The Mystical Communion of the Saints: Why was Sanctorum Communionem added to the Apostles’ Creed?

THE MYSTICAL COMMUNION OF THE SAINTS: Why was Sanctorum Communionem added to the Apostles’ Creed?

Regis A. Saxton Religion 316: Christian Thought & Practice

March 24, 2014

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Introduction

Mark’s gospel starts like cannon-fire; ευθυς (immediately) repeats: ευθυς Jesus

went, ευθυς Jesus acted, ευθυς Jesus said thus, startling the crowds. Mark has Jesus ευθυς

appear and work miracles in the lives and hearts of many. For Mark, Jesus’ beginnings were

shrouded in mystery, and almost little matter compared to the relevance and power of his

appearance. Our study of the phrase “communion of the saints”, sanctorum communionem,

is similarly shrouded mystery. Out of the three major historical creeds—the Old Roman

Symbol, the Nicene Creed, and the Apostles’ Creed—it stands apart historically and

theologically. Just as the Primitive Church asked “Why did Jesus appear?”, we ask, “Why

does ‘communion of the saints’ appear in the Apostles’ Creed?” The consensus from

scholarship is: no one knows why.

Thus we aim to study the mystical origins of ‘communion of saints’ and examine a

few theories1. Our inquest demands we limit our scope to before AD 543, the year

Caesarius of Arles died, because he first used the phrase “communion of the saints” in a

form of the Ap in his Sermons 9 and 102. We will examine competing theories, but propose

herein that communion of saints appears in the Apostles’ Creed in the 6th century because

Caesarius of Arles was a ) affirming the peoples’ practice of veneration of the saints, and b)

promoting the practice to supplant pagan religion.

Before we focus on Caesarius and his time, we must step further back in time and

scope and understand how creeds were formed. Understanding that creeds resulted from a

1 The Catholic Encyclopedia at newadvent.org names a few: 1) a protest against Vigilantius, who condemned veneration of the saints; 2) a reaction against Donatist separatism. Joseph Sollier. "The Communion of Saints." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 4. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1908. 11 Mar. 2014 <http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04171a.htm>. 2 St. Caesarius of Arles. Sermons. Translated by Sister Mary Magdeleine Mueller, O.S.F. Vol 2. (New York: Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1956), 54-61.

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collision of Church tradition, peoples’ practice of the faith, controversies and heresies is

critical understanding why ‘communion of saints’, including other clauses, appear in the

Apostles’ Creed (Ap).

Understanding Creeds

The root of creed is credo, “I believe” in Latin. Creeds first sprang from the various

kerygma, the apostolic proclamations of salvation in Jesus Christ. We know from Paul’s

epistles that various kerygma had started to take creedal forms, such as 1 Corinthians 15:3-

63. The antecedents to the Ap and other creeds came from the collision of the kerygma to

the baptismal symbol. The Early Church did exactly as Jesus commanded upon his

ascension, to baptize everyone in the name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit4.

Justin Martyr in his First Apology (c. 155) says: “For in the name of God, the Father and

Lord of the universe, and of our Savior Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Spirit, they then receive

the washing with water.”5

The Didache6 and Cyril of Jerusalem7, the latter written at a later date (c. 348), agree

that baptism involved immersing the catechumen three times in running water, once for

3 “For I handed on to you as of first importance what I in turn had received: that Christ died for our sins in accordance with the scriptures. 4 “Go therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and teaching them to obey everything that I have commanded you.” Matthew 28:19-20a NRSV 5 Justin Martyr, First Apology, Chapter 61. Justin also repeats antecedents to the Ap, such as when he says in Chapter 13: “Jesus Christ, who was also born for this purpose, and was crucified under Pontius Pilate…” Jaroslav Pelikan & Valerie Hotchkiss. Creeds & Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition. Vol 1. New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 2003. 46-47 6 “…then pour water on the head three times, “in the name of the Father, and Son and Holy Spirit.” Chapter 7:3. Pelikan & Hotchkiss, Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition, 41. 7 Bradley P. & David P Nystrom. The History of Christianity: An Introduction. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2004. 107.

