'The Harnhulle Psalter-Hours: An Early Fourteenth-Century English Illuminated Manuscript at Downside Abbey', Journal of the British Archaeological Association 12/1980; 134(1):81-99.

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The Harnhulle Psalter-Hours: An Early Fourteenth-Century English Illuminated Manuscript atDownside Abbey

Michael A. Michael

To cite this article: Michael A. Michael (1981) The Harnhulle Psalter-Hours: An EarlyFourteenth-Century English Illuminated Manuscript at Downside Abbey, Journal of the BritishArchaeological Association, 134:1, 81-99

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jba.1981.134.1.81

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THE HARNHULLE PSALTER-HOURS: AN EARLYFOURTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLISH ILLUMINATED

MANUSCRIPT AT DOWNSIDE ABBEY

By MICHAELA. MICHAEL

ALTHOUGHTHISBOOK,Downside Abbey MS 26533, has been noticed twice in the recentpast, it has not yet been examined from an art-historical point of view nor had any detailedanalysis made of its text.1 It is a small private devotional book (measuring 129 X 90 mm.)of the sort that was becoming more and more popular from the later thirteenth centuryonwards. It is especially interesting as the owners can be traced and it is possible toidentify the two artists who worked on it as part of a group involved in the production ofseveral well-known manuscripts. The Calendar has an obit of the Harnhulle family, who,although they originated in Gloucestershire and had lands in Hampshire, appear to havehad strong connections with Suffolk and in particular with the Augustinian priory ofBlythburgh.2 The Calendar and Litany of the book bear this out with typically EastAnglian saints being well represented and with a definite Augustinian bias in the Litany.3

THE ARTISTSThe two artists who work on the book display differing stylistic backgrounds, work on

separate gatherings, and have never been found working on the same manuscript before.4

ArtistA, who works on the Hours of the Virgin (PIs XIIA, B), the Office of the Dead and the'Cantate Domino' division of the Psalter, is best compared with the artist of the HowardPsalter (London, British Library (hereafter BL) Arundel MS 83, part I), who has recentlybeen identified as the illuminator of a Breviary, Longleat House MS 10.5 He ischaracterised by the surprised expressions on the faces of his figures which are caused bythe high eyebrows and long jaws he gives them. His figures often convey a gauchenessbecause of the contortion of some of the gestures, which nevertheless creates a certainrealism of expression. A comparison of the initials for the 'Cantate Domino' division inboth the Howard and Downside books shows that the same composition is being used witha bunching of the three clerics in the centre of the initial (Pis XI I lA, B). However, the twoare not identical: although the figure on the left in the Downside initial displays a similarcontorted expression on his face, has the same inward sway of the body and a similarpositioning of the hands, he does not carry the scroll found in the Howard Psalter. Thesedifferences may have been caused by the discrepancy in size between the two books; both

I It was first noticed by Dom Aelred Watkin, 'Some Manuscripts in Downside Abbey Library', Downside Review, LVIII(1940), 438-51, esp. 438. It has also been entered in: N. R. Ker, Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries. Vol. II:Abbotsford-Keele (Oxford 1977), 433.

2 See Appendix II.3 See Appendix I. There has been some controversy over the use of the term 'East Anglian'. I use it here to denote the

dioceses of Norwich and Ely as well as the Fenland area of the diocese of Lincoln.4 See Appendix III for the division of hands.5 See L. Sandler, 'An Early Fourteenth-Century English Breviary at Longleat', Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld

Institutes, XXXIX (1976), 1-20, esp. 13. For the Howard Psalter, see also M. Rickert, Painting in Britain: the Middle Ages(Harmondsworth 1965), 132 and E. G. Millar, English Illuminated Manuscripts of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Paris andBrussels 1928), 45.

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the drawing and the composition of the initials are basically the same. Moreover, a closeexamination of the scrolls on the right from which the three clerics sing in both books,shows that they have the same inscription written in an almost identical unprofessionalhand.6 Equally convincing comparisons may be made with the Longleat Breviary and,occasionally, compositional as well as stylistic correspondences may be found. Forinstance, in the Downside book the Vespers initial of the Presentation in the Temple hasthe same tightly grouped set of figures with a peculiarly back-tilted head of Simeon as thePurification of the Virgin Mass has in the Longleat Breviary, f. 197 (PIs Xlllc, D).

Artist A uses a full-bodied set of colours including blue, orange and light pink, in whichwhite has been mixed. He uses the common device of alternating pink with blue in hisborders, which bear good comparison with those in the Longleat Breviary. The sameshort three-pronged leaves are used and, where pages have a full border surround, thefoliage often grows from the top and bottom of the page to meet in the centre of the marginin a knot or, in some cases, a stylised juncture against a gold ground (PIs XIIB, Xlllc).However, the border decoration in the Howard Psalter varies in its detail to some greatextent from that in the Downside and Longleat books. A larger vocabulary offorms is usedwith oak leaves and various flowers as well as more elaborate corner-pieces and tendrils(PI. XIIIB). The figure style in the Howard Psalter is also more deliberate: the draperyshows signs of careful modelling and the faces are drawn on a whitish ground with touchesof colour. However, it should be emphasised that the overall structure of the borders is,nevertheless, the same, and where figures of a comparable size to those in the Downsideand Longleat books may be found, the same jutting jaws and swaying figures are inevidence. The leaf forms in the Howard Psalter, in particular those with an enlargedcentral extension flanked by two smaller ones, and the corner-pieces with interlace,grotesques or heads inside them, show many similarities with the Gorleston Psalter(London, BL Additional MS 49622) and the Stowe Breviary (London, BL Stowe MS 12).7Moreover, a comparison of one of the ordinary text pages of the Longleat Breviary withthose in the Gorleston Psalter, shows that they are using an identical system for bindinginitials to a border bar. This is characterised by the use of a long stem running down theleft hand side of the text, often underneath any initials which protrude. Usually this barwill have a grotesque figure or head on top. This system is more developed in theGorleston Psalter, since it is a more lavish production (PIs XVID, XVllc). Similarly, thepen-flourishing in the Downside book (executed by a single hand throughout) may berelated to the Stowe Breviary. It is characterised by the use of leaf forms within the bluetwo-line initials, set off against a red hatchwork pattern. Many of the external tendrils alsoform leaves with hatchwork (PI. Xlllc). The Stowe Breviary uses a more elaboratesystem, with grotesques and heads being formed by the hatchwork, but the overallstructure is the same; even the bar to the left of the text formed by alternating red and bluepenwork when no painted border is provided, bears close comparison with the Downsidebook. The possible connections between the Howard Psalter, the Gorleston Psalter and

6 These read in vertical division: 'zelo/tur langue/ vigo/ regi/a/ [eterne?]' in the Howard Psalter and 'zelo/tur/ langue/ [0?]' in the Downside Psalter. I have yet to come across this inscription in other Psalters at this point. The fact that bothminiatures appear to be by the same artist suggets that he may also have written the inscriptions.

7 For the Gorleston Psalter, see S. C. Cockerell, The Gorleston Psalter (London 1907). For the Stowe Breviary, see Catalogueof the Stowe Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol.! (London 1895),8.

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the Stowe Breviary have recently been pointed out;8 these structural observationsstrengthen the hypothesis that the Howard Psalter should be regarded as a precursor ofthe so-called Gorleston group. We must also suggest that Artist A of the Downside bookshould be identified with the artist of the Howard Psalter himself. Any differences may beexplained by the discrepancy in size between the two books, and comparisons with theLongleat Breviary, which is closer in size to the Downside book, would seem to confirm theattribution.

Artist B, who works on all the Psalter initials in the Downside book except the 'CantateDomino' division, is best compared with the artist of the prefatory cycle of illustrations inthe Hours ofAlice de Reydon (Cambridge, University Library MS Dd. IV, 17; PIs Xllc, D,

XVIIA). The latter, it has been suggested, also worked on the prefatory cycle ofillustrations in the Stiucle Psalter (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 53) and theSherbrooke Missal (Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales MS 15536).9 Artist B'sfigures have small heads and long but well proportioned bodies which are far more soberand elegant than those ofA rtist A. The faces of his figures show Iittle expression and he usesan idealised set of'types': the king with a short beard and parallel locks on either side of hisforehead or the younger man with short hair and head in three-quarters view with one earvisible. His style is one of the easiest to recognise in English early fourteenth-centurymanuscripts and it can be related to the so-called Queen Mary Psalter (London, BL RoyalMS 2.B. VII), where all the 'types' he uses may be found (PIs XVIA, B).l0 His figure style is,however, subtly different from that of the Queen Mary Psalter's artist: the figures have farmore weight to them and there is more concern with modelling in full colour. However, thepalette is less full-bodied than that of Artist A: white is never mixed with the colours and awash technique is used for the lighter tones similar to that found in the Queen MaryPsalter. Artist B uses a very restricted vocabulary of forms in his borders, relying on afloppy three-pronged leaf which has a long central wavy part flanked by two roundedparts. These often spring from the same point on either side of a border bar or alternatewith daisy buds along its stem. An identical system of border decoration is used in thePsalter part of Hugh ofStiucle's Psalter.

