited 19.Thus, the information provided by the ingots must be related firstly to the produc-tion of lead. Its connection with silver production is not as direct as it may seem,nor is it so with strictly mining activity which in early times, as we shall see later,was at least partly separated from metalworking activity.

Another source of information is the public epigraphy from the mining areas. TheMazarron and the Sierra de Cartagena districts have provided a significant number ofinscriptions, most of them funerary or votive, that complement the information trans-mitted by the ingots 20. We shall come back to some of these documents later.


Manteca - A. Nesta - P. Quarati, The Identification of Lead Ingots from the Roman Mines of Cartagena: the Roleof Lead Isotope Analysis, «JRA» 22 (2009), pp. 123-145, which presents the isotopic analyses on an extensive

group of these items.16 C. Domergue, Production et commerce des metaux dans le monde romain: L’exemple des metaux his-

paniques d’apres l’epigraphie des lingots, in Epigrafia della produzione e della distribuzione, Rome 1994, pp. 201-

215; B. Dıaz, Sello sobre lingote de plomo inedito conservado en el Museo Nacional de Arqueologıa Marıtima deCartagena, «Salduie» 6 (2006), pp. 291-295; L. Arboledas, Minerıa y metalurgia romana en el sur de la Penın-sula Iberica. Sierra Morena oriental, Oxford 2010, pp. 95-110.

17 Cf. Domergue, Les mines de la Peninsule Iberique cit., pp. 495-510; Id., Les mines antiques. La pro-duction des metaux aux epoques grecque et romaine, Paris 2008, pp. 158-163.

18 However, we do have evidence showing the occasional exporting of lead from the Cartagena mines

in the pre-Roman era, Trincherini et al., Identification of Lead Ingots cit., pp. 137 s.19 Cf. Alonso, Minerıa y trafico marıtimo cit., pp. 48 ss. A similar phenomenon was to be found in the

silver mines of Attica, when at the beginning of the first century BCE, the old slag heaps of the classical era

began to be exploited, Str. 9.1.23; C.E. Conophagos, Le Laurium antique et la technique grecque de la produc-tion de l’argent, Athenes 1980, p. 123.

20 See, e.g. ELRH, C49-53; R. Gonzalez - J.C. Olivares, Una inscripcion de epoca republicana dedicada

At any event, neither epigraphy nor the ingots provide direct information toenable us to reconstruct the situation in the 2nd century BCE. In both cases theoldest documents date from the end of that century, and most of them date fromthe first half of the subsequent one. For the prior stage we actually have very littleinformation available.

We shall now attempt to provide an overall picture of the evolution of Carta-gena mining-metalworking production, since the beginning of the mass productionof standardised stamped lead ingots at the end of the 2nd century BCE until theceasing of mining activity, in the 1st century CE. However, we shall take into ac-count the fragmentary nature of our information and the fact that advances in ar-chaeological research or the discovery of new epigraphical documents in the futuremay cause us to revise some of the hypotheses proposed here.

We have synthesised the process into two major stages. The first stage, corre-sponding to the late 2nd to mid-1st centuries BCE, is typified by the existence of alarge number of mining and metalworking companies. The second stage is markedby the appearance of large mining-metalworking companies that practically mono-polised metal production in the time of Augustus. Finally, we shall take a look atthe problems caused by the definition of the legal nature of these companies and ofthe mining rights they had been granted 21.

Mining and Metalworking Activity between the Late 2 nd and Early 1 st Centuries BCE.The Heyday of Family Companies

From the information we have at our disposal, it seems that metal productionin the final decades of the 2nd century BCE was in the hands of a large number ofsmall companies. The lead ingots dating from the Republican era document thenames of nearly forty individuals 22, an unmistakable sign of the marked fragmenta-

Athenaeum 101/2 (2013) 539

a Salaecus en la region minera de Carthago Noua, «AEspA» 83 (2010), pp. 109-126; Dıaz, Antolinos, Una in-scripcion funeraria cit.

21 However, we shall not dwell on questions relating to the export and commercialisation of the me-

tals, as it is a phenomenon that raises specific and, to a large extent, separate issues. On this topic, vd. Do-

mergue, Production et commerce des metaux cit.; F. Herschend, Friends of Trimalchio’s: A Study of SpanishLead Ingots from Three Roman Wrecks, «Tor» 27 (1995), pp. 269-310; M. Lechuga (ed.), Scombraria. Lahistoria oculta bajo el mar, Murcia 2004; I. Roda, Agripa y el comercio del Plomo, «Mastia» 3 (2004),

pp. 183-194; Ch. Rico, Reflexions sur le commerce d’exportation des metaux a l’epoque romaine. La logiquedu stockage, in J. Arce - B. Goffaux (eds.), Horrea d’Hispanie et de la Mediterranee romaine, Madrid

2011, pp. 41-64; H.G. Brown, A Study of Lead Ingot Cargoes from Ancient Mediterranean Shipwrecks, Texas

2011.22 The most recent compilation may be seen in ELRH, SP1-43. However this list is constantly grow-

ing. Cf. J. Corell - X. Gomez, Inscripciones ineditas y revisadas de Saguntum y su territorio, in Espacios, usos y

tion of the business sphere, at least as far as metalworking activity is concerned.Most of the stamps bear the name of a single person, usually ingenuus and in somecases clearly a Roman citizen, since the onomastic formula includes the tribe 23. In acouple of cases, pairs of brothers are mentioned 24. When we have a large number ofsuccessive batches of ingots, we can document the continuity of the activity overseveral generations, thus underlining the family nature of these businesses 25.