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the Father, twice for the Son, thrice for the Holy Spirit. This Trinitarian formula of the

baptismal symbols formed the backbone of the creeds to later come. We see this finally in

the interrogatory baptismal formula explained in Hippolytus’ The Apostolic Tradition8, in

which we find nearly the entire Ap quoted.

As the outside, pagan world asked for explanations for the then mysterious beliefs

and practices of the Christian sect, using the interrogatory baptismal formula made sense.

Thus its transition to a creedal clause; however it was also the rise of diverse heresies that

shaped the creed more than any other force.

Composition of Creedal Statements

Creedal clauses sprang first from the various kerygma, then morphed and expanded

into the interrogatory baptismal symbol. As a unified creed, these clauses were further

expanded and used to define orthodoxy, and consequently, heresy. Table 1 compares

creedal clauses of the three major symbols of the Western church9.

Table 1 The Old Roman Symbol (ORS) Apostles’ Creed (Ap) Nicene Creed (NC) I believe in God almighty I believe in God the Father

Almighty We believe in one God the Father All-Sovereign, maker of heaven and earth, and all things visible and invisible;

And in Christ Jesus, his only son, our Lord

I also believe in Jesus Christ his only son, our Lord,

and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the only-begotten Son of God, Begotten of the Father before all ages, Light of Light, true God of true God, begotten not made, of one substance with the Father, through whom all things were made;

Who was born of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary

conceived of the Holy Spirit, born of the Virgin Mary,

who for us men and our salvation came down from the heavens, and was made flesh of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary, and became man,

Who was crucified under Pontius Pilate and was buried

suffered under Pontius Pilate, crucified, died and was buried; he descended into hell,

and was crucified under Pontius Pilate, and suffered and was buried,

8 Pelikan & Hotchkiss, Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition, 61. 9 Ibid, 665-670.

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And the third day rose from the dead

rose again the third day, and rose again on the third day according to the Scriptures

Who ascended into heaven ascended into heaven, and ascended into the heavens, And sitteth on the right hand of the Father

sat down at the right hand of the Father,

and sitteth on the right hand of the Father,

Whence he cometh to judge the living and the dead

thence he is to come to judge the living and the dead.

and cometh again with glory to judge the living and the dead, of whose kingdom there shall be no end:

And in the Holy Ghost I believe in the Holy Ghost, and in the Holy Spirit, the Lord and the Life-giver, that proceedeth from the Father, who with the Father and Son is worshipped together and glorified together, who spake through the prophets:

The holy church the Holy Catholic Church, the communion of saints,

and in one holy Catholic and Apostolic Church:

The remission of sins the remission of sins, we acknowledge one baptism unto remission of sins.

The resurrection of the flesh the resurrection of the flesh and life eternal.

we look for a resurrection of the dead, and the life of the age to come.

The close relationship of ORS and the Ap is clear from the unity of phrases, excepting

“the communion of saints”. This lends evidence not only that the Ap is derived from the

ORS, but also that the Ap was primarily a baptismal symbol at its start. The use of “I” in the

ORS and Ap differentiates them from the “We” of the NC, reflecting not only its composition

across centuries, but also its primarily creedal versus baptismal nature.

The “we” and creedal shift in the NC arose due to rampant heresies, such as

Arianism and Docetism. Certain creedal clauses were inserted and elaborated upon

primarily to attack heresy and defend orthodoxy. A prime example being Athanasius’

phrase “begotten, not made” in response to Arius10. Other controversies and heresies drove

the amendment and diction of various creedal clauses, such as was made flesh of the Holy

Spirit and the Virgin Mary11, and the Lord, the Life-Giver, who proceedeth from the Father

and the Son12.

10 Nystrom, The History of Christianity, 90. 11 Docetism, and the Theotokos controversy, Nystrom, The History of Christianity, 94-95.