The iconographical cycle of the Downside Psalter bears out the connections with boththe Howard and Stiucle Psalters. The Downside Psalter is in eight-part division with anadditional token three-line initial at Psalm 5 I. The same iconography is used for theinitials in the Stiucle Psalter, which is also in eight-part division, as may be found in theDownside Psalter. The Queen Mary Psalter, although it has a ten-part division, displaysthe same iconography at the eight psalms which match those in the Downside Psalter (PIsXVIA, B) .11 Most significantly the Howard Psalter has a nine-part division, including

8 For a discussion of these connections, see P. Lasko and N.J. Morgan, Medieval Art in East Anglia (Norwich 1973), nO.20.9 For a discussion and bibliography of all three, see Lasko and Morgan, op. cit., nos 7,8 and 18. The dating given for the

Reydon Hours should be viewed with caution. The manuscript has been cropped, making it impossible to ascertain theexact date of Alice de Reydon's death from the obit in the Calendar of her Hours.

10 See G. F. Warner, Queen Mary's Psalter (London 1912). For a recent discussion of the manuscripts in the so-called QueenMary group, seeJ.J. G. Alexander, 'Early fourteenth-century illumination: recent acquisitions', Bodleian Library Record, IX

(1974), 72-80, esp. 72-4 and appendix.11 A manuscript from the Queen Mary group which displays the same iconography as the Downside Psalter in eight-part

division is London, Dr Williams's Library MS Ancient 6; seeJ.J. G. Alexander and C. M. Kauffmann, English IlluminatedManuscripts 700-1500 (Brussels 1973), no.6s. This manuscript is to be the subject ofa forthcoming article by Miss LyndaDennison.

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a small historiated initial at Psalm 5 I. Strictly speaking, therefore, both the Howardand Downside Psalters share this most unusual feature of nine-part divisions.12

The iconography of the Howard Psalter corresponds with that of the Downside Psalter inall but the Beatus initial (a Tree of Jesse) and Psalm 51 (David and Goliath). Incomposition and iconography all the initials in the Downside Psalter executed by Artist Bfollow the Stiucle and Queen Mary Psalters. The one initial executed by Artist A (Psalm97) follows the iconography of the Howard Psalter, as we have already noted (PIs XIIIA,B). Although Artist B is very close to the artist of the prefatory cycle in the Hours of Alice deReydon the correspondences are not as complete as those we were able to make for Artist Awith the Howard Psalter's artist. Examination of the border decoration in the SherbrookeMissal reveals a wider vocabulary of forms being used; the figures in the Stiucle andReydon books have larger heads and more attention is given to the drawing of detailedfeatures and the modelling of drapery. Again, these differences may well be caused by thetiny size of the Downside manuscript and it seems quite clear that Artist B should beclosely linked with the artist of the Reydon Hours. Although there is not enough evidencefor a definitive chronology of the Reydon artist's work to be made, it is possible that theDownside Psalter-Hours was executed at a different stage in his career, perhaps earlierthan the Reydon and Stiucle books.

DATE AND CONTEXT

We have already noted that the Downside Psalter-Hours was most probably made foruse somewhere in the region of East Anglia, perhaps Suffolk, and the provenance of theHoward Psalter and the Longleat Breviary also suggest connections with this area ofEngland. The dating of the Howard Psalter still remains problematical but that of theLongleat Breviary, sometime after 1317, is more assured.13 It is of particular interest, then,that three other manuscripts can be found which may be attributed to the artist of theHoward Psalter, all of which have connections with East Anglia and the Fenlands. Theseare, a Bible Concordance (London, BL Royal MS 3. B. III), a Roll of Indulgenced Prayers(Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum MS 7- I953), and a Justinian Codex (Cambridge,Gonville and Caius MS I 1/1 I) .14

The Bible Concordance is the most important as, although it possesses only onehistoriated initial, we can identify both the artist and the donor depicted in it. Aninscription on the fly leaf records the gift of the book to the Gilbertine house of

12 It was usual for English Psalters to be divided into ten parts, whereas they were divided into eight parts on thecontinent. This is a result of combination with the Anglo-Saxon practice of dividing the Psalter into three parts. Eight-partdivisions become increasingly the norm in England during the fourteenth century, possibly because of influences fromFrance; see G. Haseloff, Die Psaiterillustration im IJ.Jahrhundert (Kiel 1938). For a discussion and selective chart of Englishfourteenth-century Psalters, see L. Sandler, The Peterborough Psalter in Brussels and other Fenland Manuscripts (London 1974),95·

13 For a good discussion of the provenance and dating of these manuscripts, see Sandler, 'An Early Fourteenth-CenturyEnglish Breviary at Longleat', 12.

14 For the Bible Concordance, see G. F. Warner andJ. P. Gilson, Catalogue of the Western Manuscripts in the Old Royal andKings Collections, vol.! (London 1921),71. For the Roll, see P. M. Giles, 'A Handlist of the additional manuscripts in theFitzwilliam Museum', Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, IV, pt 3 (1966),173-8, esp. 173. For the JustinianCodex, see M. R. James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Conville and Caius College Cambridge(Cambridge 1907), 10. A Diurnal (Cambridge, University Library, MS Kk.6.45) although badly damaged, contains twoinitials which should also be grouped with the work of the Howard Psalter artist. Its text, which is non-Sarum, also points toEast Anglia and the Fenlands as it-includes Felix ofDunwich, Guthlac ofCrowland and Hugh of Lincoln.

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Sempringham in Lincolnshire by one 'Iohannes de Glynton' .15 He is depicted kneelingbefore a standing figure ofJohn the Baptist holding a scroll which has the words 'ora proiohanne' written on it in the same sort of unprofessional hand as we found on similarscrolls at Psalm 97 in the Downside and Howard books (PIs XVA, XIIIA). The figures,with their short bodies and surprised expressions, are best compared with the work in theLongleat Breviary. The rather untidy small initials marking the chapters of theConcordance, which are painted in pink and blue with an infill of white, also bearcomparison with those in the Calendar of the Downside manuscript and may be foundthroughout the Longleat Breviary.

The Indulgenced Roll is a unique survival and of great importance as it containsthirty-three illustrations and a roll offifty-six coats ofarms.16 Perhaps significantly the lastthree are those of Bardolf, Roos and Stapleton, all of whom were related and haveconnections in East Anglia.17 The third prayer on the Roll carries the unusual indulgence'xl jours de pardoun de la grant seynt Robert'. Considering the proposed locality of theother manuscripts which have decoration by the artist of the Howard Psalter this mayrefer to Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, who still had a cult at this time.18 Theiconography of the Roll generally follows either the rubric specifically or the contents ofthe various prayers.19 Comparison of the portrait of Urban IV on the Roll and the seatedfigure of a king in the 'Dixi Custodiam' initial in the Howard Psalter shows that bothfigures have a similar fall of drapery which is tucked under the thigh, a similar tilt of thehead and the characteristic high eyebrows and long jaws of the Howard Psalter's artist.The grotesques, which often act as caryatids for the many framed miniatures on the Roll,also have leafy tails and heads similar to those in the Howard Psalter and LongleatBreviary (PIs XIVA, B).

Finally, the Justinian Codex provides an excellent example of another type of bookwhich often received a large amount of decoration, namely works on canon and civillaw.20

I t is written in the clear rotund script typical of Italian manuscripts and must have been

15 The inscription reads: 'iste liber concordanciarum super bibliam est de dono de sempringham ex imeracione Iohannesde Glynton et est pretium liber c solid.' He donated at least four books to the Gilbertines ofSempringham; all had or haveinscriptions similar to this. They are: London, BL Royal MS 3.A. xv (Paterius), Royal MS 3.B. III (the Bible Concordance),Royal MS 5.C. v (Augustine) and Royal MS 8.G. v (aJohn ofFribourg). Only the Bible Concordance has a historiatedinitial, but the others have border work and pen-flourishing closely related to the Gorleston Psalter and Stowe Breviary.

