The Genesis of the Funérailles

Akadémiai Kiadó

The Genesis of the Funérailles. The Connections between Liszt's "Symphonie révolutionnaire"and the Cycle "Harmonies poétiques et religieuses"Author(s): Adrienne KaczmarczykSource: Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, T. 35, Fasc. 4 (1993 - 1994), pp.361-398Published by: Akadémiai KiadóStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/902314 .Accessed: 26/03/2011 08:32

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The Genesis of the Funerailles

The Connections Between Liszt's Symphonie revolutionnaire and the Cycle Harmonies poetiques et religieuses

Adrienne KACZMARCZYK Budapest

Symphonie re'volutionnaire and the cycle for piano Harmonies poe'tiques et religieuses had long been on Liszt's mind from the beginning of his career as a composer in the early 1830s up to his Weimar years in the 1850s. The surviving documents which are not too numerous in connection with the Symphonie reveal that during those more than twenty years composition on these two works proceeded either parallel or con- secutively, furthermore, that the concept of both works underwent more or less modifications in the various phases of composition. It is probably due to this parallel manner of composing that the two works appearing totally different in character at first sight display considerable parallels, at least the latest versions. Funerailles, the seventh movement of Harmonies poe'tiques is related with the Symphonie re'volutionnaire, particularly with the Rakoczi et Dombrowski movement, both in its concept and style. The Tristis est anima mea movement of the symphony is connected through its musical motifs with the piano cycle as well, since the first, slow part of the movement is constructed of the same two motifs which were the underlying motifs, the maqam of the Harmonies from the autumn of 1847 at the latest. This study intends to throw light upon this relationship between the symphony and the piano cycle detectable from around 1850 onwards.

In order to be able to analyze the farther connections of the Sym- phonie re'volutionnaire the essence of the symphony must be clarified. Up to the present day Liszt's biographers have disclosed, almost without ex- ception, only the concept mentioned by Lina Ramann dated 1830.l This is

l See Lina Ramann, Franz Liszt. Als Kunstler und Mensch. Vol. i (Leipzig, 1880), pp. 143-150.

Studia Mu.vicolngica Academiae Scientiarum Bungaricae 35/4, 1993-941 pp. 361-398 Akademiai Kiado, Budvest

362 A. Kaczmarozyk: The Genesis of the Fune'railles

all but fortunate since in Lina Ramann's description the elements of

several concepts by Liszt mingle dating from after the 1830s, as we shall

see later on the evidence of the drafts of the symphony and the writings on

the combination of the movements. Concerning composition Ramann related that Liszt may have inter-

woven the melody of three songs with his work: a 15th-century Hussite

song, the chorale beginning with the words Ein'feste Burg and the Mar-

seillaise. His intention to do so can be deduced with certainty from one of

the documents of the symphony only, i.e. from the three-movement-draft

of the so-called Lichnowsky sketchbook (WRgs N8, p. 10) which he used

in the first half of 1840s: "Symphonie revol[utionnaire] / Hussiten Lied /

Choral de Luther / Marseillaise". On the first page of the four-page sketch (WRgs A21,3) originating in

1830, that is more than one decade earlier, there are also remarks concern-

ing the musical realization of the symphony among the lines reflecting

Liszt's frame of mind: "The march of the royal guard ... 8 different parts

... March of the national guard 6/8, ... a fragment of Vive Henry 4 ...

scattered. To combine with 'Allons enfants de la patrie"'. Accordingly, it

was Liszt's intention at that time already to weave the Marseillaise into

the music fabric whereas traces of the other two songs cannot be found in

the sketch. Though the surviving four pages of music do not suffice to

dare to declare or deny the concept of 1830 in detail, the absence of the

two songs as well as the presence of Vive Henri IV and Marche de la

garde in 6/8 allow us to conclude that the original idea had substantially

differed from what Ramann described. According to her Liszt's artistic

goal with the symphony was to find musical expression to two ever-last-

ing and supranational qualities: the notion of revolution and the longing

for freedom. The three songs of different national identity each represent-

ing a deviating world view were destined to carry this meaning. In con-

trast, the sketch of 1830 reveals the plan of a symphony of definite per-

sons linked with a particular occasion a specific place and a definite

date - that still reminds us considerably of Beethoven's Battle Symphony

serving as a model of the work and mentioned by Ramann as opposed to

the plan of the 1840s. Although several movements or rather arrangements

of the just described two kinds of sketches and themes were made

separately such as the Hussitenlied in 1840, the Marseillaise in 1872

Studicl Musicologiccl Accidemicle Scienticirum Bungciriccle 35/4 1993-94

Sketchbook Ce qu 'on entend p. 17 Verzeichnis der Furstin p. 3

1 Introit (-?) Marche f[unebre] 1. Heroide funebre 2 Fugue Mars. [Martiale?] 2. Trista animam meam [sic!] 3 Tristis est animam meam [sic!] 3. Rakoczy [sic!] et Dombrowski 4 Rakoczy- [sic!] et P- 4. Marseillaise 5 Psalm? 5. Psaume II. 6 (?) Hungaria

