The Koro ChiefDom of Kaduna State

THE KORO CHIEFDOM

OF

KADUNA STATE

BY

LAWRENCE A. GOJEH

i

THE KORO CHIEFDOM OF KADUNA

STATE

BY

LAWRENCE A. GOJEH

TERESHIP PUBLISHERS ENTERPRISE,

KADUNA

ii

The Koro Chiefdom of Kaduna State

© TERESHIP PUBLISHERS ENTERPRISE, 2004

Address: Plot no. 2, Gayan Street, Off Shagari Road,

Narayi, Kaduna

Telephone: 0803-7873665; 0803-5902961

E-Mail: [email protected]

ISBN: 978 – 32679 – 1 – 4

Typsetting: GABDEL PRESS, ABUJA.

08042116835, 08033311909

Designed & Printed by:

Printed by: JOESON GRAPHIC PRESS, ABUJA.

08023646332

iii

The Koro Chiefdom of Kaduna State

Table of Contents

Page

Dedication v

Acknowledgements vi

Preface vii

List of Maps viii

List of figures ix

CHAPTER ONE: 1

Introduction

CHAPTER TWO: 4

The Koro Chiefdom

CHAPTER THREE: 29

Traditional Institutions

CHAPTER FOUR: 49

Traditions and cultures of the Koro

References 66

Index 72

iv

The Koro Chiefdom of Kaduna State

v

vi

DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to my beloved brother (Late Baba

Gimba Ejeng Gojeh) for his advice I enjoyed during his

life time.

vii

viii

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUTION

This work is principally on the traditional institution of the

Koro Chiefdom in Kagarko Local Government Area of

Kaduna State in Nigeria. This book is divided into four

chapters. Chapter one is Introduction, it gives the

background information about the book, the Koro and their

migrational trends, their settlement patterns and

geographical spread in Nigeria, with particular reference to

Kaduna State and Kagarko Local Government Area. Chapter

two deals with the Koro Chiefdom, It relates the wishes of

the Kaduna State Government with its intentions of

establishing traditional institutions in the State and its

achievements in that respect, its location and boundaries,

population, land, tribes, traditional leadership and its

struggles by politicians and the Koro Communities, ruling

houses, chiefdom headquarters, districts and villages in the

chiefdom. Chapter three is on the traditional institutions,

stating the roles of the Ere-Koro, District Heads, Village

Heads, Ward heads, Clan Heads, family Heads and how the

Ere-Koro I and first District Heads were elected. Chapter

four is on the traditions and cultures of the Koro. The book

concludes with a comprehensive references and a subject

index.

The Koro are indigenous to the territory extending from the

former Kagarko District (now the Chiefdoms of Koro,

Kagarko and Jere) of Kaduna State to the Zuba and Babban

Kurmi in Abuja Division (now the Federal Capital Territory,

Abuja). Meek (1931) stated that the Koro race is generally

identified with the Jukuns as the remnant of the great

Kororofa tribe. Hassan and Shuaibu (1952), refer to the koro

as the descendants of those kwararafa or Jukuns;

1

who conquered the whole of the Hausa land since the

seventeenth century. Ruxton (1909) talked of them (the

Koro) as the priestly caste, which headed the Jukun power

that dominated the policies of Northern Nigeria between the

eleventh and seventeenth century before the advent of

Othman Danfodio in the seventeenth century. Gun and

Conant (1960) stated that the Koro originated from Yamil,

East of Mecca and migrated into Nigeria through Borno

directions.

The Koro wars of conquest saw their settlements in most

parts of Northern and the Middle Belt of Nigeria. Having

scattered far and wide of the Northern and Middle Belt of

Nigeria, they are at present found in states such as Kano,

Taraba, Borno, Plateau, Nasarawa, Benue, Niger, Federal

capital Territory, Abuja and Kaduna (Gojeh et al: 1998).

They have been separated by geographical delimitation by

successive Nigerian Governments in the past, especially,

when there are creation of States, Local Government Areas,

Districts and Village settlements. Some have virtually lost

their identities through inter-marriages, wars, hunting, and

other expeditions.

In Kaduna State, the koro are found in Kagarko Local

Government Area of Kaduna State in Nigeria. They can be

found basically in the three Chiefdoms of the Local

Government such as: the Koro, Kagarko and Jere

Chiefdoms. However, they are predominantly settled in the

Koro Chiefdom that constitutes the Districts of Dogonkurmi,

Kubacha, Katugal, Kushe, Kenyi, Kurmin-Dangana, Aribi

and Shadalafiya. Map1 shows the Kagarko Local

Government Area with the Chiefdoms of Koro, Kagarko and

Jere.

2

3

CHAPTER TWO

THE KORO CHIEFDOM

The agitation for the creation of additional Chiefdoms in

many parts of Nigeria saw Kaduna State Government under

the able leadership of Colonel Lawal Ja’afaru Isa in 1995

created four (4) additional Traditional Institutions, viz;

Atyap, Bajju, Gwong and Sanga (now Numana) Chiefdoms.

This singular action of Government received a wide praise

within and outside Kaduna State.

In further response to the yearnings of the people, the

Administration of His Exellency, Alhaji Ahmed Mohammed

Makarfi on 15th

September 2000 created another twenty-one

additional Chiefdoms in the State. These include: Adara,

Ayu, Gbagyi, Fantswam, Godogodo, Ikulu, Jere, Kagarko,

Kajuru, Kaninkon, Kauru, Koro, Rumana, Kurama, Lere,

Ninzom, Nyenkpa, Piriga, Saminaka, Takad and Tsam

(Chawai). Together with the six existing traditional rulership

Institutions of Zazzau, Jema’a, Birnin Gwari, Kagoro,

Maro’a and Jaba Chiefdoms, the total number of these

traditional institutions in Kaduna State rose to thirty-one

(31).

4

The action of Governor Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi earned

hima traditional title among the Koro of “Igwam-bo-Koro

Ngang”. This means the “Strong man of the Koro”. The

mark of honour accorded Alhaji Ahmed Mohammed

Makarfi is as a result of the success granted to the Koro by

giving them a Koro Chiefdom, which was struggled for

years without success, until his government

Kaduna State of Nigeria Government (2001) in their wisdom

advanced the following reasons to support the creation of

more traditional institutions, as:

1. To eliminate mutual suspicion and discontent

often expressed by way of recurring ethnic or

communal violence that is becoming a common

feature in the society;

2. The need for peace, stability and development;

3. The right to self determination as enshrined in

the constitution of the Federal Republic of

Nigeria;

4. To serve as catalysts for mobilizing people

towards communal and social development

programmes and fostering social understanding

amongst them;

5. The realization that the existing traditional

institutions in the State have to a large extent

helped in maintaining peace and stability in the

State as such institutions have proved to be

effective rallying points for communities to freely

express themselves and to pursue their common

objectives; and

5

6. There was the increasing consciousness by

communities for the need to preserve and protect

their identities. Also, there was historical

linkages as ethnic groups; struggling to attain

their yearnings and aspirations.

Location

The Koro Chiefdom being one of the Chiefdoms that were

created in 2000 by His Exellency, the Executive Governor of

Kaduna State, Alhaji Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi, is located

at the extreme South-western part of Kaduna State. It is

about 180 kilometers South of Kaduna State Capital. The

River Gurara, which separates it from Kachia District, bound

it on the north; to the East by Kachia and Jaba District; to the

South are Nassarawa State and Federal Capital Territory,

Abuja and to the West is Sabon Icce District in Jere

Chiefdom. While to the North East is Plateau State.

Boundaries

The Koro Chiefdom boundaries have been formed in line

with the Technical Committee on boundary adjustments of

the traditional institutions in Kaduna State White Paper

2001. According to the Kaduna State White paper (2001),

boundaries were adjusted in line with government position

on technical Committee report set-up, other reasons include:

constitutional provisions of executive council Committee

and final deliberations and conclusions and decisions, land

contiguity between areas which also serve as a criteria for

consideration of requests for mergers from one Chiefdom to

another, aspiration of the people including district, village

and ward heads, religious leaders and elders, cultural

6

similarities and affiliations, historical antecedents, cultural or

administrative convenience for an area to be passed to an

inappropriate Chiefdom or emirate.

For example, Sabon Icce, a Koro settlement in Jere

Chiefdom was passed from Koro Chiefdom to Jere

Chiefdom and Akoti to Kagarko Chiefdom due to proximity

and as a District headquarter of Akote and above all, in the

spirit of give and take and also for peaceful co-existence. A

natural boundary defined by natural elements such as water

bodies, streams, rivers and rock out-crops. Map 2 is Koro

Chiefdom; showing District boundaries and major towns in

the Chiefdom. In shape, the Koro Chiefdom is long and with

an approximate land area of about 4,400 square kilometers.

7

MAP 2: KORO CHIEFDOM SHOWING

DISTRICT BOUNDARIES AND MAJOR

TOWNS IN THE CHIEFDOM

8

Population

The population in the Chiefdom is about five hundred and

sixty-nine thousand one hundred and thirty-five (569,135)

people as at 2004. This is based on a conservative estimated

projection of 3% birth rate from the 1963 census. The 1963

census figures, formed the baseline for calculation because,

the 1991 census was annulled by Census tribunal in a suit

No. CT/KD/14/1 between the National Population

Commission and the Governor of Kaduna State for the

Kachia Local Government Area which comprised the now

Kagarko Local Government Area and Koro Chiefdom

respectively. Also the 1963 census did not cover all the

villages in the proposed Koro Chiefdom, as such, the

population projection was used (Koro memo to the Military

Administrator of Kaduna State: 1994).

Land

The Koro Chiefdom is extremely hilly, the hills consisting

chiefly of base granite, out-cropping (inselbergs) which

occur all over the Chiefdom but highest in the South-eastern

part. The soils are also red and brown in colour with

occasional ironstone capping. It is exceptionally well

watered. The rivers that contain water all the year are very

large. The Chiefdom is divided up by an extensive network

of streams, which form tributaries of some rivers like the

Gurara, Tafa and Sosugun rivers, divides up the Chiefdom.