16 Unfortunately we cannot glean very much from the arms as they provide an extended list of many of the noble familiesof England. For a full description of the iconography and an identification of the shields, see F. Wormald and P. M. Giles, ADescriptive Catalogue of the Additional Illuminated Manuscripts in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Acquired between 1895 and 1979,forthcoming. See also Sotheby's Sale Catalogue, 4 May 1953, lot 56 and Heraldry at the Fitzwilliam (London 1970), no. 3.

17 See D. D. Egbert, The Tickhill Psalter and other Related Manuscripts (New York 1940),101,199.18 See R. G. Cole, 'Proceedings Relative to the Canonisation of Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln', Associated

Architectural Societies' Reports and Papers, XXXIII, pt I (1908), 1-34. Forty days' indulgence was the amount a bishop wasempowered to give: see F. M. Powicke and G. R. Cheney, Councils and Synods (Oxford 1964), II, 1121, iv. This would seem torule out the possibility that this indulgence refers to Robert of Molesme: see Giles, 'Handlist of additional manuscripts inthe Fitzwilliam Museum', 173.

19 It should be noted that the last six scenes on the Roll all depict the life ofSt Catherine and may reflect some personaldevotion.

20 This manuscript displays arms at two points, f.5, A Paly of six Or and Azure a Canton Ermine and f.305v, where Or isreplaced by Argent. These arms may be found in Powell's Roll of Arms (Oxford, Bodleian Library Ashmole MS 804); seeJ.Greenstreet, 'The Powell Roll of Arms (temp. Edward III)',jewitt's 'Reliquary', new series, III (1889), 145-52,231-40; IV(1890),93-7, nO.242; also, W. de G. Birch, Catalogue of Seals in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum (London1894), III, 5 I 3. These arms may pertain to Sir RalfShirley's son; Ralf died in 1326; see Knights of Edward I, Vol.IV, P-S, ed. C.Moor (Harleian Society, LXXXIII, 1931),250. He attended Parliament in 1324 as 'a knight ofSufTolk'.

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exported to England without any illumination.21 Only three framed miniatures remain ofthe ten which would have headed the nine books and preface. Two of these miniatures areconsiderably larger than most of the initials we have been looking at and it is interestingthat they show many of the traits which set the large initials in the Howard Psalter apartfrom the smaller work we have been associating with the Howard Psalter's artist. There ismore grading of the tones on the drapery, a white ground is used for the faces and moretouches of colour are applied to them (PIs XIV c, D). On the other hand the borderdecoration and minor initials are often more conservative than those which we found inthe Longleat and Downside books. Many of the initials have extensions which terminatein buff-edged terminals or heart-shaped leaves, which do feature in other work by theartist of the Howard Psalter, but not to the same extent as they do here.

If we now turn to the works we have been associating with Downside Artist B, we can seethat both the Stiucle and Reydon books show differences in style between the artists whowork on them in the same way that we have found in the Downside Psalter-Hours. In theHours of Alice de Reydon, border decoration which is similar to that of Artist B in theDownside book and the Psalter part of Hugh ofStiucle's Psalter, can be found on one ortwo pages of the text (especially ff. 25v and 72V)and in the Calendar (PI. XVIIB). Thisborder work does not seem to have been executed by the artist of the prefatory miniaturesbut by another artist who is responsible for the historiated Calendar roundels in theReydon Hours. This artist displays similar head types, with up-turning eyebrows anddisjointed figure style, to the artist of the Psalter initials in the Stiucle Psalter. The otherartists who work on the Reydon Hours may be related to the Gorleston group and theBardolf- Vaux Psalter. 22 The work which we have associated with Downside Artist B onlyoccurs on the prefatory cycle of illustrations which is on separate gatherings at the front ofthe book. We are provided with a further insight into this problem by a closer look at theStiucle Psalter. An artist who was completely familiar with the structure and detail of theborder work in the Gorleston and Stowe books executed all the decorative initials andborder work between folios 166 and 180 (PIs XVID, XVllc) .23 The full significance of thislies in the fact that this section of the Stiucle Psalter was added by a later scribe and it

21 Before arriving in England many of these books would pass through France, probably Paris, where some of thedecoration or even part of the gloss was often added. An example ofa manuscript with its decoration started in France andfinished in England is Corporation of London Records Office, 'Liber Decretalium', see N. R. Ker, Medieval Manuscripts inBritish Libraries. Vol.! (Oxford 1969), 19. I talian and French artists may be found working in London, BL Royal MS 10. E. I,English and Italian artists on Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum MS 262. In some cases the Italian scribe left spaces forillumination but it was never added, e.g. London, BL Royal MS 10. E. II; this manuscript later belonged toJohn Hugate,Master of Balliol, Oxford, who pledged it in 1372; see Warner and Gilson, Catalogue of Western Manuscripts, I, 333. For adiscussion, see J. J. G. Alexander, 'An English Illuminator's Work in some Fourteenth-Century Italian Law Books',Medieval Art and Architecture at Durham Cathedral (British Archaeological Association Conference Transactions, III, 1980),149-53·

22 See Lasko and Morgan, Medieval Art in East Anglia, nO.8. Apart from the artist of the Prefatory miniatures and that of theCalendar roundels, three other artists work on the Reydon Hours. The first (who executed the initial to Matins of theVirgin) may be related to the second artist of the Bardolf- Vaux Psalter (London, Lambeth Palace MS 233) and the artist ofthe Puer Natus Initial (f.23) in the Tiptoft Missal (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library MS 107). The second (whoexecuted the initial to the Penitential Psalms) derives his style directly from the Howard and Gorleston Psalters. The third(who executed minor initials and border work) is the artist of Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Selden Supra 38.

23 Sandler, The Peterborough Psalter, 126, explains the structure of the first gathering in this section.

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contains the Litany and the Office of the Dead for the use of Peterborough; the Calendarhad to be altered for the use ofPeterborough.24

Another manuscript which shows the same variety of artists as we have found in theDownside, Stiucle and Reydon books is the well-known Alphonso Psalter (London, BLAdditional MS 24686).25 The miniatures at the beginning of this book, which now form aprefatory cycle, have been added and they are in a style which has been linked with theQueen Mary Psalter. There is, however, a roughness in their execution not in keeping witheither the Queen Mary Psalter's artist or Artist B.26 The illumination of the text, which wascompleted in the early fourteenth century, consists of border work and initials whichdisplay the same sort of three-pronged leaves and knotting in the margins as we havenoted in connection with Artist A (PIs XVB, c). Again the correspondences are not closeenough to make a hand attribution and, although it is not clear when the prefatoryminiatures were added, the work on the text part is quite evidently related to the artist ofthe Howard Psalter.27 The so-called Queen Mary Apocalypse (London, BL Royal MSIg.B.xv) should also be mentioned here. Three artists work on this manuscript, the first ofwhom has been related to the artist of the Queen Mary Psalter itself.28 However, his flatterfaces and the less pronounced S-curves to his figures may be better compared to theartist of the prefatory cycle of miniatures in the Alphonso Psalter. Of the two artistswho work with him, one has been associated with the Welles Apocalypse29

and the other displays head types with angled mouth, one eyebrow higher than the other,and figure style withjutting hips and drapery which falls straight down from them, whichcan be best related to the artist of the Bestiary part of Hugh of Stiucle's Psalter. Thisrelationship of artists with differing styles working on the same manuscript may beexplained by the similar relationships we have found in the Downside, Stiucle and Reydon

24 The Office of the Dead has a non-Sarum use which corresponds completely and in detail with that found in Oxford,Bodleian Library Barlow MS 22. As both these books were intended to be used at Peterborough (Sandler, The PeterboroughPsalter, 10, 151), it must be assumed that they display the Benedictine use of Peterborough. It should also be noted that theBarlow Psalter's Litany and Office of the Dead are part of separate gatherings at the end of the book (ff.184-203); these havea slightly different ruling pattern and are decorated by another artist who is much closer to the Gorleston group and whodoes not work in the rest of the manuscript. The Calendar of the Barlow Psalter also appears to have been expanded infavour of Peterborough by the original scribe.