A. Kaczmarozyk: The Genesis of the Fune'railles 363

and the Vive Henri IV in the seventies-eighties, moreover, Ein 'feste Burg had already been incorporated into the Hugenotte-phantasy written after Meyerbeer's opera back in 1836 apart from these piano pieces no manuscript survives that would refer to the instrumentation and the composition of the symphony, respectively.

It is easier to make a clear notion of the last symphony concept, subject-matter of the present paper established around 1848 which must have been topical for its composer in the first half of the 1850s. It is known in two combinations of movements, the earlier being in the so-called Ce qu'on entend sketchbook (WRgs N1, p. 17) used from the late 1840s to the early fifties while the latter emerges in company of compositions dating from about 1850 in a catalogue of works kept by Princess Carolyne von Sayn-Wittgenstein, known as the Verzeichnis der Furstin (WRgs MS 141/1). By means of some sketches in Ce qu'on entend as well as two movements, the Tristis est anima mea and an untitled draft which, by virtue of its content, can be substituted for Fugue and Marseillaise respectively, the identity of the movements of the two combinations can be established:

Musically the movements can be divided into two categories. In the first are those which contain excerpts from the Marseillaise the movement Marseillaise - and derivatives of this march Fugue Mars. and Marseillaise, He'roide funebre, Psaume 11. (and Psalm?). As seen in the foregoing this is the layer that had been present in all concepts since 1830. Though quotations from the Marseillaise can be found in one draft of the last version only, this motif which, on the strength of rhythm and melody

Studicl Musicologiccl Accidemicle Scienticirum Bungciriccle 35/4, ]993-94

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364 A. Kaczmarozyk: The Genesis of the Funerailles

can be traced to the march appeared already in the sketch of 1830 as well (WRgs A21,3 p. 4):

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This excerpt is probably a reminder written out from the two drafts without date and title which contain the entire movement and in which the Marseillaise quotations can also be found (WRgs A21,1 and 2). The first of the two drafts marked A21,1 is a score in which Liszt crossed out the first and last pages as a matter of fact, the frames of the fugato section. The other draft marked A2 l ,2 is an arrangement of the previous written in particella. Being the case that in the movement both the Marseillaise quotations and the fugato are present it can be supposed that the titles Fugue in the sketchbook Ce qu'on entend and Marseillaise in the Ver- zeichnis der Furstin denote the same movement. Taking into consideration the series of movements in the Verzeichnis as well, the only statement that can be made is that the original and the varied musical fabrics originating in the Marseillaise belonged to one single movement in the beginning. By the time this combination was made the fugato section had already been built into several movements. It occurs in the Heroide funebre the mid-

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A. Kaczmarczyk: The Genesis of the Fune'railles 365

dle section to be performed marziale, solenne of the Piu lento section in D flat major and the closing section of the symphonic poem which Ramann mentioned in her Liszt biography2 as well as in the introduction to Psaume 11. written for tenor solo, chorus and orchestra (WRgs B6). In this way the Marseillaise movement may have become empty.

The movements whose individual elements belong to the scope of Liszt's Hungarian associations represent another musical layer of the symphony. They include: Introit-Marche f[unebre] and He'roide funebre, Tri- stis est anima mea, Ra'koczi et P. and Rakoczi et Dombrowski, Hungaria. The first document of this layer is the draft Symphonie re'volutionnaire which has already been mentioned in connection with the Lichnowsky sketchbook. It emerges from this draft that Liszt thought of elaborating the Hungarian theme in a separate Hungarian National Symphony at that time, in the early 1 840s yet. He must have intended this work to be a wor- thy gift to the Hungarian nation in return for the boundless confidence and affection experienced at his first visit to Hungary in the winter of 1 83940 (WrgsN8,p.10):

3 Symphonie revol.

Hussiten Lied - National Ungarische Symphonie Choral de Luther Marseillaise v hJ e 12 qS | o | ............... | et marche fin

The musical quotation which, according to the remark of some words, would have been included in the first part or the introductory bars of the Ra'koczi movement is taken from item number 1, volume 1 of Magyar Dalok Ungarische National-Melodien (R. 105a). Similar to the Hungarian National Symphony there is a direct connection between the genesis of volumes 1 and 2 of Magyar Dalok (1840) and Liszt's first visit to Hungary. This piano cycle was one of the first reactions to Liszt's musical experiences in Hungary and, at the same time, the beginning of the history of the Hungarian Rhapsodies.