The information provided by the ingots during this first phase is complemen-ted by the funerary and votive epigraphy recovered in the mining districts. The epi-graphs from Mazarron are of less interest because they are from a later stage 26.However, the Sierra de Cartagena district has provided at least six inscriptions dat-ing from between the 2nd century and mid-1st century BCE which is a significantlyhigh number for such an early stage 27.

It should be emphasised that the presence of these inscriptions in the miningdistricts is in itself significant. Neither of these districts have any important townsand, when we know the circumstances of the discovery of the inscriptions, they al-ways refer to locations with unmistakable evidences of mining or metalworking ac-tivity. Thus it is safe to say that the people mentioned in these documents wouldhave had direct links to mining, metalworking or even the export of metal.

One important detail which, in our opinion, has yet to be assessed sufficientlyis that very few of the names mentioned in these documents appear on the leadingots. Of the fourteen nomina found in the Republican inscriptions recoveredfrom the mining district of Sierra de Cartagena only three appear on the lead in-gots 28. For example, of the nine nomina documented on the famous inscriptionof the magistri at Cabo de Palos, only Pontilienus is found on the lead ingots aswell 29. The same may be said about the two republican funerary inscriptions fromthe locality of Los Beatos, one of them belonging to the freedwoman Clodia Opta-


formas de la epigrafıa hispana en epocas antigua y tardoantigua. Homenaje al dr. Armin U. Stylow, Madrid 2009,

pp. 97-102, esp. 101.23 ELRH, SP5, SP10, SP28, SP34-35, SP37 and SP41.24 ELRH, SP9, SP12, SP16, SP30-31 and SP34.25 ELRH, SP22-26 and SP27-31. Cf. C. Domergue, Les Planii et leur activite industrielle en Espagne

sous la republique, «MCV» 1 (1965), pp. 9-25; F. Laubenheimer, Recherches sur les lingots de cuivre et de plombd’epoque romaine dans les regions de Languedoc-Roussillon et de Provence-Corse, Paris 1973, pp. 183 s.

26 ELRH, C51-52; CIL II.3525-3527; cf. Antolinos-Dıaz, La societas argentifodinarum Ilucronensiumcit.

27 ELRH, C16, C49-50 and C53; Gonzalez-Olivares, Una inscripcion de epoca republicana cit.; Dıaz-

Antolinos, Una inscripcion funeraria republicana cit.28 Aquinius, the nomen of the character mentioned in the inscription on the floor of the temple of

Iuppiter Stator in Cabezo Gallufo, AE 1995, 938 = ELRH, C16; ELRH, SP3-4; as well as Pontilienus and

Roscius, cf. infra, ntt. 29, 39 and 41.29 CIL I2.2270 = ELRH, C50; ELRH, SP27-31.

ta 30, and the other to a Roman citizen from the Oufentina tribe, almost certainly[F ]auonius Rufus 31, since up to now we have no Cartagenan lead ingot with thename Clodii or Fauonii.

In this respect the striking case is that of the Numisii. One member of thisfamily appears as the donor of an altar and some signa dedicated to the Lares inan inscription found in the vicinity of an extraction shaft of the San Ramon minein the Boltada ravine (Portman) 32. However, in spite of the fact that the involve-ment of this family in mining is beyond doubt, given the origin of the inscription,no Numisius is mentioned on the lead ingots. This is even more surprising sinceover a long period of time the Numisii were one of the leading families of CarthagoNoua 33. There is evidence of them on a further ten inscriptions, showing the influ-ence of this gens between the end of the Republican era and the 2nd century CE 34.

This inconsistency between the information transmitted in public inscriptionsand the ingots raises an obvious question. In our opinion it is possible that it has todo with the organisation of mining and metalworking production in this period,which seems to have been broken down into numerous small-sized companies spe-cialised in different stages of the production process. Thus it is feasible to supposethat some were devoted specifically to the extraction of ore whilst others were re-sponsible for its processing. Specialisation is also consistent with the nature of bothactivities, requiring a high degree of specific technical know-how in order to be car-ried out effectively.

This possibility is partly confirmed by the archaeological evidence. Archaeolo-gical research have revealed, in the mining districts of Sierra de Cartagena and Ma-zarron, an obvious displacement between the major metalworking centres and pit-heads, with a considerable distance between one and the other 35. The separationbetween mines and metalworking installations was not due to technical require-ments since, on the contrary, it is more practical for the metalworking activity tobe carried out as near as possible to the location where the ore is extracted in orderto reduce costs 36. In fact, this was precisely the tendency that could be seen at thebeginning of the Empire in the Mazarron district, something we shall come back tolater.

Athenaeum 101/2 (2013) 541

30 CIL I2.3449b = ELRH, C53.31 Dıaz-Antolinos, Una inscripcion funeraria republicana cit.32 CIL I2.3449 = ELRH, C49.33 M. Koch, Die romischen Gesellschaft von Carthago Noua nach den epigraphischen Quellen, in F. Hei-

dermann - E. Seebold (eds.), Festschrift fur Jurgen Untermann zum 65 Geburstag, Insbruck 1993, pp. 191-242,

esp. 236.34 Abascal-Ramallo, La ciudad de Carthago Noua cit., nrr. 54-55, 67, 82, 155-158 and 219.35 Antolinos-Noguera-Soler, Poblamiento y explotacion cit., p. 218.36 Cf. Arboledas, Minerıa y metalurgia romana cit., pp. 95-99.

The separation between pitheads and metalworking centres shows that in theearly years there was a clear distinction between the two activities, which were prob-ably carried out by different companies. Consequently it is feasible to speak of theexistence of mining companies, which were principally devoted to the extraction ofargentiferous galena, and of metalworking companies devoted specifically to theprocessing of the ore to obtain first silver and, from the end of the 2nd centuryBCE onwards, lead as well.