25 E. A. Bond, 'The Alphonso Psalter', Fine Arts Quarterly Review, 1(1883), 75-86; also A. G. Watson, Catalogue of Dated andDatable Manuscripts c. 700-1600 in the British Library (London 1979), 67, no.296. It should be noted that the plate included inthis volume displays thirteenth-century script but fourteenth-century decoration.

26 Two sets of miniatures were added. The first set may be related stylistically to a manuscript of saints' lives owned by thenuns of Campsey in Suffolk (Welbeck House MS I. C. I); see A. T. Baker, 'La Vie de Saint Edmond Archeveque deCantorbery', Romania, LV (1929), 322-81. The second set (which need not concern us here) utilises miniatures from amanuscript c. 1300 which were stuck in on top of armorial backgrounds of Azure, a Bend Or between 2 Cotises Or, 6 LionsRampant Or, the arms of the Bohun family. It is interesting that the Calendar of this manuscript also contains the obit ofElizabeth Bohun (d. 1316), which may also be found in the Longleat Breviary; see Bond, 'The Alphonso Psalter', 80 andSandler, 'An Early Fourteenth-Century English Breviary at Longleat', 2.

27 This book may well have had its additions made for a patron in Suffolk. The Calendar, which was added in the earlyfourteenth-century, includes Felix ofDunwich on 8 May, Sexburga on 9 April and on 20 October 'Festivitas sancti edmundireliquiarum'. I have not found this feast in any other fourteenth-century book and it may refer to the feast of the relics ofBury St Edmunds. A mid thirteenth-century manuscript, Stockholm, Riksarkivet, Skokloster MS 2°. 126, with illuminationsimilar to the Carrow Psalter (Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery MS 34), is marked 'Festivitas reliquiarum' on 20 Octoberand was originally intended for use in the diocese of Norwich before being adapted for Swedish use. Nigel Morgan pointedthis out to me.

28 See Rickert, Painting in Britain, 128.29 See Lasko and Morgan, Medieval Art in East Anglia, no. 15. The Welles Apocalypse (London, BL Royal MS 15. D. II) is

part ofa group of manuscripts that also includes the Bardolf-Vaux Psalter, which we have already noted in connection withthe Reydon Hours (see fn. 22). For a discussion of this group, see Egbert, The Tickhill Psalter and Related Manuscripts, 47.

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books. However, the border decoration in the Apocalypse is not of the sort we have beenassociating with either of the Downside artists, nor is it similar to that found in the QueenMary Psalter. In its detail its forms seem to be related to a group of manuscripts connectedwith the Guildhall in London during the fourteenth century. These manuscripts can beshown to have had direct contacts with the Queen Mary group 'proper' in the 1320S.30

This type of border decoration is characterised by the use of long thin stems often endingin spiky three-pointed leaves. Nevertheless, in its structure this border decoration is of thesame type we noted as being typical of the Gorleston group, a bar to the left of the text oftenrunning underneath any initials which protrude.

The dating of the manuscripts which may be linked with Artist B's style is crucial to anunderstanding of the complicated relationship they have with the Howard Psalter and theQueen Mary group 'proper'. It has already been noted that the Stiucle Psalter had to bealtered in favour of Peterborough use after the original programme of work and that itcould have been made at any time between 1310 and 1321, when Hugh was Prior ofPeterborough.31 It is, therefore, of some significance that a Pontifical has come to lightwhich, like the Sherbrooke Missal, was decorated by the artist of the prefatory miniaturesto Alice de Reydon's Hours and may provide some much-needed dating evidence. It isknown as the 'Liber Pontificalis Aniani Episcopi' and it may well have been made to markthe beginning ofAnianus lI'sreign as Bishop of Bangor in 1309. It was certainly completeby 1324.32 It contains a full-page miniature framed in exactly the same way as those foundin the Reydon Hours and has the same 'type' of an acolyte as may be found in theSherbrooke Missal, wearing a long white robe with a head in three-quarters view (PI.XVlc). The border decoration in the Pontifical bears good comparison with that ofDownside Artist B but it contains a larger variety offorms including heart-shaped leaves,which are closer to those found in the Sherbrooke Missal and bear some comparison tothose in the Queen Mary Psalter itself (PI. XVIID). However, the border decoration in theQueen Mary Psalter is radically different from that of the Pontifical or any of the books wehave been associating with Downside Artist B: a far larger vocabulary of forms is used,with buff-edged leaves, oak leaves and flowers, and the border bars often form a variety ofshapes andjunctions which rarely occur in any of the manuscripts associated with Artist B.

Although both Artist A and Artist B have been found working alone on several bookswhich a normal stylistic analysis would not associate with one another, it is quite clear thatwe are not dealing with a unique incident in finding them working on the same book. The

30 I use the term 'Queen Mary group proper' to distinguish those books which have work by the artists of the Queen MaryPsalter or others who worked with them, from those books related to Downside Artist B. For the Guildhall manuscripts, seeN. R. Ker, 'Liber Custumarum and other Manuscripts formerly in the Guildhall', Guildhall Miscellany, III (1954), 37-45,esp·38.

3l The book appears to have been originally intended for a patron in the diocese of Norwich perhaps connected with theWarenne family; see Lasko and Morgan, Medieval Art in East Anglia, nO.7 and Sandler, The Peterborough Psalter, 125.

32 See Ker, Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries. Vol. II, 51, where an extensive bibliography may be found. It has aninscription in the original hand of the last part of the text, 'Iste liber est pontificalis domini ani ani bangor episcopi' on f.164v. There were two Bishops of Bangor called Anianus: Anianus I, 1267- 1306 and Anianus II, 1309-28. Ker, op. cit., 52,has suggested that the book was made for the latter; its decoration would certainly be very exceptional ifit were done before1306. Anianus II was known as 'Einion sais' in Welsh meaning 'the Englishman' and it seems likely that he had a newpontifical made to mark the beginning of his reign. The terminus ante quem is provided by some notes dated 1324 at the end ofthe book. Other (undated) notes grant indulgences at Anianus's name to those who pray at the Augustinian house of Clarein Suffolk. It seems clear that the book was not made in Wales, so these notes may be of importance.

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HARNHULLE PSALTER-HOURS 89number of books in which contact between the two types of art has been found is largeenough to indicate that a fairly stable relationship existed between the two groups or stylesfor some time. Much of the evidence of patronage and liturgy for the books we have beendiscussing indicates that these artists were working in or close to the region of East Anglia.Although it has recently been suggested that we should look to London as a centre fromwhich many illuminated books originated, there is little evidence to support this: theliturgical observances of the dioceses of Norwich, Ely and Lincoln all figure prominentlyin most of these manuscripts, but there is no indication of the use ofSt Paul's in them.33Onthe other hand, those manuscripts which we have been labelling Queen Mary group'proper' can be associated with London, but only after 1321.34It has been suggested thatthe artist who executed the prefatory cycle to the Reydon Hours was for some timeitinerant and perhaps originated in London.35Although his style is closely related to thatof the Queen Mary Psalter's artist, he has been found collaborating with several artistswho cannot be associated with London and must be termed East Anglian. Central to thisproblem is the work of the artist who executed the Psalter part of Hugh ofStiucle's Psalter.He is quite at home using in his borders the full vocabulary of forms we have beenassociating with Downside Artist B. His figure style is clearly related to that of the HowardPsalter's artist as well as the artist of the Bestiary part of the Stiucle Psalter. This chainbrings us full circle; we have already noted the presence of the Bestiary artist, or someonelike him, in the Queen Mary Apocalypse. An alternative view might be that the EastAnglian version of the so-called Queen Mary style went on to develop into the QueenMary style 'proper'. It is to be noted that only those books which have artists working inthe manner of Downside Artist B, with the accompanying border decoration we have beenassociating with him, can be dated earlier than c. 1320. A better chronology of the QueenMary style might place these manuscripts c. 1310-20, perhaps evolving their style out of acombination of influences from the manuscripts which have been grouped around theTickhill Psalter (New York Public Library Spencer MS 26), in particular the Grey-Fitzpayn Hours,36 and East Anglian artists of the generation of those working on theadditions to Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Gough Lit. 8. The manuscripts which we havebeen labelling Queen Mary group 'proper', which should include the Queen Mary Psalteritself, can all be dated after c. 1320 and show direct contacts with illuminators who appearto be indigenous to London.37

33 For a discussion, see Sandler, The Peterborough Psalter, 135. London may well have been a centre for the production ofbooks at this time, but more definite evidence is required to establish this (see fns 30,34 and 37). For the Calendar ofStPaul's, see Documents Illustrating the History ofSt Paul's Cathedral, ed. W. S. Simpson (Camden Society, new series XXVI, 1880),61-73. It was not until the later fourteenth century that the use of Sa rum was officially adopted by the diocese ofSt Paul's,see W. H. Frere, The use of Sa rum (Cambridge 1898), I, xxxvi. Further research is required on the Calendar of the diocese ofLondon.