The Koro Chiefdom lies within the Southern Guinea

Savannah Ecological Zone. In the Southern part of the

Chiefdom in particular, a feature of the country is the dense

thick forests of large trees and undergrowth, often several

square kilometers. Because of such features, some of the

Koro villages are nicknamed “Dogon-Kurmi”. Particularly,

most streams have dense tickets forest along their course.

9

The other parts of the Chiefdom except in the cultivated area

near the villages are covered with thick bush. The Chiefdom

is characterized by two distinct seasons – wet and dry – with

each lasting for about six months.

Tribes

The Koro Chiefdom is inhabited almost entirely by the Koro

tribe with a few Gbagyis, Hausa/Fulani and Adara. The early

chief was known by the traditional title “Areboku”. He was

the administrative as well as the spiritual leader of the

people. He was said to have ruled since the time of their

settlement at the Kingdom called “Kagarko”. Archival

records on the Koro of former Kagarko District in file

“NASPROF NO. 2908/21” of the National Archive,

Kaduna attests that the Koro, were the original settlers of

this area and only been driven out or displaced by stranger

settlers like the Hausa/Fulani. Other manuscripts in the same

file from the National Achieve, Kaduna, further reveal that

on the arrival of a Hausa/Fulani settler called Bubu, the

District then was inhabited almost entirely by the Koro tribe

and a few Gwaris. The traditional Koro title holder by the

time Hausa/Fulani settlers migrated into Kagarko was one

“Akoti”, a man of Bornu extraction as were all the natives of

that town. In about 1841, Bubu, a Hausa/Fulani, arrived in

the territory. He was now made the chief of Kagarko (Sarkin

Musulmi) to rule the Hausa/Fulani settlers according to the

Islamic injunction.

Before long, a quarrel arose between Bubu and Akoti’s

people owing to the former having destroyed their pagan

“Safi” houses and having erected mosques. The Koro also

were forced to accept the Islamic faith.

10

In protest, Akoti, the Koro pagan chief left Kagarko town

and founded the town of the name “Akote”, some three

kilometers to the east, leaving Bubu and the Hausa/Fulani at

Kagarko town.

According to Gojeh, et al (1998), the first Chief of the Koro

Kingdom in Kagarko was “Areboku” who ruled up to 1821.

The authors could not ascertain when he started his rule. But

Ali (a Koro but called Habe by the Hausa/Fulani) ruled from

1821, at his death, his son Akoti succeeded him until in

approximately 1841 when Emir Abdulkarim made a Keffi

Muslim Fulani who lived with the Koro in Kagarko and

named “Bubu the Sarkin Muslimi (Chief of the Muslims) of

Kagarko town. The title was a threat to the Koro, who saw

themselves as indigenes. Why then, should their traditional

institution be infringed by non-indigenes (the Hausa/Fulani).

The displaced Koro chief “Akoti” with the support of the

Koro in 1846 asked Mohamman Sani the Emir of Keffi to

give him back the District he had ruled up to the time of

Bubu’s arrival in Kagarko town. Mohamman Sani agreed to

this request and the Koro villages were divided equally

between Bubu and Akoti who were both made responsible

for the collection of the taxes of their units. On the one hand,

the villages under Bubu’s rule were Katugal, Kutaho, Aribi,

Kushe, Kukyer, Kuratam, Shadalafiya, Nkojo and lcce.

While Akoti, ruled the villages that included Dogonkurmi,

Kubacha, Kasabere, Kubere, and Kusam.

This arrangement appeared to have been in operative up to

the times when Sir Frederick Lord Lugard transferred

Kagarko District to Nasarawa Province in 1904.

11

Mohamman Sani in 1846 was the Emir of Keffi and was also

of the Koro stock from Bornu. During the period that

Nasarawa was administering the Kagarko District, on

account of the mal-practices of Chief Akoti, he was alienated

from the Koro villages he had hitherto been the head of the

two Districts, then ruled by Akoti and Bubu were merged

together into one again in 1923 to form Kagarko District.

This formed the genesis for the present three Chiefdoms in

Kagarko Local Government Area. The Koro, Kagarko and

Jere Chiefdoms and Kagarko Local Government Area

evolved from the then Kagarko District.

According to the acting Secretary of Northern Nigeria in

1922 said, “the Koro were deprived of their political power

owing to past mal-administration”. The Koro tribe is divided

into village areas under principal chiefs in 1923; an

arrangement which, though, it may be fairly satisfactory

from an administrative point of view and in particular

simplifies tax collection by enabling the District Head to

deal with a lesser number of village chiefs. But the

arrangement destroyed the Chiefdom system of rule of the

Koro.

According to the memorandum from the Resident of Zaria

province to the Secretary of Northern provinces in 1924 on

the re-organization of Kagarko District, it said, “the

Hausa/Fulani are cunning to set the Koro people against

each other thereby making them hate the leadership of one of

them”. This therefore, goes to attest how just the

Government of Kaduna State on restoring traditional rule of

the Koro that was lost in the 19th

century due to mal-

administration by the colonial administration of the indirect

rule in Nigeria.

12

The District was re-transferred to Zaria Emirate under the

rule of Makama Babba with the title “District Head”, a title

that was given by the Emir of Zaria. The District was

administered for the Emir of Zaria. Bubu was a Fulani of

Yammagi from Katsina. He was a Herdsman who settled in

Kagarko at the time of Emir Yamusa of Keffi who ruled

Keffi Emirate by 1821 to 1834, while Abdulkarim ruled

Keffi by 1834 to 1846.

Traditional/Political Administration

In the late 1950s and just before Nigeria’s independence, the

Wakili system was introduced. It was

representative/delegation of the Koro at the Zazzau Emirate

Council in Zaria. The system of administration was granted

to the Koro by the Zazzau Emirate Council, for ease of

administration.

The Wakili contolled and administered the village areas

known as Dakatai (village Heads) of Kushe, Kabara,

Kubacha, Kusam, Katugal, Kenyi, Kukyer, Kurmin

Dangana, Dogonkurmi, Aribi and Shadalafiya. These

various Dakatais, there were other smaller villages with

ward heads, called goras being controlled by the village

heads and generally made up the entire Koro settlement of

Kaduna State.

The traditional/political leadership of the Wakili system,

calls for a dynamic and highly organized leadership as

reasoned by the Koro political thoughts like- Late Bargo

Giwa Katugal, Danbaki Najira Dogonkurmi, Adam Dogo

Dogonkurmi, Alhassan Sugwe Dogonkurmi, Ali Katugal,

Ibrahim Kogi Kubacha. Others include:

13

Kadu Kenyi, Wakili Goje Kushe, Ahmadu Kabara, Auta

Kudiri, Maiyanga Nkojo, Alkali Alu Kurmin Jibirin, Bature

Gajere Shadalafiya, Gimba Ejen Gojeh Dogonkurmi, Audu

Alkali Sabo Dogonkurmi and many others. These political

thoughts struggled for Koro self-rule and the creation of

more Districts in the former Kagarko District.

The carving of Katugal and Jere Districts out of the Former

Kagarko District left very many Koro villages in the then

Kagarko District. Katugal District then was purely Koro.

Jere was a combination of Gwagyi, Koro and Hausa/Fulani.

The Zango-Kataf Market riot of 1992 motivated the Koro to

submit a memorandum to the Secretary to the Commission

of Zango-Kataf (Market) Riots and Subsequent Riots

Judicial Commission of Inquiry. The memoranda made

observations on possible causes of riots and suggested the

creation of Chiefdoms that would include the Koro

Chiefdom.

The memo viewed the fact that sharp differences exist

between the various communities as to tradition and custom,

the entire former Kagarko District communities in Kaduna

State, called for the a careful consideration as carving of

chiefdoms so as to clearly provide for self-rule of the

communities. It went further to say that it may not be

practicable to carve a chiefdom for each community,

However carving them for the major tribes based on a

popular criterion-say population/history will enhance

peaceful co-existence and rapport or interactions.

Interrelating of the ethnic groups based on friendship or

equality, will breed confident and love not to mention,

mutual respect. But to do otherwise, will breed opposition

and rebellion.

14

The memo went on to say that ‘’Our traditional institutions

should not be scrapped; but a thorough review in the light of

present day realities, is absolutely necessary. We are looking

forward to the establishment of more Chiefdom in view of

the resent elevation of the present Chiefdoms to higher

levels. Again, this will lead to self rule and faster

development; this is the new world order, to de-colonize the

various communities”.

After the Zangon-kataf (Market) riot of 1992, the Committee

of the Kaduna State House of Assembly on local

Government and Chieftaincy Affairs called for memoranda

from the general public in respect of:

(a) Up grading of some District Heads to either 3rd

class or 4th

class Chiefs.

(b) Review of salaries of District Heads.

(c) Transfer of District Heads from their localities to

another”

The people of former Kagarko District in 1992 through their

Honourable member in the Kaduna state house of Assembly

wrote a memoranda requesting for a Koro Chiefdom with

their District Head then, (late Alhaji Suleiman Tanko) to be

promoted to the status of a Third class Chieftaincy and the

paramount Chief of the Chiefdom.

The agitation was presented in respect of all residents of

former Kagarko District. The inter-marriages between the

Koro and the Hausa/Fulani of Kagarko, along with the inter-

mixture or adaptation of each others’ culture has brought

about the communities accepting one another as brothers and

15

sisters, except the wide distinction in religious affiliation that

seems to put the two ethnic groups apart. These tendencies

were manifested during the struggle for a Koro Chiefdom

that was meant to serve for the former Kagarko District or

former Districts of Kagarko, Jere and Katugal in Kagarko

local Government Area. The struggle included personalities

from Kagarko town and Jere town, who were representing

their communities but suddenly changed their minds to look

for Emirate Councils of Kagarko and Jere respectively.

