The hidden homeless: female sole parents and the relationship ...

The hidden homeless :female sole parents and therelationship between income and housing in the lower NorthShore of Sydney

Author:Collins, Helen Margaret

Publication Date:1995

DOI:https://doi.org/10.26190/unsworks/13667

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COLLINS

UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES

Thesis/Project Report Sheet

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Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASE TYPE)

A significant minority of Australia families are sole parent families - ninety per cent of whom are headed by a female (Castles, 1993: 19), and who became a sole parent largely as a result of separation and divorce. The latest figures from the Bureau of Statistics show that between 1986 and 1992 the number of one-parent families with a female parent rose by 30 per cent (Castles, 1993: 18)

This thesis explores the ways that adequate, affordable and appropriate housing was not achievable for a group of women and their children. This is despite their relatively affluent and traditional backgrounds. Whether their background was privileged or not, the outcome for these women after becoming single parents was 'hornelessness' and a transient lifestyle.

This is one of the few studies that has investigated the years of hardship and itinerancy faced by female sole parents. Through in-depth interviews and literature research, this thesis expounds on the relationship of low income and housing. It qoes beyond known facts and figures to provide comprehensive personal h1stories of the impact and resultant poverty from a low income. The stories relate the many years of struggle for the women as sole parents to find and maintain accommodation At the end of my research none of these women with children had found appropriate, adequate long term accommodation.

This thesis focuses on the North Sydney area. This is where I worked and carne into contactwith women struggling to stay in the area with their children. This location is a particularl difficult area of choice for persons on a low income because it is a socially prestigious area of Sydney and thus has high housing costs.

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TiiiSSHEETISTOBEOLUEDTOTHEINSIDEFRONTCOVEROPTHETHESIS

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"THE IDDDEN HOMELESS"

FEMALE SOLE PARENTS AND THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INCOME

AND HOUSING IN THE LOWER NORTH SHORE AREA OF SYDNEY

Helen Collins

M.A. Honours Thesis

Wom~n's Studies Programme '

University of New South Wales.

Kensington, N.S.W.

1995

u N s w· 2. 7' FEB 1991 --· LIBfi,. , l

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS:

Without the encouragement and interest of Frances Lovejoy as Women's

Studies Co-ordinator, I would not have embarked on this journey of

knowledge.

Jocelyn Pixley, as my supervisor, has provided the continuing support and

motivation with a great level of understanding and patience to enable me to

complete the project.

Thank you Frances and Jocelyn.

CERTIFICATE OF ORIGINALITY

I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another person nor material which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma of a university or other institute of higher learning, except where due acknowledgement is made in the text.

I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, even though I may have received assistance from others on style, presentation and language expression.

~;~00) .. 1................... . ...... 1 .......... .

2

"THE HIDDEN HOMELESS"

Contents:

Chapter 1

Chapter 2

Chapter 3

Chapter 4

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

Abstract

Introduction

The current social and economic background to the

position of women in Australia with relation to housing.

A. Divorce

B. Domestic violence

C: Community attitude

D. Poverty

E. Employment

F. Welfare recipients

G. Children

An overview of housing tenures.

A. Home ownership

B. Private rental

C. Social housing

D. Community housing

E. North Sydney Municipality

A. Fieldwork data

B. Personal stories

Analysis of the personal housing stories.

Conclusion

Appendices

Bibliography

Attachment

3

ABSTRACT

A significant minority of Australian families are sole parent families - ninety per

cent of whom are headed by a female (Castles, 1993: 19), and who became a

sole parent largely as a result of separation and divorce. The latest figures

from the Bureau of Statistics show that between 1986 and 1992 the number of

one-parent families with a female parent rose by 30 per cent. (Castle, 1993:

18)

There is evidence to show that sole parents are one of the most

disadvantaged groups in Australia today, primarily due to lack of income.

Their economic status determines the level of access to basic commodities

including adequate housing. The high cost of •shelter• also affects access to

food, clothing and leisure activities. Life becomes survival at a level below the

poverty line and, in time, will impact on future Australian society through the

repercussions of children brought up in poverty.

This thesis explores the ways that adequate, affordable and appropriate

housing was not achievable for a group of women and their children. This is

despite their relatively affluent and traditional backgrounds. Whether their

background was privileged or not, the outcome for these women after

becoming single parents was •homelessness• and a transient lifestyle.

This is one of the few studies that has investigated the years of hardship and

itinerancy faced by female sole parents. Through in-depth interviews and

literature research, this thesis expounds on the relationship of low income and

housing. It goes beyond known facts and figures to provide comprehensive

personal histories of the impact and resultant poverty from a low income. The

stories relate the many years of struggle for the women as sole parents to find

and maintain accommodation. At the end of my research none of these

women with children had found appropriate, adequate long term

accommodation.

The thesis focuses on the North Sydney area. This is where I worked and

came into contact with women struggling to stay in the area with their children.

This location is a particularly difficult area of choice for persons on a low

income because it is a ·socially prestigious area of Sydney and thus has high

housing costs.

4

Whilst not claiming to generalise about all sole parents, the personal stories in

this research bring out a wealth of data on the lives of twenty-four sole parents

households and suggests that the situation might be more difficult for women

with less privileged backgrounds, education and support.

Although the women faced extreme difficulty in securing suitable

accommodation, they do not appear in any housing statistics. In light of the

basic right of secure, adequate and appropriate housing at an affordable price,

this thesis shows the women and their children are 'homeless'. Hence, the

reason for this thesis and the title "The Hidden Homeless"

5

CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION

One of the basic requirements in life is 'shelter'. A primary principle of the

1989 Commonwealth State Housing Agreement demonstrates the housing

'aim' in the context of Australian society to be:

'That every person in Australia has access to secure adequate and

appropriate housing at a price within his or her capacity to pay. 11

(Burke, 1994: 4.25)

This thesis explores the ways that adequate, affordable and appropriate

housing was not achievable for a group of women and their children. This is

despite their relatively affluent and traditional backgrounds. More than 50 per

cent of the marriages had lasted between 6 years and 17 years. Some of the

women were home,owners with their previous partners. Whether their

background was privileged or not, the outcome for these women after

becoming single parents was 'homelessness'.

In the current economic conditions, it is increasingly difficult for many family

units with one male income to achieve the aim of 'affordable housing'. This

general situation is compounded for women-headed households due primarily

to their relatively low income and wage earning capacity, in conjunction with

the high cost of housing. In comparison with other household types, women

experience a higher degree of housing related poverty, and far greater

limitations on their access to private rental housing and home ownership.

(Nyland, 1988, Cass, 1991)

In a recent study of women and children for the National Housing Strategy,

Cass (1991: 17) found that the position of women and women-headed families

in the Australian housing system is related fundamentally to their position in

the distribution of family incomes.

One example of this is child care which has not been fully commercialised or

taken over by the State. There is still a great deal of child care that occurs on

a private level. 11Th is private caring is largely performed by women and is

6

sustained through dependence on a wage earner, or an owner of capital."

(Grieve & Burns, 1989: 337) Men and women relate to the labour market

differently. Women's participation in the labour market is less than men's.

This study of 24 female sole parents households found that the majority of

women ceased full-time work to care for their children and in some instances

participation in the full-time labour market ceased at the time of marriage on

request of the husband. Absence from the full-time labour market for a

number of years creates a significant barrier to re-entry and pursuing a career.

The housing market has been influenced both by the economic conditions and

the patterns of demographic change. "During the 1960's the traditional family

was the fastest growing family type" (Burke, 1994: 2.8) but in the 1990's,

although couples remain the largest demographic household group, affluence

is more likely to be found when there are two incomes and no children.

Sole parent households still comprise a relatively small proportion of the

population but since the 1980's sole parents, singles (especially the elderly)

and shared households have overtaken the traditional family as the fastest

growing household type.

The growth in the number of sole parents since the 1960's is largely as a

consequence of rapidly rising divorce rates and has particular significance

because single parents have the highest incidence of poverty of all household

types, (Burke, 1994: 2.8) Marriage breakdown results in many women (and

their children) losing access to male incomes and becoming dependent on

payments made through government departments or child support payments.

(Burke, 1994: 2.8)

This is one of the few studies that has investigated the years of hardship and

itinerancy faced by female sole parents. Through in-depth interviews and

literature research, this thesis expounds on the relationship of low income and

housing. It goes beyond known facts and figures to provide comprehensive

personal histories of the impact and resultant poverty from a low income. The

stories relate the many years of struggle for the women as sole parents to find

and maintain accommodation. At the end of my research none of these

women with children had found appropriate, adequate long term

accommodation.

7

The thesis focuses on the North Sydney area. This is where I worked and

came into contact with women struggling to stay in the area with their children.

This location is a particularly difficult area of choice for persons on a low

income because it is a socially prestigious area of Sydney and thus has high

housing costs.

However, this research clearly indicates the importance for women and their

children to live near their support systems - both informal and formal. At the

time of the breakdown of the relationship all women felt vulnerable and

isolated. They had difficulty obtaining appropriate information on basic

necessities such as income, accommodation and support. The respondents

chose to live in dire circumstances in order to remain near family and friends

as well as to have access to transport, medical services, child care, school

and employment.

In some instances, the women had sought cheaper accommodation in outlying

areas but without the necessary infrastructure of accessible transport, work,

education, etc. they had chosen to move back to an area of high

accommodation costs which resulted in increased poverty. This thesis shows

that suitable housing is more complex than just obtaining shelter from the

elements.

The majority of sole parents in this survey lived in long-term relationships - up

to 17 years. Reasons for the relationship breaking down were varied but in 33

per cent of the cases physical domestic violence was the cause. In other

cases emotional and mental violence were the cause of breakdown, with one

woman living in extreme poverty within an affluent marriage. Two of the

women were widowed. In 30 per cent of the cases the women lived in a

privileged high socio-economic position. Twenty-five per cent of the women

were in home ownership with their partner. This research correlates with other

studies showing that owner-occupied housing may not provide a 'safe haven'

for women if their relationship is fraught with violence. (Cass, 1991)

As the stories will show, a former privileged position does not offer any

guarantee against extreme hardship as a sole parent. Although not within the

scope of this thesis, the data suggests an even harder position for women with

less education; fewer support systems or living skills.

8

The research shows that women's position in society in relation to lower

wages for women; employment barriers, child care and State intervention in

the form of income support can all contribute to the housing stress and it

makes a significant contribution to the debate between housing and the social

security system.

None of the women were sole parents by choice. Becoming a sole parent

after many years of being part of a two parent family was a shock for these

women. The lack of information on available assistance was an initial

problem. The resultant loss of the male income left the women and the

children relying on Social Security to survive. Only 30 per cent of fathers

contributed to the care of the children.

'Survive' is the operative word as all the women including the previous home

owners had little option but to seek accommodation on the private rental

market. This proved extremely difficult, both due to low income and having

children. In general, sole mothers are much more likely than any other family

group to have very high private rental costs in relation to their income, with

86.1 per cent spending 30 per cent or more of their weekly income on rent and

58.6 per cent spending 50 per cent or more. (Cass, 1991: 23)

The women in my study were on a limited income, and the high cost of

accommodation resulted in insufficient money for other life necessities such as

food and clothing. The support of families and friends was essential for

survival.

'Shelter' became a bed in a refuge; living in family lounge rooms or seeking

accommodation on the private rental market. Discrimination by real estate

agents and landlords against women and children made access to the private

market very difficult and a limited income did not allow choice of housing

stock.

Accommodation on the private rental market was often substandard,

overcrowded and insecure. Health problems often arose from dark, damp,

cockroach invested accommodation. In many cases, the women were afraid

to raise issues with landlords and real estate agents for fear of having to

move.

9

The need to continually seek better accommodation or the inability to pay the

rent resulted in a transient lifestyle. Transience has ancillary costs and

repercussions for the family, such as emotional upheaval, insecurity and

change of schools and friends.

In adverse conditions, the women strived to create a home and quality of life

for their children.

Whilst not claiming to generalise about all sole parents, the personal stories in

this research bring out a wealth of data on the lives of twenty-four sole parent

households and suggests that the situation might be more difficult for women

with less privileged backgrounds, education and support.

Children in low income families often spend their formative years in

accommodation which is inadequate and in poor condition. Health may be

affected and the insecure nature of the housing often dictates a transient

lifestyle which in turn can impact upon schooling and friendships.

In our society, the two parent family has an economic advantage and the sole

parent family is disadvantaged. The number of sole parent families is steadily

increasing -from 10.4 per cent to 15.2 per cent in 1990. (Cass, 1991) In

1992, 309,800 sole parents were women out of the total of 340,700 sole

parent families. (Castles, 1993: 19). The fact that 90 per cent of sole parents

are female, increases the disadvantage and it is important to recognise the

links between gender and the economic and family systems. (Encel & Bryson,

1984: 126)

Perhaps some people would argue that the growing number of female-headed

households is a move away from the patriarchal society which exists in

Australia and that 11these households have achieved some greater measure of

economic independence. However, if we consider the situation at a broader

level we find that there is very little change in the amount of control women

have over economical and occupational structures. Further, it may be said

that despite some gains by women, men do still control women's labour

power11• (Encel & Bryson, 1984: 159).

10

Statistics for the Australian population will reflect facts such as the number of

sole parents; income levels and the composition of housing stock. However,

statistics will not show the personal picture, nor highlight the difficulties of

obtaining suitable shelter when there is a low income. Statistics will not

indicate:

a. The ramifications of living in overcrowded accommodation.

b. The barriers to employment for sole parents, including child care.

c. The transient nature of accommodation for persons on a low

income.

d. The implications of discrimination against sole parents.

Statistics will show the number of children living in poverty but is the concept

of their situation any the clearer with knowing the number but not the broader

experience. Low income and housing standards do affect the children

involved as children's attitudes toward money are influenced by experiences in

their growing-up years and by the economic and social position of the family

and their parents' attitude towards money.

Chapter 2 explores the current economical and occupational structures for

women and the ramification of these structures on income and housing.

Surveys show that fatherless families remained the poorest group identified in

the Poverty Inquiry in 1973 after housing was taken into account and with

approximately 35 per cent (McDonald, 1990) of marriages now ending in

divorce, (Grieve & Burns, 1989: 21 0) there will be a large number of women

requiring suitable housing. There are no signs of this need decreasing as the

latest figures from the Bureau of Statistics show that between 1986 and 1992

the number of one-parent families with a female parent rose by 30 per cent

while the number with a male parent decreased slightly. (Castle, 1993: 18)

Chapter 3 contains a succinct overview of the various housing tenures and

their significance for female-headed households. The limited income of

women often precludes them from obtaining home ownership and because

public and community housing comprise only 6.5% of housing stock there is a

long waiting list (National Housing Strategy, 1991).

11

Therefore, the housing emphasis will be on the private rental market which is

often the only choice of tenure for persons on a low income. In Australia in

1990, 23.8 percent of female sole parents were living in the private rental

market.

The following table indicates the percentage of lone mothers in various

housing tenures compared to all women in the tenures and to all men.

Table 1.

Tenure Lone mothers Women Men

Owners 14.00% 38.2% 34.3%

Purchasers 21.00% 26.5% 27.4%

Public Housing 23.60% 5.2% 3.10%

tenants

Private tenants 23.80% 13.90% 14.70%

Other 17.60% 16.20% 20.50%

Total 100.00% 100.00% 100.00%

(Castles, 1993: 212)

Lone mothers are disproportionately represented in the rental market. Almost

50 per cent of the lone mothers lived in rental accommodation - half in public

housing and half in the private market. Sole mothers have the lowest rate of

home-ownership. Cass (1991) found that male-headed sole parent families

have a much higher rate of owner-purchase than sole mothers of a similar

marital status.

Sole parents renting privately are likely to be living below the poverty line -

statistics indicate a figure as high as 80 per cent in Sydney and 70 per cent

State-wide (Nyland, 1988: 6).

The Women's Housing Strategy (Nyland, 1988: 6) is based on the primary

principle that all women have a right to independent, adequate and secure

shelter. Women and their children require housing which is:

1. Affordable.

2. Physically and emotionally safe from intrusion.

3. Secure from the threat of eviction

4. Appropriate for their physical and emotional needs

12

However, the findings show that women, to a disproportional degree,

experience:

1. Housing related poverty.

2. Physical and emotional harassment in unsafe housing situations.

3. Discrimination in their access to private rental housing and

home ownership.

4. A high level of insecurity in private rental accommodation,

enforced homelessness, trauma and dislocation as a result of

family breakdown and domestic violence. (Nyland, 1988: 1)

Chapter 4 contains details and methodology of the fieldwork research as well

as the personal housing histories of twenty-four women and their children who

now live in the Lower North Shore area of Sydney.

This is followed by an analysis of the housing 'histories' in Chapter 5 and the

conclusion in Chapter 6.

As well as providing personal housing experiences, the interviews revealed

considerable information on the income of sole parents. This information

provides a sample view of many aspects of life for female sole parents and

also indicates the relationship between income and housing. Therefore, it is

necessary to convey the personal stories in the women's words, with the least

amount of editing.

Whilst unusual, this method reveals the complexity of the issues involved and

highlights the efforts of women to obtain secure, affordable and appropriate

housing as a sole parent. The stories are the whole reason for this thesis.

Very little is known of the housing circumstances of sole parents and in this

relatively small sample, it will be shown that many sole parents are in effect

"homeless" even though they do not appear in any government statistics.

Other writers have found the life history method to be most appropriate, see

Connell, (1991 Live fast and die young; Watson & Coleman (1987) Women

over sixty; and Hollingworth, (1981) Australians in poverty.

13

Whilst Connell acknowledges that the life history method has its drawbacks,

including the limitations of conscious memory, he believes that it is "flexible in

design and application and enormously productive of information located in its

context. (Connell, 1991: 143). As with Connell's research, the life history

method is particularly relevant here because of its capacity to reveal social

structures.

This method was chosen in another housing study - see Watson & Coleman's

(1987) on the housing, economic and social circumstances of older women.

The term 'homeless' must be defined as it pertains to this thesis as the

concept is integral to this work. (The major definitions are contained in

Appendix 1.) There is not one definition but many interpretations of degrees

of 'homelessness'. As Chamberlain & Mackenzie (1991: 12) note, 'there is

little agreement in the recent academic literature about how the concept of

homelessness should be defined'. Watson (1986: 8) extends this view to

include policy makers, researchers, local authorities and voluntary housing

organisations.

Many interpretations refer to varying degrees of 'homeless ness' (Chamberlain

and Mackenzie: 1991, NYCH: 1985 Loft & Davis: 1988 Burrell: 1988) and

these interpretations include as 'homeless' persons who consider their existing

accommodation to be inadequate by reasons such as over-crowding, the

physical state of the residence or lack of security of occupancy. This

research takes the view that a state of 'homelessness' can vary between the

extreme of 'no shelter' to inadequate, inappropriate and unaffordable shelter.

This research goes beyond the words of a definition applicable to a diverse

range of social groups and incomes and provides a clear view of the

circumstances for female sole parents who, because of low income, are forced

to live in refuges or substandard accommodation on the private rental market

which results in a transient lifestyle.

What do we know of persons who survive in inadequate accommodation, often

utilising someone else's shelter? Paris (1993: 174) highlights a flaw with

data collection in Australia in that it is virtually impossible to achieve

systematic data on the numbers of people renting informally from friends.

14

Paris (1993: 174) believes "it is also extremely difficult to achieve objective

estimates of the number of homeless people or compile decent information on

the physical conditions in rental stock".

This thesis has a wealth of data on a number of households who are living in

concealed 'homelessness'. They are denied the basic right of secure,

adequate, and appropriate housing at a price within her capacity of pay.

Hence, the reason for this thesis and the title "The Hidden Homeless".

15

CHAPTER2

This chapter reviews the current social and economic background to the

position of women in Australia with particular emphasis on marriage

breakdown and the sources of income for sole parents.

It is claimed that "Australian Society is passing through a transition from being

dominated by one family type, two parents and their offspring (nuclear family),

to being one of diversity, where a wide range of different family and non-family

types are common." (Cass, 1991: 2) Some of the characteristics include

ageing of the population, the postponement of marriage and the increased

formation of sole-parent families, albeit a minority of families with children.