34 This date is provided by the list of Mayors and Sheriffs of the City of London found in the 'Liber Custumarum' of theGuildhall, which come to an end in 1321. London, BL Cotton Claudius D. II was originally part of this book and has longbeen recognised as being part of the Queen Mary group 'proper', see Millar, English Illuminated Manuscripts, 46.

35 Lasko and Morgan, Medieval Art in East Anglia, nos 7, 8, and 18. The introduction (P.7) has a discussion of this problem.36 Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum MS 242. We have already noted the presence of an artist from this group working in

the Queen Mary Apocalypse (see fn. 29).37 A close study of the Guildhall manuscripts is required to clarify this. In particular the Corporation of London Records

Office, 'Liber Horn' is of great importance. It contains work in it which is very close to the Queen Mary Psalter itself andwas given to the Guildhall in 1328; see Ker, Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries. Vol.I, 27. It may be related to the EnglishFranciscan Missal (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale Latin 1332), which has work in it by an artist very close to the QueenMary Psalter.

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From the evidence which has so far come to light, all the direct contacts between the twotypes of art seem to have taken place c. 1310-20. After this the Gorleston group and theQueen Mary group seem to have developed away from each other. The traditional datingof the Gorleston Psalter c. 1306 has recently been questioned.38 It is clear that the closerelationship the Howard Psalter's artist bears to the Gorleston Psalter can only beconstrued in two ways: either the Howard Psalter's artist derives his style from the'Gorleston Psalter or the Howard Psalter is the source for many of the features of theGorleston group. Although we must heed Mrs Sandler's warning not to regarddevelopments as always occurring in a straight line,39both the Howard Psalter's artist(Downside Artist A) and the artist of the Reydon Hours (Downside Artist B) must beregarded as the precursors of the Gorleston group and the Queen Mary grouprespectively. Moreover, a close examination of the relationship of the Howard Psalter'sartist to the Brussels Peterborough Psalter and to the original work on the Stiucle Psalterreveals a direct line of continuity for what might be termed the 'regional' Gorleston stylewhich differs so radically from the increasingly French tendencies of the Queen Marystyle. Such manuscripts as the Tiptoft Missal (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library MS107),40the Croyland Apocalypse (Cambridge, Magdalene College, MS 5)41and theLincoln College Apocalypse (Oxford, Lincoln College MS late 16) all display artists whohave been influenced by both the Gorleston and the Queen Mary groups but who have leftthe original sources for their art far behind. All these books, it is believed here, are thedirect result of the contacts we have been outlining here and should be included in the nextgeneration of Gorleston group manuscripts prior to the major italianate influences on thegroup exemplified by the Douai Psalter.42Manuscripts such as Oxford, Bodleian LibraryMS Douce 79, indicate that the Queen Mary group 'proper' also came under similarItalian influences, probably at the same time as the Gorleston group.43

The Downside Psalter-Hours is thus a valuable link in a chain of complicatedrelationships between artists working in differing styles. The book itself is a good exampleof the sort of small private devotional book a family like the Harnhulles would haveowned. Their patronage is in direct contrast to someone like Hugh of Stiucle, who couldafford a far more lavish book, or John Glinton, whose tastes were more scholarly. It shouldbe noted, however, that the artists we have been discussing worked in a large variety ofbooks, some of which art historians have tended to neglect because of their supposedlyminor nature. We should not always assume that the most lavish manuscripts are the mostinnovatory or the most typical. Such seemingly minor manuscripts as John of Glinton'sBible Concordance and the Downside Psalter-Hours can also help to build a betterpicture of the activities of both artists and patrons.

38 Lasko and Morgan, Medieval Art in East Anglia, nos 26 and 20, where it is suggested that the Gorleston Psalter should bedated more closely to the Stowe Breviary, after 1322.

39 Sandler, 'An Early Fourteenth-Century English Breviary at Longleat', 15.40 B. Watson, 'The Artists of the Tiptoft Missal and the Court Style', Scriptorium, XXXIII (1979), 25-39.41 Sandler, The Peterborough Psalter, 63 and 134 for a discussion of this artist's style.42 Douai, Bibliotheque Municipale MS 171, see Lasko and Morgan, Medieval Art in East Anglia, nO.27 and O. Pacht 'A

Giottesque Episode in English Medieval Art',}. Warburg Courtauld Inst.~ VI (1943), 51-70. '43 P. Verdier, P. Brieger and M. Farquhar-Montpetit, Art and the Courts (Ottawa 1972), nO.30. The date c. 1300, which is

suggested there for the book, should be viewed with caution.

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APPENDIX I: TEXT

THE CALENDAROF THEHARNHULLEPSALTER-HoURSAt its base this is aSarum Calendar.H The non-Sarum saints are listed below: the saints are gradedblue, red and brown.

January May8 Timothy brown 7 John ofBeverley* brown10 Paul the Hermit brown 15 Isidore brown23 Emerenciana brown 24 Vincent brown

February June13 Ermenilda red 17 Botulph brown

March July3 Winwal brown 8 Translation of With burg a brown8 Felix brownI I Candidus brown October17 Withburga brown 4 Francis red

13 Translation ofEdward* redApril 17 Translation of Etheldreda* red2 Mary of Egypt redI I Leo and Gu thlac brown November24 Ivo brown 17 Hugh of Lincoln* brown29 Translation of Edmund, red

King and Martyr30 Erkenwald brown

*These saints did become part of the Sarum Calendar during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries(see fn.44).

THE LITANYApostlesPeter, Paul, Andrew, John, Thomas, James, Philip, Bartholomew, Matthew, Simon, Thaddeus,Matthias, Barnabas, Mark, Luke.

MartyrsStephen, Edmund, Linus, Cletus, Clement, Alexander, Sixtus, Laurence, Vincent, Hippolytus,Cornelius, Cyprian, George, Alphege, Oswald, Edmund, Denis, Nichasius, Eustace, Fabian,Sebastian, Crisogonus, Quentin, Gervase, Protase, Christopher, Blaise, Marcellinus and Peter,John and Paul, Cosmas and Damian, Marcellinus and Peter.45

44 A good example of a Sarum Calendar c. 1250 may be found in J. Wickham-Legg, The SaTUm Missal (Oxford 1916),xxi-xxxii. It should be noted that only the Calendar at the front of this book (with the addition of Francis) is a pure SarumCalendar. There is a need to establish the Sarum Calendar for the fourteenth century. It is clear that saints such as Richardof Chichester on 3 April and Cuthburga on 31 August were additions to the Sarum Calendar during the late thirteenth andearly fourteenth centuries. Other saints, such as John of Beverley on 7 May and Hugh of Lincoln on 17 November, tookmuch longer to be assimilated into the Sarum Calendar. For the late medieval Calendar of Sarum, see F. H. Dickinson,Missale ad usam insignis et praeclarae ecclesiae Sarum (Burntisland 1861-3), 17-28**, also, R. W. Pfaff, New Liturgical Feasts inLater Medieval England (Oxford 1970).

45 The scribe appears to have made an error in repeating this entry and it was erased at some time.

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ConfessorsAugustine, Silvester, G(regory), Leo, Martin, Nicholas, Ambrose, Hilary, Remigius, Audoenus,Germanus,J ulian, Vedastus, Amand, Dunstan, Augustine, Cuthbert, Swithun, Benedict,J erome,Leonard, Edmund, Giles, Felix.

VirginsMary Magdalene, Mary of Egypt, Felicity, Perpetua, Agatha, Agnes, Cecilia, Lucy, Anastasia,Anne, Katherine, Margaret, Tecla, Scholastica, Petronilla, Etheldreda, Radegund, Withburga,Sexburga, Mildred, Juliana, Helen, Praxedis, Fides, Spes, Karitas, Eufemia.