In the year 1993, Late Hon. Philip Bayero invited two

representatives each from the Koro villages in the former

Kagarko District, to a meeting at Kaduna “for purposes of

unity among the Koro people, to know one another, to assist

him on his political representation of his constituency, to

join the request for a Koro Chiefdom, especially, when he

had been receiving support and encouragement from Messrs

Nuhu Bargo, Luka L. Shadalafiya, Lawrence A. Gojeh and

others too numerous to mention” (Minutes of Koro

Community Club, Kaduna Branch of 16th

November, 1993).

The meeting resolved thus:

i. To reactivate the Koro community Development

club, Kaduna Branch with its leadership. While

meetings to hold monthly.

ii. Write another memo for the creation or restoration of

the Koro Kingdom or Chiefdom.

iii. Prepare an election for new Executive of the Koro

community Development Association, Kaduna

Branch (see minutes of the Koro community

meetings, Kaduna branch 16th

November,

1993,4/12/93,22/1/94,12/2/94,12/3/94,and 12/5/94).

16

After the meeting, a protem Executive Committee was put in

place to actualize the resolutions arrived at the meeting. The

protem Chairman and Secretary were Mr. Luka Lamba

Shadalafiya and Mr. Lawrence Abraham Gojeh;

respectively.

The Kaduna Branch of the Koro community Development

Association from 1993 to 1999 served as the Central Koro

Community Development Association. It was fully

committed to the struggle for Koro self-rule by committing

its resources both human, material and financial towards the

struggle for a Koro Chiefdom. The following

correspondences and contacts were made.

1. A memorandum submitted to the Military

Administrator of Kaduna State on the Restoration of

the Koro Chiefdom submitted on 14th

February ,

1994.

2. Submission to the Technical Committee on the

Creation of New Chiefdom in Kaduna State at a

parley held on 22nd

December, 1995 at Kachia. The

Technical Committee was headed by his Royal

highness, The chief of Maroa Mal. Tagwai Sambo.

The representative of Koro were:

i. Mr. L. L. Shadalafiya - Chairman

ii. Wakili Giwa Goje -Member

iii. Rev. Gaiya Najira - ,,

iv. Ahmadu Dogari - ,,

v. James Musa - ,,

vi. Hon. Atama Gwari - ,,

vii. Habakuk Kato - ,,

viii. John Dikko - ,,

ix. Jock Garkwa - ,,

x. Lawrence Abraham Gojeh - Secretary

17

The highlights of the presentation at the parley

was on the name of the chiefdom, headquarter,

nomenclature of the paramount chief, the

traditional council, ruling houses, kingmakers

boundaries of the chiefdom, creation of more

districts and their compositions.

3. The struggle for Chiefdoms did not rest with the

Koro alone but other bodies like the Southern

Kaduna People’s Union were fully committed to self

rule. In one of the President’s presentation by Afuwai

(1995) to the Military Administrator of Kaduna

State, stated that “lack of cultural independence and

self determination for our people, owing to the

administrative arrangement that placed the majority

or our people under the suzerainty of the two

Emirates (Zazzau and Kafanchan) in the state. We

requested you to kindly solve some of the problems

aforesaid, by creating chiefdoms for our people”.

3. When the Military Administrator answered the call

by creating Atyap, Bajju, Gwong and Sanga

(Numana), Afuwai (1995) in his praise to the

Governor said “we are happy that God Almighty

gave you the wisdom and the courage to do so. We

received with jubilation, the news of the creation of

new chiefdoms and Traditional Councils in our area.

By this singular act you have made history, you have

kindled a ray of hope in the hearts of the oppressed,

you have mourned with the mourners and have raised

the down trodden. You have uplifted the spirit of

many of our people and have made them to renew

18

their faith in Nigeria as a country; in which we hope

communities will co-exist in harmony, with mutual

respect for one another, in freedom and in unity. It is

by giving all her peoples’ freedom, dignity and

equality that Nigeria could truly become a nation. By

exhibiting such an act of nation building you have

demonstrated that you are indeed an officer and a

gentlemen. This singular contribution to the socio-

political reconstruction and rebirth of southern

Kaduna would ever be remembered by our people”.

He want further to say that “ I am aware that some

communities who equally deserve to have their own

chiefdoms have not been so lucky. I urge you not to

be tired, of striving to emancipate the people”.

5. The plight did not end there, the Koro in the same

year 1995, wrote another memo drawing the attention

of government to the importance of traditional

institution which they said that, “history has shown

that traditional institutions, where they exist, have

galvanized the people into changing their lives

qualitatively and qualitatively. (That) by creating a

Koro Chiefdom, the uncontested reason of NEO-

COLONIALISM will be stamped out of our

community”. Other reasons will include

administrative uniqueness of the people, thereby

enhancing peaceful co-existence; self-rule, self-

reliance and self-sufficiency for socio-economic

development”.

6. After the death of the District head of Kagarko Alhaji

Suleiman Tanko in July 1996, who has

19

been a Hausa/Falani from in Katsina but had

lived in Kagarko since the 1940s, saw the

turbanning of another Hausa/Fulani as the

District Head of Kagarko by His Royal Highness

the Emir of Zazzau against the Koro’s interest.

They have been eyeing the throne. This did not

go down well with the Koro who indicated that

the position should not be hereditary. In their

congratulatory message to the Military

Administrator (Lt. Col. Hameed I. Ali) of

Kaduna State in 1996 highlighted two meetings

that were held with His Royal Highness the (23rd

July, 1996 and 25th

Nov.1996) Emir of Zazzau

and his Council on the appointment of the

District Head of Kagarko who should be a Koro.

The letter went further to say that his Royal

Highness decided to make Kagarko District

Headship hereditary, an attempt to deprive the

Koro indigene from ascending to the throne. In

the former Kagarko District majority of the

people were Koro.

7. In another reminder letter to the Emir of Zazzau on

the struggle Koro District headship of the former

Kagarko District, to be ruled by Koro was written

and titled appointment of District Head of Kagarko

By the National Association of Koro Communities

Kagarko District Branch office in 1996 to His Royal

Highness stating that “we have been fighting for our

legitimate right and in respect of the District

headship of Kagarko which falls under your domain,

you are also aware that beside the protest letters, we

20

have sent to you previously, we have equally decided

to pursue such right in the High Court of Justice

Kaduna. We do know that you have been duly served

with all the relevant court payers”. The letter went

further to emphasis that, “ In order to forestall and or

maintain peaceful co-existence within the District,

you invite, us and we Honourably attended a meeting

with you in your palace on 23rd

August 1996. At the

meeting we agreed with you that other Districts

should be created within Kagarko so that the present

steps taken by you to appoint a new District Head of

Kagarko would not be interfered, the Districts

proposed then were Dogonkurmi, Kushe and Kukui.

However, the letter went further to state that the

“districts proposal did not deter the legal battle,

which was before the High Court of Justice, Kaduna.

The letter said that” meanwhile, the legal battle

which is before the Court now will Continue till and

whenever the new Districts proposed above are

created or till an indigene of Koro from among the

applicants in the Court case is appointed the new

District Head of Kagarko”.

8. The same Association on 31st March 1997 wrote to

the secretary of the Zazzau Emirate Council drawing

the Emir’s attention to a statement, credited to him at

a meeting with him on 26th

March, 1997 that “ the

former Kachia local Government has been dominated

by the Koro people and the present Kagarko local

Government is being dominated by the Koro as such

the gab should be bridged by the Koro to be ruled by

21

a Hausa/Fulani as District Head”. The letter

requested the zazzau Emirate to maintain a singular

stand of providing three more Districts (Dogonkurmi,

Kushe and Kukui) rather than indulging to playing

some games.

9. Request for the creation of Koro Chiefdom was also

submitted to the State Governor as a reminder on 17th

September, 1998.

10. At a Courtesy call on the Governor – Elect of

Kaduna State (Alh. Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi) on

26th

March, 1999, carried the request for a Koro

Chiefdom.

11. In 1999, when the Government established the

Committee to study the report on traditional ruler

ship Institutions in Kaduna State, the Koro wrote to

re-emphasis their request for a Koro chiefdom.

12. In June 1999 another memoranda was written by the

Koro people to the Secretary, Kafanchan Emir-ship

staff of office Riots Judicial Commission of inquiry.

The memoranda suggested the creation of Chiefdoms

for ethnic groups in Kaduna state.

13. In September, 1999 a joint memorandum by Adara,

Chawai, Gure, Gbagyi, Kurama, Koro, Kahugu,

Makupanah and Surubu was made to the Honourable

speaker Kaduna state House of Assembly on the

creation of additional Chiefdoms in Kaduna State.

22

14. The memo again to His Excellency the executive

Governor of Kaduna State on 1/11/99, re-emphasis

the creation of the Koro Chiefdom is borne out of the

need for the Koro people to continue to:

i. Have peaceful co-existence amongst the people in

the proposed chiefdom, its neighbours, Kaduna State

and Nigeria in general.

ii. Build a solid foundation for which the Koro people

will prosper economically, socially, culturally,

traditionally, educationally, technologically and

politically.

iii. Bring about easy communication between the Koro

people and the Government at large;

iv. Have a sense of identity and belonging in the

Nigerian society.

v. To close communication gab between the

government and the people and to facilitate the

executive of government programmes.

vi. Creating Koro chiefdom will signal the people’s

freedom, self determination, development and

progress.

The Professor Bashir Ikara Committee for the Creation of

Additional Traditional Ruler ship Institutions in Kaduna

State invited the Koro Community to defend their

memoranda for a Koro Chiefdom. At the defense, the Koro

representatives included: L.L. Shadalafiya, David T. Sarki,

Lawrence A. Gojeh, Andrew Makeri and Hon. Atama

Gwani. During the defense, the representatives of Kagarko

town changed their mind for a Koro Chiefdom but

23

demanded for Kagarko Emirate. This request, made the

Committee to direct the Koro Community to meet with the

Hausa/Fulani of Kagarko to present a common front.

The two communities met twice but could resolved their

differences on requesting for a Koro Chiefdom or Kagarko

Emirate. The two committees went back to the Traditional

Ruler ship Committee to indicate their stand of not

compromising.