The demographics have resulted in a significant increase in the proportion of

Australian households which are not comprised of a couple, with or without

dependants.

A significant minority of Australian families are sole parent families. In 1992

there were 340,700 sole parent families comprising 17.48 per cent of all

families with children -the majority (90.93 per cent) of whom were headed by

a female . (Castles, 1993: 20)

The latest Australian Bureau of Statistics figures show that the number of lone

mothers increased by 30 per cent between 1986 and 1992 (Castles, 1993:

20) and statistics show that this increase in lone mothers is mainly the result of

the incidence of marriage breakdown rather than to women having children

without forming a partnership. (Castles, 1993, Disney, 1987) In the

corresponding period of 1986 - 1992, the number of lone fathers decreased

slightly.

This chapter reviews the current social and economic background to the

position of women in Australia with particular emphasis on marriage

breakdown and the sources of income for sole parents under the headings:

A. Divorce E. Employment

B. Domestic violence F. Welfare Recipients

C. Community Attitude G. Children

D. Poverty

16

A. Divorce

The Australian Institute of Family Studies, Family Facts indicates that

"currently about 40 per cent of marriages can be expected to end in divorce

and an estimated 43 per cent of marriages will end in separation within 30

years of marriage.

In 1991 there were 45,630 divorces granted throughout Australia, representing

a 7 per cent increase from 1990. The number of divorced women increased

by 217 per cent between 1976 and 1991. (Family Matters, 1993: 26-28)

Following the large number of divorces occurring in the first year of operation

of Family Law Act (1976), the peak subsided by the end of 1970's with a

secondary peak occurring around 1982-83. Another peak began to appear in

1991 and it is speculated that perhaps the peaks reflect the economic

recessions. (1993: 26-28).

In 1991 medium age of divorce was 38.4 years for men and 35.5 years for

women, both representing increases of 0.2 years compared with 1990. The

medium duration of marriage was 10.3 years for people divorcing in 1991

compared with 10.1 years in 1990. (Family Matters, 1993: 28) The median

duration of a marriage has decreased from 14 years in 1966 to just over 10

years in the period following the introduction of the Family Law Act. (Castles,

1993: 25)

In 57 per cent of cases the decision to separate was made mainly by the wife,

and in 26 per cent of the cases the decision to separate was made mainly by

the husband. In the remaining 17 per cent the decision was joint. (Family

Matters, 1993: 28)

It is estimated that 3.9 per cent of Australian children will have experienced the

divorce of their parents by the time they are 5 years old - 10.2 per cent by the

time they are 10 years and 16.5 per cent by the time they are 16 years.

Studies indicate 4 out of 5 children live with their mothers following a divorce.

17

Divorce involves major changes in the lives of the family members concerned

and can affect both the social and economic circumstances.

Divorce often means a change of housing situation for all family members.

However, women fare worse than men in gaining new housing after their

marriage breaks down because of a variety of reasons, including the care of

children and less access to secure employment.

"It seems to be the case that a man's income and employment status is

actually improved by marriage, whereas a woman's is not. Instead women

after divorce find that their position has suffered as a result of years of

domestic responsibility and childrearing and intermittent or no paid

employment". (Watson, 1986: 29).

In Australia the dominant housing form is for the nuclear family, that is, two

adults and children, despite the fact that less than a third of all households are

of this type. Different household types are not at the forefront of the minds of

housing policy makers, designers or developers. (Watson, 1993: 2)

This is particularly serious for women, partly because they constitute a large

number of the non-nuclear family households, and partly because they have

fewer financial means to acquire what they want or need in the private sector.

Housing reinforces specific social relations. This is a gender issue which

affects men as well. Divorced men with and without children are more likely to

live in a separate house and tend to have more rooms in their dwelling than

divorced women who are much more likely to be living in medium density

accommodation. (Watson, 1986: 29)

B. Domestic violence

Domestic violence is often a contributing factor in the decision of the woman to

leave the relationship.

18

What is Domestic Violence? The Domestic Violence Resource Centre

provides the following definition:

"Domestic Violence describes a situation where one partner in a

relationship is using violent and intimidatory behaviours in order to

control and dominate the other partner."

Domestic violence affects women of all ages and from all backgrounds and is

spread across all socio-economic levels in the community. Australian and

overseas research consistently shows that in 95 per cent of the cases, the

victim is a female and the abusive partner is a male.

Domestic violence is widespread in the community with research

conservatively estimating that at least one in ten women suffers physical

abuse in her intimate relationship with a man. However, more recent findings

suggest that as many as one in four women is abused by her male partner.

(Domestic Violence Resource Centre)

Whilst it is recognised that physical assault is common in domestic violence, it

is by no means the only form of abuse. Women are"also subjected to

emotional, psychological, sexual, social and financial abuse. Most abused

women are subject to more than one form of abuse.

Many women and their children stay in an abusive environment due to a fear

that they will not be able to obtain or afford alternative accommodation. "Thus

a house may be a place of violence and imprisonment, where a woman fears

for her safety. On the other hand, in such a situation, it can be a domain

which a man can control and define" (Watson, 1986: 21).

Of those women who do leave home the lack of adequate accommodation is

often a major contributing factor if they return to intolerable circumstances.

Whilst some women are co-owners of a family home, few are able to remain

there because of the financial impossibility of buying out their partner.

(H.A.G. 1988: 11)

One may well question why the woman should be the one to leave her home

because of a violent situation and in many cases walk into dependence on the

State for income which often means poverty.

19

C. Community Attitude

Community attitudes play an important aspect in the decision process of

terminating a marriage or relationship. Regardless of the above figures

reflecting the change in family content, there are popular prejudices about sole

parents. These are often based on images of young girls conceiving children

without any serious relationship .

In fact, more than 80 per cent of sole parents who are receiving social security

bore their children while living with a partner. Only about 4 per cent of sole

parents are less than 20 years old - a proportion which has not changed over

the last decade -while the proportion who are aged 30 or more has remained

steady about 60 per cent. (Castles, 1993 25).

D. Poverty

The financial consequences of separation or divorce are often devastating for

the custodial parent (usually the women) and the children. In a comparative

analysis of the latest Australian figures, lone mothers were concentrated in the

lowest family income quintiles. (Castles, 1993: 195)

The Poverty Commission in the early seventies pointed to unemployment and

family break-up as important factors increasing the risk of poverty (Saunders &

Matheson, 1991: 1) Almost twenty years later Disney (1987: 1) has a similar

view. A major cause of the growth in poverty has been the increase in

unemployment and the increase in the number of one-parent families (60 per

cent in the last decade).

Australia is not unique in this regard. Research for many countries (Saunders

& Matheson, 1991: 3) has established that the increase in unemployment

caused a general rise in poverty among working age families, many of whom

had responsibility for the care and maintenance of young children. Added to

this was the increased incidence of sole parenthood which contributed greatly

to the rise in the number of children at risk of poverty.

20

However, in Australia, that risk translated into actual poverty for many sole

parent families, because of the high percentage reliant on income support

which provides levels of assistance below the poverty line. All that has

happened is the situation has intensified - unemployment figures in the OECD

rose from 11 million in 1973 to 25 million in 1989. (Saunders & Matheson,

1991: 3)

Poverty is a feature of families in which there is only a single adult present,

either single people or sole parent families. In 1989-90, seventy-seven percent

of all income units in poverty had only a single adult present. In contrast the

poverty rate among non-aged units with two adults present, particularly those

without children or with less than three children is much lower. Part of the

reason for this is the economies of scale in housing costs which can be

achieved when adults live together, but it also reflects life cycle factors and, for

sole parents, the difficulties of joining the labour force when caring for young

children. Poverty rises dramatically if a relationship ends, particularly for the

person left caring for any children. (Saunders & Matheson, 1991: 22)

Bradbury, Rossiter and Vipond (1987: 98-99) note that in Australia .. poverty

after housing is mainly, but not entirely, an income problem. The impact of

housing outlays on the incidence of poverty depends partly on the proximity of

incomes to poverty line ...

Whilst it is acknowledged that poverty line measures are limited, the role of the

social security system is a contributory factor to increasing after-housing

poverty because of the way in which it treats as equal, people who have

unequal needs. Needs differ according to both age and housing tenure but

the two are highly correlated.

The changing demographics in Australia indicate an increase in sole parent

families and single persons and a problem arises because these households

have disproportionately low incomes compared to other families groups. The

Social Security system does not recognise that these predominantly younger

households have special needs additional to the needs of aged pensioners

who are more likely to be owner-occupiers other than· a small supplementary

allowance paid to private sector renters. Owners and owner/purchasers are

treated alike and the public sector tenure is available to very few households.

21

The major constraint to rehousing is a financial one because so many single

parents have to rely on government benefit and the levels of benefit do not

reflect the high cost of housing.

It is more difficult for women than men to gain new housing after their marriage

breaks down because of a variety of reasons including:

* In 80 per cent of the cases women have children to look after.

* Women have less access to well paid and secure employment than their

male partners.

* It is common for women with children to be denied private rental if they have

a low income, especially if the income is the Supporting Parent benefit.

Marriage exacerbates the discrepancies between the economic status of men

and women and one of the reasons why women form the greatest number of

those in the poorest circumstances (Gain, 1988: 2) is because their income is

adversely affected by the following factors:

1. Their economic dependence within the traditional family structure

(for instance, many women have no independent income).

2. Their lower rate of participation in the workforce.

3. The lower average wages for women's work areas.

4. The preponderance of women in part-time and casual work.

E. Employment

Notwithstanding the Equal Pay for Equal Worth decision of the 1970's, "men

and women are not dispersed throughout the labour market evenly; most

occupations and many industries are either predominantly male or

predominantly female." (Grieve & Burns, 1989: 319) Burton (1987: 30)

believes it is hard to compare "worth of dissimilar jobs and jobs at different

points in an occupational or organisational hierarchy.

The occupational areas within which women are found - keyboard work,

secretarial work, stenography, nursing, service occupations and clerical work­

build on qualities developed through their socialisation, including attitudes

(nurturing, supportive) and attributes which have low value in organisational

terms.

22

On the male side attributes developed through male socialisation

(assertiveness, competitiveness, risk taking) for say management jobs are

highly rewarded at the workplace".

At November 1985 women constituted 73.8 percent of clerical workers, 63.8

percent of employees in service, sport and recreation and 53 percent in sales.

Fifty-nine percent of female employees were concentrated in these three

major occupational groups. They were 47 percent of employees in

professional and technical occupations, and of these the majority were in

teaching and nursing.

The situation had not changed dramatically by August 1992 when more than

half of all employed women were to be found in two occupational groups- 31

per cent were clerks and 24 per cent were salespersons and personal service

workers. (Castles, 1993: 125)

The respondents in this survey who were in the workforce have occupations in

the traditional female areas of nursing, clerical and sales.

An OECD survey found that Australia had one of the most sex segregated

labour markets of all member countries. (Schofield, 1989: 21 However, in

nearly all countries women represent from 70-90 per cent of the workforce

employed in textiles, shoes, ready to wear clothing tobacco and other light

industry- that is sectors in which wages are lowest. Women also account for

70 per cent or more of people employed in the service sector, with the great

majority of women occupying the least remunerative positions; secretaries; file

clerks, health workers, teachers in primary schools, keypunch operators.

"While the earnings gap has decreased since 1973-74, women's earnings in

1989-90 were, on average, on 61 per cent of men's. Among full-year, full-time

workers women earned 76 per cent as much as men."

(Castles, 1993: 179)

As Burton says in her later work (1991: 140) "the issue which remains central

to comparable worth strategies and pay equity advocates, is the evidence that

traditional female classifications are paid less because work that women do is

regarded as less valuable than work that men do; that criteria of value,

23

however formalised, contain a degree of 'masculine bias' which needs to be

eliminated if the value of women's work is to be adequately assess and

remunerated."

Because some occupations are generally more highly regarded by the

community than others, occupation can be an important indicator of the

perceived relative status of women and men in employment.

Another inhibiting factor in women's employment is, despite a growing place in

the work force, women are still forced to assume the majority if not the totality

of domestic tasks in addition to their wage labour. Hence taking maternity

leave, it may be difficult to return to work or find a new job.

Whether women return to employment after the birth of a child depends on

their perceptions of the role of mothers, career options and the economic

circumstances and the family and social supports available to them.

If women are to be retrained in the workforce after childbirth their re-entry has

to be facilitated by support in the form of child care and flexible working hours

which will enable them to combine work with family responsibilities.

Because of these factors, there has been a significant increase in part-time

work by women because it is often hard to combine work with domestic

chores. However, part-time work brings with it lower wages, less job security,

few social security benefits, and less likelihood of unionisation.

Women make up most of the part-time labour force and, as such, are most

affected with the increasing casualisation of the workforce. There is a loading

on the wage but no benefits e.g., maternity leave, sick leave, holiday leave or

long service leave. (Giezer, 1988: 34)

However, the reliance on casual work rather than part-time work can lead to

the creation and continuation of a secondary job market as these jobs tend to

be low paid, low status, and not covered by award conditions and with few or

no career prospects. Increased flexibility in the workplace will greatly assist

the participation of women but will be detrimental to women if it leads to an

increase in the casualisation of the workplace.

24

The Australian Bureau of Statistics figures for 1992 show women without

children had the highest labour force participation, suggesting that the

absence of children is a greater determinant of labour force participation for

women than whether they are married. In the same year, figures show that

lone mothers participation in the labour force (47 per cent) is lower than

married women (60 per cent). (Castles, 1993: 122)

However, Ross, R. & Saunders, P., (1990: 18) indicate that sole mothers have

a higher participation in full-time work than part-time work- in the ratio 60:40.

Whereas employed married mothers are more likely to undertake part-time

work than full-time work- in the ratio of full-time work to part-time 40:60.

There is a common view in Australia that the relatively low part-time

employment status of sole parents generally and (sole mothers in particular)

results from the financial disincentives associated with the poverty trap.

Certainly, as Whiteford, Bradbury and Saunders (1989) cited by Ross and

Saunders (1990: 18) have recently established, the potential for the poverty

trap facing supporting parent beneficiaries to adversely affect work incentives

is considerable. Cass (1986), however, argues that a range of other factors

are also relevant to the work decisions of sole parents:

11 ln their daily attempt to combine child care, household duties and part­

time employment, single mothers may find that the increased

expenditure of time, effort and income involved in labour force

participation does not yield a commensurably increased level of

disposable income As a result, the two most economically feasible

options of income support are clarified: full-time employment or full benefit. II

The personal stories of this thesis contain examples of the hardships of

combining family responsibilities with 'full-time' work and the low wages which,

combined with the cost of child care, often mean the net income is not worth

the personal hardship. The absence of a partner to take any of the

responsibility for taking children to and from care or school, or to look after

children when they are sick or on school holidays may also constitute a

significant barrier to participation in the paid labour force. (Whiteford, 1991:

24)

25

The best guarantee against poverty is the employment of at least one adult in

full-time work, while an even stronger guarantee is the presence of two income

earners (Goodnow & Pateman, 1985: 92). Evidence abounds to demonstrate

the financial vulnerability of female headed families with the most at-risk sub

group being welfare recipients. (Encel & Bryson, 1984: 125)

The 1986 census showed that there has been an increase in the labour force

participation rates for women and a decline for men. However, these trends

have been matched by changes to a labour force who are experiencing a

decline in real wages and high cost of living expenses. Most families now

require two incomes. (Nugent et al 1989).

F. Welfare Recipients

A report in 1990 noted that sole-parent pensioners have formed between 68

per cent and 75 per cent of the entire sole-parent population. (Whiteford,

1991: 87)

The Department of Social Security provides the Sole Parent Benefit for women

whose youngest child is under the age of sixteen years.

Whilst this benefit can be a welcome source of income which enables women

and children to leave a violent relationship, it can also create a potential

poverty trap.

Whiteford, Bradbury & Saunders (1989: 2) indicate- ''a 'poverty trap' refers to

situations where, because of the interaction of the taxation and social security

systems, pensioners or beneficiaries may find that any increase in work effort

results in only a very small increase in disposable income, if any at all.

Persons combining part-time employment with receipt of Social Security

payments may find that additional work effort is hardly rewarded at all. The

importance of this issue has grown with the expansion of part-time job

opportunities in recent years. (See also Cass, 1986).

26

There has also been an increasing recognition that facilitating the transition

from full-time dependence on income support to the combination of part-time

employment and part income support may have an important role to play in

ensuring that labour market skills are acquired or at least maintained. If part­

time work effort is not sufficiently rewarded then Social Security recipients may

not be able to supplement their fairly meagre incomes, and may be "trapped"

into long term poverty and unemployment".

The government decision to cease the Sole Parent payment when the

youngest child turns 16 years of age is particularly harsh on those parents who

wish to reduce their dependency on the Government funds by working part­

time or undertaking further training. For some Sole Parents, the available

assistance may be decreased as much as $90 per week. (Disney, 1987: 3).

A further cause of hardship is that in the last decade all categories of Social

Security payment to meet the costs of raising children have fallen in value.

Family allowance, for example, has fallen by about 30 per cent in real terms

and the special payment for sole parents (the mothers/guardians allowance)

has fallen by about 20 per cent. (Disney, 1987: 2) (See also (Whiteford,

1986: 21).

G. Children

In 4 out of 5 cases the care and supervision of children remains with the

mother and the major part of the family's income remains with the non-resident

father. (Funder, 1991).

Given the high estimations of the number of children who will experience the

divorce of their parents, any research on sole parents families also requires

consideration of the ramifications for children of marriage breakdown.

In the first instance, research on Domestic Violence reveals that 88 per cent of

violent incidents were witnessed by children and in 68 per cent of these, the

children were also abused by their father or their mother's partner. (Domestic

Violence Resource Centre).

27

This often leads to children showing signs of guilt, inadequacies or anger that

they are unable to prevent the violence and the coping

behaviours exhibited by children can be extreme, including some of the

following:

They might become over-achievers, taking responsibility for the care of home

and siblings, or on the other hand become passive and withdrawn, develop

psychosomatic illnesses and lowered interpersonal ability. (Domestic Violence

Resource Centre)

One million children live with a single parent, usually a mother. (The

Australian, 1995). Given the evidence that lone mothers are concentrated in

the lowest family income quintile, it is not unreasonable to assume that many

children are growing up in poverty.

In a study of low-income families with children, (ACOSS No. 17, 1988: 6)

parents spoke of the costs to their children's development of living on a low

income. Few of the families could afford to send their children on school

excursions and camps. The very act of missing out meant that the children

were marked out as different from other children. Other obvious symbols of a

low family income, including a lack of clothing and few possessions, made the

children targets for stigmatising comments from their school peers.

Further, many parents reported that their children worried about the family's

situation and future and that family life and relationships with children were

damaged by constant concerns about money.

Although other industrialised countries have experienced an increased

incidence of child poverty during the same period, Australia has the highest

child poverty rate of all other comparable OECD countries, with the exception

of the United States- and was more than three times that in Germany, Norway

and Sweden. (ACOSS No. 17, 1988: 2)) Australian children are at far greater

risk of poverty than children in many other advanced countries. (Saunders &

Matheson, 1991: 3)

28

This culminated in the Family Assistance Package and Prime Minister's pledge

'that no child will need to live in poverty by 1990' which was a very significant

social policy initiative of the government. (Disney, 1987: 2). Nevertheless,

hundreds of thousands of children will remain below the poverty line,

especially if they are in sole parent families or in families who are having to

pay for private rental accommodation.

Sanders & Matheson (1991: 5 ) believe that the increase in child poverty was

a major factor leading to increased community concern over the problem of

poverty generally.

29

CHAPTER 3

This chapter provides a very short overview of the different housing

tenures and their significance for women-headed households. It is not

within the scope of this thesis to provide extensive information but

rather to provide the necessary background for this research.