The Canticles to the PsalterThe usual Monday to Friday Lauds Canticles are followed by: Te Deum, Benedicite, Magnificat,Nunc Dimittis and Quicumque Vult.

The Collects to the LitanyDeus qui proprium est, Omnipotens sempiterne Deus qui facis, Deus qui conspicis, PretendeDomine famulis tuis, Deus a quo sancta desideria, Deus qui es sanctorum tuorum.

Examination of the Calendar and Litany of the Downside Psalter-Hours reveals that the bookwas most probably designed for use somewhere in the region of East Anglia. The inclusion ofErmenilda on 13 February, Withburga on 17 March, her Translation on 8J uly and the TranslationofEtheldreda on 17 October, all point to the diocese ofEly.46The inclusion ofWinwal on 3 March,Felix ofDunwich on 8 March and the Translation of Edmund, King and Martyr on 29 April, pointto the diocese of Norwich.47 The inclusion of Guthlac on I I April and Hugh of Lincoln on 17November, point to the diocese ofLincoln.48 The inclusion ofErkenwald on 30 April (whose relicswere at St Paul's) may suggest some connection with London.49

46 Withburga's relics were at Ely. Other manuscripts with these entries include: Cambridge, Stjohn's College MS D. 30(the Psalter of Simon de Montacute, Bishop of Ely; see Lasko and Morgan, Medieval Art in East Anglia, nO.30); Brescia,Biblioteca Queriniana MS A. v.17 (see P. Guerrini, 'II salterio inglese della Queriniana di Brescia', Rivista di ArcheologiaCristiana, III (1926), 287); a fragmentary Hours formerly in the O'Donnell Collection. Guildford; and the Zouche Hours(Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Lat. Lit. e. 41). A fifteenth-century manuscript (London, BL Harley 1025) provides definiteevidence that these feasts were regarded as special to Ely as they are marked 'de Ely'.

47 For the Calendar of the Norwich diocese, see Lasko and Morgan, op. cit., nos 25, 26 and 40; also, S. C. Cockerell and M.R.James, 'Two East Anglian Psalters in the Bodleian Library: The Ormesby Psalter and the Bronholm Psalter', RoxburgheClub, CLXXXV (1926),6. Winwal may be found in the Calendars of an Hours (Norwich, Castle Museum MS 158-962-4. f.)and in the Norwich Breviary (London, BL Stowe MS 12). Although at first glance he would appear to be a Breton saint witha cult in Cornwall (see F. Wormald, 'The Calendar of the Augustinian Priory of Launceston in Cornwall', Journal ofTheological Studies, XXXIX (1938),1-21, esp. 12) there was a priory at West Dereham dedicated to him, which may accountfor his inclusion in Calendars of the diocese of Norwich; see also Watkin, 'Some Manuscripts in Downside Abbey Library',439·

48 Caution should be expressed here, as there is scant evidence for the reconstruction, at present, of a Calendar of thediocese of Lincoln. The size of this diocese, which stretched across to Oxfordshire, may have resulted in its various regionshaving different local observances. Hugh of Lincoln can be found in all the Ely Calendars mentioned in fn. 46. Guthlac, onthe other hand, can be found only in the O'Donnell fragments, where he is marked 'festive in hollandia'; this must refer tothe southern part of Lincolnshire which was known as Holland and, indeed, St Guthlac's abbey of Crowl and was situatedthere. The Downside Calendar also includes the feasts of Paul the Hermit on 10January and John of Beverley on 7 May.Both were typical of the diocese of York at this time, yet they cannot be regarded as such in the context of this Calendar; itmust be assumed that they may also have been typical of the diocese of Lincoln, which is the only diocese concerned with ourCalendar that bordered on York and thus may have come under its influence.

49 This feast may also be found in the Gorleston Psalter, where it is marked 'non est Sarum'. Definite evidence that it wasregarded as a feast special to London is provided by an early fourteenth-century Psalter in Spain (El Escorial MS Q. II. 6); itmarks this feast 'London', see L. Sandler, 'An Early Fourteenth-Century English Psalter in the Escorial' j. WarburgCourtauld Inst., XLI (1979),65-80.

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The Calendar contains a number of other saints who are not found in typical Sarum Calendars.Of these Emerenciana, Botulph, Francis, the Translation of Edward on 13 October and the feast ofthe Octave of the Virgin's Nativity on 15 September, are of little significance as they may be foundin many English Calendars of the early fourteenth century.50The inclusion of Mary of Egypt on 2April and Ivo on 24 April is much rarer. St Ivo appears to have had a cult in Huntingdonshire,which was doubtless caused by the presence of his relics at Ramsey Abbey.51Mary of Egypt is lesseasily accounted for; she is not typical of English secular Calendars of the early fourteenth centuryalthough she is always listed in the Litany.52 Even more enigmatic than these are Timothy on 8January, Candidus on I I March, Isidore on 15 May and Vincent on 24 May. They are uniqueentries for an English Calendar of the early fourteenth century and may well reflect the use of anon-Sarum text model for the Calendar which has been adapted to Sarum use.53Nevertheless, it isthe Norwich and Ely elements which are dominant in this Calendar and many of the otherinfluences only serve to strengthen the East Anglian flavour of the text.54

The Litany confirms the connections with East Anglia which we have been outlining. It includesEdmund second in the Martyrs and lists him twice, which is unusual enough to suggest some linkwith Suffolk, Felix of Dunwich at the end of the Confessors, and Withburga and Sexburga in theVirgins.55 It should also be noted that Augustine is placed at the head of the Confessors. Thisindicates an Augustinian bias, as Silvester nearly always takes precedence amongst the Confessors.

THE HOURS OF THE VIRGIN AND THE OFFICE OF THE DEAD

The Hours of the Virgin are of the use of Sarum with one minor variation from other EnglishHours of the early fourteenth century: the versicule 'Elegit earn Deus' with response 'Habitare facitearn' are used after the hymn at Compline.56 Although the Matins initial has been lost, it is clearthat the first three and last two Hours were intended to be historiated. That the minor Hours in anEnglish Psalter-Hours should be left unhistoriated is not completely unusual in the earlyfourteenth century. 57The choice of the early life of Christ to illustrate the Hours of the Virgin, atleast in part, was also quite common. I have found no other manuscript with an exactcorrespondence of iconography to the particular Hours illustrated in the Downside book; this may

50 Edward and the Octave of the Virgin become part of the amplification of the Sarum Calendar in the fourteenth century(see fn. 44); the others are popular non-Sarum feasts which were never officially added to the Calendar of Sa rum.

51 See Lasko and Morgan, Medieval Art in East Anglia, nO.8. For the Calendar of Ramsey Abbey, see Sandler, ThePeterborough Psalter, 162.

52 Mary of Egypt can be found in a few other Calendars of the early fourteenth century, including those of the GorlestonPsalter and Longleat Breviary.

53 None of them can be described as having a cult in the same way that, for instance, St Ivo may have had (see fn. 51). Weshall see presently that the owners of this book had strong connections with the Augustinian Canons and we must suggestthat these and the other impurities in our Calendar may have been caused by the use of an Augustinian text model; theprominence ofSt Augustine in the Litany would seem to support this.

54 Although the feasts might indicate a localisation of the Calendar's use in the region of north-west Norfolk, where thedioceses of Lincoln, Ely and Norwich converge, the evidence of the ownership and the bias of the Litany point towardsSuffolk.

55 Like Withburga, Sexburga was reputedly the sister ofEtheldreda, the founder of the first abbey at Ely.56 Although this combination has been suggested to be typical of Sa rum use (see Horae Eboracenses, ed. C. Wordsworth,

(Surtees Society, CXXXII, 1920),61, fn. I) I have only found this particular combination in six out of twenty-two Hours of theearly fourteenth century; the versicule 'Ecce ancilla' with response 'fiat michi' are used by the others. The books with theDownside responses are: Cambridge, University Library MS Dd. 4. 17, made for use in Huntingdonshire; New York,Pierpont Morgan Library MS 700, made for use by a family with strong connections in Buckinghamshire; Dublin, TrinityCollege MS F. 5. 21, which for stylistic reasons may be related to a group of manuscripts stemming from the Psalter of Simonde Monacute, Bishop of Ely (Cambridge, Stjohn's College MS D. 30); New York, Pierpont Morgan Library MS Glazier50, made for use by a lady of the de Lisle family; London, BL Harley MS 1260, once owned by the Percy family (like theGlazier Hours, this has a Calendar with a distinct York bias, although the Hours are of the use of Sarum); Cambridge,Christ's College MS 8, which was owned by a lady of the de Vere family.