The Koro Community Development Association, Kaduna

Branch, handled the affairs of the Koro Chiefdom up to

1999, when the first organized Koro Community

Development Association, Kubacha was formed. The

Central Executive Committee of the Koro, now handled the

affairs of the Koro Chiefdom up to when the Koro Chiefdom

was created.

The Committee served from September 1999 to 2002, under

the leadership of the following Executive Committee

members:

Mr. L L. Shadalafiya - President

Mr. David T. Sarki - Vice ,, I

Mr. Emmanuel Ibrahim Ejah – Vice ,, II

Mr. Lawrence A. Gojeh – Secretary General

Mr. Andrew Makeri – Asst. Sec. General

Dr. Dogara Bijimi – Treasurer

Mr. Eric Alhassan Ereje - F/Secretary

Mr. Paul Madaki – Asst. F/Secretary

Mr. Danjuma Emishe – Social Director

24

Mr. Yusuf A. Labidi – Asst. S. Director

Mr. Habakuk Kato – PRO

Late Philip Bayero – Auditor

The struggle for the Koro Chiefdom was backed up by the

wonderful contributions of individuals, such as: Hon. Pius

Dogara, Mr. Bulus Dogara (the permanent Secretary,

Ministry of finance, Kaduna State), Engr. Danbaba T.

Tukura, Hon I. J. Sambo, Pastor John Dikko, Chief

Christopher Jatau and His Royal Highness, Mr. Yohanna

Akaito. Also the Community Associations of the various

villages and the Chiefdom Committee whose membership

include representatives from the Koro Villages in the Koro

Chiefdom.

MEMBER OF THE CHIEFDOM COMMITTEE

Hon. Atama Gwani - Chairman- Katugal

Mr. L. L. Shadalafiya - Asst. Chairman – Kaduna

Alhaji Billa Akote - Member – Akote

Alhaji Yahaya Ja’afaru- Member – Kagarko

Wakili Giwa Goje - Member – Kushe

Rev. Gaiya Najira - Member – D/Kurmi

Ahmadu Dandoka - Member – Aribi

Christopher Akaito - Member – Kukui

Ahmadu Dogari - Member – Kabara

Bulus Yari - Member – Kusam

Maiyanga Arams - Member – Nkojo

Late Bitrus Yero - Member – Shadalafiya

James Musa - Member – Kubacha

Aribi Pop - Member – Kenyi

Weh Dakare - Member – Kurmin Dangana

Ishaya Sarki - Member – Kutaho

25

Habakuk Kato - Member – Kasabere

Dauda Ejim - Member – Kukyer

Akaito Madaki - Member – Kurmin Jibirin

John Dikko - Member – Kuratam

Jock Garkuwa - Member - Village Heads Rep.

Lawrence A. Gojeh - Member – Secretary-General

Ruling Houses

The Koro Chiefdom has three Ruling Houses to exercise

traditional authority in its CHIEFDOM. The Ruling Houses

are the Miya-miya, the Ache and the Ala ruling houses. The

Miya- Miya Ruling house, comprise of Aribi, Kukyer,

Kushe, Kushe Makaranta, Kutaho, Kuratam, Kahir, Kadah,

Badeyen, Koyi, Akote, Kafarma.

The Ache/Wachi Ruling house, comprise of Dogonkurmi,

Kasabere, Kubacha, Kabara, Kusam, Koko, Kadiri, Itur,

Pankore, Rafinkimba, Dokuma, Libi, Marke, Sabon Gida,

Gidan Kato.

The Ashe/Ala Ruling house, comprise of Katugal,

shadalafiya, Nkojo, Kurmin Jibrin, Kukui, Kusampa, GoraB,

Icce, Chigwa, koso, Kampani, Keker, Kukok, Kubere, Ung.

Kubewa, Dako.

The position or title of the paramount Chief of the Koro in

the KORO CHIEFDOM is known as ERE-KORO. This is

rotated among the three ruling houses mentioned above. At

the removal or death of the incumbent Ere-Koro, the

26

Kingmakers’ Committee, which comprise of two (2)

representatives from each ruling house with one (1) elected

clergyman by the six kingmakers representing the three

ruling houses? The clergyman shall represent the three

Orthodox churches in the Koro Chiefdom that include

Catholic, ECWA and Baptist. The total number of the

Kingmakers shall be seven (7). The Headquarter of the Koro

Chiefdom is Kubacha.

DISTRICTS IN THE KORO CHIEFDOM

The Koro Chiefdom has eight (8) Districts. They are Aribi,

Dogonkurmi, Katugal, Kenyi, Kubacha, Kurmin Dangana,

Kushe and Shadalafiya. But the Kaduna State Gazette on

Boundary Adjustment (2001) directed that Kurmin Dangana

village which agitated to join its kith and kins in Jaba

Chiefdom were granted their wish. However, the District

should be reconstituted with a new name and Headquarter of

the District. As at the time of writing the District has not

been reconstituted or renamed.

The Districts and their Headquarters are as follows:

Districts: Headquarters:

Aribi Kurmin Jibirin

Dogonkurmi Dogonkurmi

Katugal Katugal

Kenyi Kenyi

Kubacha Kubacha

Kurmin Dangana Kurmin Dangana

Kushe Kushe

Shadalafiya Shadalafiya

27

VILLAGES IN THE DISTRICTS:

1. Aribi District

Kurmin Jibirin (Headquarter)

Kujir

Gidan Sule

Kumbui

Ung. Galadima

Udor

Ugekan

Ung. Madaki

Sabon Gari

Ung. Maicibi

2. Dogonkurmi District

Dogonkurmi (Headquarter)

Kasabere

Kadiri

Marke

Gidan Sarkin Noma

Tukura Agoi

Chukulla

Dako

Chilla

Sabon Gida

Angnwa Jikada

Koso

Kusam

Chukulla Daji

Gidan Sori

Dokuma

Gidan Kato

Unguwan Pah

Kuchi

28

Gidan Bijmi

Libi

Gbeje

Kofoto

Gidan Gagaru

Gidam Bijimi

Pankore

Kusamfa Daji

Rafinkimba

Gidan Turaki Itur

Gidan Sarkin Noma

Gidan Abasa

Kakku

Kudiri

Kubo

Kago

Pabeki

Doguwa

3. Kurmin Dangana District

Kurmin Dangana (Headquarters)

Kasaru

Ruzai

Kukyer

Fadan Kukyer

Kuratam

Kada

Kadun

Kahir

Bediye

Kadah

Dogon Daji

29

4. Kenyi District

Kenyi (Headquarter)

Kutaho

Kutaho Daji

5. Kubacha District

Kubacha (Headquarter)

Ungwan Galadima

Ungwan Madaki

Ungwan Jaba

Edam

Kabara

Chigwa II

Kukok

Kukui

Kubere

6. Kushe District

Kushe (Headquarter)

Chigbau

Koyi

Gudu

Kukori

Kadan

Kasangwe

Gurudam

Gurudem

Kafarma

Kushe Makaranta

7. Shadalafiya District

Shadalafiya (headquarter)

30

Nkojo

Tsohon Icce

Ungwan Pa

Sabon Gida

Chigwa I

Egbang

Ugbom

Edek

8. Katugal District

Katugal (Headquarters)

Kurmi Jibrin

Gora

Kogo

Ungwa Rana

Garaje

Gidam Bijimi

Kusamfa Daji

Gidan Hutu

Koko

CHAPTER THREE

TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS

In Nigeria, traditional institutions have been associated with

local government. They have played very useful roles in the

past, are still playing useful roles now, and will continue to

do so in the future. Traditional institutions have been the

peoples’ conscience by maintaining the equilibrium during

the civilian and military regimes. It has stood the test of

time through its willingness to accept changes as they come.

Before the colonization by the British, the traditional rulers

played both the roles of central and local Government. They

31

are as head of their State and Local Governments, had full

powers of life and death, which they exercised with justice

and fairness. Looking traditional institutions in the northern

part of Nigeria, the institution is so organized that every

conjugal family has its family head. This moves from family

to clan, clan to ward, ward to village, village to district and

district to emirate or chiefdom.

With the British colonization many of these states were

broken and reconstituted into Local Government units,

which varied in size and wealth. Kingdom, Chiefdom, or

Emirate came under a Chief or Emir with his traditional

Councilors. The Emir or Chief retained his veto power. The

Koro of the North and of Kaduna State in particular were

excised into Keffi Emirate. This brought about their

subjugation into being ruled by a Hausa traditional ruler

called Bubu. Before the advent of colonialism, the Koro

were an independent people with its own traditional

institutions. Traditional institutions have galvanized the

people where they exist into changing their lives

qualitatively and qualitatively. Cultural revival, especially

among the Koro is a must during certain seasons of the year.

This is to keep alive the cultures and traditions from

extinction. While one of the functions of the traditional

rulers is to act as custodians of and sustenance of the

cultural heritage of their subjects. A chief appointed from

amongst the Koro is better placed to fulfill the traditional

and cultural functions. The cultures and customs include:

mode of dressing, greetings and general interaction,

language- its universality or otherwise, mode of governance

or domain festivals and ceremonies, superstitions and rituals,

marriages and domestic lives.

32

Traditional rulers, apart from being traditional leaders of

their people’s culture and heritage performed the

administration of justice among their people and collected

taxes and other revenues for the development of their local

government.

Kigera III (1979:314) enumerated the responsibilities of the

traditional rulers in Local Government as follows:

i. Traditional rulers as fathers of all and very well

conversant with land problems should be left

with land matters whereby every body no matter

his political learning will have the right to own a

piece of land;

ii. Law and order (security matters). Police Committee

to be chaired by some one who is not in partisan

politics in the Local Government area. This

therefore boils down to traditional rulers who will

see that the police force is not used by any party

at the local level;

iii. Traditional rulers could make checks; balances on

local government projects through inspections to

make sure that the approved projects are carried

out properly, and those local government moneys

are not wasted or corruptly misappropriated.

Traditional rulers can positively infuse discipline

and honesty into the activities of local

government;

iv. Traditional rulers are better placed to play the role of

mobilisation of people in social developments.