The afterlife of the first Magyar Dal took a different turn in that Liszt arranged it in the Tristis est anima mea movement of the Symphonie

2 L. Ramann, Op. cit. Vol. iv (Leipzig, 1887), pp. 299-304.

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366 A. Kaczmarczyk: The Genesis of the Fune'railles

revolutionnaire and not in the Rhapsodies. This symphony movement survives in two drafts dating from between 1853 and 18563 (WRgs A21,6) of which the one notated in compressed score is complete, the draft written as piano reduction breaks off at the beginning of the second half of the movement. The first piece of Magyar Dalok became one of the pillars of the thematic material in the first (E minor) section of the movement while the second (E major) part is built on one of the motifs of the Rakoczi march, the same as piece No. 10 of the fourth series of Magyar Dalok published in 1843. The marche fin[ale] of the Rak6czi movement of the National Ungarische Symphonie would probably have been constructed from motifs of the Rakoczi march and, in that case, the Tristis draft from the 1850s can be considered as the realization of this idea of the early forties a decade later. The set of the movements of the symphony originating from around 1850 and cited before suggests the inner relationship of the two Magyar Dalok used although the two songs appear in them as two separate movements yet, following each other in the same sequence (Tri- stis est anima mea, Rakoczi et Dombrowski). The innumerous arrangements of the Rakoczi march from 1840 onwards are as much the reflec- tions of the experiences of his stay in Hungary as the original form of the symphonic poem Hungaria, the Heroischer Marsch in ungarischem Stil from 1840 (R. 53) intended to be the closing movement of the symphony originally. The funeral march, the first movement of the symphony which came to be a separate work under the title Heroide funebre belongs, by means of its main theme, to this range of works with Hungarian associations. It cannot be accidental that the F minor beginning of the Hungarian Rhapsody No. 14 reminding us of funeral march (Lento, quasi marcia funebre) written more or less simultaneously with it and published in 1853 begins with the same melodic idea as the main theme of the symphonic poem. It emerges from the survey of the latest version of the Symphonie re'volutionnaire that this concept together with the one planned at the beginning of the forties owes its existence to the inspirations elicited by Liszt's personal experiences. Even if he did not participate in the Hun-

3 See R. Charnin-Mueller's description of the paper: s(ca. 1853-56) (365x275 mm; brownish paper, rastral ruled, 22 staves, 8 rnm rastral)". Liszt's 'Tasso' Sketchbook: Studies in Sources and Revisions (New York, 1986), p. 381.

Studia Musicologica Acadenuae Scientiarum Hungaricae 3S/4, 1993-94


garian war of independence fought with outward enemies it stirred him at least as profoundly as the revolution which broke out in 1830 in France which passed for his second home country for reasons of home politics and which he endured also personally. His Hungarian-French inclinations are so much characteristic of this notion of symphony that even the tones of despair and anguish are woven from typical elements of national identity, both in the Tristis est anima mea movement and the introductory music to the Psalm 11 which Liszt intended to be the movement crowning the whole work promising the arrival of the Messiah and raising the longing for liberation into transcendent dimensions. Seeing how utterly well organized the symphony is, the presence of a movement which disrupts the unity of the concept strikes us. I have in mind Rakoszi et Dombrowski which, since Dombrowski was a Pole, lies outside both the Hungarian and the French topics. Liszt himself must have felt it because the Tristis est anima mea draft from about 1853-1856 which includes motifs of the Ra'koczi march in the second part of the movement refers to the fact that Liszt had already given up composing Rakoczi et Dombrowski or at least Dombrowski as a separate movement by that time. It is worth starting with Dombrowski's person when it comes to elucidating what this planned but never executed movement could have been and why it got into the Sym- phonie re'volutionnaire.