This would easily explain the lack of a clear connection between most of theindividuals mentioned in the inscriptions of the Sierra de Cartagena district andthose appearing on the ingots, due to the fact that these people would have beenspecifically involved in not metalworking but other activities, related to the exportof metals, or strictly mining. In this respect, the case of the Numisii is a clear ex-ample. The Lares inscription at Portman suggests that they were the licences ofthe mine from where the epigraph came from and which may be understood asan expression of gratitude to the deity for the success of the mine 37.

This model is therefore useful for a better understanding of not only the ar-chaeological evidence but also the information provided by epigraphs, at least in theearliest years, between the 2nd and mid-1st centuries BCE. From then on, there isevidence of change, leading to the gradual disappearance of the small companiesand the development of clear phenomena of business concentration, a trend which,as we shall see, became more intensified in the second half of the 1st century BCE.

Nevertheless, the model was also open to many subtle variations in its formatin the early years and should not be taken as being set in stone since occasional evi-dence in Sierra de Cartagena of metalworking activity in close vicinity to some Ro-man pits has come to light, albeit scant at the moment 38. In addition, we have doc-umentary evidence of the existence of at least one family that was involved not onlyin the processing of the ore, but probably in its extraction as well.

There are around thirty lead ingots stamped with the name of the brothers M.and P. Roscii, both Roman citizens inscribed in the Maecia tribe, which for theirlinguistic and palaeographic characteristics have always been considered as datingbetween the end of the 2nd century and beginning of the 1st century BCE 39. Allthe Roscii ingots come from a single discovery made in the mid-19th century atthe Cabezo Rajado pithead, thus suggesting that these brothers were also involvedin extraction activities in this location 40.


37 Antolinos-Noguera-Soler, Poblamiento y explotacion cit., pp. 215 s.38 Antolinos-Noguera-Soler, Poblamiento y explotacion cit., p. 171.39 ELRH, SP34.40 Cf. C. Domergue, in J.A. Antolinos - J.I. Manteca (eds.), Bocamina. Patrimonio minero de la Region

de Murcia, Murcia 2005, p. 190. On the Cabezo Rajado vd. Domergue, Catalogue des mines cit. II, pp. 381-

384; J.A. Antolinos - J.M. Noguera, Historia y arqueologıa del Cabezo Rajado, in La sierra minera de Cartagena -

We know a small votive inscription, also dating from an early period, made bytwo freedmen of a certain M. Roscius in honour of an unknown deity with theepithet *Salaecus. According to the data available, this piece would have been dis-covered in the vicinity of the Mercurio mine, in the Boltada ravine in Portman 41.This inscription, although much smaller, would be comparable to the Lares inscrip-tion made by the Numisii, also from the Boltada ravine. It is therefore possible thatthe mining interests of this family would have involved at least two pitheads nearly4.5 km apart, Cabezo Rajado and the Boltada ravine. Nevertheless the Roscii wouldhave been an exception to the scenario we have just described, and should be seenas an early example of the tendency for business concentration that developed in thefirst half of the 1st century BCE, a topic we shall come back to later.

Those in charge of the metalworking plant and mining concessions weremostly businessmen from Italy. Diodorus’ reference to the widespread presenceof Italic immigrants in Carthago Noua in the 2nd century BCE is sufficiently illus-trative 42. However, the direct management of the companies would have beenmainly in the hands of the freedmen of the owners, and they are the ones who haveleft a greater number of epigraphic documents 43.

The origin and family connections of these individuals in Italy is well known,going back to cities in Latium as well as in central or northern Italy and Picenum 44.What is probably most interesting is the fact that there is sufficient data to suggestthat some of these families moved up the social scale in the first half of the 1st cen-tury BCE, with appointments as important magistrates in Rome and, thus, seats inthe Senate. The information is fragmentary and still open to debate, but the evi-dence is growing all the time.

C. Domergue has pointed out the connections between several of the familiesmentioned on the lead ingots and individuals who moved in Caesar’s circle, such asM. Aquinius, L. Aurunculeius Cotta and C. Messius, who served as legati during theGallic campaigns or Civil Wars 45. Mention should also be made of L. Nonius As-prenas, a praetor in 47 BCE and suffect consul in 36 BCE, who might have beenrelated to the C. Nonius Asprenas mentioned on a lead ingot found in the port of

Athenaeum 101/2 (2013) 543

La Union: un modelo de gestion territorial del patrimonio geologico, ambiental y cultural minero, Murcia 2009,

pp. 51-94.41 Gonzalez-Olivares, Una inscripcion de epoca republicana cit.42 Diod. 5.36.3.43 Cf. F. Beltran, Libertos y cultura epigrafica en la Hispania republicana, in F. Marco - F. Pina - J.

Remesal (eds.), Vivir en tierra extrana, Barcelona 2004, pp. 151-175.44 Domergue, Les mines de la Peninsule Iberique cit., pp. 321 s.; A. Barreda, Gentes italicas en Hispania

Citerior (218-14 d. C.). Los casos de Tarraco, Carthago Noua y Valentia, unpublished doctoral thesis, Univer-

sidad Autonoma de Barcelona 1998, pp. 162-297.45 Domergue, Les mines de la Peninsule Iberique cit., pp. 327 s.; ELRH, SP3-4, SP7-8 and SP18. Cf.

T.P. Wiseman, New Men in the Roman Senate, Oxford 1971, pp. 214 and 240-241.

Cartagena 46, D. (or P.) Turullius, a quaestor in 44 BCE, perhaps related to the Tu-rullii documented on the ingots as well as epigraphs and Cartagenan coins at thebeginning of the imperial era 47, or L. Roscius Fabatus, from Lanuuium, who wasa praetor in 49 BCE, whose relationship with the Cartagenan Roscii is more thanlikely since they both belonged to the Maecia tribe 48. In other cases it is possiblethat there were connections with individuals of equestrian rank, as was the case withthe Planii and the Seii, probably related to M. Planius Heres or Q. Seius, two equitesmentioned in the writings of Cicero 49.