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Lex orandi, Lex credendi

We may add one further influence that Christian thought and practice may have had

on creedal formation and, perhaps, on the later insertion of “communion of saints” into the

Ap. Prosper of Aquitaine in the fifth century articulated verbally what had been believed

and practiced for centuries, “The rule of prayer should lay down the rule of faith.”13 It is

rooted in the idea of adherence to apostolic tradition: that which has been handed down to

Christians to pray and practice, this is what Christians also believe. Pelikan argues that in

the absence of defined orthodoxy the rule of faith was checked against the rule of prayer,

from the time of Origen up through the Munificentissimus Deus of Pope Pius XII in 1950,

which made a rule of faith of the rule of prayer that the Virgin Mary was bodily assumed

into heaven.

Theory of Creedal Formation

We understand from this history, then, that Jesus’ baptismal command merged with

the kerygma to create the interrogatory, Trinitarian baptismal symbol, forming the

backbone of the great Western creeds. External and internal challenges, controversies and

heresies started a shift from credo to credimus, checked by the principle of lex orandi, lex

credendi, to inform the shape, diction and insertion of creedal statements.

Analyzing Why Communion of the Saints is in the Apostles’ Creed

The formation of the creeds now understood, we may apply what we have learned

to analyzing why “communion of saints” was inserted into the Ap. As noted above, the

12 Filioque controversy, Nystrom, The History of Christianity, 146-147. 13 Ut legem credenda, lex statuat supplicandi. Jaroslav Pelikan. Credo: Historical and Theological Guide to Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition. New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 2003. 166.

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phrase, CoS first appeared in two pseudo-Augustine sermons attributed to St. Caesarius of

Arles14. The date of his sermon is unknown, but we know Caesarius was bishop of Arles for

40 years, 503-543. In sermons 9 and 10, Caesarius did not exposit CoS, he merely stated it.

In both sermons he went to great lengths to explain the first parts of the Ap, up through

“the holy church” and spoke further about the resurrection of the flesh, but left CoS’

meaning to our imagination. It is also worthwhile to note that CoS does not appear in

Rufinius’ explication15 of the Ap, nor in Augustine’s16; it is singular to St. Caesarius’ sermon.

In the prevailing Church languages of Latin and Greek, CoS is sanctorum communio or

hagion koinonia17. Typically interpreted communion of saints, it is now usually translated

the “communion or communication in holy things.”18 Without further context or exposition,

herein we remain with this translation, as it is the probable understanding of the phrase in

the 6th century.

Given the above discussion of creedal formation, the best approach is to limit ourselves

to understanding why CoS first appeared in the Ap in the early 6th century, in Southern Gaul

in two sermons by Caesarius of Arles. The following are three possibilities that will be

addressed in turn. All three have a measure of truth, but only one can explain the CoS:

I. Defend the orthodox faith from heresy II. Modify or accentuate the phrase ‘holy catholic church’

III. Affirm and promote the veneration of saints and relics 14 Caesarius would regularly take sermons, tracts, ideas, etc. from other authors and use in sermons. He did this often enough with Augustine that a number of his sermons are called pseudo-Augustine. 15 Rufinius. “A Commentary on the Apostles’ Creed,” in Theodoret, Jerome, Gennadius, Rufinius: Historical Writings, Etc. From Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series, Vol. 3. Edited by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace. (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1994.) 16 Augustin, On Faith and the Creed, 331-333. 17 Pelikan, Credo. 391. 18 It is theorized this can refer to communication or communion in the sacraments. ibid, 171.

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I. Defending the Faith Against Heresy?

As we discovered, heresies compelled explanation of beliefs in the great Western

creeds, so it stands to reason CoS was inserted to defend orthodoxy against heretical belief.

In fact, a survey of the religious landscape finds Nicene Christianity mostly at odds with

Arianism (in the form of Visigoths), remnants of Donatism and Pelagianism. However, these

do not seem to merit a reply that would sum itself up as “communion of the saints”.