57 Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Laud lat. 82, only has decorative initials for the Hours of the Virgin, and Oxford,Bodleian Library Deposit MS Astor A. I, has only the Matins initial historiated.

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be because of the abbreviated nature of the cycle. The De Bois Hours (New York, Pierpont MorganLibrary MS 700) contains all the scenes illustrated in the Downside book, only at different Hours.The Office of the Dead shows no peculiarities in its Sarum text and has an initial for 'Placebo'showing clerics around a bier, which is one of the most common representations to be found at thebeginning of an Office of the Dead.

APPENDIX II: THE OWNERSHIP OF THE DOWNSIDE PSALTER-HOURSOn 9 August there is an added obit in the Calendar of one 'Isabelle filie Iohannes de Lindhurstuxoris Henrici de Harn hulle'.58 It is in a contemporary hand similar to that in which the Calendaris written and may well refer to the original owner of the book.59Contemporary references to aHarnhulle family can be found which seem to indicate that they originated at Harnhull or Harnhillin Gloucestershire.60 Specific references to a Henry de Harnhulle can also be found which suggestconnections with Suffolk: he made an enrolment and demise of his manor at Bramfield in Suffolk toa Sir John of Norwich in 1329.61This Sir Henry may be the same Sir Henry de Harnhill who wasmade a knight of the Bath at London in 1326.62

It is undoubtedly the same Sir Henry mentioned in the demise of 1329 who is mentioned in alicence for the alienation of mortmain by John Fovas, vicar of the church of Claxton in Norfolk, tothe prior and convent of Blyth burgh, a few miles away in Suffolk, of land towards the sustenance of'a chaplain to celebrate divine service every week for the souls of Henry de Harnhulle and hisfather, mother and ancestors, in the church of the priory' .63The connections between Sir Henry deHarnhulle,John Fovas, the Austin Canons of Blythburgh and the Harnhulles of Gloucestershireare confirmed by the fortunate survival of the later fourteenth-century cartulary of BlythburghPriory.64 Two references to Henry de Harnhulle can be found in it, the second an elaboratewitnessing oath made by 'Henrici de Harnhulle, knight, son of Robert de Harnhulle' whichconfirms the grant of the church ofBramfield by a Eudo Oger to the priory of Blythburgh.65

58 Watkin, 'Some Manuscripts in Downside Abbey Library', 433, gives a different reading for 'Lindhurst' believing it tobe 'Bundhurst'. Ker, Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries. Vol.II, 433, inclines in favour of ,Lind hurst' , as I do here.

59 A subsequent owner wrote his name on the final fiy leaf. Although untidy it seems to read 'Willelmus Bury [?] deCo1chestr'. This would suggest that, at least later in the fourteenth or early in the fifteenth century, the book was in there~ion of East Anglia.

o In November 1322 a licence was granted to William Corfe, a Franciscan, to hear the confession of a Sir Robert deHarnhulle, see Victoria County Histories, Hampshire and the Isle of Wight (London Ig03), II, 16. Robert must have been deadby 20 May 1323, when we find his name in a writ: Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Vol. VI (London IgIO), 271, nO.451. Hisson, Henry de Harnhulle, is mentioned as his heir (then aged 40) in that document; Henry was delivered of his father's landsby 26July 1323, see Calendar of Fine Rolls ... 1319-27 (London 1913), 231. These lands included the manor ofHarnhulle inGloucestershire with the advowson of its church as well as lands at Penton Mewsey in Hampshire. Many references toHenry, his father Robert and mother Joan can be found, particularly in connection with Penton Mewsey, where they seemto have been systematically acquiring land, see VCH, Hampshire (London Igl I), IV, 382.

61 Calendar of Close Rolls ... 1327-3° (London 18g6), 557. In the first of three long documents on consecutive membranes,Henry stipulates that a condition of the enrolment is that he should have access to the manor should he wish to stay there atany time. The document also states that the yearly payments concerning the manor should be made at the house of theMayor of the City of London; all the documents have memoranda that both Henry and John came into Chancery atWestminster to acknowledge them.

62 On Ig April by Thomas Langford; see W. Shaw, The Knights of England (London Ig06), 123.63 The lands were all in the area surrounding Blythburgh at Spectshale, Thornton, Westhale and Blythburgh itself, see

Calendar of Patent Rolls ... 1343-5 (London Ig02), 55g. The licence is dated at Westminster, 28 October 1345. It must,therefore, be assumed that Henry was dead by 1345.

64 Now in London, BL Additional MS 40725. It was noticed when in the collection of the Rev. T. S. Hill: HistoricalManuscripts Commission, Report, x, pts 3 and 4 (London 1885),451. On f. 58 there is a grant by a Richard Gorge to a Henryde Harnhulle, knight, John Fovas, vicar of the church of Claxton, and Henry Bred, of Arnulph Bethfeu his 'nativum'.

65 London, BL Additional MS 40725, f. Ig. I have found no other references to a Henry son of Robert and this would seemto confirm that the Harnhulles of Gloucestershire and Hampshire were also those of Suffolk. It is also interesting that theprevious entry in this cartulary is a similar oath made by a Robert de Meisi - Meisi or Meysi are often the medieval~pellings for Penton Me~sey in Hampshire and a Robert de Meisi can be found in documents relating to Penton MewseyItself, see VCH, Hampshzre, IV, 382. Other documents (Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds in the Public Records Office, Vol. VI(London 1915), C.5354 and C.3831) are witnessed at 'Bromfeld' although they concern Penton Mewsey.

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HARNHULLE PSALTER-HOURS 95

Unfortunately no reference to Henry's wife Isabella has yet been found, save in the added obit inthe Downside manus~ript. It would appear that she was still alive in 1345, by which time we knowthat Henry was dead, as she is not mentioned as one of the people for whom divine service is to besaid at Blythburgh. If Isabella came from Lyndhurst in Hampshire, as her name suggests, it isquite likely that she married Henry before 1323, by which time we know that Henry was alreadyforty years old. 66

The connections we have found between the Harnhulles and Suffolk would seem to confirm thehypothesis that the book was intended for use somewhere in the region of East Anglia (seeAppendix I). The fact that masses were to be said for Henry and his ancestors at the AugustinianPriory of Blyth burgh may also explain the prominence of Augustine in the Litany. It is to be notedthat Suffolk is within the diocese of Norwich and yet our Calendar contained a number of entriesnot typical of that diocese. This may be because the so-called use of Sarum had not taken full holdon the country at this time. In the early fourteenth century the various supplements to Sarum hadnot apparently been fully established by the dioceses.67 It may also be that patrons were ofteninterested in those feasts which were most popular in their area, as those which would have been ofmost use to them.68 This explains the diverse nature of the entries in the Calendar and Litany whichall, nevertheless, have a distinct East Anglian flavour.69

APPENDIX III: CODICOLOGICAL ANALYSISCOLLATION

Ff.2+271 +2.18

, 211,(three lost: opening to Matins of the Virgin before f.g and two leaves from the Memoriae ofthe saints, f.16), 3\ (a leaf missing after f.24), 4-81\ glO,10-1612, 17\ 18-2412,25\ (last leaf cutout).70

Gatherings 1-3 contain a Calendar, Computistic Table and Hours of the Virgin.Gatherings 4-23 contain a Psalter, Canticles and Litany.Gatherings 24-5 contain the Office of the Dead.

POSITION OF THE Two ARTISTS' WORK IN THE BOOK

Artist A worked between gatherings 1-3, 15 and 24-5.Artist B worked between gatherings 4-14 and 16-23.

There is a gap in the continuity of the text at the end of gathering 3 (f.24v) at the end of the Hoursof the Virgin, again at the end of gathering 15 (f.I66v) facing the 'Dixit Dominus' initial, and abreak of two pages at the end of gathering 23 (ff.252v-254v) before the Office of the Dead. At each

66 Other documents and commissions of Oyer referring to a Henry or a Sir Henry de Harnhulle all fall between the datesc. 1320 and 1345 and suggest connections with the Stonore family, who were related to the Harnhulles and eventuallyinherited their lands, see Cal. Pat. Rolls ... 1330-4 (London 18g4), 389, also Cal. Pat. Rolls ... 1334-8 (London 1895), 66, 35g.For the relationship of the Harnhulles to the Stonores, see VCH, Hampshire, IV, 382.