We can add a new case to this list. It concerns a previously cited character,whose epitaph was found in the vicinity of Los Beatos (Cartagena), a location whereabundant remains suggest an intense metalworking activity in the 2nd and 1st cen-turies BCE 50. The epigraph is engraved on a medium-sized plate intended to formpart of a funerary monument which for its palaeographic characteristics may datefrom the early 1st century BCE. It only shows the name of the deceased [- -1-2-]auonius | [- f.] Rufus | Ouf (entina) 51.

This person’s membership to the Oufentina 52 enables us to relate him to theFauonii from the colonia of Tarracina, in southern Latium, who were also inscribedin the Oufentina, the tribe that this city belonged to 53. With regard to this family,we know a funerary inscription from the Imperial era 54, as well as an honorific in-scription, dedicated by the populus Agrigentinus to a legatus called M. Fauonius M. f.


46 Domergue, Les mines de la Peninsule Iberique cit., p. 328; ELRH, SP20; Cf. Wiseman, New Mencit., pp. 244 s.; A. Barreda, Los Nonii Asprenates en la Hispania republicana, «AnMurcia» 11-12 (1996),

pp. 245-255.47 M. Koch, Die Turulii und Neukarthago, in Nauicula Tubigensis: Studia in honorem A. Tovar, Tu-

bingen 1984, pp. 233-246, esp. 240 s.; Domergue, Les mines de la Peninsule Iberique cit., p. 328; ELRH,

C111, SP36-37. Cf. Wiseman, New Men cit., p. 268.48 Domergue, Les mines de la Peninsule Iberique cit., p. 328; ELRH, SP34; Gonzalez-Olivares Una in-

scripcion de epoca republicana cit., p. 113. Cf. Wiseman, New Men cit., p. 256.49 Cic. Ad fam. 9.13; de domo 115 and 126. Domergue, Les mines de la Peninsule Iberique cit., p. 329;

ELRH, SP22-26 and SP35.50 J.A. Antolinos, Estudio preliminar del complejo metalurgico tardorrepublicano de Los Beatos, in XXIV

Congreso Nacional de Arqueologıa IV, Cartagena 1999, pp. 109-118; R. Arana - J.A. Antolinos - A. Alıas, Es-tudio analıtico de los elementos de fundicion del complejo metalurgico de Los Beatos (Cartagena), «Cadernos do

Laboratorio Xeoloxico de Laxe» 25 (2000), pp. 407-410.51 Dıaz-Antolinos, Una inscripcion funeraria republicana cit.52 This is the only reference to the Oufentina in an inscription from Hispania Citerior, D. Fasolini,

L’iscrizione tribale delle comunita iberiche: il caso della Tarraconense, in M. Silvestrini (ed.), Le tribu romane.Atti della XVI e Rencontre sur l’epigraphie, Bari 2010, pp. 89-93. Very few cities were inscribed in this tribe,

most of them being in Latium, cf. J.W. Kubitschek, Imperium Romanum tributim descriptum, Wien 1889,

p. 271.53 Kubitschek, Imperium Romanum cit., p. 33; L. Buchholz - H. Solin, Le tribu nel Latium adiectum,

in Silvestrini, Le tribu romane cit., pp. 171-177, esp. 175.54 CIL X.6362.

in the first half of the 1st century BCE 55, who was almost certainly the father of hisnamesake M. Fauonius, a quaestor in 60 BCE, aedile in 52 BCE and perhaps also apraetor in 49 BCE 56.

There is therefore sufficient evidence to suggest that the profits from metalsfrom the Cartagenan mines were key aspects in the rise in social status of a largeproportion of the Italic families who had, in the 2nd century BCE, invested inthe development of mining or metalworking activities, so that some of them wentfrom being mere domi nobiles in the first half of the 1st century BCE to being in-cluded within the powerful group of homines noui, due mainly to the success oftheir business activities in Carthago Noua 57.

The Process of Business Concentrationand the Appearance of Large Mining Companiesbetween the End of the Republic and Early Empire

The first half of the 1st century BCE saw the beginning of a process of trans-formation which was to result, firstly, in the gradual disappearance of the small pro-ducers who typified the previous stage and, secondly, the appearance of large ‘anon-ymous’ companies who carried out their business in various locations and con-trolled the entire production process, from the extraction of the ore to the manu-facture of refined metal ingots.

In a recent study, Ch. Rico has suggested that these two business models hadnot been successive but simultaneous, motivated by the different characteristics ofthe mining districts around Carthago Noua: Sierra de Cartagena, where only theexistence of individual or family mining and metalworking companies is attested,and Mazarron where the greatest concentration of evidence related to large ‘anon-ymous’ companies is to be found 58.

However, in our opinion, this interpretation does not accurately reflect the ex-act chronology of the documentation. It does not take into account that the reasonfor the lack of evidence regarding the activity of large mining-metalworking com-panies in the Sierra de Cartagena may simply be that when this business model was

Athenaeum 101/2 (2013) 545

55 CIL I2.771 = ILLRP 398.56 L.R. Taylor, The Voting Districts of the Roman Republic, Rome 1960, p. 213; Wiseman, New Men

cit., p. 231; F.X. Ryan, Der bei den Agrigentinern beliebte Legat M. Favonius M. f., «Faventia» 24/2 (2002),

pp. 33-36.57 Cf. Wiseman, New Men cit., pp. 197-202.58 Ch. Rico, Societes et entrepreneurs miniers italiques en Hispanie a la fin de l’epoque republicaine. Une

comparaison entre les districts de Carthagene et de Sierra Morena, «Pallas» 82 (2010), pp. 395-415, esp. 400-

404.

starting to be applied, in the second half of the 1st century BCE, the district wasalready beginning to go into sharp decline. Furthermore, there is evidence in Ma-zarron to suggest that, there too, mining and metalworking were in the hands ofindividual companies at the beginning of the 1st century BCE 59. At any event, thisdoes not preclude the possibility that for an unspecified period of time both busi-ness models could have coexisted 60.