Caesarius is most known for his leadership at the Council of Orange in 529, which struck a

compromise between the free will ideas espoused by Pelagius, and Augustine’s strict

predestinarian position. Yet, if Caeasarius was combating Pelagianism, it would stand to

reason CoS would have been mentioned in the statements by the Council, however this is

not the case. A more promising candidate is Donatism, as they believed the traditores had

invalidated the sacraments, and so they set up their own, seemingly valid, churches19.

However, that CoS takes hundreds of years to show up, and without explanation, vitiates

this claim. The Donatist theory makes sense prima facie, but there does not seem to be any

supporting historical evidence.

Other scholars suggest CoS was added to combat the position of Vigilantius, who

wrote polemics denouncing the veneration of saints20. In support of this position is that

Vigilantius was based in Gaul, and that St. Faustus, bishop of Riez in Southern Gaul wrote

against him. The Gallic nature of the controversy would seem to give this theory weight.

However, at least in Gaul, there is little evidence that veneration of the saints required

theological support, and Jerome had already vindicated himself and veneration of saints a

19 Nystrom, The History of Christianity, 102. 20 Joseph Sollier. "The Communion of Saints."

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century prior21. Augustine, from whom Caesarius’ Sermons 9-10 are taken, does not

mention sanctorum communionem in his exposition of the Ap. If it was meant to contradict

Vigilantius, it would have been more likely to show up earlier, not later, and certainly not

without some exposition. If CoS was inserted into the Ap to combat heresy, it seems

unlikely to be against any known, major heresy of the day.

II. Does It Modify ‘Holy Catholic Church?’

A second, stronger possibility is that St. Caesarius meant “I believe in the Holy Spirit,

the holy Catholic Church, [which is] the communion of saints…”. CoS is, then, merely an

elaborative statement attached to ‘holy Catholic Church’. If so, this would have an oddly

democratic air for its time and place. Two observations vitiate against CoS being strictly a

phrasal modifier, particularly a) St. Caesarius seems to view CoS as a separate belief, and b)

it doesn’t fit the way the Ap and other creeds are constructed.

In Sermon 10, Caesarius says, “Believe in the Holy Spirit, believe in the holy Catholic

Church, believe in the communion of saints…22”, as if these are separate articles of belief.

Also, he says in Sermon 9, “In this way the order of the creed is the ascending order of

salvation…,23”suggesting again that these are all separate articles of belief.

Secondly, such modifying phrases are not used at all in the latter part of the creeds.

They typically appear more in the earlier, older parts of the creeds that formed from the

baptismal symbols and were revised, added to and elaborated upon in response to

21 Jerome. Against Vigilantius. Translated by W.H. Fremantle, G. Lewis and W.G. Martley. From Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series, Vol. 6. Edited by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace. (Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1893.) Revised and edited for New Advent by Kevin Knight.<http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/3010.htm>. 22 St. Caesarius of Arles. Sermons, 60. 23 Ibid, 59.

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heretical beliefs. Excepting the Donatist controversy, there was little question as to the

identity of the Catholic Church, thus such a nebulous modifier as “communion of the saints”

seems an odd way to elaborate upon the one, clear, visible Catholic Church. The logic of

adding CoS as a modifier does not fit given that no heretical influences justify its insertion,

and the phrases’ inability to truly modify ‘holy Catholic Church’.

III. Affirming the Veneration of the Saints

After reviewing the alternate theories, only one remains stronger than the others:

sanctorum communionem likely appears in the Apostles’ Creed due to the peoples’ practice

of venerating the saints, affirming it by the principle of lex orandi, lex credendi, promoting it

to strengthen the peoples’ civitas and to supplant indigenous pagan religions.

This theory seems to fit Gaul in the early Middle Ages and Caesarius as bishop-

priest. We will explore this further below, but to summarize, in Gaul of the early Middle

Ages Christianity collided with indigenous pagan religions as it inherited a province it

sought to both govern and convert. The veneration of saints and relics caught fire in Gaul,

soon becoming Christianity’s epicenter for this practice, and indeed, for Western

Christianity. The practice’s similarity to the indigenous pagan customs made the cult of the

saints and relics useful for both governance and conversion. Ultimately, it was the rule of

the people, lex orandi, set against this backdrop, that made Caesarius speak it, lex credendi,

in his sermon on the Apostles’ Creed.