Jan Henryk Dombrowski or Datbrowski with another spelling (1755- 1818) fought at the side of Kosciuszko in the 1794 Polish uprising which broke out against the oppression of the Russians and was soon defeated. Hoping to find an ally in Napoleon to liberate his country Dombrowski joined the French army and organized a Polish legion in Northern Italy. The march associated with his name is said to have originated there and must have kindled Liszt's interest much as the Ra'koczi march did. The Mazurka Darbrowskiego, the present Polish national anthem gained wide popularity not only with the Poles but also with other Slavic peoples during the l9th century and was known in Germany with the words "Noch ist Polen nicht verloren". As a hymn of freedom it fitted well with the compositional plans of Liszt's symphony. In the knowledge of the Mazurka Dacbrowskiego the title of the movement Rakoczi et Dombrowski can be better construed. Evidently the composer did not hint at the musical portray of the two persons but at the marches connected with them and

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368 A. Kaczmarezyk: The Genesis of the Fune'railles

the Hungarian and Polish nations represented by the marches. Drafting the message to the two nations in one common movement may have been justified by the common fate of the two peoples: the Hungarian independence seemed to be as much forlorn since 1849 as that of the Polish nation since 1831. Considering the fact that neither drafts nor sketches have emerged so far no further conclusions can be drawn of the Rakoczi et Dombrowski

movement itself and its importance in the symphony, respectively. It may seem that all efforts to find a solution could be left off here because the movement alone would not deserve greater attention. There is, however, a momentous work of the same age with this Polish movement in Liszt's ceuvre which raises a similar question as this symphony movement and in the understanding of which the movement Ra'koczi et Dombrowski can provide a clue, that is Fune'railles. The incentive to write this piano piece came also from the Hungarian war of independence the sub-title being "October 1849" and it had to do with a Pole as well, namely with Chopin whose E major middle section of his Polonaise in A flat major served as background for or model of the stretto section of the Lisztian work (bars 109-155). What justifies keeping in mind the parallels of Rakoczi and Dombrowski and Fune'railles is, in addition, that all traces which can be of any help to unravel the otherwise fairly obscure history of composition of the Fune'railles leads us in the environment of the Sym- phonie re'volutionnaire. The genesis of Fune'railles is not covered in Liszt's correspondence, and the various phases of composition are not recorded in surviving drafts and sketches. Only one sketch of the pesante bass theme (bars 24 4 0)is known which can be read on page 19 of the sketchbook Ce qu'on entend, two pages after the plan and drafts of the Symphonie re'volutionnaire, in E major inscribed "Magyar" (Ex.4). The appearance of the theme in this sketchbook is therefore surpris- ing because in it Liszt entered pronouncedly the ideas of his symphonic works. The context suggests that Liszt had originally intended to include it in a symphonic work, more precisely in a work with Hungarian associations, perhaps in one of the movements of the Hungarian layer of the Sym- phonie re'volutionnaire. Since it was under the spell of the Hungarian revolution and war of independence of 1848X9 that Liszt felt particularly

Stublia Mu.vicologica Aczlemiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 35/4 1'Y'93-'94

A. Kaczmarczyk: The Genesis of the Funerailles 369

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urged to take side with his nation the "Magyar" theme of the Fune'railles can be regarded as simultaneous with or of somewhat later origin than the political events, and this definition of date is in harmony with the date on the other sketches in Ce qu'on entend. What is more, among the movements of the Symphonie re'volutionnaire there is one the opening movement Marche funebre which became later the He'roide funebre which resembles the Funerailles beyond the stylistic similarity to be expected on the basis of the identity of genre. Attention was called to the relationship between the symphonic poem and the piano work starting from the struc- ture and flow of the compositions to the various types of theme and motif by Lina Ramann already in the second volume of her Liszt-Padagogium.4 It must be added that originally the piano work had also been bearing the title Marche funebre. This is how it figures on top of page 4 of the Ver- zeichnis der Furstin among the works published in 1851-52. It was only subsequently, most probably on incorporating it into the cycle Harmonies poetiques in 1851-52 that Liszt rewrote it to the present title. The symphonic conception and the relationship with the orchestral work explain the symphonic sound of the Fune'railles which makes it so much dis- similar to the style of the other pieces of the Har7nonies poetiques.

4"Thefcxrm of the Funerailles is rooted in the three-part song and occupies a place between it and the smaller symphonic poems. Particularly the Funerailles and the Heroidefunebre show a relationship of form and spirit. . ." Cf. Ramann, Liszt-Padagcxgium. Klavierkompositionen Franz Liszt's. Senes II. (Leipzig, 1901), p. 3.