They are in a position to educate their people,

practically and orally. Play leading roles in

community development programs and also in

33

mobilising their people to the success of

education generally, whether primary or post

primary and public enlightenments. All other

aspects of social and political developments

could be easily disseminated to the people. They

will do this without any political learning e.g. the

registration of voters for general election etc.;

v. For age long, community tax assessment, collection,

and other revenues are part and parcel of the

duties of traditional rulers, district heads and

village/ward heads. Emirs/Chiefs perform the

role of supervisors. If certain communities

refused to pay tax, the traditional rulers stepped

in to solve the problems. If there is a decrease of

tax in certain areas, the traditional rulers step in

to find out why and found remedies to it. These

duties should be encouraged;

vi. Traditional rulers play a very important part in the

life of the people of Nigeria therefore, the roles of

traditional rulers in religious affairs is that of

stabilization and influence on the body politic of

country;

vii. Traditional rulers in the past had judicial functions.

Even now they performance duties of

reconciliation between their people to the good of

the people and the Local Government. These

functions in the past help to document the courts,

especially customary and area courts. They

should be given the duties of laymen

magistracies. Certain judicial functions should

be considered for traditional rulers.;

viii. Traditional functions which are today regarded as

34

duties of traditional rulers are being carried out at

National, State and Local Government levels by

appropriate personalities and not only limited to

traditional rulers. Traditional rulers should be

encouraged to see themselves as representing

their Local Governments;

ix. In the case of default in local government, traditional

rulers could effectively be used as a caretaker

Local Government. This is because they are not

politicians and their neutrality gives them the

strength and peoples’ support to run the Local

Government until a new council is appointed.

However, the above views are in effect very

related to the statutory functions of the traditional

rulers as appeared in the rules, have been reduced

to mere advisory capacities (Yamusa II, 1979).

For example, the functions of the traditional

councils according to Ningi (1979) include

among other things, the formulation of proposals

in form of advice to the Local Governments,

harmonize Local Government activities by giving

guidance and also by coordinating some aspects

of Local Government Development.

Regardless of the level of the traditional leadership in a

society or community, it is expected that the leader should

perform the following roles:

Undertake the routine management of the community he

leads. This is through:

i. Administering of law and order;

ii. Maintaining and administering the land tenure

system as it affects their domains;

35

iii. Settle minor disputes and conflicts amongst their

people, while criminal and more complicated cases

are forwarded to higher authorities for necessary

action;

iv. Policy matters at the top government or traditional

institutions are peculated down to the community or

wards through them, they in turn, disseminate such

policy statements to the community members;

v. They serve as fathers, elders and advisers of their

people and not as figure heads that amounts to being

spectators and appraisers of their communities;

vi. Enjoy the traditional or communal loyalty of their

people while the people will in turn be responsive

and participatory in community development

programmes or projects;

vii. They serve as mediators at times of communal

disputes, clashes and the government of the day for

their communities’ decisions and advice or opinion;

viii. They serve as guardians and custodians of their

community, cultures, customs and traditions. They in

most cases, coordinate and perform their

communities’ religious rites;

ix. They are the peoples’ conscience in the various

governments of the country (i.e. civilian or military).

Being the most respected and chanced institution in

Nigeria, it has stood the test of time through its

witness to accept changes as they come;

x. The traditional rulers are very intimately connected

on a day to day basis, with the welfare and other

general affairs of their people thus knowing their

problems and how to solve them. Hence, the playing

of leading roles in mobilizing the community for

36

social, educational and community development

programme. These efforts enhanced other aspects of

social and political development among the people.

For the success of any traditional institution, the welfare of

the ruled should be uppermost in the minds of the traditional

rulers. Leadership by example will motivate the community

towards self-help programmes for a better and self- reliant

society. For traditional rulers to win the favour of their

people, their roles should be better adhered to. There should

be a two way communication, where demands or aspirations

of the people are being attended to without ignoring a

wishful cry from the innocent needy.

The Ere - Koro

In the Koro Chiefdom, the paramount traditional ruler is

known and called Ere-Koro. Ere-Koro has authority over

the territory known as the Koro Chiefdom. He exercises the

roles of the traditional rulers in the chiefdom. Like any other

traditional ruler, he is expected to rule until his death or hen

removed from office due to malpractices.

Succession to the throne is limited to the three ruling houses

(the Koro miya-miya, wachi, and Ala/Ashe) selected by the

Kingmakers (Kaduna State of Nigeria Gazette:2000).

The authority of Ere-Koro is exercised through the

hierarcluy of Be-ere (District heads) who controlled the

various regions of the Chiefdom. They are appointed by the

Ere-Koro from among the noble lineages of the ancient

centres of authority through election by the ward heads.

They have an independent basis for their authority; in their

positions within their respective areas of jurisdiction.

37

Although they represented an older form of political

authority, some of them being elders than the Chieftain of

the Koro Chiefdom, the District Head come to form the

regional and local organs of the administration of the

Chiefdom.

The Central Government of Ere-Koro

Five major divisions can be discerned in the central

administration:

i. Be-ere wugirga (.ie Officers of the Court, responsible

for the running of the affairs of the Chiefdom; they

are the civil administrators of the central

government);

ii. Be-ere riku (i.e. Military officials who were charged

with the maintenance of Security and defense of

Koro Chiefdom);

iii. Be-ere tomiwubou (i.e. Chiefs of the various

occupations who were responsible for the

administration of the economy);

iv. Be-ere jeb’wugirga (i.e. gate keepers, who regulated

movement of people in and out of the Chiefdom);

v. Supervision of the various districts (i.e. regional

administration).

ERE-KORO

For the selection of Ere-Koro I, the due process was

followed, first by using temporary King makers, since

permanent once was not yet in place.

The temporary kingmakers of the Koro community that

included the following membership did the election. They

were:

38

S/N NAME TITLE

1. Rev. Gaiya Najira Spiritual leader (Chairman)

2. Mr. Markus Yero Ere- Wugirga Member

3. Mr. Stephen D. Taro Ere -Ngoh

4. Mr. Musa Auta Ere -Wha’a

5. James Musa Ere -Ku

6. Awe Garba Ere-Dera

7. Hon. Habila Alkali Nteh-Whe

The election of Ere-Koro was from among three contestants

from the three Ruling Houses. They were: Mr Yohanna

Akaiti, (JP) (Koro Ala) Mr Abubakar G. Husaini (Koro

Miya-Miya) and Engr. Dan baba T. Tuikura (Koro Ache).

The election was coordinated by the secretary General of the

Koro Community Development Association and his assistant

in the persons of Mr. Lawrence A. Gojeh and Mr Andrew

Makeri respectively.

The election was also witnessed by representatives of the

contestants, the Executive Chairman of the Kagarko Local

Government Area and the three arms of the security agents

of the local Government Area (i.e Police, S.S.S and CIB).

They were:

1. Pastor Markus Dikko representing Mr Abu-Bakr G.

Husaimi

2. Mr. Dominic Gimba representing Engr. Danbaba T.

Tukura

3. Hon. Atama Gwani representing Mr. Yohanna

Akaito

4. Hon. Solomon Dawa representing Kagarko L.G.A

Chairman

39

5. ASP Jimoh Sani D.P.O Kagarko L.G.A

6. Suleiman A. Samaila S.S.S Kagarko L.G.A

7. Ben Nnochiri Nwaogu C.I.B Kagarko L.G.A

The result of the election rated Mr. Yohanna Akaito as

having the highest votes. This was followed by Mr.

Abubakar G. Husaini and Mr. Dambaba T. Tukura

respectively. The result was signed by the representatives of

the contestants and the security agents.

The result was therefore despatched to His Excellency, the

Executive Governor of Kaduna state in the person of Alhaji

Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi.

The election result was nullified by the Executive Governor

Because, temporary king makers were used for the

election. He however directed the Executive Chairman of

Kagarko Local Government Area, Barister Danjuma Henry

Magaji: to re-conduct the election using traditional rulers or

ward heads.

During the election, the chairman himself was in attendance,

security agents of the Local Government Area, and

Executive members of the Koro Community Development

Association and agents of the contestants. The result of the

election this time was in favour of Mr. Yohanna Akaito

(again), followed by Mr. Danbaba T. Tukura and Mr

Abubakar Husaini respectively.

Other criteria used for the election of the paramount Chief of

the Koro Chiefdom included:

40

1. Candidate’s age – must be thirty-five (35) years and

above;

2. Must be married

3. Must be a koro

4. Village must be in the koro chiefdom and Kagarko

Local Government Area of Kaduna state at the time

of election.

5. Candidate must come from one of the three koro

ruling houses (i.e Koro miya-miya, Ache and Al).

6. Must have a primary education level or above.

7. Must have a legitimate means of lively hood.

8. Must show some community service especially for

the koro community

9. Must come from a ruling house in his village of

resident.

10. Must state some reason (s) for wanting to be the

Koro paramount chief (Ere-koro).

The above criteria were met by the elected Ere-Koro 1, Mr

Yohanna Akaito. He was turbaned as His Royal Highness,

Ere-Koro I of the Koro Chiefdom on 1st April, 2000.

41

Fig. 1: Ere-Koro I of Koro Chiefdom

Council Members:

The first council members of the koro chiefdom include:

1. His Royal Highness, Ere-Koro I as Chairman

2. Representive of the Kagarko Local Govenremnt

Council

3. All District Heads that include: Jagaban koro

magajin (Alh. Of K/dangana) Garm koro (NH of

kenyi) morafan koro (D/K Dogonkurmi); makama

babba koro (D/H of kubocha) uban-Dawakin koro

(D/H of Katugal); Dan-Iyan koro (D/H of kushe)

Gobas koro (D/H of shadalafiya)

4. All traditional title holders, such as: Wakilin Sarkin

koro; chairman, kingmakers committee; Galadina

42

koro’ Turakin koro; magajin Rafin koro; Sarkin

kofan Koro, Fagacin koro

5. Council secretary

6. Council pastor.

District Heads

The District heads supervise the numerous village chiefs and

seen as the representative of the Ere-Koro at the District they

are heading. Like at the level of the Chiefdom Headquarter

(i.e. Ere-Koro), there are the administration of the Districts

and villages that are replica of the Chiefdom Council. Each

District Head or Village Head would often have under his

control, officials responsible for defense or security,

economic activity, religions affairs etc. The difference with

that of the Chiefdom is only a matter of degree.