A. HOME OWNERSHIP

The National Housing Strategy Issues Paper 1 (1991: ix) indicates that 70 per

cent of Australian households live in owner-occupied dwellings and most

home owners gain particular advantages from capital gains as there is no tax

payable on either the nominal increase in the sale price of their dwelling or any

increase in the real value of their house. (1991: 43)

'Owner-occupied dwellings' consist of properties owned outright and those

being purchased with financial assistance through savings banks, building

societies; credit co-operatives or State Housing Authorities. With the ageing

population, outright ownership has increased, whilst mortgaged ownership has

declined. (Paris, 1991: 240)

Over 83 per cent of households in the 65+ age group are owner-occupiers;

whereas only 20 per cent of those in the under 25 age group and less than 60

per cent in the 25-35 age group are owner-occupiers. Much of these

differences in the incidence of home ownership reflect life-cycle factors.

(Yates, 1991: 13)

House prices have increased significantly during the past few decades with a

3.5 per cent increase in average real terms of the median house prices

between 1960 and 1989. (National Housing Strategy, 1991 xiii) To a

considerable extent, these increases are attributable to the premium attached

to the location of land, for example, access to the inner city or water views,

rather than to the value of the house itself.

Due to the decline in affordability, in the late 1970's it was projected that the

percentage of households in home ownership could drop to 40 per cent

30

(Hollingworth, 1981: 67) whereas through the 1980's home ownership has

remained at around 65 - 70 per cent. This is partly explained by many

Australian households benefiting financially by the advent of large numbers of

two-income households.

There is tremendous pressure upon the housing market, with the result that

housing costs are escalating much faster than the rate of growth of poor

people's incomes. For the poor the situation is, of course, far worse as they

are often dependent upon rented accommodation. (Hollingworth, 1981: 55)

During the latter years of the 1980's, a housing afford ability crisis became

more apparent for those on low to moderate incomes. Rents and house prices

soared in relation to incomes, and home purchase became increasingly

inaccessible for many. (North Sydney Housing Study, 1990: 2) Although house

prices and rents have stabilised in recent years, the situation still has

disproportionately severe consequences for single persons and sole parent

households and on couples with only one income. It is also possible that

declining affordability will modify traditional housing choices.

There is a dominance of traditional male-headed nuclear families in home­

ownership due to the high cost of the acquisition of property and the fact that

housing policy and the housing market in Australia tend to be structured

around the nuclear family household. Other forms of household are less likely

to be home owners and have lower housing standard.

Latest ABS figures show that female sole parents are least likely to be in

home-ownership (14 per cent) and far more likely to be a tenant, either public

(23.6 per cent) or private (23.8 per cent). (Castles, 1993: 212)

Access to home-ownership is severely limited for female sole-parent families

due to their over-representation in the lowest income groups. Male sole

parents are less disadvantaged due to their higher income distribution. (Cass,

1991: 18). (See also Watson, 1985a. and O'Leary & Sharp, 1991)

In their study of 'Women over sixty', Coleman and Watson (1987: 7) found

'that the route to home-ownership for the majority of women was through

family membership, and more specifically a male partner.

31

However, marital breakdown often results in many women and children losing

the family home because the women are unable to sustain the mortgage

repayments alone on their income, particularly if they have custody of the

children. (Watson, 1985a: 95)

During the National Housing Strategy consultations (NHS: 1992), women also

drew attention to the need for access to flexible housing options and mortgage

instruments on the breakdown of a marriage. Whilst State Housing Authorities

currently have schemes in place to assist women in such circumstances,

these are often not accessible until after the marital home has been sold which

frequently occurs many years after the breakdown of the marriage. In the

intervening period, women often suffer extreme housing stress.

Although schemes are available to assist low to moderate income home

buyers to acquire their first home, 'the amount of benefit is determined on the

basis of income, family status and the number of dependent children'. (Fogg,

ed. 1988: 21) For example, data showed that only 6 per cent of all First Home

Owners Scheme (FHOS) recipients were female sole parents with the great

majority of recipients being couples with or without children (77 per cent).

The reality is that, even with subsidised loans, many people with a housing

need and who have a low income cannot afford home-ownership. For

example, in the late 1980's, only 4.8 per cent of those on the public housing

waiting list could afford home ownership with a subsidised loan. (Shelter,

1988: 8.1)

A further obstacle for persons with a low income in accessing home-ownership

is 'the disadvantaged status of the tenant in the private rental market' (Cass,

1980: 3) which entails a progressive erosion of the opportunity to save the

deposit and attract finance in order to progress to Home Ownership.

At all income levels, home-owners have more than double the average assets

of those who rent their homes. "Home-ownership divides Australian

households into haves and have nots". (O'Leary & Sharp, 1991: 139)

32

B. PRIVATE RENTAL SECTOR

Private rental tenancies accounted for 45 per cent of all households in 1947.

This has declined to a current level of around 20 per cent. (Kennedy, 1986,

Paris, 1993, Burke, 1994) The main geographical concentrations of renting

are in the capital cities, especially Sydney (Paris, 1993: 179) which has a

concentration within the inner suburbs, including the northern municipalities of

North Sydney and Willoughby. (Shelter, 1988: 4.1)

Although private rental was often seen as a transitional tenure for many

households prior to home ownership or public housing rental, the "transition

period is increasing due to the high cost of home ownership in N.S.W. and the

long waiting times for public housing." (Kennedy, 1986, Paris, 1993) Demand

for private rental accommodation, particularly for low cost dwellings will be

maintained and, more likely, will increase.

Today very few houses are built for rental and most become available after

earlier use by owner occupants who are moving through the life cycle.

Costs have increased. During 1987 in New South Wales, rents rose by about

14 per cent compared to negligible increases in wage and pensions levels.

(Strickland, 1988: 1 0) Surveys over a longer period show that private dwelling

rents in 1989/90 were 183 per cent of the 1982/83 rate which reflected a real

increase of some 12 per cent. (Bradbury et al1993: 144)

Although rents have sinced stabilised, poor families, elderly people and single

parents are in many ways the most disadvantaged groups in private rental

housing. (Paris, 1993: 185, ACOSS 17: 11, Shelter, 1988: 4.1) A large

proportion of the private tenants are among the poorest households in

Australia. (Paris, 1993: 183) Over 20 per cent of all private tenants are living

in poverty and Bradbury et al (1986: 41) note that as well as paying more for

their housing, they have lower-than-average incomes.

The difference in poverty, before and after housing costs, among tenants of

private landlords is very large. "Also figures suggest that sharing

accommodation does not solve housing or income problems among some

very low income people; rather, housing exacerbates their financial problems."

(Bradbury et al, 1986: 40)

33

In the 1980's poverty after housing costs had shifted from the aged. For

example, among single parents, 61.7 per cent of those who were tenants of

private landlords lived in poverty (Vipond, 1987: 6-8) and 59.8 per cent of

those who paid rent to someone in a dwelling lived in poverty after their

housing outlays were accounted for. (Bradbury et al 1986: 41)

In Australia in 1982, seventy per cent of income earners renting privately and

earning less than average weekly earnings were paying more than 20% of

their income in rent. The figure for New South Wales is even higher. (Carter,

Milligan & Hall, 1988: 26)

In general, sole mothers are much more likely than any other family group to

have very high private rental costs in relation to their income, with 86.1 per

cent spending 30 per cent or more of their weekly income on rent and 58.6 per

cent spending 50 per cent or more. (Cass, 1991: 23)

The National Housing Strategy (1991g: xi) noted that the largest groups

numerically and disproportionally in housing stress were private renters, social

security recipients and single income groups (Paris, 1993: 186) It also

identified that sole parents (who are predominantly women) spent the highest

proportion of their income on housing. Many previous studies during the

1980's had highlighted the problems for sole parents. (Carter, Milligan & Hall,

1988 and Kennedy, 1986). The percentage of sole parents renting privately is

three times that of couples with children. (Saunders & Matheson, 1990: 8)

It is not uncommon to discover low income families spending 40 per cent of

their already limited incomes on rent which is twice as much as a United

Nations recommendation 'that poor families should not have to spend more

than 15-20 per cent of the family income on housing'. (Hollingworth, 1981:

54).

The private rental market within Sydney (and New South Wales) illustrates

trends common to many western countries. The relative significance of private

renting as a tenure form has declined at the same time as it is increasingly

housing economically disadvantaged sectors of the population. (Kennedy,

1986: 39) This is due to:

34

*A growth in the number of households dependent on pensions.

*A lag between public housing construction and the level of

applications for public housing.

* The rapid formation of single parent households who are creating a

distinctive group of one income households. (Kennedy, 1986: 6)

The private rental sector is a significant source of accommodation for

households who do not fit the traditional nuclear family model. However,

many of these households, particularly low income, female-headed

households, are facing increasing financial and material hardship within the

sector as well as having difficulty finding accommodation to rent in their area

of choice. (Watson & Coleman, 1986: 26)

Given that home ownership is often inaccessible due to cost and public

housing has lengthy waiting lists, the private rental market is one of the few

options for low income-households, women-headed households, migrant

households, younger households and households with one or more adult

members unemployed.

In 1986 The Office of the Status of Women (OSW) carried out extensive

consultations with women across the country, the results of which were

released in a document "A Say, A Choice, a Fair Go". One concern was the

situation of pensioners and beneficiaries and other low income families paying

private rents because of the high proportion of their income paid in rent.

Women are disproportionately represented among those facing hardship in the

private rental market.

Life for women in the private rental sector is not an easy one. They face high

rents, insecurity, often poor conditions, and discrimination from landlords and

real estate agents. Yet for many women, and their children, there is little

alternative. (Watson, 1988: 73)

Women on a low income have to compete with more affluent households, for

example, two parent families or male-headed households and often suffer

direct discrimination in their access to private rental housing based on

assumptions and stereotypes concerning their capacity to manage finances.

35

Recent reviews point to an increase in the demand for private rental

accommodation, accompanied by a decreased ability to pay. Private rental is

increasingly becoming the main tenure for the poor. There is a

disproportionate reliance on private rental housing for persons including single

parent households of all age groups. (Tregillis, 1987: 35) Recent figures

show that lone mothers comprise 23.8 per cent of those who are private

tenants. (Castles, 1993: 212)

The long-term viability of the private rental sector as a whole is, in fact, in

doubt. Rents are too high to be affordable by low-income earners but too low

to attract an adequate supply. There is inherent conflict for persons on a low

income between tenants' need to decent, affordable and secure housing and

the landlords' need for a secure competitive return on their investment. (Fogg,

1986: 2)

The increasing size of the Department of Housing waiting list "reflects the

inability of people to meet their housing needs in the private rental market".

(Department of Housing, 1994: 17) The Department of Housing's Rental

Assistance Scheme assisted 36,091 households in 1993/94. This figure has

increased from 27,874 in 1989/90 (Department of Housing, 1994: 32) The

largest proportion of allocated funds is used for the payment of bonds and the

Department was able to asist more clients by not providing the clients with the

full amount of the bond or rental assistance. (Department of Housing, 1993:

50)

Gentrification of the Inner City

As well as the declining private rental market, there is a concentration of

tenants within the Sydney area, especially the inner city suburbs. The growth

areas for rental accommodation are on the fringe of the city in localities with

vastly different amenity and accessibility characteristics, which may not reflect

the needs of the displaced households.

"Urban inequalities thus tend to compound housing inequalities. For those

people who are forced to the outskirts of the cities, fewer urban services are

available than for people who can afford more expensive housing. For those

renters who hang on in the inner city, the quality of the dwellings that they can

afford is low and, increasingly, they face rising rents and eviction notices as

36

gentrification transforms their neighbourhoods". (O'Leary & Sharp, 1991:

249) Rent increases can be so large that rent outstrips their entire pensions.

High income groups have increasingly sought inner-city locations, raising

house prices and rents in these areas. Housing that had been allowed to run

down to a quality that low-income tenants could afford is now being renovated

for those who are much richer. The decline of boarding-house

accommodation is an often quoted example of this trend. (O'Leary and Sharp,

1991: 248)

Large old houses are being converted from shared accommodation into hotels

for tourists or even for family housing. "With tourism being aggressively

promoted throughout the State, available accommodation for renters is fast

being swallowed up." It is now accepted that conversions to tourist

accommodation, as well as gentrification, explain the decline in boarding

houses. (Kissane, 1989: 30)

A similar trend is occurring in Britain and New York. Rising homelessness is

partly due to a rapid decline in cheap, rented accommodation brought about

by swinging rent rises and wide scale conversion by landlords for renting to

sale for home-ownership.

C. SOCIAL HOUSING

In Australia, social housing represents 6.5 per cent of the total stock and

consists primarily of public housing and a small amount of community housing.

There are 370,000 households accommodated. (Burke, 1994). Funding

largely comes from the Commonwealth in the form of grants (with matching

allocation from the States) and is administered under the Commonwealth

State Housing Agreement which is renegotiated every 3 years.

Due to the declining access and affordability of home-ownership and private

rental, more households are looking to social housing to provide secure

affordable accommodation. In Australia, currently there are 220,000

households are on the public housing waiting list which is growing at double

the rate per annum of the increase in housing stock. (Burke, 1994) A large

percentage of these households are located in New South Wales. In the

37

1992/93 year 81,833 households were waiting for public housing which

represented an increase of 15 per cent.

(Department of Housing, 1993)

Household type by tenure

Household type Households in social Households in all other

housing tenures

Single person 28.50% 19.00%

Couple only 12.90% 24.90%

Two parent family 24.90% 38.50%

Single parent family 25.90% 6.2%

Total 100.00% 100.00%

(Burke, 1994: 1.13)

The above table shows that sole parents are disproportionately represented in

social housing (25.9 per cent) compared to representation in other tenures

(6.2 per cent).

Public housing tenants generally have lower-than-average incomes (Carteret

al, 1988: 22) and 67.9 per cent of households have incomes below $20,000

per annum. Ninety per cent of applicants are on very low incomes.

Whilst households are able to nominate for public housing in any area, the

waiting time will vary considerably between areas with some inner suburbs

having waiting times of a considerable number of years.

With the increasing demand for public housing and the limited supply of

appropriate stock for the changing demographic needs, one proposal is for

expanded indirect housing subsidy by way of rental assistance. The argument

being that this is the quickest way of reducing waiting lists. For instance,

$500m. could purchase or construct direct housing provision of 4,500 housing

units per annum but the same amount could provide some 180,000

households in the private rental sector with housing assistance. (Burke, 1994)

The counter argument is that this would be a short term solution. In the long

term, say 25 years, the $500m. would provide 112,500 dwellings for direct

assistance - a considerable asset.

38

Whilst rental assistance in theory allows people to access housing in a chosen

location, in reality it will not always solve the problem of affordability nor

counter the discrimination some households find in accessing the private

rental market.

The fact that 47.3 per cent of the tenants of housing authorities are in poverty

after housing costs indicates the very low level of incomes of many single

parents who live in housing authority dwellings. Bradbury et al (1986: 41)

Women made homeless through domestic violence, and divorced or

separated women are known to make up a significant proportion of

households waiting for public housing and the long waiting lists are increasing.

(Carter et al, 1988: 23-25) Despite the growth in public housing stock, the

polarisation in housing markets has placed pressure on the waiting list.

In New South Wales, between 1981 and 1987 the waiting list for public

housing increased by 46 per cent to 60,771 households. (Carter, 1987: 49)

By 1993/94 financial year, the waiting list had grown to 87,172 households.

(Department of Housing, 1994: 11) In the same year, the Department of

Housing was able accommodate 13.5 per cent of the waiting list compared to

16 per cent of the 1992/93 year.

Attridge ( 1991: 17) believes "it is important to look beyond existing consumers

and note the financial circumstances of waiting list applicants". Overall about

85 per cent of 200,000 households on public housing waiting lists in Australia

are eligible for rent rebates which "clearly indicates that public housing has not

been able to operate as an alternative tenure of choice for many housing

consumers" due to the long waiting time. (Attridge, 1991: 17) In 1993

approximately 90 per cent of public housing tenants in N.S.W. were in receipt

of a rental subsidy. (Department of Housing, 1993: 2)

Although this tenure is very important for women, the small amount of public

housing in Australia means that women-headed households are likely to

spend years on housing waiting lists before they are finally allocated

accommodation. "The lack of Federal and State commitment to expenditure in

this sector means that even when a woman has access to public housing, the

accommodation is likely to be poorly located, designed without imagination

and not well maintained." (Watson, 1993: 1)

39

However, a public housing sector is required to achieve an efficient an

equitable allocation of housing resources(Going public, 1993: 69) because this

form of housing "actively discriminates in favour of low incomes, social

disadvantage and personal hardship, and thus, in favour of women. (Nyland,

1988: 14) Public housing can provide a viable long term affordable option for

non-homeowners on a low income.

A good geographic spread of public housing will maintain a social mix and

allow access to low rent accommodation in the inner city which will meet the

need for people on low incomes to be housed within their community

networks, and with access to essential services and employment and to area.

(Shelter, NSW, 1988: 1.2) (Charles, 1990: 22)

Persons on a low income who are able to rent in the public sector have

security of tenure and are protected from rent increases. They can also

benefit from the expansion of amenities of the metropolitan areas. (O'Leary &

Sharp, 1991: 248)

However, Attridge (1991: 16) concedes that rather than public housing

becoming a matter of choice, it has become a safety net which is increasingly

difficult to access. He believes the lengths of waiting lists indicates that people

are clearly opting for public housing and it needs to be given the political and

financial support to act as a genuine housing choice for all people.

Because public housing is not evenly distributed, sometimes women in urgent

situations are placed in the least desirable locations such as outer suburbs of

the metropolitan area.

"Poverty is currently the major source of demand for public housing and there

has been a very rapid rise in unmet demand" (National Shelter, 1993: 45-46)

"National Shelter advocates the maintenance and expansion of the public

housing sector" which meets essential economic and social objectives by

providing secure, appropriate and adequate housing. (1993: 1)

40

D. Community housing

Community Housing is a another source of housing for women, albeit small. It

is government funded and managed by community organisations with "the

purpose of providing secure, affordable and appropriate non-profit rental

housing which includes housing co-operatives, housing associations and joint

ventures between community organisations and other parties. (Watson,

1993: 3)

Locally managed community housing offers a greater flexibility in responding

to specific needs within a local area than is possible in large scale operations

such as State public housing. Along with public housing, community based

housing has a role to play in tackling the loss of affordable and appropriate

housing in the inner city due to the 1gentrification1 of inner city areas. (Shelter,

1988: 3.1)

Community Housing can also "potentially be an important avenue through

which the supply of medium and long term housing for women and children

escaping domestic violence can be expanded because it offers a secure and

affordable alternative to the private rental markefl (Watson, 1993: 3)

Community Housing includes long term, medium term and crisis

accommodation. Within the scope of this thesis, focus is on the medium term

accommodation provided through the Community Tenancy Scheme (CTS) as

this was the source of respondents. Many of the personal histories

demonstrate that women and their children were able to achieve a fair level of

desired accommodation through CTS whilst they waited for long term housing.

The Community Tenancy Scheme (CTS) is an innovative community housing

project established in 1983 in New South Wales (Watson, 1988: 72) whereby

"non-profit community housing organisations are funded to provide low-cost

rental housing to persons on a low income", (Kennedy, 1986: 17) The

community housing organisations lease available properties from private

landlords, churches and government departments and then sublet to tenants

at a reduced rent with government funding subsidisiilg the 1difference1•

Watson (1 988: 73) believes the Community Tenancy Scheme illustrates the

potential for constructing positive alternatives to private rented accommodation

41

because CTS tenants are protected from the high rents, insecurity of tenure;

poor standards and the lack of control suffered by most tenants in the private

sector. Equally important it provides an example of how the State can

intervene to positively challenge the inequities of the private rental sector.

(Watson, 1988: 73 )

The Community Tenancy Scheme has exposed a significant hidden housing

need amongst households, many female-headed, who experience difficulty

obtaining accommodation through the more traditional routes to housing.

(Watson, 1988: 73) as the following data collation regarding CTS households

indicates.

* Twenty-nine percent of tenants were single parents with children (89 per cent

of whom were headed by a woman).

* Over 90 per cent of CTS households relied on a pension or benefit as their

sole income source

* The tenants' previous housing:

20 per cent had been sharing with family or friends.

32 per cent had been living in temporary accommodation such as

boarding houses, hostels, refuges, caravans and institutions.

8 per cent had no regular housing .

(Hence, 60 per cent were virtually homeless.)