These large companies appear in epigraphic documentation as societates andusually had names of a geographic nature. They were not exclusive to the area ofCarthago Noua, in fact they are well documented in the mining districts of thesouthern Iberian Peninsula 61. Furthermore, these types of company probably ap-peared in the Sierra Morena a little earlier than in Cartagena. At the moment,the earliest attested company is the S(ocietas) C(astulonenis) or C(ordubensis), whoseinitials are stamped on a large number of lead seals from various mining-metalwork-ing establishments in the provinces of Jaen, Cordoba and Badajoz, some of themdating from the early decades of the 1st century BCE 62.


59 From Mazarron come at least two lead ingots stamped by individual producers. One was found in

the Cabezo de San Cristobal with the name C. Vti (us) C. f. Menen(ia), which would suggest a link between

this important lead producer, active in the second quarter of the 1st century BCE, and the district of Mazar-

ron, S.F. Ramallo, Mazarron en el contexto de la romanizacion del sureste de la Penınsula Iberica, in Carlantum.III Jornadas de Estudio sobre Mazarron, Mazarron 2006, pp. 11-164, esp. 94 s.; ELRH, SP39-41. Nearby, at

the La Gacha foundry, another late-republican ingot was found, the seal of which only has the cognomen of

the producer, Pica, which in view of its origin might have been made in this district, Ramallo, Mazarron cit.,

pp. 108-109; Antolinos-Noguera-Soler, Poblamiento y explotacion cit., p. 194; ELRH, SP42.60 This would explain, for example, the appearance of the nomina of some Cartagenan lead producers

at the end of the Republic on ingots found on the wreck at Comacchio (Ferrara), dating from the end of the

1st century BCE, according to a recent suggestion by C. Domergue - P. Quarati - A. Nesta - P.R. Trincherini,

Retour sur les lingots de plomb de Comacchio (Ferrara, Italie) en passant par l’archeometrie et l’epigraphie, in A.

Orejas - Ch. Rico (eds.), Minerıa y metalurgia antiguas. Visiones y revisiones, Madrid 2012, pp. 81-103; how-

ever, the fact that these seals were cold-pressed and the ingots did not have mould stamps on the back means

that we should be circumspect about these pieces and not discount the possibility that they might have been

commercial and not producers’ marks. On this exceptional set of materials vd. F. Berti (ed.), Fortuna maris.

La nave romana di Comacchio, Bologna 1990, and M.P. Garcıa-Bellido, Lingots estampilles en Espagne avec desmarques de legions et d’Agrippa, in J. Le Bohec (ed.), Les legions de Rome sous le Haut-Empire, Lyon 2000,

pp. 685-698, who, without any isotopic data, considers these ingots to have come from Extremadura and in-

terprets most of the stamps as legionary marks.61 Cf. Domergue, Les mines de la Peninsule Iberique, pp. 268-271; Rico, Societes et entrepreneurs cit.62 ELRH, P2; Domergue, Les mines de la Peninsule Iberique, pp. 261 s., 274 s. and 561; L. Arboledas,

La explotacion masiva de los recursos mineros de Sierra Morena oriental: la minerıa iberorromana, in F. Contreras -

J. Duenas (eds.), La minerıa y la metalurgia en el alto Guadalquivir: desde sus orıgenes hasta nuestros dıas, Jaen

2010, pp. 123-201, esp. 149 s.; J.A. Serrano, Analisis del contexto minero romano en la zona oriental de SierraMorena y la societas Castulonensis: Estudio de los fondos del museo arqueologico de Linares y provincial de Jaen, in

L.M. Gutierrez (ed.), Minerıa antigua en Sierra Morena, Jaen 2010, 187-212, esp. 194-197; J.A. Antolinos -

B. Dıaz - M.C. Guillen, El Coto Fortuna (Mazarron, Murcia) y los precintos de plomo de la societas argenti-

fodinarum Ilucronensium, «JRA» 16 (2013), forthcoming.

As we have said before, at the same time as the transformation of business or-ganisation began, in the first half of the 1st century BCE, there was a progressivedecline in the mining district of the Sierra de Cartagena, which would progressivelyreduce the intensity of its activity until its final disappearance in the middle of thefollowing century. However, this was not the case in the Mazarron district, wheremining and metalworking continued apace until at least the Flavian era 63.

We do not know the reasons for the shutting down of the Sierra de Cartagenamines. Inevitably we should ask ourselves to what extent this was related to the pro-cess of business concentration that took place at the same time. At the moment, theconnection between the two situations is not too clear. It is possible that the closingof the mines was caused by the increase in production costs as a result of the gradualdepletion of the richer and more accessible seams, together with the increase in la-bour costs due to the end of the conquest wars in the interior of the Peninsula, themain source of supply of slaves to work in the mines.

These adverse circumstances might have led to the termination of activity inareas where mining the ore was more costly, at the same time as it was becomingconcentrated in more profitable areas, in order to reduce costs and optimise theprofit margin. The process of business concentration, strongly influenced by theneed to optimise the return on investment by reducing costs, would also explainthis situation. At any event, this is a problem that still needs to be studied in greaterdepth in order to reach firm conclusions.