Election into the positions of the first District headship of the

koro Chiefdom was done through the use of village heads of

the various District jurisdictions. This election was

coordinated by community representatives and a

representative of the Ere-koro. The names of the first three

candidates who scored higher votes were sent to the Ere-

koro palace, who in turn passed same to the Executive

Governor of Kaduna State after making his own input.

The first set of District Heads in the Districts of the koro

chiefdom are:

1. Mr. Bawa Giwa – Jagabankoro-Kurmin Dangana

43

2. Mr. Habu Goni – Magajin Gani koro – Kenyi

3. Mr. Musa B. Auta- Marafan Koro – Dogonkurni

4. Mr. James Musa M/ungwa-makama Babbakoro –

Kubacha

5. Mr. Ishaku B. Gado-Uban Dawakin koro –

Katugal

6. Mr. Peter Garba – Dan-Lya koro – Kushe

7. late Mr Martin K. Goroh-sarkin Gorbas koro -

Shadalafiya.

8. Mr. Yohanna Dauda- Waliyin Koro- Aribi

44

45

46

47

Ruling Houses at District and Village Levels

Every District or village has a ruling house from where the

District Head or village head is usually chosen. Any family

that first established a village becomes the ruling family, and

the family head automatically becomes the first village head.

As long as the village lives, the headship rotates among the

members of the founding family. This is not the case with

the position of a District Head, who had to be elected from

among the contestants from the villages that make up the

District. But the contestants must have shown proves that

they come from a ruling house of their own village

settlement to contest for the post of the District Head.

48

In the case of a village, if another family comes to settle in

the village and it is of the clan of the founding family, it is

automatically registered among the ruling families.

All the families that are of the clan of the founding family at

the village level are among the headship of the village,

where the post of the village chief rotates among their ruling

houses. All family compounds that are of the same clan have

the same status as far as the issue of the village headship is

concerned.

Other families that are not of the same clan with the

founding clan cannot aspire to the position of the village

head, but can however be members of the council of chiefs

in the Chiefdom, District or Village level.

Selection of a Chief

The first person to be chief of a village is selected by

members of his family. This is because at that time it is only

he and his family that are in the village.

When the incumbent chief dies, the junior brother or son

takes over the mantle of leadership, if it is only one family

that is in existence it the village. Where there are two, or

more ruling houses, the next house whose turn it is to lead,

provides a capable man.

The choice of a suitable candidate is done by male members

of the family whose turn it is to provide a candidate in

conjunction with male members of other clans who act as

external judges. The candidate passes through some stringent

but justifiable scrutiny. He must be a man of unquestionable

49

character, honest, brave, not given too much wine, not a

womanizer, and so on. When a person has satisfied all the

conditions required by the judges, the selection and

turbanning ceremony takes place. Secondly, the royal cap

(lhur-Ere) is placed on his head. Thirdly, elders of the village

will then take the new chief to his relative’s house or to any

other suitable house of another person where he is expected

to remain in-doors for seven days.

During the time of temporary seclusion, it is expected and

believed that the new chief would be there to think, and

make out plans of how he will govern the village effectively.

This seclusion is also a way of initiating him in the way of

the life of chiefs, whereby they are not expected to always be

seen roaming about the village aimlessly.

For these seven days, drummers and dancers perform every

morning and evening at the house where the new chief is

selected. While these go on, preparations will be going on

for his coming out on the seventh day. A lot of wine will be

made and food prepared to feed all that will grace the

occasion.

On the seventh day, the new chief comes out of his hiding

and meditation. He is then turbaned formally as the new

village chief. After the official public turbanning, people

play and make merry for about three days before they

disperse. The new chief then takes proper mantle of

leadership of the village, offering judgments, settling

disputes, and performing other secular and religious

ceremonies and duties on behalf of the village. Any problem

that is beyond the power of the family heads is brought to

50

the chief, who is seen as the person that has the final say in

any case. Punishments are melted in accordance with

traditions of the people and the laws of the land.

Replacement of a Dead Chief

When a chief dies, the search for a successor starts almost

immediately. Even if such a person is identified, he cannot

be installed except the predecessor has been given water to

quench his thirst. This is called ‘Ghadagha sor’. The ‘usor’ is

a ceremony, which the family of the dead chief had to

perform to a peace the ancestors. The sacrifice is believed to

be a way of quenching the ‘thirst’ that might have come

upon the deceased. It is when ‘Ghadagha sor’ has been done

for the dead chief and his thirst has been quenched that a

new chief is appointed.

Council of chiefs

The council of chief is a group of people that are selected

from the different clans that make up the village. They assist

the chief in the performance of his day-to-day duties of

ruling the village. This is a replica of the District or

Chiefdom Councils. Although the village Councils members

could bear titles slightly different from those of the District

or Chiefdom. The various titles at the village level could

include: Madaki, Makama, Tukura, Daudu, Jikada, Makada,

and Ghadugwom. All the titles have their significant roles in

the Council.

For example, Madaki is the second in command to the chief.

The Madaki takes charge of the affairs of the village in the

absence of the chief. He recommends and appoints other

council members to, and in conjunction with, the chief

51

respectively. Although, when a chief dies, the leadership of

the village goes to the titleholder of Ghadugwom, until a

new chief is appointed.

Tukura on the other hand, is chosen from the family whose

turn it will be, to produce the next chief, any time the

incumbent dies or removed due to malpractice.

The Makama is the war chief. He advises the chief on

matters relating to war and civil disturbances. In the event of

this, the Makama leads as the commander of the village

army.

Daudu is the information officer. He advises the chief on

information matters and manages the affairs of the palace.

Zikada is the messenger of the Chief. He runs erants for the

Chief.

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CHAPTER FOUR

TRADITIONS AND CULTURES OF THE KORO

Lineage or descent

The Koro people of Kaduna State reckon lineage or descent

through patrilineal. The lineage consists of several families.

Inhabitants of these diverse territories from the pre-colonial

to the Colonial period owed allegiance traditionally to their

traditional institution, which dictates their mode of

behaviours in terms of their norms, customs, believes,

cultures and traditions.

The traditional leaders as Ere-Koro, District Heads, Village

Heads, Clan or Compound Heads and family Heads are the

custodians of the said traditions and cultures. Inter family

issues are considered by the male (adult) members of the

lineage. These issues would include land, burial

arrangements and other religions issues such as rites of

cheeping and sanctification. The oldest male also presides

over such gathering issues that affect lineage, the sub clan’s

meets over it. As usual, it is the oldest male who presides.

The clan level is the highest. It is like a mini-state. While the

Koro people are said to be a federation of clans.

All clans are equal and when they meet on any issue, they

meet as equals, except the leadership that is traced to the

oldest male of the clans. Each clan could relate with other

clans or non-Koro neighbours without reference to another

clan. This is prevalent in where the original locations of the

lineages, sub-clans and clans are settled.

Village Formation

In the process of disjunction however, new villages are

53

formed with migrants of different families, lineages, sub-

clans and clans constituting the inhabitants that are usually,

members of each unit settle separately and manage its affairs

independently. However, all the adult males of the villages

with the oldest male consider all the decisions taken to

handle matters affecting the whole village.

The Koro Patrilineal extended family is formed by a custom

whereby sons remain in their father’s family group, bringing

their children also to the group. The Koro people have a

political structure, which starts from family (a man, wife(s),

children – conjugal family) the compound and extended

family.

The Conjugal Family

The conjugal Family is the only unit that is less inclusive.

Groups of families often occupy a common clearing. By

virtue of sharing food, labour, and sleeping quarters on a

regular basis, they form a compound.

In the family, compound, and extended family, the adult

male members, meet discuss and take decisions. The oldest

able (particularly mentally) male member of the family,

known as the “unokwum” heads the meeting and has the

final says. Age is of great importance in decision- making

among the Koro people. The older members have the final

say. It is supposed that as they have lived longer, they have

acquired more experiences, knowledge of the spiritual,

social and physical environment. They would have served or

participated in some decision-making of similar cases or had

had such experience. Their experience may account why the

54

oldest able may usually be recognized as the political head at

each level of political organization, serves as the priest of the

village religious leadership. Enhances the power of the chief

priest of the political organization to the effective live

between the living, dead and “Tegedshi” God.

The Compound Family

The Compound family among the koro comprises a man, his

wives and children. They make up a compound family

because it is based on a polygamous marriage, which is a

complex legal marriage with a common man linking all the

wives and the children. (Ayisi; 1979:6)

The Extended Family

The Extended family is common to most African societies

and it forms the “ raison d’etre” of all social cooperation and

responsibility. It acts as a social security for the members of

the group. It is smaller than the lineage or clan, but direct.

The extended family consists of a number of joint families,

and a joint family is made up of heads of two or three

lineally related kinsfolk of the same spouses and offspring,

and who occupy a single homestead or household.

The Household

The household may be bigger than a family. Schapera

(1950:141) referred to household as the smallest wall-

defined unit in the social system, a group of people

occupying the same enclosure of huts. It consists basically of

a man with his wife or wives and their unmarried children,

but often also includes one or more married sons, brothers or

even daughters with their respective spouses and children.

55

The household in the koro society is a corporate group

owning common property, and it constitutes the unit of

production and consumption. Since some of the members are

related to each other by reason of the fact of having

descended from either a common father or mother at a

certain genealogical level, this relationship becomes rather

far removed from the original source, and any meaningful

description of this type of relationship can only be by

reference to the ancestor of the group either dead or alive.

Anthropologists use a form, which describes this relationship

succinctly as lineage.