* Prior to coming to CTS the average proportion of income spent on rent was

38 per cent, that is, nearly twice the proportion now being paid under CTS (20

per cent). (Homefront, 1985: 3)

Since 1981, CTS has grown to be the major program of Community Housing

in N.S.W. with 59 organisations managing 3,032 properties, 2,525 of these

head-leased from the private market and 507 capital properties owned by the

Department of Housing .. Funds have grown from $5m. per annum to almost

$13m. per annum in the 1994/95 financial year with additional capital

resources in the region of $16 m. to be targeted to specific groups.

(Department of Housing, 1994)

In 1994, the Office of Housing Policy released a discussion paper outlining a

growth strategy for housing associations primarily on the basis of the existing

network of 59 Community Tenancy Schemes.

42

E. North Sydney

North Sydney Municipality is one of four Local Government areas forming the

Lower North Shore area of Sydney. (Croft, 1982: 2.3) It has many

characteristics similar to other inner city municipalities and, historically, has

played a major role in providing rental accommodation for all income groups.

As in other city areas, housing prices have risen dramatically in North Sydney

due to land shortage and its proximity to the Sydney harbour and the city.

(1982: 2.5) As a consequence of the severe competition for land in North

Sydney, new low and moderately priced housing is not being provided by the

private market and the existing supply of low and moderate housing for

purchase or rent is steadily being depleted as apartment buildings, family

houses, and boarding houses are being demolished or redeveloped. This

housing stock is being replaced with commercial or high priced residential

development.

The following information on housing in North Sydney has been provided by

the Council's Housing Officer through various analyses prepared by the

Community Development division.

North Sydney has the highest proportion of private rental accommodation in

New South Wales- 48.3 per cent (N.S. Housing Study, 1990: 1 0) The crucial

questions, however, are to what extent the socio-economic make-up of those

tenants is changing, and how the private rental stock is changing. The

percentage of low income households in 1988 was 30.2 per cent and only

marginally less than the Sydney average which suggests there is still a

significant proportion of low income households (mostly aged pensioners)

struggling to survive in the increasingly expensive North Sydney rental market.

In 1989, North Sydney had less than half the boarding house stock as in 1978.

However, rental accommodation remains the largest component of housing

stock in the Municipality and many renters have been long-term residents.

North Sydney rents are higher than the Sydney average rents in all categories;

from 20 per cent for bedsitters and one bedroom accommodation, to 51 per

cent higher for 3 bedroom stock.

43

Rents have been consistently 20+ per cent above Sydney average rent levels.

The steepest rise in rents between 1987 and 1988 reflected the boom in the

property market at that time and the very low vacancy rates. Despite the

depressed conditions in the property market through 1989 and 1990, rents

continued to rise, albeit less steeply.

Gentrification of rental stock is particularly exacerbated in North Sydney where

there has been a loss of 468 low-cost rental accommodation units, including

residential flat buildings, between July 1984 - January 1988 and almost no

replacement low cost rental accommodation built (or refurbished) in the local

private rental market.

However, North Sydney Council's policies have probably slowed the rate of

loss of low cost rental accommodation through consistent application of

Section 90(1)(d) and State Environmental Planning Policy no. 10.

Public housing at the last census was a mere 1.7 per cent of housing stock,

well below the Sydney average of 5.2 per cent. The demand for public

housing in the North Shore has far exceeded the increased supply, to the

extent that waiting times have almost doubled in the last 8 years. As of

January, 1991 the waiting times in the Northern Suburbs are approximately 3

times as long as the averages for metropolitan Sydney. For example, a three

bedroom unit would take nearly six years.

In 1989 North Sydney became part of a much larger region which means

when applicants are allocated public housing it could be up to 20 km. away

from their home base and support networks.

North Sydney Council's housing strategies have resulted in the construction of

five joint venture housing projects with the Department of Housing, and one

with the local Community Housing, organisation, resulting in 104 extra units.

The main constraint on future projects is the lack of land.

One of the recommendations of the North Sydney Housing Policy is "to

increase the proportion of public housing in the Municipality to at least the

Sydney average, in recognition of the fact that public housing is the most

effective way of increasing the stock of secure and affordable housing for low­

moderate income earners".

44

CHAPTER 4. - "The 'Hidden Homeless'

This chapter examines the personal difficulties faced by twenty-four

female sole parents on a low income in obtaining suitable, secure,

affordable and appropriate housing when the relationship with their male

partner ceased.

The chapter has two sections:

A. Fieldwork data

B. Personal Housing Histories

A. Fieldwork data

11 lt is likely that in many cases sharing accommodation does not reflect choice

so much as economic and housing constraints on women. Women's housing

need has a tendency to become concealed. 11(Watson, 1988: 79)

Premise of Thesis

In 1992 there were 340,700 one-parent families in Australian, of whom

309,800 were a female parent, ten times the number of male one-parent

families. (Castles, 1993: 18). In a comparative analysis of the latest

Australian figures, lone mothers were concentrated in the lowest family income

quintiles. (Castles, 1993: 195).

The basic premise of this thesis is that female sole parents are extremely

disadvantaged in our society, primarily due to lack of income. Their economic

status determines the level of access to basic commodities including adequate

housing. The high cost of 'shelter' also affects access to food, clothing and

leisure activities. Life becomes survival at a level below the poverty line and,

in time, will impact on future Australian society through the repercussions of

children brought up in poverty.

45

Expectations of findings

The expectation is the findings will reveal:

a. ..Hidden homelessness .. which is not being reflected in official statistics, for

example, families living in one room of someone else's house, for example

with parents or friends.

b. A transient lifestyle due to high rents and inadequate housing.

c. Movement away from support systems to find cheaper accommodation.

d. Health problems due to cheap accommodation, e.g., damp/excess noise

e. A lack of security, both of tenure and personal security.

f. A large discrepancy in material living standards with the absence of a man

in the household.

Methodology

The critical factors:

1. Sex:

2. Marital Status:

3. Dependants:

4. Income:

5. Locality:

6. Tenure

Female

Divorced, separated or widowed from a marriage or

a defacto relationship.

All respondents have dependent children.

Low wage earner or welfare recipient.

Lower North Shore area of Sydney, especially the North

Sydney Municipality.

Emphasis is on the private rental market

A pilot questionnaire was designed, specific to the above points and put to a

small trial sample of interviews prior to compilation into final format. (see

Attachment 1 ).

The questionnaire sought information on the housing situation of the women

and their children from the end of the relationship. All women had experience

of the private rental market and were seeking secure, affordable housing in

the nominated area. Some women had moved from the private rental market

into the government funded Community Tenancy Scheme (CTS). Because

this rental is subsidised, the accommodation is affordable but not permanent.

The guidelines specify that tenants must be on the Public Housing waiting list

and the expectation is that they will take the offer of public housing and leave

the CTS. (See Chapter 3 for further information regarding the Community

Tenancy Scheme).

46

Twenty-four women were interviewed. Each interview took approximately 1.5

hours and all responses have been collated under alphabetical codings to

maintain confidentiality of information. As far as possible, the words in italics

signify unedited answers.

Profile of Respondents

The number of women in each age group is provided in Table 1.

Age: No. of women

21 - 25 years 1

25-30 years 5

31-35 years 6

36-40 years 2

41-45 years 7

45+ years 3

Only one women is under the age of twenty-five years and the majority of

women are over 31 years. There is often the community perspective that sole

parents are young single women who have chosen this status as a lifestyle

option. However, data provided in Chapter 2 and this research substantiate

that about 60 per cent of sole parents are over the age of 30 years and the

increased number of sole parents is "due mainly to the incidence of marriage

breakdown rather than to women having children without forming a

partnership". (Castles, 1993: 20)

Marital status

The majority of respondents were formally married and the relationship with

the male partner lasted between 0.5 years and 17 years. Most women were

married for more than 5 years and recent statistics indicate that the "median

duration of marriage is just over 10 years with the greatest proportion of

divorces occurring 5-9 years after marriage.

(Castles, 1993: 25)

47

Breakdown of the relationship

This was an optional question but answers were received from thirteen

respondents. (As it was often a very emotional area of the questionnaire,

unless the information was supplied in a voluntary manner, it was not sought).

Results are contained in Appendix 2.

Whilst it is acknowledged that more than one factor can be involved in the

breakdown of the relationship, six of the answers indicated domestic violence

as the main reason. Physical violence occurred in four situations and

emotional and financial abuse occurred in a further two situations. The high

percentage of domestic violence relates to the research in Chapter 2.

Further information regarding the breakdown of the relationships is contained

in the women's personal histories.

The death of the husband resulted in the sole parent status for two of the

women. One husband died naturally, and one committed suicide. In the latter

instance, the woman has had minimal family support as his family blame her

for not recognising the potential suicide.

Background of respondents

Appendix 2 contains the background of the women as a result of the following

questions:

1. Number of years living with your partner.

2. Did you leave your partner? Yes/No

3. Reason for leaving your partner (optional)

Seventeen of the twenty-four women left the relationship. This is in spite of

the fact that it is often very difficult for a woman to leave home, "and of those

women who do leave home, the lack of adequate accommodation is often a

major contributing factor if they return to intolerable circumstances".

(H.A.G.,1988: 11)

When women were asked why they could not achieve the desired level of

housing, all answered 'lack of income'. Income and housing are inextricably

linked with female-headed households experiencing a higher degree of

housing related poverty, than other household types.

48

"Many single parents rely on government benefits and because levels of

government income support do not reflect the high cost of housing the benefits

are severely eroded with even small amounts of additional income". (H.A.G.,

1988: 11)

The major source of income for two-thirds of the women in this survey is

through government support with sixteen women receiving the Supporting

Parents Benefit and one woman receiving Austudy. Six women listed wages

as their source of income and one woman had a combination of wage plus

government support.

These are similar findings to recent studies. An evaluation of Child Support in

1990 notes that sole parent pensioners have formed between 68 per cent and

75 per cent of the entire sole parent population. However, "89 per cent of

sole parent families received some payment via pension or benefit". (Harrison,

1991: 87)

The latest Bureau of Statistic figures show that 38 per cent of lone mothers

were employed. (Castles, 1993: 122) This does not necessarily mean that

employed women have a great advantage over women on a pension as

women generally have a decreased earning capacity, due to inequities in rates

of pay, with women's wages on average being 61 per cent of men's. (Castles,

1993: 179) In addition, female workers are concentrated in areas of work

where advancement and promotional opportunities are low. "More than half of

all employed women are found in two occupational groups - clerks and

salespersons and personal service workers." (Castles, 1993: 125)

The majority of women in this survey work in the two main occupational

groups. For example, the six full-time wage earners are currently a shop

assistant; a nurse; a chef; a secretary, a beautician and a clerk. In one

instance, being a wage-earner had a detrimental affect on housing:

(Alphabetical coding is used for confidentiality of respondents details.)

'H. Has one of the highest wages in the sample- $25,000 per annum. She

nets $389 per week and from this amount she has to pay nearly $200 per

week in rent. However, her income is $20 per week over the entry level for

admission to the public housing waiting list. 'H'. only has a very small flat

49

and is paying a premium in rent to live close to work. She feels the stress of

full-time work and the struggle with lack of income is 'getting to her'.

'H'. is not alone in feeling the stress of working:

'E'. Has nearly always worked and often feels dead-tired at night but the

struggle has seen 3 girls through school. Until recently she received $340

per week less tax, less rent of $175 per week, giving a net income of $110

to live on. Although she did stop work for a year, 'E'. felt the pension did not

allow sufficient income. (Her ex-husband told her she would never suNive

on her own!)

'0'. worked since she was 13 years of age and was earning $28,000

per annum in full-time work but didn't have any money/help/no sleep.

She was paying $200 p. w. rent and had no help with medical bills for

nine year old son who has a malignant tumour on right leg so she had

to stop work. 'There are no concessions when working - it is better

now'. '0'. worked out all the figures and she can't afford to work. She

feels she has 'been punished for being a single mother -punished very

hard' and is trained to suNive.

'F'. a nurse, felt it was degrading to be on a pension and one should

work whilst healthy and capable. However, she expected to work two

jobs to pay for the rent.

Appendix 3 contains a table showing the women's income, its source and

whether or not there is a financial contribution from the ex-husband.

Many women did not put a dollar amount for the Sole Parent income

received from the Department of Social Security. However, at the present

time, the base payment is $312.00 per fortnight plus an additional $29.60

per fortnight Guardian Allowance. The total amount of benefit received

depends on the number of children under 16 years of age and the

Additional Family Payment is $64.20 per fortnight for a child under 13

years and $90.60 per fortnight for a child over 13 years of age.

Hence, a Sole Parent with one child under 13 years of age would receive

just over $400.00 per fortnight income from Social Security.

50

The Department of Security income levels contribute to the difficulties

facing sole parents. As the Australian Council of Social Service notes:

(ACOSS, 1988: 6) "Poverty in Australia in the 1980's is not having

enough money to afford a decent standard of housing, diet, clothing and

health care and not being able to take part in employment education,

recreation and social activities and a determining factor relating to

insufficient income for sole parents is the high percentage who are reliant

on the government for their sole source of income".

All women in this survey felt they could not achieve the desired level of

housing due to lack of income. Some women commented on the high

cost of accommodation.

'A'. Money is not everything but money buys. I have to use all the

pension for rent and then live on my maintenance money plus what my

parents can provide, however, this is not much because they are on the

aged pension. Also my pension is adjusted because I receive

maintenance.

In another survey Harrison (1991: 91) found that "custodians who were

receiving no income other than the pension before child support

payments saw themselves as being worse off with the new income test

and her data showed that their perceptions were real".

T. All my problems in life are money At the end of the day you have

to clothe and feed a child on a minimal amount of money.

Only 30 per cent of the fathers contributed to the family income which is

in line with a recent study on the Child Support Scheme which found that

just over a third of custodial parents received income support from non­

custodial parents. The Child Support Evaluation found custodians to be

overwhelmingly female. (Harrison, 1991: 87)

Does maintenance assist? A sample study showed that when the joint

impact of maintenance collection and maintenance income tests on

pensioners income are taken into account, "50 per cent of parents

experienced no change in their income position, whilst about 25 per cent

51

were worse off by up to $60 per fortnight, and twenty-five per cent were

better off'. (Harrison, 1991: 91)

'C'. Her ex-husband is meant to be paying 32.5 per cent of his wage for

two children. He has voluntarily given up work twice in order not to give

'C'. money. He has sold his business and is probably now on

unemployment. He is going for custody of the children and, if

successful, he would be eligible for the Supporting Parents Benefit.

'L'.'s husband does contribute $50 per fortnight per child.

"He uses his financial prowess to play one child against another and to

establish emotional closeness and for distances as he requires it".

The women provided a variety of reasons why they were not working full­

time. By far the most prominent reason was the need to look after

children. In the majority of cases full-time work ceased on the arrival of

children.

Following a divorce, four out of five children live with their mother

(Castles, 1993: 24). Having care of the children can exacerbate the

difficulties of full-time employment because of demands imposed by

bringing up children alone, the shortage of child care, and a much more

restricted mobility, for example, no money for a car. It is a battle to

survive and prolonged poverty may cause an alienation from societal

institutions. (Carter, 1980: 11 0)

'Q'. a chef, tried to work full-time but had to give it ·up prior to Christmas

because "her subsidised child care centre closed over Christmas and

she could not afford the $30. 00 per day for a private child care centre".

Cass, cited in Whiteford (1991: 20) argues that a range of factors are

relevant to the work decisions of sole parents:

"In their daily attempt to combine child care, household duties and part­

time employment, single mothers may find that the increased expenditure

of time, effort and income involved in labour force participation does not

yield a commensurably increased level of disposable income. As a result,

52

the two most economically feasible options of income support are

clarified: full-time employment or full benefits"

The ratio of sole mothers in full-time work compared to part-time work has

been 60:40 over the last five years. (Ross & Saunders, 1991: 18)

whereas married mothers have an inverse ratio of 40:60 for full-time work

compared to part-time work which demonstrates that if sole parents are

participating in the workforce, they are more likely to be in full-time work.

Women employed outside the home today bear the double burden of two

jobs. (Stellman, 1977: 19)

It is difficult for people to find work in times of increased unemployment

but when this is compounded by long-term unemployment or lack of child

care, it becomes almost impossible.

In 1992, 10 per cent of the female labour force was unemployed.

(Castles, 1993: 142).

A third of the women had not worked full-time for periods between 5 years

and 24 years. Although most women left the workforce to care for

children, in some instances, the husband had actively discouraged his

wife from participating in 'paid' work, thus encouraging economic

dependency and exacerbating the difficulties associated with obtaining

employment.

'L'. was training to be a nurse 19 years ago but her "husband

requested that I give up training on marriage and be financially

dependent on him"

'S'. had a similar experience of her husband not wanting her to work even

though she could command a high income as a 'money market dealer'.

She last worked full-time 7 years ago prior to having children. Recently

she did relief work for 2 weeks and found that:

She had to leave home at 7.45 a.m. to drop children at child care and

school with considerable warty as the child at school was unsupeNised

at the early hour required so S. could reach work at the proper time.

Everyone was home again at 6.00 p.m., tired and hungry.

53

'S'. calculated that although her previous work was highly paid, a return to

her occupation would involve the following extra expenses:

1. 5 days child care for the younger child.

2. 5 days before and after school care for older child.

3. Full medical expenses.

4. Full rent (ineligible for CTS and public housing).

5. Loss of all benefits, e.g., subsidised

electricity/telephone/gas/car/registration/driver's licence.

All of the above would mean a lower net pay than the present social

security benefit.

'R'. has a Bachelor of Economics degree but did not finish her teaching

certificate. She last worked full-time prior to having two young children.

She has tried waitressing to supplement the income but

"Found it wasn't really worth it at $12.00 p.h. - tax - $3.00 p. h. to mother

for childminding."

A table showing the number of years since each woman last worked full­

time and the reason for leaving full-time work is contained in Appendix 4.

To ascertain the most recent housing situations, the respondents were

asked what factors they considered were important when seeking

accommodation and whether these factors had been achieved with their

most recent accommodation and the one immediately prior.

The questions were deliberately designed to allow individual responses

and, as such, answers were often similar, albeit in different wording.

When this has occurred the writer has taken the liberty of collating the

answers under sub-headings and when the wording of the answers

represent similar views, the women it represents is shown as a number in

brackets. This information is contained in full in Appendix 5.

The answers revealed that the women were seeking 'light'

accommodation close to services, with sufficient bedrooms and an

outside area. Basic requirements such as a laundry, bathroom, and

washing machine were often mentioned.

54

The women's personal housing stories in the next section show that even

basic requirements are hard for sole parents to achieve on the private

rental market. There are many stories of women living in overcrowded

accommodation which is dark and damp and the cost is prohibitive on a

low income.

One observation of this process, was that it was difficult for most of the

women to think beyond the most immediate factors in seeking

accommodation. Hence, in one form or another most women mentioned

location, size, condition/light and outside space.

These factors are shown to be supported in other surveys. In the Green

Street Market Research Study, Banks (1991: 11) found that the greatest

emphasis is placed on factors related to the house itself, rather than the

amenity of the area.

The Green Street study found the most important emphasis was on:

* sunlight and privacy.

*

*

*

efficient layout of rooms.

detached accommodation away from neighbours.

having a private garden.

The vast majority of Australians want outside recreation areas and prefer

a detached house to a terrace house, town house or flat. (Flood, 1991:

28)

In a study by Coleman and Watson (1987: 33) of women over sixty, the

two principal reasons for women choosing the private rental sector were

related to location and accommodation size. Location was of particular

relevance to Sydney women, many of whom wanted to remain near the

city centre where they had lived most of their lives, or where they had

social and service networks established. Some preferred poor rental

accommodation over relocation to the 'western suburbs'. However, even

that is now threatened with the gentrification of the inner city suburbs

which have traditionally housed low income households.

55

Because of its proximity to Sydney and the harbour, the Lower North

Shore area is particularly subject to 'gentrification'. (This was discussed

in detail in Chapter 3).

Sometimes is is possible to procure cheaper rental accommodation by

relocating to the suburbs further away from the city, however, all women

were seeking to remain near to 'known' services, family, work ,schools

and child care.