Nor do we know the circumstances that brought about the change from smallfamily mining and metalworking firms to the big societates which, as we shall see,controlled most of the metal production in the Mazarron district during the prin-cipate. From the first half of the 1st century BCE we have some evidence of coor-dination between different producers which was perhaps the seed of this businessconcentration process.

We have a small number of ingots which are stamped with the names of in-dividuals belonging to different families forming societates. Such is the case of C.Fiduius C. f. and S. Lucretius S. f., who appear on two ingots found on the Escom-breras 2 wreck, near the entrance to the port of Cartagena, dating from around 80BCE 64. We have no other mention of the Fiduii in documents related to mining ormetalworking activity. On the other hand, we know of two ingots that were pro-duced by the brothers S. and T. Lucretii on their own 65, which show that this fa-mily carried out its metalworking activity independently and that at some given

Athenaeum 101/2 (2013) 547

63 Antolinos-Noguera-Soler, Poblamiento y explotacion cit.; S.F. Ramallo - R. Arana, La minerıa roma-na en Mazarron (Murcia). Aspectos arqueologicos y geologicos, «AnMurcia» 1 (1984), pp. 49-67.

64 ELRH, SP17; Alonso, Minerıa y trafico marıtimo cit., p. 43.65 One of them was found in Switzerland, CIL XIII.10029.26, and another in the vicinity of Carta-

gena and is currently housed in The National Museum of Underwater Archaeology, Cartagena, ELRH, SP16.

moment they decided to reach an agreement with someone outside the family who,moreover, probably had had no prior connection with metalworking activities,since we are unable to relate any other ingot with this person.

An ingot discovered in the south of France reflects a similar situation, as a societasformed by L. Gargilius T. f. and M. Laetilius M. l. is mentioned 66. As in the previouscase, we know of another ingot from the port of Cartagena which shows the familyname of Laetilius 67. Furthermore the Laetilii were one of the leading families inCarthago Noua between the final years of the 1st century BCE and the early yearsof the next 68. Several epitaphs have been found belonging to members of this family 69

and one of them even came to be a IIuir quinquennalis of the colony around 12-14CE 70. However, as it occurs with L. Fiduius, L. Gargilius cannot be linked to anyother ingot. In fact, this nomen appears nowhere else in Cartagenan epigraphy. Sur-prisingly, the only two places in Hispania where it is attested are Tarraco and Castulo(Linares, Jaen), which was the main town in the Sierra Morena mining district,although we do not have enough data to establish family connections with eitherthe Tarragonian Gargilii or, particularly, the one documented in Castulo 71.

It is tempting to imagine that these societates were the result of business mer-gers to coordinate the activities of miners and those in charge of metalworking com-panies. Thus, S. Lucretius and M. Laetilius could have been the owners of foundries,given the existence of other ingots bearing their nomina, while C. Fiduius and L.Gargilius, whom we cannot link to any other ingot, could have been beneficiariesof mining concessions. If this were so, it would be reasonable to consider thesesmall business alliances as being the forerunners of the later societates, bigger in size,but which also dealt with the extraction of ore and its processing.

In this respect, it is worth mentioning a controversial ingot which makes re-ference to a soc(ietas) Baliar (- - -) which some have thought fit to expand to Balia-r (ica), although the piece comes from the Cartagena area 72. It was recovered in thevicinity of the island of Escombreras, near the Escombreras 2 wreck, although there


66 ELRH, SP13; Laubenheimer, Recherches sur les lingots cit., pp. 136-138.67 ELRH, SP14.68 Koch, Die romischen Gesellschaft cit., pp. 232 s.69 Abascal-Ramallo, La ciudad de Carthago Noua cit., nrr. 78-81.70 This was C. Laetilius M. f. Apalus, who occupied the post as a colleague of King Ptolemy of Mauri-

tania, according to coins minted in the city, M.M. Llorens, La ciudad romana de Carthago Noua: Las emisionesromanas, Murcia 1994, pp. 68-70, and in an honorific inscription, CIL II.5929 = Abascal-Ramallo, La ciudadde Carthago Noua cit., nr. 36.

71 J.M. Abascal, Los nombres personales en las inscripciones latinas de Hispania, Murcia 1994, p. 145.

The Gargilii of Tarraco were probably of African origin cf. G. Alfoldy, Der Senator Q. Gargilius Macer Au-

fidianus und seine Verwandten, «Chiron» 8 (1978), pp. 361-376.72 ELRH, SP43; cf. A.M. Poveda, Societas Baliarica. Una nueva companıa minera romana de Hispania,

«Gerion» 18 (2000), pp. 293-313.

is no proof that the ingot came from this wreck 73, making it hard to determine itsprecise chronology, but it is probably from around the middle of the 1st centuryBCE. Problems with completing the name of the societas, with dating it and thelack of documents referring to this company prevent us from being more specificat the moment. Even so, it should be seen as an important document that probablygoes back to the earliest stages of the appearance of mining societates in Cartagena.

We have more information on two other societates that were active around thebeginning of the imperial era. One of them was the Societas Argentifodinarum Ilu-cronensium. At the end of the 19th century, one of its ingots was found during dred-ging operations on the Tiber, near the former harbour installations of Via Marmor-ata 74, and another five with a similar text were found at the Coto Fortuna, in theMazarron mining district 75.

More documents associated with this societas have been found recently. Thefirst discovery was three lead moulds that were used in the manufacture of ingotsof this company, since their text and proportions more or less match the ingotsfound at the Coto Fortuna 76.

Also in the Coto Fortuna an interesting set of lead seals have been found, si-milar to those usually appearing in mining and metalworking installations in thesouth of the Peninsula 77. Ten of them are stamped with the initials S.A.I, whichobviously could only stand for the S(ocietas) A(rgentifodinarum) I(lucronensium) 78.