Lineage

A lineage group is the result of social creation caused by

common habitation of kinsmen. Every member of a lineage

claims to be related to every member of that group by direct

descent or from a common ancestor (patrilineal). Firth

(1956:112) describes lineage as an unlimited descent group,

all members of which trace their genealogical relationship

back to a founding ancestor. If the lineage is patriclineal (or

agnatic) the members consist of men, their children and their

sisters, and trace their descent through males and normally to

an original ancestor.

Clans

A series of households may form larger social groups, which

are known as Clans. A clan is a unilateral descent group of

major order in a society acting as a unit in a system of

similar groups. The separate clans in a system are usually

named and are often distinguished symbolically by

associations of a totemic kind with natural species.

56

Clans usually have some corporate functions of a political or

ritual order, and may play a very important part in

community life. Clan members normally regard one another

as kinsfolk, though they may not be able to trace their

relationship genealogically. Frequently they express this

relationship in rules of exogamy whereby a member must

marry outside his clan.

Both the lineage and the clan are exogamous groups, they

are corporate, and have many things in common. The

difference between lineage and clan is that members of a

lineage can trace the family ancestor, whether dead or alive,

and may be placed on a genealogical chart.

Clan and sub clan

The formation of the clan cluster is the fruit of the marriage

exchange system. In talking about the marriage exchange

system, the emphasis is on the differentiation, formation and

functionality of the clan and sub clan. This encompasses the

elements of recruitment and linearity, the creation of clan

boundaries and unit definition, and the use of kin terms to

generate and maintain social identity among the people.

The clan and sub clan are a relation between, a system of

symbolic relations or reproduction and certain people, who

are already an empirical form of that system. The realization

of clans/subclans as specific historical entities, derive their

forms and functions from the principles of social

organization as these are set within the structure of

reproduction.

Clansmen of the Koro people, share a common substance

inherited from their paternal ancestors forms the basis of

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decent. From the local perspective, ‘ascent’ is a more

appropriate description for how clanship works. Structurally,

the clan ascends from a set of founding ancestors who

fatherless brothers are ranked in birth order.

Clansmen believe that in the past the sub clan was related as

brothers and continue as brothers into the future. It follows

that all male members of the constituent sub clans are

brothers. The concept of ascent meshes with the

understanding that a clan’s growth and development

parallels the model of vegetative propagation (Lipuma:

1988:112)

The most effective level for political action is the sub-clan

level. Most of the serious issues affecting the units are

handled at this level. Similarly, most of the programmes are

drawn up at this level. For example most of the religious

programmes such as rites of/ passage/initiation to adulthood

and so on, are organized at this level. Similarly incidences of

epidemic onset of source destructive locust, communal

project such as road construction are handled at the level of

the sub-clan.

Women are not active in the decision-making process. They

could be called upon to provide information on a particular

issue under consideration. Male members of the Koro

families are highly respected based on their statues and

wealth in the society, which are inherited through males.

This would tend to exclude women from the positions,

which would qualify them to participate in the political

process. However, the execution of political decisions

depends on the subjects. There are decisions, which are

58

executed by older men, especially if the decisions are

religious in nature. Others are executed by the youth. These

include war, construction of roads, houses and so on.

The Koro people inherit property and succeed to ranks

through one line-patrilineal. People inherit wealth, land,

farm produce, livestock, and some personal effects.

Ritual Practices

Ritual practices are pervasive in all human societies, and in

some, they are observed in the everyday life of the

individual and the group from cradle to grave. For example,

the grown-ups or household heads or lineage heads are

exhorted to put the first morsel of food on the ground for

ancestors before eating or to pour a drop of water or drink on

the ground for the ancestors, these are symbols which

reaffirm the belief in the world of spirit as an integral part of

cosmological belief. Though this practice may seem simple

and may sometimes be regarded as sociological

dysfunctional, is demonstrated by the psychological value of

the people.

Most complex rituals are formal. Formal rituals are both

elaborate and complex and are only performed by special

functionaries, either medicine man, priests or priestess. They

receive special fees in kind for their services and they claim

to possess the power of clairaudience and clairvoyance.

Rituals are the means by which the sacred and the profane

are brought together without doing damage to the social

fabric.

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Taboo

Taboo is used for a special kind of prohibition, which is

illustrated by the physical avoidance, by certain things or

categories of people from talking to a woman who just gave

birth to a newborn infant, a chief not permitted to see a

corpse, all these were said to be taboo.

The special distance, which one was expected to maintain

from these things, was controlled by a series of sanctions,

which constituted an effective deterrent against possible ill

luck. A man who disobeys any of these things become taboo

himself and was expected to submit himself to prescribed

ritual purification. It was believed that if such ritual

purification were not performed, the person was exposed to

danger and something unpleasant would happen to him, such

as illness, which might eventually spread to the whole

community. The victim according to Ayisi (1979:91)

constitutes a “sociological virus”. This is a term used

heuristically – with biological implication as found in

epidemiologist. The performance of purification was

referred to as ‘none’ according to Brown-Radcliffe and

Force (1950:133). It is the opposite of taboo.

A ritual prohibition is a mode of behaviour, which restricts

the freedom of movement of a person within certain social

fields vis-à-vis contact with an object or person. These rules

have religious implication and people who overlook them

feel a sense of quilt and seek ritual restoration. The concept

of ritual prohibition presumes that the individual has a ritual

value or possesses a sacred entity, which should not be

allowed to come into touch with certain objects or person.

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Any physical proximity produces a negative effect, which

deprives the individual of his ritual status and value, and the

qualities, which maintain his well being, are then

endangered. When this happens, the individual is desecrated

and he becomes a source of danger to himself and society.

It is a taboo/prohibition among the Koro community for

certain category of people or persons to touch or carry a

corpse, stopping over a corpse, eating food from a cracked

pot, coming into contact with a woman’s menstrual

discharge, greeting first thing in the morning without a

woman having her bath and so on. A chief should not see a

corpse or touch one.

A widow has to observe certain rituals/prohibitions, she is

expected to dramatise her loss by mourning which implies

the wearing of black/white cloth fasting during the period

when her husband’s body lies in state or before the body is

interned, refraining from normal life and suspending all

social contact for a specific period, sometimes one year.

In some cases, the widow is subjected to both physical and

mental torture by the relatives of the late husband as a

reminder of the husband’s kindred to his wife and

presumably a foretaste of the difficulties, which the widow

might experience without the husband as her companion.

Economic and Occupational Activities

Every society has to grapple with the problem of

subsistence. Some societies’ subject themselves to exploiting

the environment directly by hunting and gathering food.

Others will domesticate plants and animals. To the Koro,

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would combine both activities. The Koro people are

involved in production for economic purposes, production

for consumption and production as a right.

The Koro people are involved in farming, fishing, hunting

and so on; they cultivate a variety of crops including

cocoyam, yam, corn, guinea corn maize, useful for the

brewing of beer for festivals as well as for human

consumption. Fishing is done through the use of traps, nets,

lines, spears and poisons.

Division of labour exists among the Koro, it takes the form

of allocation of certain types of work to certain categories of

members of the society. The main criteria for determining

work allocation are sex, age and aptitude.

Men tend to do heavier work such as tilling the soil for

cropping in fields and building. There is a further division of

work among the men according to age. The young men do

most of the work that requires stamina while the elderly men

and the old do those that are not so physically exacting such

as building the main structure of house. The young men do

the roofing, old men do not go on long distance hunting

expeditions neither are they involved in tilling the soil.

Instead, they prepare the young men for the hunting

expeditions and supervise farm work.

The women do the lighter work. They attend to the children,

cook to feed the family, fetch water, and collect wood for

fire. Women also collect such food ingredients that are found

from the wilds. In addition, women plant the crop and weed.

The separation of cereals from nurseries for transplanting is

62

the preserve of old men and women. The old women in

addition, train and supervise the young women in domestic

chores and farm work. Women also transport the goods.

Both men do harvesting and women – men do the reaping

while women convey the harvest home.

There are some types of work that require special aptitude or

skills. These are mainly crafts. They include wood carving-

for the production of farm implements, utensils, cutleries,

smoke pipes, drum trunks and so on, men with special skills

do such works. For work that requires special skills one

could go a distant place to locate and invite the needed

expert. Payment is in kind. It could be by form of fowls,

goat, grains or alcoholic beverage. The quantity is

determined by the difficulty of the job and the time

expended in executing it. The quality of the job could also

influence the payment. It must be noted however, that skill

and aptitude have far more significant social consequences

than the mere receipt of payment. There are no formal

agencies that impart skills; they are acquired by experience

gained through long periods of cooperation and learning on

the job.

Two types of cooperation are identified among the Koro as

quoted by Aron (1967). These are mechanical solidarity and

mutual dependence. On one hand, there is the co-operation,

which is brought about by conformity to rules that are

derived from engagement in similar activities (called

mechanical solidarity), secondly; there is the form of

cooperation, which is brought about by mutual dependence.

Farming

Farming is the most important and most outstanding

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occupation of the Koro. It is the mainstay of the Koro

economic life. The main staple crops grown by the Koro are

yams, maize, guinea-corn and ginger, which are also the

backbone of their financial standing. Other crops like millet,

cassava, beans, rice, groundnuts, potatoes, are also grown.

There are basically six sources of agricultural labour

available to the Koro farmer. This includes family labour,

communal labour, in-law labour, hired labour, “emuk”, and

“wugwin”. Farming among the Koro people is labour

intensive. The work is carried out normally with the use of

some farming tools. Music plays an important part in the

occupational activities of the Koro, especially as it relates to

farming. This type of music is not just for relaxation, but

also for inspirational purposes.

Hunting

Hunting is one of the occupational activities of the Koro

people. This is not however given the type of seriousness

that is given to farming. There is group hunting and one-man

hunting. To ensure the success of their occupation the

hunters use a number of tools. These include bows and

arrows, guns, traps, knives, headlamps, rapes and sticks, trap

and so on.

Fishing

Fishing is a leisure occupation, practiced by people that live

near rivers, lakes and water ponds. Fishing is carried out for

the main purpose of feeding the family.