'D'. It was too tough to travel from Gladesvil/e via child care at

Wooloomooloo and to work at North Sydney with a 3 year old son. 'D'. did not work for approximately 6 months because the travel time to work

and return was 3 hours per day.

'B '. Moved 40 km. west- had own room - but could not work as the

distance was too far and I could not go to university at night.

'W'. Moved to the country but isolation necessitated a car which I was

unable to afford. (During all the time in the country 'W. would have

preferred to be in Sydney near her family).

The strong desire for adequately sized accommodation is paramount as

most of the women in this survey have, at some time, lived in one room

with their children as the following examples demonstrate.

'A'. Three children. $210 for a one bedroom flat. The girls' bedroom is the dining area petitioned off.

'8'. One child. Stayed with mother for one year in her lounge room.

'D'. One child. One bedroom flat- no kitchen but close to school.

'E'. Three children. One bedroom. E. had no bedroom for 6 years.

'G'. Three children. Share house situation. Rented one room for herself

and children.

56

'H'. One child. Share house - daughter and I shared a partitioned room.

'1'. One child. Shared one room in a boarding house - communal kitchen

and bathroom.

'J'. Three children. Two bedroom flat -rent $160 p. w. - the three children

shared a bedroom. On another occasion the children and shared a two

bedroom flat with my sister.

Many women were forced to rent the cheaper housing stock in poor

condition and often felt unable to complain.

X'. The flat was in a very bad condition with one room always damp. I

didn't want to complain as I felt any attention or repairs could result in

more rent or ·an order to repair would result in having to move out.

'Q'. The flat was very damp and my daughter's asthma was getting

worse. I had to have so much time off work because of a sick child.

'C'. The kids had health problems in a very damp place ..

'0'. The flat had no hotwater in the bathroom. I moved to another flat- 2

bedrooms for $200 per week. It was a dump with termites. The windows

wouldn't open and the water came in- very mouldy.

One of the worst examples of substandard accommodation was

mentioned in 'E'.'s story. The whole ceiling fell in and the building was

later condemned. This was one instance when the tenant took action

against the owner by going to the Residential Tenancy Tribunal.

However, a!! she received was one month's extra occupancy.

Only one respondent was able to achieve her desired level of rental

accommodation on the private market. This was due to excellent

monetary support from her ex-husband.

Many respondents were able to achieve close to their requirements by

renting through the Community Rent Scheme. However, this is not

permanent accommodation.

57

The answers regarding desirable factors in accommodation were

indicative of their current situation and, after years of housing stress, it

appeared difficult for the women to conceptualise 'normal' housing

requirements. Shelter of any form was the norm. On the private rental

market only 30 per cent were able to achieve 50 per cent or more of their

desirable accommodation factors.

When the women were asked why they were able, or not able, to achieve

the desirable criteria, over 60 per cent answered that they were unable to

achieve the desired criteria through a lack of income; a further 25 per cent

said the rent was too high and the remainder indicated a lack of

opportunity.

As one respondent said ''All my problems in life are money. At the end of

the day you have to clothe and feed a child on a minimal amount of

money".

Although housing and income are inextricably linked, other factors also

inhibit the provision of su}table housing, including discrimination, of which

many instances are evident.

'J'. I Always had to lie to agents and say I only had one child otherwise

agents would have said I needed a 3 bedroom house but I could not

afford 2 bedrooms, Jet alone three.

'X'. In 1983 /looked for rental property anywhere on the whole North

Shore area and contacted at least 50 agents asking for somewhere to

rent between $80 - $100 p. w. The most common reaction was laughter.

Finally, an agent offered me a place in vety bad condition and as I was a single parent, he insisted on my parents going as guarantor.

'N'. I always tried to rent a place through agents and through the paper. I

missed out on a Jot of flats because owners did not want children. In one

place it was obvious that I did not get it because of income. One time I

said that my husband was away and that I was organising a place for him

and on another occasion a male friend posed as my husband so I could

rent a place near the hospital for my son.

58

'S'. The main drawback with agents was the part-time work and a single

mother. No-one ever came out and said so - it was all done subtly but the

end result was 'no accommodation'.

It is far easier to rent with a man because there is discrimination against

single parents.

'K'. Agents won't rent to a woman on a pension - they say there is

insufficient income. When I told them there is maintenance as well, the

agents replied- "it is not guaranteed".

Discriminatory practices are prevalent in the market. In 1988, eighty per

cent of the callers in a telephone survey of pensioners and beneficiaries

who had been denied accommodation, were single women with children

who volunteered that they had been denied access because they had

children. (Burrell et al, 1988: 41)

Question 4 asked the women about their present housing situation

compared to housing with their partner.

The answers revealed a vast discrepancy in the housing situation for the

women as members of a two parent family compared to being a sole

parent family. The lack of space was an important factor in their current

problems with accommodation and all women talked about having more

space in terms of sufficient bedrooms in their former accommodation.

Thirty-three per cent of the women had previously lived in fairly luxurious

situations in large houses with a pool.

Question 5 asked whether the women missed any aspects of their former

housing or whether there were any aspects that they were pleased to be

without. The answers are provided in Appendix 7 and appeared to be in

the affirmative when there was a noticeable difference between the

present housing situation and the one with their partner.

Although the questions clearly request information on housing, the

responses were very interesting in that they revealed many aspects of life

other than housing and showed that the women were pleased to be away

from violence, stress and tension.

59

In fact, it is interesting to note that not a great deal of mention was made

about actual housing and when it did appear it featured as missing the

quality of lifestyle .. entertainment area; more upmarket (living) the

financial security; physical comforts; social conformity and acceptability ...

Whilst the focus of the thesis is on housing issues, the enlightening factor

of the responses was an overwhelming realisation that 'housing' cannot

be explored in isolation from other life factors. It affirms the decision to

have an open structure in the questionnaire which would allow a more

spontaneous responses.

Question 7 asked about the current housing and/or financial situation of

the ex-partner. This was known in 50 per cent of the cases and for the

most part the man's financial and housing situation was vastly superior to

his ex-wife. (Answers are contained in Appendix 8.)

As previously mentioned, women choose to reside in a specific location

due to many factors, including school; work; child care; family and support

needs. The women were asked whether they had been supported as a

sole parent, the source of support and whether it had been adequate.

(See Appendix 9)

Many women received support from family and friends and chose to live

near support systems. However, they felt that support had been

inadequate as other people had their own lives. Also access to relevant

information was difficult to find.

The complexity of the responses to the questions on housing has made it ·

imperative to let the women tell their stories in their entirety without

editing. The following section is most important. It allows the women to

tell their stories of inadequate accommodation; discrimination and

insecurity of housing.

The stories reveal the plight of many women and their children who are

not recognised in our statistics as being 'homeless .. and show the

strength and courage of these families.

60

CHAPTER4.

B. Housing Histories

As Peter Hollingworth (1981: 1) said in Australians in poverty, "Why not

let the poor speak for themselves?" Often in an attempt to illustrate social

problems, the process is filtered by the perceptions of the writer. So,

whilst it is still unusual to include histories in full, I also ask the question -

'Why not let the women speak for themselves?

The women were asked to explain their housing situ'ation as heads of a

sole parent family. The stories highlight not only the housing situations of

the respondents but also give an indication of numerous other persons

living in insecure, unaffordable and inappropriate housing.

As far as possible, the words in the answers signify unedited replies. The

'telegraphic style' is deemed necessary to allow the women to speak for

themselves without the writer's interpretation. The personal histories

cover the period from the time the household became a sole parent family

until the interview. In some instances, the timeframe spans many years.

Abbreviations: DSS - Department of Social Security

CTS - Community Tenancy Scheme

The women were asked to explain in their own words, their housing

situation since they became a single parent family. The lead-in to the

answers in each case reflects the age group of the woman; the ages of

her children at the time of the interview; source of income and the reason

(if provided) for the breakdown of the relationship. As far as possible, the

words are the women's personal replies.

For confidentiality of information, an alphabetical code is used.

'A'. 31 -35 years.

Three children - 10, 9 & 4.

Income: $475 p.f. (DSS) +maintenance $200 p.f.

Breakdown of relationship -violence.

61

Currently paying $420 p.f. for a 1 bedroom unit (3 children).

Money is not everything but money buys.

With partner living in a house - working as well- 2 wages more secure.

Pooled money- 3 br. lovely entertaining area. Rent cheaper $280.p.f.

(Girls bedroom is dining area - petitioned off. Pension was rent- lived on

maintenance and what parents could give.

Previous housing:

Changed from Eastern Suburbs - situation would have been OK if I had

not had son. Pension is adjusted because of maintenance. When left

husband, went into cosmetics part-time until pregnancy with son - off

pension because of relationship - left relationship when son was 3 months

old and went to live with parents - on pension - went to WA -got off

pension, came back to Sydney. Girls father paid for air travel (twice).

Girls father hoped they would get back together. No - he is lovely but no

good for her self esteem. Healthier on own - have to be aware of his

motives for doing all he did.

When son 15 months old went on a pension - lived in Coogee in friends

flat- 2 br. OK but grotty- lots of stairs - hard with baby- cockroaches.

$140 p. w. Pension 4 - 6 months then full- time employment- office work

$24,000 p.a. Stayed at Coogee 18 months then moved to bigger flat in

same area- changed jobs- earning $28,000 p.a.- there 1 year- children

changed school. Eldest daughter 7 schools since she started- happy,

nice flat -getting it together- f. .. face came back- no relationship but he

was seeing son - (j4 '. trained as a personnel consultant). Son went to live

with father to help pressure. Then father took son to WA. Son very

attached to father so jL\ '. went to WA. - no good- violent. A .. worked full­

time. Then jl\', came back to Sydney with the girls and son's father said

he would not give up son. Girls' father said he would take the girls and

they went to WA. jL\ '. went to parents in Gaffs Harbour then to brother.

Girls father threatened to keep the girls. Girls came back and jL\ '. lived

with her brother but needed a place of her own so sister lent money­

$210 p. w. for one bedroom flat. Girls' bedroom is the dining area

petitioned off. Pension was rent - lived on maintenance and what parents

could give. j4 '. looked for work, got a job and everything looked settled

62

then father of son didn't want him and put the 4 yr. old on a plane - ~ '.

had to give up job - thought she would never get son back so total shock­

went to Social Security (DSS) and was advised to contact the

Community Tenancy Scheme (CTS). (Explanation of CTS in Chapter 2).

She is now trying to study accountancy.

Support: Parents have helped but are on an old-age pension

Brother helped with furniture - Sister lent $2, 000 for rental bond.

B. 21 - 25 years.

One child - 4 yrs.

Income: DSS

Breakdown of relationship -violence.

Moved from Melbourne (domestic violence), stayed with mother one year

(in lounge room).

Mother an alcoholic, lived in a flea-invested place. Went to Grandmother

who had an alcoholic boarder- lived in same room as grandmother.

Moved to Campbelltown (1 month) trouble with friend's husband- moved

back to mother's for a few months. Went to a hostel in Cammeray for

single women - only allowed to stay 8 weeks. Moved 40 km's west­

stayed with friend from work- had own room but could not work as

distance too far for work and going to university at night. Moved to aunt's

at Chippendale (1 month). Saved money for flatette $150 pw (wage $225

p. w.). Wage went down - couldn't afford to stay. Also had to pay child

care $60 p. w. Moved to flat (one month) -paid rent and bond $750- lost

bond - moved to CTS.

C. 41 - 45 years.

Five children - 20, 18, 8, 4 and 1.5 years.

Income: DSS.

Breakdown of relationship - partner left.

Renting at Palm Beach - husband moved out- I was left with rent of $430

p.f. (income $500 p.f.)

Palm Beach was a great environment but ground flooded every time it

rained and sometimes the back room. Very damp house - kids had

health problems.

63

Lived on $50 p. w.

Father gave left over food. Mother bought food.

With the breakdown of the relationship 'C'. had a lack of knowledge about

where to go for help. Her mother found out about CTS.

Gathering the money for a bond is a very real issue for sole parents. It is

far easier (to rent) with a man because there is less discrimination.

'C'. really wanted to stay in own area but due to lack of money and

circumstance she had to move.

I needed protection so wanted to be near brother- short phone call away.

I don't like ringing police when there are court cases· coming up.

'C'. and ex partner were both in business together. 'C'. did not receive a

wage. She also worked as clairvoyant for 12 years but had to give it up in

case the courts think it is witchcraft.

My husband was a manic depressive and his family took him away. He

has supervised access and is going for overnight access. He is trying to

prove I am an unfit mother. I am really fearful and feel the children are

being jeopard/sed because of the rights of the father.

The father of the children lives in a house and is going for custody. I

didn't have suitable housing and the father of the children is making this a

major issue in the custody case.

Child Support: Ex-husband is meant to be paying 32.5% of his wage for

two children. He has voluntarily given up work twice in order not to give

me money. He has sold gallery and is probably on unemployment

benefits. If he was given custody he would be eligible for the Supporting

Parents Benefit.

D. 41-45 years.

One child - 9 years.

Income: DSS.

Breakdown of relationship: he was selfish

64

Rented a flat in Gladesville $95 p. w. (At the time I was earning $23,000

p.a.) However, it was too tough to travel with a 3 year old son from

Gladesvil/e via child care at Wool/oomooloo to work at North Sydney.

Moved in with a friend in Bondi Junction for a couple of months then

shared with friend who had one child (2 br. flat) in Randwick. I didn't work

for about 6 months because the travel time to work and return was 3

hours per day. Stayed 6 months the moved to North Sydney- a 1 br.flat

with no kitchen but close to school and work. The rent went from $115

p. w. - $150 p. w. in 3 years. The flat was on 4th floor and my son couldn't

climb stairs so I moved to another flat in the same area -no hotwater in

bathroom. Moved again to 2 br. flat- paid $200 p. w. - it was a dump with

termites- windows wouldn't open and water came in- very mouldy.

Came to CTS

I have worked since 13 years - couldn't stop work. I. was earning

$28,000 per annum but didn't have sufficient money/help/no

sleep/working hard. •o•. was paying $200 p.w. rent and had no help with

the medical bills for nine year old son who has a malignant tumour on

right leg so she had to stop work. There are no concessions when

working - it is better now.

(Also) women's work is not well paid and is not flexible- hard time for

child-care.

'D'. worked out all the figures and she can't afford to work. She feels she

has "been punished for being a single mother- punished very hard"­

trained to survive.

E. 45+ years.

Three children- 24, 21 & 17 years. Eldest son left home 3 years ago.

Income: Wage $340 p.w. (shop assistant).

Breakdown of relationship: she left.

1984 - Moved with three children into a 1 br.flat with a kitchenette and

the bathroom down the hall - rent $60 p. w.

Moved from Penrith to Kirribilli- 1 br. flat- $100 p. w. On Supporting

Parents Benefit at this time.

65

The building was condemned and I had to move out. All other tenants

moved out. I was the last tenant and took the owner to the Residential

Tribunal and received one extra month's occupancy

Rent $120 p. w. No repairs. Holes in ceiling. Whole ceiling fell down

about 3 years ago. Owner had to repair this - did so with wire and putty.

Holes in floor and mice - it was really grotty.

1990 moved to a I br. flat at Lavender Bay- a palace by comparison -

$175 p. w. - 1 br. ground floor- small kitchenette. 'E'. has had no

bedroom during all this time and only 3 years ago did the eldest child

leave. I was at Lavender Bay 9 months and if I had not been housed at

CTS I would have had to move because wage of $340 p. w. - tax - $175

pw. week rent = $110 pw to live on. for schooling and college. I needed

to stay in this North Shore area

She was on the pension for a little while - about 1 year -but couldn't

sutvive and so found part-time work. She has nearly always worked and

has been dead tired at 7.00 at night but has seen 3 girls through school.

Ex-husband told her she would never sutvive on her own. At first the kids

were upset she would not go back with husband.

F. 25 - 30 years. Wage (Nurse) $470 p.w.

Two children - 10 & 5

Breakdown of relationship: Husband committed suicide.

At that time the rent was $780 p.month and I had to use savings to help

pay the rent- now 'F' is a CTS tenant.

Income:

Funeral costs were high and it was hard to save . I thought if I worked two

jobs I could pay rent. However, with child with cancer and not getting any

health care there was no way I could afford to pay medical, however, the

hospital has now agreed for my child to be a public patient.

'F'. felt it was degrading to be on a pension while healthy and capable of

work.

66

By working through a nursing agency, she is able to take advantage of

penalty rates and is currently working 30 hours p.w. There is no family

support as his family blame her for the death (although he was on anti­

depressants). Has to rely on friends for help with the boys.

G. 45+.

Three children- 20,16,14

Income: DSS

/left home in northern NSW in 1979 with old car (no foot brakes and

cooking pots) plus 3 children - 8, 4 and 2 years.

Drove to Sydney- stayed with mother for a few days and while looking

for somewhere to live, ended up in a refuge - stayed only 5 days as son

got veri sick during that time. Found a large house at Bondi with 5 bedrooms being sublet. Rented one room for herself and children. There

w~s also another room being occupied by a woman and children.

However, no security so only stayed 3 months. Met a lot of people at

?addington markets and all moved into a terrace (10 people altogether).

E. and children in one room. All the other people were doing therapy and

my children had tantrums every night because of the trauma. When the

lease finished, the house disbanded after six months. School became a

big issue for eldest boy so moved to Cattai house $100 pw- very

expensive as I had been paying $20 - 30 p. w. for the rooms. After 3

months, I backed into the landlord's car and was told to leave. The next 9

weeks stayed with friends - 5 - 6 different place.

Finally found a house at Greenwich and shared with another woman and

her 2 children. 'G'. had 2 rooms and a sun room ($70 p. w.). The lease

was only for 3 months as the property was going to be sold but I ended

up staying 16 months. After the house was sold, I minded a house for 2

months - $100 p. w. Had a neNous breakdown but had to keep coping

and looking after children with the help of therapy.

Found another house through friends - 2 rooms. There were another 3

people living there. House sold and everyone had to leave.

67

School has been constant for a long while but the continual moving

sometimes meant the children had long transport routes.

While working at a women's refuge heard about CTS and became the first

tenant in 1984.

Last full time work before marriage, a variety of part.:.time work since 1982

H. 31-35 years. One child ~ 7 yrs.

Wage (office work) $390 net p.w.

1987- lived with Aunt for 3 months - quite unbearable. Looked in papers

for something. Guy advertising for woman + child. His child was there on

access at weekends. Moved in. Daughter and I shared a room which we .

partitioned. Guy was arrogant and we got out of there in a hurry. Saw a

place up the road, moved in there - a studio at back of house - share

kitchen ($75 pw). Stayed 2 months then moved in with a young couple

with twins who needed help with rent. ($90 p. w.) Lived in locked lounge

room of house. Mother of 4 month old twins had post natal depression.

Put advertisement in paper -moved in with 45 year old women - had one

room plus a small sunroom. Lived there a couple of months, then all

moved around the corner. Rent $170 - $180. Had to fit around the

woman's life and her dog - often had to go out if she was there. Now I

have my own tiny 2 br. flat ($200 p. w.) but it is too small and too

expensive.

I am working but there is stress with long hours (8.30- 5.30), low pay

($390 p. w. net wage) and high rent ($200 p. w).

Her gross wage places her $20 p.w. above the Department of Housing

entry level and therefore 'H'. is ineligible for public housing or the

Community Tenancy Scheme.

With sharing, there is usually minimal space and my daughter and I have

to fit in with others.

68

I. 41 - 41 years.

One child -13 yrs.

Income: DSS

1987- rented a townhouse with son's father and his current girlfriend.

Only stayed 3 months - the accommodation was very comfortable but bad

atmosphere.

Rented 1 room in boarding house at Lindfield ($80 p. w.) -stayed 6 months

-common kitchen/bathroom. It was big, dark, no sun/divided by wardrobes

I was safe because I knew the people on other side of wardrobe but it

was potentially very dangerous.

Felt free and independent- found two rooms in Hornsby- sharing with

owner (alcoholic) $70 p.w.- stayed 1 month.