67 See fn.42 and Appendix I.68 The inclusion ofErkenwald, for instance, may be because Henry was often in London; he is mentioned in an enrolment

of release of land at 'Westminster and Eye' (the latter is in Suffolk), Cal. Close Rolls ... 1333-7 (London 18g8), 339 and heappears to have had fowling rights at Staines in Middlesex, Cal. Pat. Rolls ... 1330-4, 389.

69 It should also be noted that the Howard Psalter (London, BL Arundel MS 83, part I) was probably made for use inSuffolk and has a Sarum Calendar, considerably more regular than that of the Downside Psalter-Hours, with supplements,again neither completely of the Norwich or Ely dioceses but distinctly East Anglian, see Sandler, 'An EarlyFourteenth-Century English Breviary at Longleat', 13.

70 Ker, Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries. Vol. II, 434, gives another interpretation of the structure of the gatherings.It seems clear, however, that gathering 2 has not only lost two leaves from the Memoriae of the saints but also the opening toMatins.

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instance ofa break in the continuity of the text, there is also a change of gathering accompanied by achange of illuminator. These gaps can, of course, be explained by the changes in the contents of thebook and it may be that each part was being made at the same time. Neither artist interfered withthe work of the other. It is also clear that each artist was responsible for the border decoration onthe pages he worked on, as there is a complete match of colours used by each artist in border andminiature. Artist A also uses heads in his borders which match those in his initials. Thepen-flourishing (see p. 82) may be associated with Artist A and was done by a single personthroughout the manuscript.

PAINTEDANDHISTORIATEDINITIALSHours of the VirginTEXT INITIAL SIZE ARTIST FOLIOMatins LostLauds Adoration of the Magi 5-line A 9Prime Massacre of the Innocents 5-line A 18Terce Decorative 4-line A 19vSext Decorative 4-line A 20VNone Decorative 4-line A 21Vespers Presentation of Christ 4-line A 22

Compline Flight into Egypt 4-line A 23

The PsalterPsalm I David-harping 5-line B 25Psalm 26 King points to his eyes 5-line B 55Psalm 38 King points to his mouth 6-line B 75Psalm 51 Head of a Soldier 3-line B 93Psalm 52 King and fool biting on a stone 6-line B 93vPsalm 68 Jonah emerging from the whale 6-line B I 13Psalm 80 King striking four bells 6-line B 136Psalm 97 Three clerics singing at lectern 6-line A 158Psalm 101 No pain ted initialPsalm 109 Seated Trinity 5-line B 183

The Office of the DeadPlacebo Clerics sing over a bier 5-line A 255Dirige Decorative 3-line A 263v

MINOR INITIALSPsalterOne-line initials are executed in alternate red and blue and denote verses in tHe Psalter text and areinterspersed throughout it. Two-line initials are executed in blue only and are used to denote a newPsalm, Canticle or Collect, other than the main divisions of the Psalter.

The Hours of the Virgin and Office of the DeadOne-line initials are used to denote a new antiphon or response or even a Psalm or Hymn, wherespace does not allow for a two-line initial. Two-line initials are used exclusively for Chapters andHymns and, where space allows, Psalms.

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HARNHULLE PSALTER-HOURS 97

SCRIPTThe book is written in a modest example of one of the most common scripts used for writing

liturgical books known as littera quadrata. However, the scribes have not always been consistent intheir execution of the script and it often verges on the rounder and perhaps easier to writesemi-quadrata, which is not often used for writing Psalters.71

A single hand appears to have written the Hours of the Virgin (ff. 9-24v), and recurs in the maintext of the Psalter (ff. 37-47v). Another hand appears to have started the Psalter itself in a verycareful script (ff. 25-27v), but it soon deteriorates and several variations of his script are used tofinish the book.72

RULINGPATTERNSAlthough the ruling pattern is a simple one, it is a rare one. I have found two other English

Psalters which have the same pattern for the text: Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Lyell empt. 473andParis, Bibliotheque Nationale MS Lat. 765.74The latter is a much larger and later manuscript andneed not concern us here, although we should note that it, too, is a Psalter. The Lyell manuscript is

A

/'V'~

V'V"-/ "V"

BFIG. I Ruling patterns: A. Text (text=g4X57 mm., lines = 16), B. Calendar (text= 106X67 mm.,

lines=31/2). Page= I2gXgo mm.; sc.!

of much greater interest as its size is very similar to the Downside book; it is another example of thesort of small portable book which was becoming more and more popular from the later thirteenthcentury onwards. Its size is 120X80 mm. and text 81 X47 mm. It appears to have had a section cutout before the Psalter and after the Calendar. This may have contained an Hours like the Downsidebook. It was made by a different group of illuminators in a different part of the country but theprogramme of decoration on it is very similar to the Downside book, even though it is slightly more

71 For a good discussion of the various types of script in use during the early fourteenth century, see S.J.P. van Dijk, 'AnAdvertisement Sheet of an Early Fourteenth-Century Writing Master at Oxford', Scriptorium, x (1956), 47-64.

72 Although there are differences large enough to indicate a change of scribe, these variations may all be by the same hand.73 O. Pacht andJ.J. G. Alexander, Illuminated Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library Oxford (Oxford 1973), III, pl.LV, no.SSo.74 F. Wormald, 'The Fitzwarin Psalter and its Allies',]. Warburg Courtauld Inst., VI (1943), 71-9.

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lavish in its use of alternate gold and blue one-line initials all of which are placed at the left of thetext, which necessitates the use of line endings.75

The Calendar ruling in the Downside book follows the pattern of a great number of other EnglishCalendars, which use four columns to the left of the page alternating between narrow and wide.

APPENDIX IV: LIST OF MANUSCRIPTSABERYSTWYTH, National Library of Wales 15536BALTIMORE, Walters Art Gallery 34BANGOR CATHEDRAL, 'Liber Pontificalis Aniani Episcopi'BRESCIA, Biblioteca Queriniana A. v. 17CAMBRIDGE, Christ's College 8

Corpus Christi College 53Gonville and Caius College I 1/1 IFitzwilliam Museum 242Fitzwilliam Museum 262Fitzwilliam Museum 7-1953Magdalene College 5Stjohn's College D.30University Library Dd.lv. I 7University Library Kk.vI.45

DOUAI, Bibliotheque Municipale 171DOWNSIDE ABBEY 26533DUBLIN, Trinity College F.5.2 IEL ESCORIAL Q.II.6GUILDFORD, ex-O'Donnell Collection 'Calendar'LONGLEATHOUSE,loLONDON, British Library, Additional 24686

Additional 40725Additional 49622Arundel 83, part ICotton Claudius D.IIHarley 1025Harley 1260RoyaI2:B.vlIRoyaI3·A.xvRoyaI3·B.11IRoyaI5·C.vRoyaI8.G.vRoyal 10.E.IRoyal 10.E.IIRoyal 15.D.IIRoyaI19·B.xvStowe 12

75 It has a Calendar with the supplements for the diocese of Worcester, see N. J. Morgan, 'Psalter Illustration for theDiocese of Worcester in the Thirteenth Century', Medieval Art and Architecture at Worcester Cathedral (British ArchaeologicalAssociation Conference Transactions, I, 1978), 9 I - I04, esp. 100.

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Corporation of London Records Office, 'Liber Custumarum''Liber Decretalium''Liber Horn'

Lambeth Palace 233Dr Williams's Library Ancient 6

NEW YORK, Pierpont Morgan Library M. 107M·700

Glazier 50Public Library, 26

NORWICH, Castle Museum I58-962-4.fOXFORD, Bodleian Library, Ashmole 804

Astor A.I (deposit)Barlow 22Douce 79Gough 8Laud Lat. 82Lat. Lit. e.41Lyell empt. 4Selden Supra 38

Lincoln College, Lat. 16PARIS, Bibliotheque Nationale Lat. 765

Lat. 1332STOCKHOLM, Riksarkivet, Skokloster 2°. I 26WELBECK HOUSE I.C. I

99

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSI should like to thank the Abbot and Community of Downside Abbey and the librarian,Dom Mark Pontifex, for letting me examine the manuscript. My thanks also go to all thosewho gave advice during the writing of this paper, especially Nigel Morgan for his help andencouragemen t.

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