The Cultus of the Saints & Relics

It is well known that Christians long regarded the saints and relics as precious and

worthy of honor and respect. Martyrdom, since the time of Stephen, had been considered

the highest call to which a Christian could strive, because in it, one mimicked the crucified

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Jesus. The writer of Hebrews even said, “In your struggle against sin you have not yet

resisted to the point of shedding your blood.” Clothing, possessions, particularly the bones

of martyrs were considered blessed by connection with the saint, and thereby charged with

power to perform miracles. Echoes of this are seen throughout the Bible: Aaron’s rod,

Elijah’s cloak, Jesus’ garment, even the shadow of the Apostle Peter. Basilicas were raised,

candles lit to honor the saints, and prayers were made that invoked their memory, or they

were spoken to directly. This practice dates from the earliest years of the church, and

started first with local “saints”, revered family or community members who died and were

remembered. Inscriptions upon the graves of deceased Christians would speak to them,

often asking for them to pray for them. Written in elegiac couplets, one gravestone reads, “I,

Petronia, wife of a Levite, of modest countenance, here lay down my bones and place them

in their resting place. Cease from weeping, my husband and sweet children, and believe

that it is not right to mourn one that lives in God.24”

At the core of Christian belief about the saints and relics is that those who died in

Christ are still alive in Christ. Jerome, in his scathing rebuke of Vigilantius, quotes Jesus

saying, “The God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, the God of Jacob: He is not the God of the

dead, but of the living.25” In this early 5th century defense of veneration of the saints,

Jerome is clear that the saints are worthy of honor, and that their veneration is a long-

established and accepted Christian practice.

24 Documents of the Christian Church (4th ed.). Edited by Henry Bettenson & Chris Maunder. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. 91. 25 Jerome. Against Vigilantius.

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The rise of the cult of saints and relics in Gaul can be linked to the distinctly

communal nature the local church acquired in the aftermath of the fall of Rome in 476.

Small-scale conflict was waged throughout the region; the cities guarded themselves by

building great walls, often leaving the peasant agrarian communities on the outside and

vulnerable to being taken captive. Bishops like St. Caesarius began to view themselves as

community leaders; they and their basilica were the glue that bound together a community

defending itself from siege. As a case in point, Caesarius was known to sell off the silver of

his basilica to ransom captives of war26. Connected to this was the growing practice of

Rogation Days. Essentially a community religious festival for public repentance of sin, and

often in response to calamity, siege or plague, the practice involved around three days of

fasting, prayers, sermons and processions to holy places, most likely those associated with

saints27. Local martyrs and holy persons, whose graves were visited on a regular basis, and

whose death-days were celebrated with a regular festival and on Rogation Days, were

“fellow-citizens.” Just as they had stood and prayed with them in life, they still did so in

death.28

As martyrdom and persecution had bound together Christians through the Roman

Empire, in the Empire’s ashes, and alone in a sea ravaged by war, islands of diverse

Christian communities, with a basilica and bishop-priest at their centers, began to solidify

as one.

26 Peter Brown. The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity: AD 200-1000. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1996. 62. 27 William E Klingshirn. Caesarius of Arles: Life, Testament, Letters. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1994. 177. 28 Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom,63-64.

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Rusticas vs. Reverentia

Nevertheless, Gaul of the early Middle Ages was also a melting pot of the indigenous

and the Roman, the old giving way to the new. Klingshirn divides the peasants of Arles into

three categories: practitioners of traditional religion, those who identify as ‘orthodox’

Christians, and those who identify as Christians but may mix Christian and pagan practices,

or in a sense, syncretists29. Quite generally speaking, the agrarian countryside was home to

the rusticitas, indigenous, naturalist pagans who valued amulets and worshiped everything

under the sun – lakes, trees, animals, springs and more30. The cities, such as Arles, were

more Christianized, but it did have its syncretist elements. Paganism lived side by side with