Moved to a 1 br. flat in Artarmon. Stayed for 1 year- rent went from $125

- $150 p. w. so I had to leave. I found a 2 br. part house in Roseville

($145 p. w.) dirty and in very bad condition, leaking. I cleaned and

painted.

I am currently in part of old house on busy highway - there is no privacy

as I have to share with a flatmate to cover rent. My rent- $100 p. w.

My son is under stress and continually wets the bed.

Another difficulty is overlapping tenancies when trying to move on a very

low income. I just want my own space.

Qualification: Biologist Ph.D. -lecturer in Poland

J. 36 - 40 years.

Three children -15, 12, & 10 years.

Wage $200 p.w.(Beauty therapist)

Housing:

1. 6 years ago shared at Crows Nest with friend.

2. Shared at Paddington with friend.

69

3. 5 years ago moved to 2 bd Artarmon -kids in one bedroom (no space)

$160 p. w. - too much so moved .

4. Still in Artarmon - sharing with a lady- rent $220 p. w. - lady paying

$50 p. w. - 3 br. house with 2 adults and 3 children. Lady had one

bedroom. When lady left- couldn't afford the rent (only there a few

months).

6. Moved to Willoughby - shared with 2 other friends, therefore, 3 br

house with 3 adults and 5 children ($145 p. w.) too many in house - had

to move.

7. 2 br. flat in Lane Cove with 3 children and her sister- only there 4

months then CTS

(8 moves in 6 years).

Always had to lie to agents and say only one child otherwise agents

would have said I needed a 3 br. house but I could not afford 2 br. let

alone 3 br.

(She tries not to miss anything from life with her partner and to be happy

with what she has now but it makes her too sad to think what she had!)

K. 31 M 35 years.

One child M 4 years

Income: DSS.

Reason for breakdown: Violence

Came to Australia in 1985 and bought a 2 br. unit in Artarmon in joint

names. Husband drank a lot- "bruised her"- and I got a restraining order

against husband when son was 3 years. Husband was very upset at

having to leave unit and provided no money for his share in the unit. 'K'.

taken to court by Building Society for back payment. Borrowed money

from friends overseas to help pay debt but still has court orders for Body

corporate, council, water rates. They are 'all after her'.

I was going to sell the unit but felt agents were giving unit away- saying

there was a marriage breakdown and the owner was desperate -withdrew

the unit from sale.

70

I Need to be near school at Chatswood and have arranged after- school

care. I needs somewhere to live to get out of debt. (Now arranging

divorce, access, maintenance with the help of Legal Aid.)

When I did try to rent another place- agents won't rent to woman on a pension - say not getting enough money. I told them that "maintenance is

coming" but the agent says it is not guaranteed.

('K'. did not receive much money from husband when married.)

I have had to get someone in to share. I tried to find share

accommodation but as soon as you say you have a child "no-one is

interested".

Females are not interested in sharing - men are OK so now I have a male

tenant- not clean but he is not a drinker or smoker and out from 6. 00

a.m.-2.00 a.m. 'K'. made the comment "It is a terrible thing to have a kid".

She must find somewhere to live and sell unit to get husband off her back

and for her own health.

When the unit is sold, 'K'. owes $69,000 loan, $3,000 body corp.; $2,000

rates + interest on overdue moneys as well as 3 solicitors to pay +

$11,500 to Japanese family who lent money

'K'. could not go back to Malaysia as son would be seen as second class

citizen.

L 41-45 years.

Three children- 18, 16, 9 years.

Income: DSS. Breakdown of relationship: he was literally contributing to my

mental illness.

1984 - moved out of family home - sold family home to divide funds.

71

Moved to rented property in St. Leonards - half share of dividends of

family house would allow me to buy humble accommodation in Glebe.

(There was pressure for her to leave family home).

The plan was to live in rented accommodation/finish degree and teacher's

college and join the workforce and use half share of divorce proceeds to

buy modest place. However, I had a nervous breakdown because

marriage breakdown very traumatic and ended up in hospital. My

husband emptied all joint funds in 6 weeks - had about $150 left which I

gave to my mother who kept house.

I still had to keep caring for children who were very stressed by marriage

breakdown and also the loss of school and friends.

Rented 2 bed. semi- $140 p. w. - tried to keep up university but ended up

back in hospital. I received proceeds from the property settlement but a male friend who offered support stole all the settlement money. No

money to pay rent. Mother at the time had breast cancer and father also

ill- all family ill. I ended up in hospital again. My doctor thought Family

and Community Services could help, but within a few hours of the call all

the children were taken by Family Services and were not allowed back

until/ found a suitable home.

January, 1987 heard about CTS through a friend and ended up being

housed and gaining custody of children.

She is hanging onto belongings from her last life and has a thing about

not giving up furniture from last life. Remembers feeling isolated in

housing and emotionally.

It was good for the family to be back together but one daughter thought

"she would die" if she had to live in some of the places offered.

1L1 was training to be a nurse but her husband requested she give up

training on marriage. He wanted her financially dependant on him. (He

said I would have been "superior" to him.)

72

'L'. commented: Her husband uses access to youngest child to cause

havoc in home - power games and uses his financial prowess to play one

child against another and to establish emotional closeness and distance

as he requires it.

M. 45+ years.

Four children - 20, 18, 16,& 11 years.

Income: DSS.

Breakdown of relationship - death of husband.

Husband died. The home was in husband's name - didn't change the

title. No insurance on mortgage and I could not afford to keep up

mortgage which was foreclosed. Sold house in 1983 recession, paid off

debts - nothing left.

With the help of life assurance, I was able to rent on the private market for

2 years. Rent was $160 per week. I had a further 3 years on the private

market but could not afford accommodation and had to keep moving to

find something cheaper- $250 - $180. I tried to stay in the area but

savings had run out. Moved to CTS - it was the sixth move in seven

years. Children always had a long way to travel to school.

'M'. trained as a teacher and last worked full time prior to marriage- 21

years ago.

N. 45+

One child 13 years.(Two older sons- one died)

Income: DSS.

Breakdown of relationship - harassment.

Moved 15 times in 20 years due to rent going up or being asked to move

because place sold or relatives moving in.

Moved once close to North shore Hospital because son was sick for 3

years.

73

Always rented placed through agents and through paper- missed out on

a lot of flats because owners did not want children.

Obvious I did not get one place because of income - gave to someone

else.

Lied in Lane Cove - said husband was away and organising place for him.

Male friend posed as husband to help her get a place to be near hospital.

First time when she left husband had to go to Gladesville - felt horrible

there away from parents cut off- had to go there because of rent.

Renting in Crows Nest $1,000 a month- began at $130 pw and in 3 years

went to $250 per week.

Sick son's pension helped with rent but when he died I couldn't cope.

Manly unit close to hospital and son could maintain independence to get

to hospital for chemotherapy but washing line was on roof- had to go up

six floors lugging baskets. Washing machine in the kitchen.

Lived with parents with younger son for one year (in one room) after elder

son died. Paid board $60.00 p.w.and helped with bills- big problem with

stepfather and son. Son never came home when stepfather was there.

Main issue - security of tenure. Big difference to life - insecurity. When

you are moving all the time and insecure you can't get on with life.

Work: Clerical - last worked full time 1989 -rate of pay $340 p. w.

0. 45+

Three children- 24 (deceased),13, 12 years.

Income: DSS

Breakdown of relationship - isolation, hard life and husband drinking ..

Came to live with brother and his family in a 2 br. house for 6 months. In

order to not crowd my brother and his family, I often went to stay with 2

girlfriends. Housed by CTS.

74

Prior to leaving her husband 0. lived in a very small country town (150

population). 0. never felt accepted because she came from city. She felt

very isolated. 0. gave birth a child born without a brain who died. She

felt further ostracised as she had a home birth. Her husband couldn't

cope and started drinking. 0. had to leave.

Work: Last worked full-time prior to children - 24 years ago.

P. 41-45 years

Four children 21, 20,11 & 1 year (living with the 1 year old child and

seeing the 11 year old on access)

Income: DSS.

Breakdown of relationship~ he took no responsibility, economic,

emotional or otherwise.

Left partner and went into shared housing found through friends - $80

p. w. - then went to a private hotel $160 p. w. including breakfast and

dinner- lasted there one week.

Moved to a 2.5 bedroom flat and rented out one bedroom and the

sun room for 3 months.

Did not have any furniture. Moved to a Women's Refuge and then to

CTS.

Son did not have cot until housed by CTS.

'P'. is a teacher/writer and has a Master of Fine Arts degree; a B.A. plus

a Teacher's Certificate- worked as a teacher until 6 months pregnant with

last child.

Q. 25 - 30 years.

One child ~ 2.5 years.

Income: Wage $320 per week (chef)+ DSS including rent assistance

of $70 p.w.

Breakdown of relationship~ ex~partner in another country.

75

My rent is $155 per week because very few people are willing to share

with a child. I didn't or couldn't live in damp accommodation because

daughter's asthma was getting worse and I had too much time off work

because of sick child.

Child care is hard to find so you have to live in an area where it is

available.

In her last flat, they were not allowed to have a washing machine because

the flat wasn't insured against flooding, so Q. had to· go to a laundrette

with daughter for over one year.

'Q'. had to give up full time work prior to Christmas as child care centre

closed over Christmas and 'Q'. could not afford $30.00 per day for private

child care.

R. 25 M 30 years.

Two children M 3 years and 11 months.

Income: DSS.

Breakdown of relationship M left her partner.

Rented one bedroom cottage in North Queensland with partner. When

the relationship broke down, I was unable to afford private rental market

so moved home and lived in self-contained room (granny flat) in the rear

of mother's property - extremely cramped and uncomfortable being one

room with a kitchenette and bathroom. 'R'. now has housing through

CTS.

Her economic circumstances prevented her from obtaining housing on

the private rental market. Although very grateful to her mother, the

accommodation was extremely cramped and uncomfortable. However

without her support the situation would no doubt have been considerably

worse.

Work: 'R'. has a B.Ec but did not finish her teaching certificate. She last

worked full time prior to having children. After the baby was born 'R'. has

76

done some waitressing but found it wasn't really worth it at $12.00 p.h.­

tax- $3.00 p.h. to mother for child minding.

S. 31.-35 years

Two children, 7 & 4 years.

Income: DSS

Breakdown of relationship -a lot of little reasons but major reason

no money flowing through.

It took'S'. nearly 2 years to leave because of emotional guilt and when

the decision was made it took 2 months of looking at lots of places

through agents and the papers. Main drawback- part time work and

single mother- No-one ever came out and said so- it was all done subtly

but the end result was no accommodation.

If anyone had accepted me as a tenant, I could have planned and

budgeted for the rent but that opportunity didn't arise on the private

market due to the point above. In my situation, not fussy about housing.

I was looking for something - anything.

The DoH rent assistance scheme for bond and two weeks rent put a ceiling rent on her of $185.00 per week (The rental bond board average

rent for 2 bedrooms in the area is $237 per week.)

She was then housed by CTS.

With detailed planning (before /left) I went through a horrific interview

with a Social Worker at Social Security. Electricity/telephone/gas bonds

were waived with the pension. I went to the Department of Housing two

months prior to moving but was told I could not go on the public housing

waiting Jist until/ had left home.

Last year my net income was $11,537. All though meagre, I am

financially better off than when living with my husband.

Work: Her previous full-time work was highly paid as a dealer on the

money market. However, full-time work would involve:

77

5 days child care for younger child

5 days before and after school care for older child

full medical expenses

full rent (CTS would no longer be a housing option, nor would the

Department of Housing)

loss of all benefits, e.g. subsidised electricity/telephone/gas/car

registration/driver's licence

All of the above would mean a lower net pay than the present DSS

payment.

One recent experience with full-time work caused her to leave home at

7.45 a.m. to drop children at child care and school with considerable

worry as the child at school was unsupervised at the early hour required

so mother could reach work at required time. Everyone was home again

at 6.00 p.m. tired, hungry, etc.

This procedure does not allow for school holiday care!

'S'. feels it is very important to look after the children and apart from the

financial ramifications of full-time work above, has chosen to do part time

work because of the children's welfare.

Work: Worked as a money market dealer. Last worked full time prior to

having two children 7 and 4. Her husband did not want her to work but

did not provide adequate money for her and children. He gave her $120

p.w. for all costs and she had to use child endowment to survive. This is

despite the fact he was in a managerial role on approximately $60,000

per annum.

T. 35"39 years.

One child 3.5 years.

Income: DSS

Breakdown of relationship -violence

Went with my 4 month old child to live with parents. Lived in the front

room of a 2 br. semi for 15 months on a fold up bed. My parents owned

78

the semi and I paid $30 p. w. board and $170 per month for furniture

storage.

She had to flee her marital home when husband was absent and had

removalist come and pack and put belonging into storage. 'T. just took

cot, stroller and high chair.

She was later housed by CTS.

'T. strongly desires to live in known area near support systems.

Work: 'T'. worked as a Secretary for 16 years and finished work to both

look after step children and to have a child. Her last full time work in 1986

had a salary of $24,000 per annum.

'T'. is currently receiving maintenance of $80.00 per fortnight for her

daughter and her pension is adjusted accordingly.

Quote: ''All your problems in life are money".

U. 31-35 years. Three children - 1 0,5, and 3 years.

Income: Part time work+ maintenance.

Breakdown of relationship -she asked husband to leave.

Owned house with husband, and when marriage broke down, there was a mortgagee sale - no moneys left. Currently renting a house through a friend with help from ex husband and maintaining part-time work $180

p. w. + $250 from husband.

'U'. would not be able to remain in the area without substantial support

from her ex husband. She is now looking for full time work and hence to

become more responsible for the income.

Work: She last worked full time 5 years ago prior to her last two children.

Her salary at that time was high- $36,000 per annum.

As her family are in another State, her support systems are minimal.

79

V. 25- 30 years.

One child - 3 years.

Income: DSS.

Breakdown of relationship -tension

'V'. has agoraphobia and there was a lot of tension with her ex husband.

She is now sharing a 2 bedroom semi with her parents (rented).

She has also had a big problem with tranquillisers due to the tension.

Her husband wants to have custody of the child.

Work: 'V'. last worked full-time prior to having a child in the capacity of a

secretary.

W. 25 - 30 years

One child- 8 years.

Income: DSS.

Breakdown of relationship: No responsibility taken by husband.

/left the marriage and went on to Supporting Parents Benefit in 1980 -

lived in one bedroom plus a sunroom in a share house situation -paid

$80.00 p. w. The house was demolished to provide a better standard

owner-occupied dwelling. As a result, rental house and flat was lost to

the community. Then I joined my sister and child in the country (near

Lismore) where we were able to share a house for $25.00 per week.

Came back to the city in 1982 and rented a Department of Main Roads

house at $90 per week- was told tenure would be 2 years but house was

demolished after 6 months to erect a car park. 'W. moved back to the

country, again with sister, where they were able to rent two dwellings -

sister at $25 per week and W at $14 per week for a one room shed with

sections divided for kitchen and bathroom. 'W. stayed in the country for a year but isolation necessitated a car which she was unable to afford so in

1983 'W'. moved to a coastal town where she was able to rent a 2

bedroom flat for $56 per week.

80

During all the time in the country she would have preferred to be in

Sydney near her parents but economics forced her away from the

metropolitan area.

'W'. came back to Sydney and shared a bedroom with son - stayed 4

months. Moved to a 3 bedroom house in Naremburn in a share situation.

W and son had 2 bedrooms for $70 per week.

In 1984 the house was sold to the Department of Main Roads who

required vacant possession. Howeve'"' the house is now rented to other

tenants. 'W'. went back to her parents for 2 months and then squatted in

a house owned by the Department of Land and Environment. The house

was on the water with no vehicular access - entry was gained by climbing

down a bush path or by boat. The house had no bathroom nor toilet.

Electricity was connected by previous squatter- she stayed 6 months.

'W'. then moved into a share situation in a 2 bedroom house. The rent

was $105 per week- 'W'. paid $55 pw. and her son slept in the lounge

room. The house was privately owned and was pulled down after 6

months. By this time her son had commenced school.

She moved to another DMR house on the Lower North Shore in a share

situation with a single mother. The rent was similar to the previous house

but this time the son had the bedroom and 'W'. was living in the back

shed. The situation did not work out with the children and once again 'W. moved back to her parents. 1987 'W'. was housed by the Community

Tenancy Scheme.

'W'. thought she would be able to stay there permanently, howeve'"' the

guidelines for the CTS altered with a change of government in New South

Wales and the housing became medium term.

Work: 'W'. worked full-time in the printing industry but the chemicals

affected her health and she had to leave.

'W'. had been on the Department of Housing mainstream waiting list for 5

years.

81

She was subsequently offered public housing north of Coffs Harbour and

had very little time to accept or reject this housing. Due to lack of time

and money, she was unable to see this property but did accept it thinking

that it would be a good idea to be out of the city. She sold her very old

car to pay for the moving costs.

However, I have subsequently heard that she was very unhappy and

feeling isolated in the country without a car. He son was also very

unhappy and wanted to come back to the city to be with his father.

X. 30 - 35 years

Three children, 10, 8 & 6 years.

Income: Part pension/part wage.

Marriage ended in 1981. I shared a flat with another couple for six

months. The flat consisted of 2 bedrooms and a sunroom. When my

parents moved out of Sydney my three children and I shared the family

house for one year with my sister; brother-in-law and brother. The parents

moved back and shared with me and 3 children, however, the other

members of the family moved out. This arrangement lasted for 6 months

as parents wanted house their house to themselves.

When •x• lived at her parents house, she was continually being harassed

by the Social Security Department asking questions about her income,

etc. as they thought she was paying a high rent for the property.

In 1983 I started looking for rental property anywhere on the whole North

Shore and Beaches area. She estimates she contacted at least 50

agents asking for somewhere to rent between $80- $100 p.w. The most

common reaction was laughter.

Finally an agent offered me a place in vel)l bad condition but when he

found out I was a single parent, he insisted on my parents going as

guarantor. Youth and Community services provided the bond. I felt that

82

there was a lot of discrimination against single parents and the agents

always found out that you were a single parent if the government provide

the bond.

'X'. finally found a large house which was converted to 3 flats. She had

the back flat for 4 years with the rent being $90 per week. The flat was in

a very bad condition with one room always damp. There was no security

so 'X' was inclined to keep the windows shut. She didn't want to complain

as she felt any attention or repairs could result in more rent or an order to

repair would result in her having to move out. Finally, the owner installed

a security grill so the window could be left opened but really a whole new

roof was required.

I kept looking for alternative accommodation because one bedroom could

not be used due to the damp. My children slept in one room and I slept in

the lounge room. Her final rent for this flat was $120 per week until she

moved to the Community Tenancy scheme where her rent was 20% of

her income.

83

CHAPTER 5 -ANALYSIS OF THE PERSONAL STORIES

This research shows that housing issues cannot be viewed in isolation

from other life factors such as income, employment, child care, health,

and welfare of the children.

In many cases the cessation of marriage was caused by the husband's

death or domestic violence and all women, except one, were forced leave

the family 'home'. The one exception is fighting to save her home from

foreclosure by the bank.

The personal histories highlight the many difficulties faced by female sole

parent families in seeking suitable accommodation and show the

complexity of the relationship between housing and income. Although the

stories are individual and personal, there are many common aspects.

Housing

Women often left their home and went to live with relatives or friends,

staying in whatever accommodation was available, for example, the

lounge room or verandah. Sometimes this situation could last for years.

One outstanding problem was the lack of data and information or poor

access to information and resources.

Women experience discrimination in their access to private rental housing

due to income level or the mere presence of children. To secure

accommodation, many are forced to lie to real estate agents about the

number of children they have or to 'borrow' a male friend to pose as the

husband.

The main drawback with agents was the part-time work and a single

mother. No-one came out and said so - it was all done subtly but the

end result was 'no accommodation'.

In one instance, the agents insisted on the woman's parents being

'guarantor' for the single parent.

84

The high cost of rental accommodation requires families to 'survive' by

sharing houses in partitioned spaces or leasing the least expensive

accommodation, for example, one bedroom stock, which results in

overcrowding and a lack of privacy.

The lower priced accommodation is substandard and there are many

stories of dark, damp accommodation with resultant health problems for

children.