This type of seal was almost certainly used to close up sacks of newly-extractedore so as to prevent them being manipulated when they were transported to theirprocessing location. The different sizes of the seals suggest that the ore was alsograded according to quality at the pithead. In fact, only the smallest of the sealswere stamped with the name of the mining company, probably because they werethe ones that were used to close up the sacks of ore with the highest percentage oflead and/or silver, and therefore the most valuable and limited in quantity 79.

The ingots, moulds and seals show that the Societas Argentifodinarum Ilucro-nensium controlled all the stages of the production process, starting with the extrac-tion of the ore, then its processing and finally the casting of the ingots. The only

Athenaeum 101/2 (2013) 549

73 Alonso, Minerıa y trafico marıtimo cit., p. 43.74 CIL XV.7916: Societ (atis) . arge‘nt’ (i ) || fod (inarum) . mo‘nt’ (is, -ium) . Ilucr (onensis, -ium) || galena.75 AE 1907, 135: Societ(atis) || mo‘nt’ (is, -ium). arge‘nt’ (i fodinarum) || Ilucro(nensium); cf. Antolinos-

Soler, Los orıgenes de la arqueominerıa (II) cit., pp. 29 s.76 C. Domergue, in Antolinos-Manteca, Bocamina cit., pp. 188 s.; Antolinos-Dıaz, La societas argen-

tifodinarum Ilucronensium cit.77 C. Domergue, El cerro del Plomo, mina ‘El Centenillo’ (Jaen), «NotAHisp» 16 (1971), pp. 265-363,

esp. 349-353; ELRH, P1-5.78 Antolinos-Dıaz, La societas argentifodinarum Ilucronensium cit.; Antolinos-Dıaz-Guillen, El Coto

Fortuna cit.79 Domergue, El Cerro del Plomo cit., p. 350; Antolinos-Dıaz-Guillen, El Coto Fortuna cit.

thing we do not know is whether it was also involved in the export of the metals, orwhether this was undertaken by third parties.

We also know the exact origin of all these pieces and so we have a fairly roughidea of where this societas operated. As we have seen, the seals came from the CotoFortuna, as did two of the moulds and five of the lead ingots. It has also been sug-gested that seals with the initials S.A.I have been found at another of the pitheads inthe Mazarron district, Pedreras Viejas, but we have not yet been able to confirmthis. However, the third mould comes from the Cabezo del Moro, next to the FincaPeten site, located in another mining complex, Los Perules, near the town of Ma-zarron. This means that the societas Ilucronensis probably operated at three of thefour main pitheads in the Mazarron district where not only were the mines ex-ploited by the company, but also where the processing of the newly-extractedore and the production of the ingots were carried out 80.

In front of the fragmentation of the business organisation into small individualor family companies that typified the previous stage, it seems that there was in Ma-zarron at the end of the first century BCE one large societas, which operated at var-ious pitheads combining its mining as well as its metalworking operations. Thisnew production organisation has a direct bearing on the archaeological evidence,since the metalworking installations were now directly associated with the pitheads,unlike the case with the Sierra de Cartagena mining district, where the main foun-dries were usually separate from the mines.

There was a fourth pithead in the Mazarron area, San Cristobal, near the pre-viously mentioned Los Perules pit. From there comes an interesting sculpturalgroup honouring Mater Terra, the genius of the locus Ficariensis and the genius ofthe societas montis Ficariensis, dating from the Flavian era and financed by a certainAlbanus, who was a dispensator of this societas 81.

In view of the deities chosen and the location of the discovery of the Albanusgroup, it may be taken as being a gesture of gratitude for the success of a miningworks, like the previously mentioned Roscii and Numisii inscriptions 82. In fact, inthe 19th century, some of the most profitable pits in Mazarron were found on theSan Cristobal ridge 83. Thus, it seems logical to suppose that the San Cristobal


80 Antolinos-Dıaz, La societas argentifodinarum Ilucronensium cit.81 CIL II.3525-3527; J.M. Noguera, El conjunto escultorico consagrado por el dispensator Albanus, I.

Algunas puntualizaciones para su estudio iconograficos y estilıstico, «Verdolay» 4 (1992), pp. 75-98; J.M. No-

guera - F.J. Navarro, El conjunto escultorico consagrado por el dispensator Albanus, II. Consideraciones parasu estudio epigrafico e historico-arqueologico, «Verdolay» 7 (1995), pp. 357-473; M.J. Pena, S(ocietas) M(ontis)

F(icarensis). Nota sobre la inscripcion CIL II 3527 (Mazarron, Murcia), «Verdolay» 8 (1996), pp. 43-47. On

the term dispensator, see J. Munız, Officium dispensatoris, «Gerion» 7 (1989), pp. 107-119.82 Antolinos-Noguera-Soler, Poblamiento y explotacion cit., pp. 210-213.83 M.C. Guillen, Los orıgenes del siglo minero en Murcia, Mazarron 2004, pp. 39-42.

mines were exploited at least in the Flavian era by the Societas Montis Ficariensis, forwhich we unfortunately have no further epigraphic evidence.

To sum up, at the beginning of the Imperial era there was barely a trace in theMazarron mining district of the small mining and metalworking companies thatwere so common between the 2nd and 1st centuries BCE. On the other hand,we have evidence of the existence of two mining companies that carried out theiractivity at the four pits in the district and which seemingly controlled the extractionas well as the processing of the ore.