Catholicism, and for the orthodox, Nicene Christian bishops, priests and monks, such as

Caesarius, surrounded as they were by pagan practices among their own congregants, they

saw themselves at war with demons. The infusion of rusticitas into the church and spiritual

life of the people distressed Caesarius, a we see in Sermon 53,

“It is a source of pleasure for us, dearly beloved, to see you faithfully coming to church…But, although we rejoice at this…we are sad and we grieve because we know that some of you rather frequently go over to the ancient worship of idols like the pagans who have no God or grace of baptism. We have heard that some of you make vows to trees, pray to fountains, and practice diabolical augury.”31

Caesarius and other Christian leaders wanted a way to both propagate the Christian

faith among the Gallic pagans, and to supplant their own practices for Christian ones32.

29 Ibid, 211. 30 Ibid,102. 31 St. Caesariues of Arles, Sermons, 263. 32 Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 226.

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A litany of tactics was successfully employed by Caesarius to depaganize Gaul33, but

Brown notes “reverentia was the one sure answer to the rusticitas.”34 Reverentia refers to

the veneration of and approach toward the saints, prevailing on their God to intervene in

the world35. Deliberate employment of veneration of saints is unlikely, as if they could

make them engage in the practice. More likely is a combination of tactics to promote

veneration of saints in order to make Catholicism more palatable to the pagans. Pagans

eventually exchanged amulets for relics, and their sacred lakes and trees for holy shrines

and basilicas36. This was no dual religious system living happily alongside paganism, nor a

craven veneer that was still essentially pagan. It can be little doubted that the similarities

between the pagan practices facilitated the Gauls giving up rusticitas for reverentia, but it is

also clear that Caesarius and other Christian leaders would not stand any syncretism or

dual religious system37. In the end, it was veneration of saints that helped to depaganize

and to Christianize Gaul in late antiquity.

Conclusion: How Sanctorum Communionem Found Its Way into the Creed

Finally, we now have all the constituent elements required to explain why

‘communion of the saints’ was inserted into the Apostles’ Creed in a sermon in Southern

Gaul in the 6th century. In short, it was lex orandi, lex credendi at work – Gaul had become

the epicenter of reverentia, and mentioning it, in connection with the Church, affirmed both 33 Ibid, 226-243. Describes patronage, education of youth, and changing the calendar and various feast days, among others. 34 Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom, 102. 35 Ibid, 102. 36 Ibid, 102. Wallace-Hadrill also makes this a general thrust of argument in Chapters 2-3. 37 Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, 215.

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the common practice of the people and its depaganizing influence in Gaul. It is unsurprising

that it originated with Caesarius, bishop-priest of Arles, a key city in Gaul. He was a servant

of the people and community leader: supporter of the spiritual life of the average Christian,

leader of communal religious festivals, defender of the orthodox faith. As a man of the

people, it is even more likely he would reflect the practices of the people in his exposition

of the Creed. Caesarius wanted to affirm the practices of his congregants when he put

sanctorum communionem in the Creed.

Mueller notes that scholars do not consider Caesarius to have been an original

thinker38; indeed even Sermons 9-10 are pseudo-Augustine. Yet it may have been in this

one simple phrase that this pastor of the people, who had already done a great deal to

change the ministry and involve the laity39, originated at least one, great theological idea.

Communion of the saints, today, is an affirming, encouraging and damning

statement. It affirms, definitively, the long-standing Christian practice of veneration of the

saints. It also encourages the idea that all the saints are bound together, living and dead, in

one mystical body of Christ in which there is a constant interchange of supernatural offices.

It is also damning—today the mystical body Christ, at least on earth, has divided into three

branches and into further tens of thousands of denominations, mocking the idea of one

faith, one church and one baptism. Sanctorum communionem stares a divided body in the

face and demands it to live up to the Creed it professes and be in true spiritual solidarity.

St. Caesarius, and all the faithful departed in Christ, pray for us.

38 St. Caesarius of Arles, Sermons, xix. 39 Ibid, xii-xv.

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