Stutlia Mu. icoloBicu Acatlemiae Scientiarum Hungaricue 35/4, 19'M3-94


Evidence of the Hungarian associations of the piano work are not only the subtitle and Liszt's answer to Lina Ramann-"The 'Funerailles' point to the tragic event (1850) [sic!] in Hungary"s _ but its musical genealogy as well. It has never caused difficulties for the exponents of the Funerailles to acknowledge its Hungarian character, to intexpret the section reminding of Chopin's work has posed all the more problems. That the middle section of Chopin's Polonaise in A flat major is actually underlying this portion is borne out beyond question by Liszt's words noted down by one of his pupils, August Gollerich: "... At the triplet figure held in the basses he (i.e. Liszt) said: 'in reality, it is an imitation of Chopin in the well-known polonaise; only I have made it somewhat different' ...Z6

Being the case that this hint is very direct the view spread in Liszt's lifetime already that the composer payed homage to the memory of his friend deceased also in October 1849. Though this is an acceptable explanation the question remains unanswered why Liszt kept silent in the matter whenever the piano work was mentioned albeit he even dedicated a book to the memory of Chopin. Ramann refuted repeatedly that the Funerailles was inspired by the death of Chopin, moreover, she went from one extreme to the other when she claimed that the similarity of the two musical solutions was only outward, wellnigh accidental: "...The similarity of this triplet figure with the octave figure in Chopin's A flat major polonaise led to the assumption that the former imitated the latter. It has existed, though only in the continuos from Bach to our days. Liszt's basso continuo is rooted in the bell motif of Funerailles..."7 In my opinion the only way leading to a proper solution is not to examine the composition separately, detached from the musical-speculative chain of thoughts including it too, but to approach the Funerailles as far as possible from the side of the symphony, as an oeuvre belonging to the sphere of attraction of the Symphonie revolutionnaire. The meeting points of the genealogy of the piano work and the symphony not only entitle us but require right away to take into consideration the parallel between the

5 Fragezettel Ramann-Liszt No. 9 (November) 1875. In: L. Ramann, Lisztiana. A. Seidl, ed. (Mainz, 1983), p. 394.

6 W. Jerger, Franz Liszts Klavierunterricht von 1884-1886 dargestellt an den Tagebuchaufzeichnungen von August G(illerich (Regensburg, 1975), p. 61.

7 Lina Ramann, Liszt-Padagogium. .. p. 3.

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A. Kaczmarezyk: The Genesis of the Funerailles 371

Rakoczi et Dombrowski movement and the Chopin imitation of the I, . .

Funeral les.

In the l9th century the view prevailed that in his music Chopin showed himself first of all as an advocate of his nation and not as a private individual, as Carl Dahlhaus pointed out in great detail.8 His music, particularly the stylized folk dances from which the musical character of his nation was believed to be heard, represented the Polish people in the world at least as authentic and intelligibly as the Mazurka Darbrowskiego, the Polish hymn of freedom. The concept of Liszt's Symphonie revolutionnaire dating from around 1850 leaves no doubt that under the title Dombrowski Liszt had this song and its associations in mind and on inteipreting the references to Chopin in the Funerailles we must at least reckon with the possibility of its having borne relation to the Poles. This assumption is also supported by Liszt's choice, probably not by chance, of a work by Chopin which expresses clearly verbally, through the indica- tion of genre, with the word polonaise-the origin of the music and its national identity. If taken also into consideration the parallel between the piano piece and the movement of the symphony becomes particularly sug- gestive hecause the musical characteristics of the same two nations dominate in the Funerailles and the Rakoczi et Dombrowski movement- just think of the bass theme and the Chopin reminiscences-and it is further enhanced by the "inscriptions": "Magyar" and "Polonaise". The ab- breviation of a symphony movement which occurs in the set of movements of the sketchbook Ce qu'on entend may eventually be explained in this spirit: "Rakoczy- et P-" denotes probably Rakoczi et Polonais(e). And if Liszt's funeral march was also meant to commemorate the deceased in the Polish wars of independence there is sufficient explanation why the composer did not speak about this meaning. It would not have been ad- visable for an employee of the Court of Weimar to espouse openly the Polish case because Maria Pavlova, the wife of Carl Friedrich, Grand Duke of Sachsen-Weimar for that matter, Liszt's most ardent supporter at Weimar was the Czar's influential sister. In spite of the special meaning provided with in the Funerailles the invocation of the Polonaise ii1 A flat major was nevertheless Liszt's homage to Chopin, the most beauti-

8 C. Dahlhaus, "Nationalismus und Universalitat.", Neues Handbuch der Musi/cwissenschaft. Die Musik des 19. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden, 1980), pp. 29-34.