Given the different chronology of the information referring to the two com-panies, we might even venture that they were not contemporary but successive,although this has yet to be verified. In this case, the Societas Argentifodinarum Ilu-cronensium would have controlled metal production in Mazarron during the turn ofthe 1st century BCE to the 1st century CE, the period for which we have most in-formation on this company. Over the first half of the 1st century CE it would havebeen replaced by the Societas Montis Ficariensis, for which we only have testimonialevidence from the Flavian era. Thus it is likely that the markedly fragmentary busi-ness structure of the end of the Republican era would have, at the beginning of theImperial era, given way to a new business model of a primarily monopolistic nature,where small family mining companies and foundries would have practically disap-peared.

The Nature of the Mining Companies and Their Mining Rights

This is perhaps one of the topics relating to Hispanic mining that has arousedthe most discussion among modern scholars, generally focussing on the whether so-cietates publicanorum were involved in mining or not 84.

Ancient authors provide little data in this respect. Livy states that once theprovince had been pacified, Cato implemented a new tax regime on iron and silvermines 85. Furthermore, Strabo, using information transmitted by Polybius, spoke ofthe wealth of the Cartagenan mines, stating that they contributed twenty-five thou-sand drachmas a day to the Roman State. He also added that during his time thesemines continued active and had passed into private hands, unlike the gold mines,which belonged to the State 86.

Athenaeum 101/2 (2013) 551

84 Cf. M.R. Cimma, Ricerche sulle societa di publicani, Milano 1981, pp. 22-31; Mateo, Observacionessobre el regimen jurıdico cit., pp. 24-65.

85 Liv. 34.21.7: Pacata prouincia, uectigalia magna instituit ex ferrariis argentariisque, quibus tum insti-tutis locupletior in dies prouincia fuit.

86 Str. 3.2.10: > Ersi de+ jai+ mt& m sa+ a\qctqei& a, ot\ le* msoi dglo* ria, ot> se dg+ e\m soi& | a> kkoi| so* poi|, a\kk\ ei\|

i\dixsija+ | lese* rsgram jsg* rei|.

Thus the literary sources only enable us to conclude that in the Republicanera, at least in the 2nd century BCE, when Polybius was writing, the mines werepublic and their exploitation was subject to the payment of a uectigal. At no timeis there any evidence to suggest the involvement of publicani.

Some time ago J.S. Richardson had pointed out the unlikelihood that in theRepublican era the mines were exploited by large societates publicanorum, with nomention in literary documentation, nor, especially, in epigraphic evidence 87. Thesame conclusion, with some modifications, was reached by A. Mateo in a recentstudy. This scholar considers that the small mining companies that typified the ear-liest phase of Cartagenan mining would have been unlikely attended the locatio cen-soria that were held in Rome every five years. He is of the opinion that they wouldhave acquired their rights as a mere occupatio procedure somehow sanctioned by theRoman administration and subject to the payment of a uectigal, and this perhapswas collected by publicani 88.

Nor does it seem feasible to identify the large mining-metalworking compa-nies of the early years of the Imperial era with the societates publicanorum. As Mateohas stated, according to Gaius in a passage in the third book of his commentary onthe provincial edict, the societates argentifodinarum were a different type of entity tothe societates publicanorum, and were recognised as such by the State 89. Thus theSocietas Argentifodinarum Ilucronensium and the Societas Montis Ficariensis weregenuine mining companies, as in fact indicated in the name of the former company.

If we accept Strabo’s information as true, these companies would also haveowned the mines they exploited. When and how the privatisation of the pits tookplace that is a mystery for the moment. T. Frank considered that the change ofownership of the mines might have been the result of selling off public assets duringthe Civil Wars, perhaps under Sulla 90. If that were so, it might also have been pos-


87 J.S. Richardson, The Spanish Mines and the Development of Provincial Taxation in the Second Cen-tury B.C., «JRS» 66 (1976), pp. 139-152; Id., Hispaniae. Spain and the Development of Roman Imperialism,

Cambridge 1986, pp. 91 and 122 s.88 Mateo, Observaciones sobre el regimen jurıdico cit., pp. 55-65. In substance, this idea has also been

accepted by C. Domergue, Le regime juridique des mines du domaine public a Rome. A propos d’un ouvragerecent, «MCV» 34/2 (2004), pp. 221-236, esp. 221-226, and J. Andreau, L’economie du monde romain, Paris

2010, p. 119.89 D. 3.4.1 pr.-1: Paucis admodum in causis concessa sunt huiusmodi corpora: ut ecce uectigalium pu-

blicorum sociis permissum est corpus habere uel aurifodinarum uel argentifodinarum et salinarum; cf. Mateo, Ob-servaciones sobre el regimen jurıdico cit., pp. 39 s.; on this passage, see also Cimma, Ricerche sulle societa di pu-blicani cit., pp. 178-190. In general, for a restrictive interpretation of the term publicanus see A. Mateo, Man-ceps, redemptor, publicanus. Contribucion al estudio de los contratistas publicos en Roma, Santander 1999, with

an extensive bibliography; in the same vein: Le regime juridique cit., pp. 225 s.90 T. Frank, An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome I, Baltimore 1933, pp. 157 and 257; cf. Mateo, Ob-

servaciones sobre el regimen jurıdico cit., pp. 66-71.

sible, as M.P. Garcıa-Bellido has noted for the Sierra Morena, that the need to raiseenough capital to take part in these auctions would have been the reason that forcedthe people who were involved in mining or metalworking to form partnerships,leading to the embrionic ‘anonymous’ mining companies of the 1st century CE 91.

Borja Dıaz ArinoUniversity of Zaragoza

[email protected]

Juan Antonio Antolinos MarınUniversity of Murcia

[email protected]

Athenaeum 101/2 (2013) 553

91 Cf. M.P. Garcıa-Bellido, Las Monedas de Castulo con escritura indıgena, Barcelona 1982, pp. 164 s.

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The Organization of Mining and Metal Production in Carthago Noua between the late Republic and Early Empire

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