The women expressed a fear of bringing attention to themselves and thus

losing the tenancy by requesting repairs and maintenance. One woman

living in a 'condemned' building took the owner to the Residential

Tenancy Tribunal and 'obtained one extra month's occupancy'. This

decision did not assist with repairs to the building nor obtain secure

accommodation.

One of the most important aspects of the results of the survey was the

transient lifestyle experienced by the women as they continually sought

alternative accommodation due to rent increases. A typical example is

six moves in seven years. In a three year period, one of the respondents

experienced rises in rent from $130 per week - $250 per week.

Not only is there stress involved in relocation but there is the burden of

the extra costs, for example, moving costs and overlapping rents.

Cass notes (1991: 113) that it is important to have housing stability, to

end the disruptions of frequent moves which are very expensive, harm

the social well-being and education of children, and erode the

opportunities for women to gain the confidence and social supports

necessary to enter training and employment.

Previous home-ownership did not provide security due to the inability to

continue the mortgage payments. After the death of her husband, one

woman's mortgage was foreclosed and her home sold during the 1983

recession. When the debts were paid, there was nothing left.

85

"For many, the sale of the family home is inevitable for financial reasons.

The lack of provision of financing options for custodial parents is a

significant problem" (ACOSS No. 22, 1988: 26)

The stories revealed a vast discrepancy in the housing situation for the

women as members of a two parent family compared to when they were

a sole parent. Twenty-five per cent of the women talked about

'affordability' with two incomes and all talked about having more space in

terms of sufficient bedrooms. Thirty-three per cent of the women had

previously lived in fairly luxurious situations in large houses with a pool.

Other studies also reveal a large discrepancy in material living standards

with the absence of a man in the household. (ACOSS No. 22, 1988: 6)

Desirable features of accommodation including sufficient bedrooms, light,

proximity to transport and an outside area were unable to be achieved in

the private rental market due to high housing costs and lack or income.

Income Issues affecting one's housing cannot be separated ·from one's socio­

economic position in the community. (Willis, 1988: 19)

Government income support was the main source of income of two-thirds

of the respondents which is similar to a 1990 study showing that sole

parent pensioners form between 68 per cent and 75 per cent of entire

sole parent population (Harrison, 1990: 87)

Only seven women received any financial assistance from the ex­

husband, although just over fifty per cent of the women knew their

whereabouts.

One woman whose husband had been required to provide Child Support

voluntarily gave up work twice to avoid paying any money. He intends to

fight for custody of the children and, if successful, will go on to the

Supporting Parents benefit. .

Child support will not improve the incomes of all sole parent families

because it will not benefit families where the non-custodial parent can pay

86

little or no maintenance because he or she is deceased, cannot be

traced, or is on a very low income. It is estimated that approximately

thirty per cent of Sole Parents could be in this position.(ACOSS No. 31,

1989: 4)

Twenty per cent of the women worked full-time and their occupations

were a nurse, a chef, a beautician, a shop assistant, and an office worker.

Two women were working part-time, one as a secretary and one as a

clerk. However, other women had left full-time work because it was too

hard.

I was earning $28,000 per annum but had no money/help! or sleep.

There were no concessions when I was working. Women's work is not well paid and is not flexible. It is hard with child care.

Another woman with the ability to earn a high income as a 'money market

dealer' has calculated that full-time work with the cost of child care and

the loss of benefits, including subsidised electricity, gas, car registration

and housing would result in a lower net income than her current Social

Security ($11,537 per annum). Apart from the financial ramifications, full­

time work would require very long days of child care for her children and

so she has chosen to participate in casual work because of the children's

welfare.

The net financial reward from paid work is conditioned and influenced by

other intervening variables such as wage rates, direct and indirect costs

of working in the labour market, availability of jobs,age of children and

child care. (Saunders & Matheson 1990: 33)

Informal ties and extended family links are vital for sole parents. Two­

thirds of the respondents had support from family and friends which was

often financial as well as emotional. There are stories of the Supporting

Parents benefit only paying for the rent and the family surviving with

assistance of grandparents who are also on limited income, for example

the old age pension.

Nearly seventy per cent of respondents were living near family or friends

and other support systems, more than half by choice and the others as a

87

result of their circumstances. However, whilst appreciative of the support

only four respondents felt it had been adequate and others still felt alone

and isolated. There was a realisation that family members had their own

lives and problems.

Being a sole parent is not made easier due to community attitudes

(ACOSS 31 1989 1) "Sole parenting is generally under-valued and sole

parents do not receive enough support from the community".

Homeless

This research shows that many women and their children are 'homeless'

which has not been a well recognised issue.

"Homelessness is more than about shelter and is as much about

adequacy of a home in terms of affordability, security, privacy and control

over one's residential circumstances." (Burke 1994: 3)

Staying with friends or relatives constitutes a form of concealed or hidden

housing need which is rarely recorded or recognised. (Watson, 1988:

79) Investigation of Census data shows it is difficult to identify sharing

groups, since this information has not been specifically sought in the

Census, thus it is possibly concealing a group of disadvantaged families.

(Thorne et al, 1983: 71)

Violence and harassment are often the cause of enforced homelessness .

The Women's Housing Strategy (Watson, 1988: 14) advocates that the

offenders instead should be evicted where possible and appropriate, and

alternatively that public housing should be available to women in

situations of domestic violence.

However, public housing only comprises a small percentage of total

housing stock and in this area it is less than half the State average. The

waiting times are approximately three times as long as the average times

for metropolitan Sydney and the size of the North Sydney region means

applicants could be up to 20 km. away from their desired area and

support system.

88

Two-thirds of the respondents were either currently or previously housed

by the local Community Tenancy Scheme which is funded to provide

subsidised medium term housing in the Lower North Shore area. As the

subsidised rent is comparable to public housing rental, housing is more

affordable but there is no long term security. Tenants are required to

move when allocated public housing.

The private rental sector is a significant source of accommodation for

many households which do not fit the traditional nuclear family and, in

North Sydney, forms the largest component of housing stock, albeit it is

decreasing numbers due to 'gentrification' of stock. However, rents are

consistently 20 per cent above Sydney average rents which either

restricts access for those people on low to moderate incomes or results in

critically low incomes after paying for rent. (North Sydney, 1993: 8)

The in-depth personal stories show that all the respondents had

experienced extreme hardship and poverty over many years whilst

accommodated in the private rental sector. The households assisted by

the Community Tenancy Scheme were able to access affordable and

appropriate medium-term accommodation in the desired location.

Marriage breakdown affected the lives of 24 women and 53 children, and

although the sample is small, it is indicative of the situation on a larger

scale throughout Australia which not only impacts on the future of the

children but the future of the country. "Thousands of children are being

brought up in Australia with inadequate shelter, food and clothing which in

turn jeopardises their health and could lead to suicide and drug abuse.

'The country's 'greatest national resource' has decreasing potential due to

poverty."(Campaign against child poverty, Impact 17, 1987: 2)

Most aspects of our well-being can be reflected inour housing situation. If

we are adequately and securely housed, we are better able to cope

financially and are more competent to deal with health, education,

employment and leisure options. (Willis, 1988: 16)

Watson (Shelter June, 1988: 13) No-one could disagree with the primary

principle of the strategy that women and their dependent children have a

right to independent adequate and secure shelter and that the housing

89

they require should be affordable, physically and emotionally safe from

intrusion, secure from threat of eviction and appropriate for their physical

and emotional needs. A commitment to these principles require

considerable expenditure by governments - Federal, State or Local.

Survey results which indicate areas for change.

This survey has highlighted areas which require further consideration,

including:

* income support

* child support

*child care

* employment

* community perception

* the provision of information

* housing policy.

These areas will be discussed further in Chapter 6.

90

CHAPTER 6 - CONCLUSION

This research has shown how difficult it is for women with children

on a low income to obtain suitable, secure, affordable and

appropriate housing when the relationship with their male partner

ceases.

Literature research indicates the situation for sole parents in relation to

housing and having a limited income is of a very serious nature and has

implications in the future for many Australian children.

With the current estimate that 43 per cent of marriages will end in separation

within 30 years of marriage (Family Matters, 1990: 26-28) and the 60 per cent

rise in sole parents over the last decade (Disney, 1987: 1 ), the number of sole

parent families now comprise a significant minority of all families with

dependent children. In 1992 there were 340,700 sole parent families

comprising 17.48 percent of all families with children- the majority (90.93 per

cent) of whom were headed by a female. (Castles, 1993: 20)

The latest Australian Bureau of Statistics figures show that the number of lone

mothers increased by 30 per cent between 1986 and 1992 (Castles, 1993:

20) and statistics show that this increase in lone mothers is mainly the result of

the incidence of marriage breakdown rather than to women having children

without forming a partnership. (Castles, 1993, Disney, 1987) In the

corresponding period of 1986 - 1992, the number of lone fathers decreased

slightly.

The findings of this research show that the majority of the women were

dependant on government income and the remainder were in receipt of a

relatively low wage. The high cost of accommodation in the Lower North

Shore area of Sydney combined with the low level of income determined

that the women and their children are often 'homeless•.

Homelessness has not been a well recognised issue. (Field, 1988: 5) A

major difficulty with homelessness is actually knowing what it is.

However, it is generally accepted that 11homelessness 11 is more than about

shelter and is as much about a •home•, that is, about adequacy of a home

91

in terms of affordability, security, privacy and control over, one's

residential circumstances." (Burke, 1994: 12).

The findings in this survey are similar to those of the Women's Housing

Strategy (Nyland, 1988: 1) which showed that the sole parent families on

the private rental market experienced discrimination in their access to

accommodation; lived in substandard stock; and were forced into a

transient lifestyle due to the high rents and inadequate income.

My findings also demonstrate the stark contrast with the primary principle

of the Women's Housing Strategy that all women have a right to

independent, adequate and secure shelter which is affordable,

appropriate to the physical and emotional needs of children and is secure

from the threat. (Nyland, 1988: 6)

The level of income was a major determinant in the inability of the sole

parent families to secure adequate accommodation and the ratio of

government income support to wage earners of 2:1 is similar to other

research. (Saunders & Matheson 1990: 12) The fact that sole parents

experience a higher incidence of poverty than any other family group in

Australia (ACOSS No. 31, 1989: 3) points to the need for even greater

efforts to be directed to designing more adequate and appropriate income

support and labour market policies for sole parents. {Saunders &

Matheson, 1991: 22). However, as Whiteford (1986: 19) notes "the

objectives of base payments in terms of levels of support are

controversial. One long-held view is that social security payments are not

intended to be sufficient to live on for extended periods of time but should

be regarded as supplements to other income sources. A principle now

more commonly accepted is that social security rates should provide a

decent minimum income and be sufficient to avoid poverty".

In line with other research, (Disney, 1987, Harrison, 1990) this survey

indicates some women will never receive income support from their ex­

partner because their spouse is dead, cannot be found or cannot pay any

maintenance.

Sole parents are most likely to have children between the ages of 15 and

20 years. (Saunders & Matheson, 1991: 7) At the time of research,

92

twenty-five per cent of the women had children living with them between

15 and 20 years and the 16 year old age limit of the youngest child for

pension eligibility is particularly harsh. It is necessary for the sole parent

benefit to be available to any sole parent with a child still completing

secondary school.

The government introduced the Jobs, Education and Training (JET)

Program in 1989 to increase the number and proportion of sole parents in

employment and to reduce the Social Security outlays on sole parent

pensions. The main targets included pensioners with children over the

age of six years and pensioners who lose eligibility as a result of the

youngest child turning 16 years of age. (Walters, 1990: 53).

However, this research shows the majority of women discontinued full­

time employment to care for their children and many were out of the

workforce for a considerable number of years. Therefore, the expectation

that women will be able to return to employment when their youngest

child is sixteen years of age does not consider the implications for long­

term unemployed persons competing on the job market in times of high

unemployment, nor take into account that the low level of wages for

women will still cause undue hardship for sole parent.

Saunders (1989: 7) questions whether it is possible to imagine most sole

parents supporting themselves at what the rest of the community would

accept as a reasonable standard of living, for example, returning to

employment with interrupted continuity of earning capacity.

Managing the combination of parenthood and employment is hard for the

married woman and harder for the sole parent.

There is not the community expectation that both parents in a two parent

family with dependent children should work. Sole parents should not be

expected to work but, if they wish to participate in the workforce, they

should be assisted with flexible working hours and child care.

There is a belief that the Family Package, the Child Support Scheme and

JET will provide substantial assistance to sole parents, however, it has

been demonstrated that large numbers will not benefit and there is still a

93

need for further assistance to in order to lift sole parents out of poverty.

(ACOSS No. 31, 1989: 8, Bradbury, 1989: 30)

Community support for sole parents is low and they are frequently the

target of actual or threatened welfare cuts which is unfair and a cause of

sole parents being one of the most disadvantaged groups in Australia

today. It is also counterproductive because inadequate support has

negative consequences for the future of the children of sole parents.

(ACOSS No. 31, 1989: 1)

Much research has shown the increase is poverty is directly related to the

increase in unemployment (1989: 15) and other countries, for example,

Sweden, reflect a much higher workforce participation by sole parents.

However, a holistic approach is required for sole parent pensioners to

participate in the workforce, which includes flexibility of hours; adequate

child care, a community tolerance and decent housing. This research

shows the difficulty of combining domestic duties with full-time work and

how the loss of benefits to the wage earner could result in a net income

lower than the government support.

"Recognition of the unpaid work done within families is an important step

in raising the status of women and men who work in the home. It also

highlights the pressures women face especially in trying to combine paid

work and familie responsibilities. (Bitman, 1991: 23)

The in-depth personal stories in this research provide important insights into

the extreme difficulties faced by women and children in trying to access and

maintain accommodation on the private rental market. The situation is

particularly exacerbated in the inner city locations. This is due to a limited

amount of low cost stock combined with a surge in demand which has created

a market place where people live in poor or overcrowded conditions with lack

of security of tenure. (Burrell et al, 1988: 41)

All indicators point to a worsening of the situation for persons on a low income

with an estimate that forty per cent of the New South Wales population will be

renting by the year 2025 (Miller, 1994: 61) and will demand quality and

location. The Lower North Shore area has quality and location but the high

cost will result in an increase of low income households, either being forced

94

out of the area or choosing 'homelessness' in order to stay near support

systems.

Research for the National Housing Strategy found that in 1988 some 450,000

lower income units in the private sector had housing costs in excess of 30% of

their incomes. Cass's (1991: 25) research for women- headed families in

private rental housing highlighted the fact that women are considerably more

likely than any other family type to be in the lowest 40 per cent of the income

distribution- 73 per cent compared with 47.6 per cent of male headed families

and 24 % of couple families.

Results of this survey answer one of the most important questions as to why

people do not move to areas of cheaper accommodation. The 'personal

stories' demonstrate that sole parents need to be near support networks,

transport, childcare, education and employment and are unlikely to relocate to

less expensive accommodation on the fringe of the city.

Good housing is basic to people's economic and social well-being. Because

of this, any society that prides itself on its concern for justice and equality

should not allow some people to face a lifetime of poor housing and relatively

high housing costs while others have no such problems. (O'Leary & Sharp,

1991: 255)

It has been shown that the most significant form of tenure in Australia is 'home

ownership' comprising seventy per cent of housing stock which is one of the

highest rates in the world. This percentage has been relatively stable since

1961, although the ratio of owner occupiers and purchasers is changing,

partially due to the ageing population who are more likely to own their property

outright.

There has been a decline in the percentage of home purchasers from 36 per

cent of households in 1976 to 27 per cent of households in 1991.

Households on a low income are rarely able to access 'home ownership'.

Recent data shows only 8 per cent of low income households were

purchasers. (Yates, 1994) Home ownership is often not an option for

households on a low income, particularly sole parents as they form the lowest

income households.

95

Australia has a relatively small social housing sector comprising 6.5 per cent

of stock, the majority being public housing and the minority being community

housing. Social housing can offer affordable secure accommodation.

However, due to the current economic conditions and the changing

demographics, there are large waiting lists. The waiting time for public

housing varies in different areas with the longest time being in the city.

Australia has 370,000 households in social housing with 220,000 households

on the waiting list. (Burke, 1994: 1.13) Although social housing has a growth

rate of 2 per cent per annum, the number of households being added to the

waiting lists is twice this rate. (Burke, 1994: 2.22)

Following the National Housing Strategy and the Industry Commission report,

social housing is currently under review.

The National Housing Strategy (NHS 1991: 53) has identified the afford ability

and appropriateness of housing as the two key objectives of any housing

policy reform. There are three key and related policy challenges.

1. How to improve Australia's economic performance.

2. How to increase the affordability of housing for people on lower incomes,

particularly households with only one adult.

3. How to make housing and the wider urban environment more appropriate

in the light of the changing demographic and social structure of the population.

The changing demographic and social structure as characterised by

increasing numbers of sole parents and single persons creates a problem

because many of these households are on disproportionately low incomes.

Also such households may have housing needs not met by a housing system

which has a strong emphasis on home ownership and detached dwellings.

Economic and housing outcomes are inextricably linked.

(NHS 1991: xiii) "Even if the achievement of economic reform is successful,

the imperative of continuing economic reform means governments will be

unable substantially to increase the resources available for housing

assistances. New approaches to housing assistance will therefore be required

to use existing and new resources as effectively as possible by targeting them

towards those in greatest need. With continuing fiscal restraint, hard decisions

96

will be required about who should be assisted, how the assistance should be

provided, and under what conditions."

There has been strong debate about whether assistance is best provided to

tenants - directly in the form of income supplements such as rent assistance or

indirectly through provision of public housing. See Vipond, Johnson, Burke,

O'Leary & Sharp. This survey shows there is need for direct income

assistance for tenants on the private rental market. However, it also shows

that sole parent families are still living in poverty after paying for housing costs

and often in appalling conditions.

Two thirds of Australians live in large cities where inequality in housing is

intensified. (O'Leary & Sharp, 1 991) The situation for single income

households will worsen and the question is how to accommodate low income

households in areas of choice near established support systems and social

infrastructure. Predominant in the group of population in the bottom 40 per

cent of the income distribution and who suffer housing afford ability problems

will be households with one income earner, particularly sole parents. (NHS,

1991: 88) This group may well have an incrased need for some form of direct

or indirect social housing assistance.

Direct rental assistance through subsidised accommodation such as the

Community Tenancy Scheme (CTS) allows affordable access to rental stock

through the method of headleasing stock on the private market and subleasing

to eligible tenants who are then able to access appropriate stock without

discrimination. This is especially true of inner city areas where low income

households with children can be competing with middle income households

with no children.

As CTS only offers medium term accommodation, long term housing is still

required and the debate about direct rent assistance, either through income

support or subsidised head-leasing schemes centres around the concern that

funding for direct assistance will be transferred from the indirect assistance

such as public housing.

I believe it is necessary to increase public and community housing stock

in inner city areas rather than relocate public housing to outlying areas.

Social housing plays an important role in maintaining social mix and

97

cohesion by enabling people to live near their established social networks

and to mix different socio economic groups. "In the absence of public

housing whereby the poor are left to rely on a market forces for shelter,

the potential for social polarisation and social unrest exists_.' (Burke,

1995: 6.5)

In areas where 'gentrification' is occurring and the households on a low

income are being forced from the area, it is necessary to increase the

public and community housing stock to a level above the State average.

This will allow suburbs to have a mix of persons with socio-economic

levels. There is substantial evidence to show the cost effectiveness of

utilising existing services rather than erecting new hrgh density 'satellite'

towns on the fringes of metropolitan areas.

During the Women's Housing Conference in 1987, it became clear that

there is an awareness of the complexities of housing issues confronting

women but there is a lack of co-ordinated actions, insufficient information

and resources. There is no shortage of material on ideas of how to

address the imbalance in the provision of housing. However, "only when

we put housing experience into the broader economic social context will

we come up with effective strategies for change". (Sheehan, 1987: 9-

1 0).

Housing related poverty is in large part due to the uneven subsidies paid

by the government to diferent sections housing policy (Flood & Yates,

1988: 12-13) and the provision of housing in Australia will always be

politically based. Flood & Yates quoted by Johnson; 1988: 24 conclude

that a national housing policy must integrate social security, housing and

taxation programs.