Arts and Crafts

Arts and Crafts are practiced among the Koro people.

Farming, fishing and hunting are most exclusively a male

64

occupation that is undertaking only by men, craft work like

basket making, mat weaving, rope making are made by both

men and women. Women have the monopoly of making

pots. Men do hat, bags and calabash carving.

Social Organization

Social organization among the Koro people can be viewed in

relation to marriage or kinship relationship.

Marriage

Marriage constitutes the basis for a wide network of

interpersonal relationships or what is popularly known and

called kinship. In kinship, two principles of relationships are

manifested in consanguinity, that is, the relationship by

blood. The second relationship is affinity relationship, which

is, the relationship by marriage. The Koro see marriage as a

family and not as an individual affair. A married woman is

not therefore the property of her husband only; she is also

seen and treated as a property of the whole family and clan.

Because of the importance attached to marriage institution,

the power to arrange for marriage is in the hands of the

parents. Indeed this had been the old age custom world wide

as revealed by Fairchild (1944), ‘the power to arrange for

marriage remains in the hands of the parents from ancient to

modern times’.

In the olden days, a boy or girl must have fully grown to

maturity before the parents could think of heaving a wife or

husband for him or her respectively. When a boy has grown

to a real man, his relations, parents and even the uncles

would take it upon themselves the responsibility of looking

for a beautiful girl for their son. When a beautifully grown

65

up girl is spotted, the boy might be asked to go and see her.

Once that happened, the boy was expected to obey without

questioning.

Polygamy and Monogamy

Marriage takes two forms. One form is polygamy and the

other monogamy. Polygamy and monogamy are terms used

by anthropologists to describe the form of marriage in which

man and woman are involved in marriage. Polygamy is the

marriage in which one man is married to more then one wife

and monogamy is the marriage in which one man is married

to one woman.

There are different types of marriages among the koro

people depending on the various groups of people. But the

Koro people are known of the two types of marriages that

are polygamy and monogamy respectively.

Several factors account for the polygamy marriage among

the Koro. These are socially, economically, security,

religious and convenience. The Koro are predominant

farmers with few individuals involved in industrial activities.

The farmers cultivate or produce crops such as maize, millet,

guinea corn; beans, groundnuts, yams, potatoes, cocoyams

and so on.

To cultivate, these crops manual labour is required. For

manual labour, more people are required on the farm for

higher production. Having many wives could solve the

problem of labour. At another level, a man with several

wives is likely to have more children (workers) than a man

with only one wife even though the rate of consumption

66

would be correspondingly greater. It is also a show of

wealth, compound respect and enhancement of prestige. The

wives are involved in the productive marriage; this involves

the giving of bride wealth and the meeting of other material

requirements. The wives are also actively involved in the

productive activities of the family.

Marriage among the Koro people is done early in life. Girls

are married out early. However, sometimes early marriage or

even marriage at all is not possible. The family unit has to

depend on itself for protection against aggression. The larger

the member of members, the more able would protect the

family. A man wants children to continue his line after his

death. The larger the number of his descendents, the stronger

the assurance that his name would become immortal (Mbiti

1980).

Fertility is seen as manifestation of physical fitness and

spiritual wholesomeness. A fertile man contributed to the

continued existence of society. When a man’s wife is barren

or for whatever reason is unable to bear children, the man

marries another wife, so as to have children, this is to

remove the anxiety that is consequent upon childlessness.

Monogamy among the Koro is not a desirable state. To some

extent, it indicates man’s inability to present the bride gifts

for several wives. Monogamy is found commonly among the

not-so-wealthy families. A monogamist could be mocked

publicly by his age-mates. His wife could subject him to

constant threats for divorce knowing that her departure could

cause time a lot of problems in terms of his public standing,

which would become worst at the execution of domestic

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chores. The wife in a monogamous marriage is also regarded

with suspicion. She is suspected to have charmed the

husband so that he could not marry another wife. In some

instances she is even suspected to be a witch and has cast a

strong spell on the husband making it impossible to marry

another wife. While the man with more than one wife is

respected, the man with only one wife has little prestige.

Gifts in Koro Marriage

The Koro gives premium to Bride gift, it legalises the

marriage, legitimises and validates the offspring arising from

the union. Lack of presentation of Bride gift on his spouse

could loose his children at the event of wife leaving the

man’s house with such children.

Complementary to the bride gift, the mother of the girl also

gets a present. While the bride gift is for the family as a

whole, the gift to the mother is exclusively to her, to deal

with it the way she desires.

To present the bride gift and negotiate generally for the

marriage, the family seeking the wife appoints an

intermediary, who must be known by the family from which

a wife is being sought. They must also respect him so much

that they would not want o displease him. He takes all gifts

to the in-laws to be, negotiates for the marriage date, and

feeds the suitors. Other functions include the relationship

between the two families; the normal standard of the spouse

and her family; whether the bridegroom to be is hardworking

or not; whether her mother is good at child bearing and

home keeping. The qualities of the mother it is believed will

affect the girl when she marries. They also know whether the

girl respects her parents and elders.

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Relationships in Koro Marriage

Marriage among the Koro brings about a variety of sets of

relationships and consequently different patterns of

behaviours, for example, the wife is important, firstly,

among the Koro, the status of the husband vis-à-vis that of

the wife cannot be said to be of superior and inferior

respectively. However, we cannot strictly say then that they

are of equal status, as the husband who is the head of the

simple or nuclear family tends to exercise higher authority

on the wife. Also, as she is living among the husband people

and she is considered an outsider, at least at the initial start

of the marriage. Her position further on, weakened in a

polygamous situation, when the husband has more wives.

Division of Labour in Koro Marriage

In the marriage there is some form of division of labour

between the husband and the wife. The husband tends to do

much of the heavier work. He participates in constructing the

house from the foundation to the roofing. The woman

supplies water for mixing mud and decoration of the rooms.

He hunts, fights in battles and if he has not got children, he

takes care of the livestock. The wife takes care of the

children, does the domestic chores, gathers wood-fuel, cooks

for the family and does such other light work.

Rights in Koro Marriage

The husband and wife have mutual sexual right. The

husband or wife has the right to call for family (extended)

discussion on the marriage issue if he or she feels

dissatisfied. Beside this reciprocal sexual right, most of the

other rights belong to the husband. He has economic and

domestic rights over the wife. He has right over her property

69

such as garden produce and livestock such as goats, fowls,

pigs and so on. He can dispose of these without her

knowledge and without her consent. She can dispose of them

only on approval by the husband. Often times, he undertakes

the disposal on her behalf. In addition, the husband has right

over the children. They belong to him and his line as persons

and as possessions under his direct control. The wife leaves

behind all the children at divorce except the child she is still

weaning. As soon as that child is weaned, it is returned to the

father. Similarly, the husband has a right over the wife that is

as a person. This right will last as long as she remains his

wife. As soon as divorce takes place the husband’s rights

over her revert to her family of birth. The wife has right to

protection against social and physical problems or attacks.

The husband is under obligation to provide an atmosphere

that is conducive to family life.

Expectations in Koro Marriage

In marriage, the expectations are to have children. Any adult

who do not marry is considered as only being unconcerned

for the further and continuity of the society. Because, it is

through the outcome of the marriage that generations come

and go.

In the community, male children seem to be more highly

regarded than their female counterparts. This is because,

Koro are predominantly farmers, and male children are

therefore regarded as great assets in the provision of labour.

A man who has many male children will boast of opening a

lager plot of farmland; and be able to feed the family

adequately. A man who has only female children will be the

only source of labour in the family.

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Personal contacts between husband and wife tend to lack

warmth. There seems to be some kind of subtle restraint. The

husband does not refer to his wife by name; neither does he

call her by her name. Similarly she does not refer to the

husband by name even in his absence nor call him by his

name. If done, it implies disrespect. To avoid this, husbands

do give their wives “pet” names. It has been observed,

however, that this restrains relaxes as time goes on in the age

of the marriage. The relationship develops some warmth as

affection, which may have been lacking initially. The Koro

maintain definite norms about selection and definition of

who is an eligible spouse.

Language

The Koro language belongs to a large family of language

structures known generally as Niger-Congo family by

Greenbery. Judging on the basis of the Koro vocabularies

and additional materials, which he collected at the vicinity of

the Jos Plateau, he found that, it is one of the distinctive

groups within the central branch of the Niger-congo family.

C.K Meek classifies it simply as “Nigerian Semi Bantu”

with no further refinement. Linguistically, there are five

dialects spoken among the Koro of Kaduna State. The

geographical spread was affected by the kinship system. The

dialects include:

i. Koro Miya-miya of Kaduna State.

ii. Koro Ache or Wachi of Kaduna State

iii. Koro Ala or Ashe of Kaduna Plateau States.

iv. Koro Akoti of Kaduna State.

v. Koro Ham of Adong or Koro Jakin Doki (Jakin doki

is a nickname denoting unstable or mix identity) of

Kaduna State.

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There are numerous sub-divisions – vertical as well as

horizontal of the ethnic group called Koro. The Koro

absence of tribal cohesion or divergent in Language but not

in culture is due largely to the disintegration, due to wars,

hunting, migration and interaction with other tribes, thereby

adopting or infesting the Koro language.

Linguistically, there are similarities of the languages or

dialects and the villages that speak it. However there is

adulteration of the Koro language with the interaction with

the Hausas in the North and those tribes as Ham, Ganagana,

Gwandara, Gwari, Yeskwa in the middle belt of Nigeria

when the koro came in contact with them.

Festivals

Every community has its forms of festivals, dances and other

activities peculiar to its culture, some of which are tied to

religious beliefs and practices of the people. Festivals are

performances involving a large number of people that

perform either the role of active participants or that of

spectators.

Festivals are organized either as ritual/religious

performances or purely as entertainment forums. Dances on

the other hand are many. They are of various types and

purposes. Some are for funeral ceremonies, while others are

basically for entertainment. Many dances are performed

during rituals and sacrifices to the gods and at other social

activities.

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