Those people who are mid to low income earners (including pensioners

and beneficiaries are most likely to be affected by changes in the housing

market and by government policy in this area. (Willis, 1988: 19)

Jamrozik (1987: 6) suggests that the "changes in the Australian economy.

and the corresponding changes in the structure of opportunities provided

by the labour market have led to increasing inequalities among families.

An examination of successive governments' policies suggests however

98

that, governments have attempted to alleviate poverty while maintaining

the structure of inequality in the society. For political reasons, both major

political parties have favoured the middle-class family".

"There might have been concern about poverty and measures might have

been introduced from time to time to alleviate it, but the tax structure and

the provision of services have favoured the more affluent intact middle

class families. What is significant is the fact that cash transfers

(pensions, benefits) and services provided by the governments have had

little effect in overcoming the inequalities generated in the market

economy. Cash transfers obviously assist low-income individuals and

families directly, but services do not work in the same direction. On the

contrary, services which facilitate the social functioning of individuals and

families, such as health education, child care, the law, etc. are used to

advantage the middle and high income families".

Australia is not unique in the rapid rise of sole parents but research

shows that sole parents fare worse here. For a further information, see

Cass & O'Loughlin Social policies for single parent families in

Australia: An analysis and a comparison with Sweden.

(Cass, 1991: 113) It is important to have housing stability, to end the

disruptions of frequent moves which are very expensive, harm the social

well-being and education of children, and erode the opportunities for

women to gain the confidence and social supports necessary to enter

training and employment.

As children from low income families are more likely to leave school early,

the finding that unemployed young people are more likely to come from

low income families is not surprising. (Bradbury, Garde and Vipond,

1986; Frey, 1986) Australia cannot afford to risk one in five Australian

children developing such education and employment patterns.

In 1975,The Commission of Inquiry into Poverty stated:

'If poverty is seen as a result of structural inequality within society, any

serious attempt to eliminate poverty must seek to change those

conditions which produce it. Although individual members of society are

99

reluctant to accept responsibility for the existence of poverty, its

continuance is a judgement on the society which condones the conditions

causing poverty". (Saunders and Matheson 1991: 1)

As Field, (1988: 5) conveys "being homeless involves more than being

poor and rootless. It is the product of profound social dislocations, and

has important political consequences".

The increasing number of marriages ending in separation and divorce is a

matter of growing concern. Central to the issue of marital breakdown is

the question of housing. (Watson, 1985a: 5) There has been little

research in Australia on the impact of divorce on men's and women's

economic, social and housing status.

This research has investigated the years of hardship and itinerancy faced by a

number of female sole parents following the end of their marriage. The stories

related the many years of struggle for the women as sole parents to find and

maintain accommodation. At the end of the research none of these women

and children had found appropriate, adequate long term accommodation

although some of the women were assisted in the short term by affordable

housing through the Community Tenancy Scheme. Permanent housing

solutions often require a long time, for example, construction of more public

housing and, in the interim, medium term accommodation is required.

Whilst not claiming to generalise about all sole parents, the personal stories in

this research bring out a wealth of data on the lives of twenty-four sole parent

households and suggests that the situation might be more difficult for women

with less privileged backgrounds, education and support.

The research shows that women's position in society in relation to lower

wages for women; employment barriers, child care and State intervention in

the form of income support can all contribute to the housing stress and it

makes a significant contribution to the debate between housing and the social

security system.

100

APPENDIX 1 - Definitions of Homelessness

As Chamberlain &.Mackenzie (1991: 12) note, 'there is little agreement in the

recent academic literature about how the concept of homelessness should be

defined'. Watson (1986: 8) extends this view to include policy makers,

researchers, local authorities and voluntary housing organisations. However,

Chamberlain & Mackenzie (1991: 19) succinctly state their position that

'homeless ness is a socially constructed category that relates to a particular

range of material situations'. Watson (1986: 1 0) concurs with the view that

'homelessness is an historically and culturally specific concept' and believes

that people make judgements about their own level of deprivation on the basis

of what they see around them.

Further, Chamberlain and Mackenzie (1991: 12) provide four categories of

'homelessness' including:

1. Inadequate housing.

2. Persons constrained to boarding-house living.

3. Persons moving between temporary or medium term shelter.

4. Persons without an acceptable roof over their heads - absolute

homelessness. (Watson, 1986: 8)

The National Youth Coalition for Housing's (NYCH) definition has been widely

used in recent times and also relates to the perception of the individual. It

defines 'homelessness as':-

"The absence of secure, adequate and satisfactory shelter as perceived by the

young person and for homelessness to exist, at least one of the following

conditions, or any combination of conditions should be operative:

(a) an absence of shelter

(b) the threat of loss of shelter

(c) very high mobility between places of abode

(d) existing accommodation considered inadequate by the resident for such

reasons as over-crowding, the physical state of the residence, lack of security

of occupancy, or lack of emotional support and stability in the place of

residence

(e) unreasonable restrictions in terms of alternative forms of accommodation".

(NYCH, 1985) (Chamberlain & Mackenzie, 1991: 8)

101

Three further definitions are:

A. Homeless Persons Assistance Act 197 4 (Loft & Davis, 1988: 1) -•homeless

person: a person who has attained the age of 16 years and -

(i) has no settled home and is in need of (assistance by way of food,

accommodation or a social welfare service), or

(ii) although having a settled home is temporarily in urgent need of (such)

assistance.'

B. Ministry of Housing, 1987- •homeless persons are those in immediate crisis

who seek accommodation in shelters, refuges or other crisis housing facilities;

those who subsist in accommodation that is impermanent, unstable, insecure,

sub-standard and often unsupportive, those who are periodically homeless,

with crisis needs for accommodation and support punctuated by periods of

stable housing (a pattern often linked to uneven employment patterns); and

people who are chronically or more or less permanently in crisis and unable to

find suitable accommodation or establish support network.• (Loft & Davis,

1988: 4)

C. "Inadequate housing is best defined by a lack of affordability and security

of tenure. As such all private tenants are viewed as inadequately housed,

whilst those without accommodation or in adverse domestic situations would

be viewed as technically homeless. Such a definition is similar tothe one

adopted by the Federal Government Study into Homelessness and

Inadequate Housing in Australia" (Burrell et al, 1988: 9)

Whilst the above definitions are by no means conclusive, they convey that a

state of •homelessness• can vary between the extreme of •no shelter' to

inadequate, inappropriate and unaffordable shelter.

102

APPENDIX 2 - Background

Because of the need to preserve the confidentiality of the women involved, all

answers have been collated using letters of the alphabet which bear no

relationship to the woman's name.

Key: 1. Number of years living with Partner.

2. Did you leave your partner - yes/no

3. Reason for leaving (optional)

1. 2. 3.

A. 8 yrs./6 yrs. yes Breakdown of marriage/violence

B. 4 years yes Domestic violence

c. 8 years no

D. 4 years yes He was selfish - was a heavy weight on my

shoulder.

E. 17 years yes

F. 11 years no (Husband suicided)

G. 12 years yes

H. 6 years yes Relationship had broken down irretrievably

I. 5 years no

J. 9 years yes He was having another relationship.

K. 3 years no Took a restraining order- husband

resentful

L. 15 years yes He was literally contributing to my mental

illness.

M. 15 years no Deceased

N. yes Had to get rid of- harassment

0. yes Isolation - hard life in country

P. 0.5 years yes Took no responsibility- economic or

otherwise

Q. no Partner in a different country

R. 3 years yes

103

S. 9 years yes Lot of little reasons. Husband on high

wage but only gave S.$120 pw for children

and house. Had to use endowment money.

Has more money now for herself and

children on Supporting Parent Benefit.

Money didn't flow through.

T. 4 years yes Domestic violence

U. 7 years no He left at her request

v. 6 years yes Tension

w. 5 years yes No responsibility

X. yes

104

APPENDIX 3

Information of income, source and whether there was a contribution

from the ex-husband.

Present Income

A $475 p.f.

B. $370 p.f.

C. $540 p.f.

D. $407 p.f.

E. $640 p.f.

F. $940 p.f.

G.

H. $740 p.f.

I. DSS

J. 400 p.f.

K. L.

M.

N. $256 p.f.

0.

P. Q. 520 p.f.

R. S.

T.

u. $360 p.f.

v. w. X.

Source

DSS

Abstudy

DSS

DSS

Contribution/ex-husband

Yes -$200 p.f.

No No No

Wage-Shop assistant No

Wage-Nurse No (deceased)

DSS Yes- $40 p.f.

Wage-Secretary Yes- $70 p.f.

Wage-Beauty

DSS

DSS

DSS

Wage-Clerk

+ DSS part

DSS

DSS

Wage- chef

DSS

DSS

DSS

Wage-Secretary

DSS

DSS

DSS

School fees

No Yes- $120 p.f. (not regular)

Yes- $50 p.f. per child

No (deceased)

No

No No

No No

No Yes- $80 p.f.

Yes -$500 p.f.

No - meant to but doesn't

No

No (Note: pensions are deducted for maintenance)

105

APPENDIX 4 - Provides information on the current status in the full­

time workforce and the reason for leaving full-time work.

When did you last work full-time? Reason for leaving work.

A. This year Left another State and relationship

B. 1 year Lack of fulltime child care and cost

C. 3 years

D. This year

E. Now

F. Now

G. 20 years

H. Now

I. 0.5 year

J.Now

K. 2 years

L. 19 years

M. 15 years

N. 2 years

0. 24 years

P. 1 year

Q. 0.5 year

R. 6 years

S. 7 years

T. 4 years

U. 5 years

V. 3 years

W. 2 years

X. 8 years

Worked in own business - husband sold

business.

Look after son with cancer

Works 30 hours per week

To look after children

Positions due to funding

No time to see solicitors - in and out of

courts.

Husband objected to working

Child bearing

No work

Take care of children

Worked until 6 months pregnant

Childcare closed over Christmas - couldn't

afford private care

Travel and looking after children

Having children

Look after children

Look after children

Look after child

Ill health

Look after child

106

APPENDIXS

Provides answers to Question 1 a and 1 b. (Numbers in brackets

indicate similar answers).

1 a. In your experience of various housing situations, what factors

do you think are important when looking for accommodation?

Please list.

1 b Could you number the above factors in order of importance.

Location

Proximity to:

transport, shops and school (22)

hospital (2)

work (2)

family support (3)

child care (3)

Size

space (7)

2 bedroom place (3)

sufficient bedrooms (12)

large rooms (1)

Price

cost (14)

Condition

secure (6)

clean (5)

light (12)

light- warm in winter (3)

good condition (3)

no faulty plumbing/electrical (2)

not damp (4)

quiet - not on a main road (7)

clean air (2)

yard (closed off) (3)

outside area (11)

Individual specific requirements

107

gas (2)

bathroom/bath (2)

laundry (3)

kitchen (2)

telephone (2)

hotwater (2)

fridge/washing machine(2)

bedroom wardrobes (4)

good location and environment (2)

neighbours (2)

privacy (2)

are children allowed (2)

not share (2)

security of tenure (2)

108

APPENDIX G.

Answers to Question 4. Is your present housing situation different

to previous housing with your partner?

A. "God yes! living in a home - 2 wages and more security

B. Yes, more family support (then).

C. Same house - however I was left to pay all rent and bills

D. Yes, renting- two bedrooms- two incomes to pay rent

E. Yes, 3 bedrooms, (bedroom for each) good condition

F. (was) going to buy a house

G. It is more suburban now- used to live in large farmhouse on 360

acres.

H. yes.

I. Much better for housing but not for personal aspects

J. Yes but it makes her too sad to think what she had

K. Live in same unit but now only one income - everyone after her for

money.

L. Enormously, as married woman I had 5 bedroom home that we were

buying; 1 00' frontage, pool, ensuite; bathroom; built-ins, close to school

with good social and neighbourhood network. Went to poverty as

explained in previous question.

M. Yes, before there was a 40 square house on 0.5 acres of land!! with

cleaners, gardeners, (+pool)

N. Yes - among other things I had a backyard.

0. I had a bigger and better house.

P. Yes, I had a house, designer furniture and two maids.

Q. Yes, it was less expensive with two incomes.

R. Yes, we resided in a one bedroom cottage in North Queensland

S. Yes

T. Yes, previous housing was 4 bedrooms with 3.5 bathrooms, a playroom and a big kitchen.

U. Yes, big two storey house with a pool which we were paying off.

V. Yes, it was a house.

W Yes -more income

X: Yes, a house

109

APPENDIX 7

Answers to Question 5. Are there any aspects of your former

housing that you miss or that you are pleased to be without?

A. I miss the entertaining area and the house was more upmarket. I

don't miss doing all his washing, cooking and cleaning. I feel more

secure away from threats of violence.

B. None

C. I am pleased to be without the flooding; dampness and mould. I miss

the area in general and long-standing friendships (In CTS now in area

close to her brother for protection.)

D. pleased to be able to choose the area /live in (CTS now)

E. No

F. I miss the views and my husband.

G. No

H. I miss the space. I miss having someone in a relationship. I miss the

'family unit" I am pleased to be without pleasing sofTieone else.

I. No

J. I try not to miss anything and be happy with what I have got

K. I miss being a two parent family

L. Miss the financial security; physical comforts; social conformity and

acceptability. I am pleased to be without extreme stress of a bad

relationship

M. Yes, the lot

N. I miss the backyard but I can do without son and I sleeping in the

same room

o: I am pleased to be away from living in a semi-desert area. (The

location) was required for husband's work.

P. I miss the house, the furniture, money to travel, social contacts,

another life, two maids. I don't miss his family influence and lack of

security for myself and son

Q. Miss having someone to share with.

R. No, I am very happy with my present situation (CTS housing)

S. Miss separate bedrooms, bath dishwasher, furniture but pleased to

be without husband

110

T. Miss the built-in cupboards, second toilet and disposable income

when working for clothes and going out but don't miss the violence and

stress.

U. No

V. Miss the house, the fireplace and the sunroom but pleased to be

without tension

W Miss the income but don't miss the uncertainty

111

APPENDIX 8

Provides answers to Question 7. Do you know the current housing

and/or financial situation of your ex-partner?

A. Yes, ex husband remarried pays maintenance for 10 and 9 year old.

General Manager of a company. Ex husband's support has decreased

since having another child. My third child's father is a no hoper- very little

support but a lot of aggravation.

B. No.

C. Rent free at his mother's home

D. No

E. No

F. No

G. Thinking of buying (a house)

H. Yes, sharing a 3 br. house with pool with 2 others. Don't know about

money

I. No.

J. No

K. No - wanting joint share of our unit

G.

L. Yes, He now has 2 large houses which is buying; a van (mini-bus)

used for business purposes which he owns, his own car, which he owns

and a successful spare parts business which he owns and established

after the break up of marriage. He has undertaken diploma courses in

computers and business. He travels overseas and says older daughters

don't need any maintenance.

M. Deceased

N. No

0. By himself- hard time with drought- no job, had to get dole, wanted to

stay near mother and like being in the country.

P. Living with wealthy family

Q. No

R. No.

S. Living in a 2br. unit in Mosman with all the good furniture; china;

dishwasher,· bath. Working full-time approx. $60,000 p.a. New car with

car phone. Overseas trips twice a year.

T. Living in a house

112

U. Yes, living in a unit

V. Living in previous house

W. A musician - moving around

X. No

113

APPENDIX9

Provides answers to Question 6. What support have you had and from which sources

For housing

A. DSS social worker

B. CTS

c. D CTS

E Nil

F. No financial support

G. CTS

H. None

I. Son's father

J. CTS

K.

L. CTS

M.CTS

N. Family

0. CTS

P. CTS

Q. Rent assistance

R. Mother

help

S. CTS

T. Parents & CTS

U. Children's father

V. Family

W. Family & CTS

X. Family and CTS

Other than housing

Family support financial and emotional

directed to CTS.

Friends

St. Vincent de Paul, family & friends

None

Family

Emotional support from friends

Friends and various community groups analyst

Maintenance only for daughter

Friends, son's father, St. Vincent de Paul

Family Support Service

St. Vincent de Paul; Mother with strings

attached

Friends and family

Family and friend

Family support service; grievance counselling

DSS

DSS

Parents - both financial and emotional, plus

with children

Family, friends and family support service

Parents, and long day care centre

Children's father, part time work

Family and Family Support Service

Family

Family

114

Has the support been adequate?

A. Support has meant my survival although helpful.does not cover

everything.

B. No. It's a struggle being a single parent

C. Support has been great- lack of knowledge as to what support groups

are available

D. No

E. -

F. Information on where to go would have been good

G. Yes

H. No, I felt (believe) my wage was too high to apply for housing

commission home - so never did.

I. No

J. Yes

K. No

L. No, always struggling; extreme isolation

M. No, not really. they obviously thought that I was coping

N. Yes

0. No- still felt isolated and by myself- also family members had own

problems

P. No - insufficient available

Q. Just about

R. Adequate in terms of their ability to provide support

S. Adequate

T.-U. Just about

V. Yes

W. Yes

X. Yes

115

Are you living near family/friends or any other support systems?

Is this by choice or circumstance?

A. Yes Choice

B. Near family but not for support Circumstance

C. Yes, brother and sister in area Circumstance

D. No Living near work by choice

E.

F. No.

G. Within driving distance

Living near work by choice

Near hospital by choice

Choice to live in Sydney

H. Yes, two suburbs away from family Choice

I. Yes, near friends

J. Living with my sister

K. No

L. Yes, clinic, family nearby

M. Yes

N. Yes

0. Yes

P. No

Q. Yes

R. Yes

S. No

T. Yes

U. No, family in another state

V. Yes

W.Yes

X. Yes

Choice, because of school and friends

Circumstance

Husband tries to isolate everyone from

me

Choice

Circumstance

Choice

Choice - came to be near ill father

Circumstance

Choice

Circumstance

Near children's school by choice

Choice - lived away from area

with husband

Circumstance

Circumstance but now choice

Circumstance (although this

changed)

116

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ATTACHMENT 1

QUESTIONNAIRE WOMEN AND HOUSING

To form part of an Honours Thesis by Helen Collins for Master of Arts (Women's Studies). The research and final document will be used to highlight the difficulties faced by women and children on the rental housing market.

AIM OF QUESTIONNAIRE:

To gather individual case histories of women (with dependants) regarding their housing situations since the end of the marriage (relationship).

The basic premise is that women heads of households are extremely disadvantaged in our society and their economic status determines access to basic commodities, e.g., adequate shelter.

(Note: all first names will be coded so strict anonymity will be maintained)

HOUSING

In your own words, could you please explain your housing situation since you have become a single parent family.

(questions on housing if not already answered in the above narrative).

la. In your experience of various housing situations, what factors do you think are important when looking for accommodation? Please list.

1. 11.

1 b. Could you number the above factors in order of importance.

2. Please mark beside the above factors one of the following:

A = NA =

Achieved Not Achieved

i. for your present accommodation

PA = Partially Achieved

ii. for your most recent accommodation prior to your present address.

3. Can you give the reason(s) for your being able (or not being able) to achieve the above criteria?

4. Is your present housing situation different to previous housing with your partner?

5. Are there any aspects of your former housing that you miss or that you are pleased to be without?

6a. What support have you had and from which sources?

For housing Other than housing

6b. Has the support been adequate?

6c. Are you living near family/friends/or any other other support systems?

6d. Is this by choice or circumstance?

7. Do you know the current housing and/or financial situation of your ex-partner?

BACKGROUND

First name: .•..•••••.•

Age: (21- 25) .... . (26- 30) .... . (31- 35) .... . (36- 40) .... . (41- 45) .... .. (45 +) ...... .

Number of children: ....... . Age(s) .............................. .

Number of years living with partner: ....... .

Did you leave your partner? ..... yes/no

Optional - Reason for leaving.

OCCUPATION:

Qualifications:

Are you working now? .... yes/no.

When did you last work full-time? ...... (Wage) ......

Reason(s) for leaving work. ................................ ..

Have you completed any further training since that time? ....... .

INCOME:

$ .......... per week Source: ................... .

$ ......... . If

Do you receive fmancial support from your partner?

For children $ ........ .

For yourself $ ........ .