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A. Kaczmarezyk: The Genesis of the Fune'railles 372

ful expression possible of the appreciation of a contemporaw composer who, by identifying the Poles with Chopin's music, acknowledged him as the advocate of his people.

It still needs clarification what incited Liszt around 1850 to take a stand in favour of the Poles in two of his works simultaneously, even if he made only hidden references in Fune'railles and failed to write after all the more pronouncedly supporting movement based on the Mazurka Dacbrowskiego.

It is without any doubt that one of the reasons of his profound interest must have been his relationship with the Princess Carolyne von Sayn- Wittgenstein. This autobiographical motive can also have contributed to the emergence of compositions with double, Hungarian-Polish subject matters, in addition to the similarity of the fate of the two peoples. This is how the movement Dombrowski could have been included in the concept of Symphonie re'volutionnaire of around 1850 prompted by motives of his autography and coupled with movements of Hungarian-French associations.

Ever since 1 847 when Liszt's life became entwined with that of the Princess up to his death several works with Polish associations were on his mind or at least plans of such works which, apart from Rakoszi et Dombrowski and Fune'railles, were not outspokenly political in character. Notwithstanding, the matter never lost its historical topicality for him later on, either. This urges us to continue looking for the reasons of the genesis of the symphony movements and the piano piece elsewhere. Trying to discover a meaning in the political overtones we should investigate Liszt's connections with the Polish exiles which go back to his stay in Paris in the 1 830s.

After the unsuccessful Polish uprising a new wave of Polish refugees inundated France which counted for a natural ally. In the light of the Lisztian documents it seems that one of the refugees, Adam Mickiewicz was particularly deer to Liszt. Born in Lithuania, the Polish writer arrived in 1832 in Paris from where he directed the Polish exile movement between 1836 and his death in 1855. His extremely successful lectures on the Slavic languages and their literature delivered at the College de France between 1840 and 1844 were visited by the most prominent representatives of the Paris intellectual life. Marie d'Agoult who attended these

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events in the company of Chopin and Georges Sand kept Liszt inforrned of these lectures.9 The composer and the poet felt mutually attracted to each other as a letter of Marie d'Agoult to Liszt dated December 9, 1840 bears evidence of: "... I have just met Mickiewicz. Nobody could speak nicer of you and Hungary as he did ...Z10 On the other hand, Liszt's letter to Carolyne von Sayn-Wittgenstein dated September 7, 1855 shows that the composer's interest in the Polish writer did not cease later on, either: "... Is Mickiewicz in Paris? Make inquiries about it and if the answer is affirmative, write some lines in Polish ..."11 The most important sign of Liszt's interest is that one of Mickiewicz's works arouse his phantasy as a composer. We are informed of the inspiration kindled by Mickiewicz from a volume of around 1848 (WRgs B20, p. 110) containing the manuscript of vocal works with instrumental accompaniment in which there is a list with Liszt's compositional plans:

Les 4 Elemens Ouverture Ce qu'on entend sur la Montagne Marche du- Micki[ewicz] = Mazeppa Ouverture

Manfred Symphonie

Anees de Pelerinage Childe H? Symphonie re[volutionnaire]l2

Moreover, on page 12 of the sketchbook Ce qu'on entend, which is the most important source of the sketches of Funerailles and Symphonie revolutionnaire a sketch inscribed "Micki" can also be found (Ex. 5).

Concerning the work of Mickiewicz that could have inspired Liszt no evidence survives. It may be surmised, however, that Les Livres de la Na- tion polonaise et des Pelerins polonais (Ksigi narodu polskiego i piel-

9"... Yesterday I went to Mickiewicz's lecture with Mr G[irardin] (...); I found myself at the side of Madame Sand and Chopin .. ." January 6, 1841. In: D. Ollivier, Correspondance de Liszt et de la Comtesse d'- Agoult(Paris, 1934), II, p. 99.

0 D. Ollivier, op. cit.l II. p. 70.

La Mara, Franz Lisztls Briefe. Vol. iv. Briefe an die Furstin Carolyne Sayn-Wittgenstein (Leipzig,

1900),p.260. 12 In the work mentioned R. Charnin-Mueller cites the list of WRgs B20 (p. 142) and, supported by argu-

ments of papyrology, dates the music manuscript paper to 184849: "259x330 mm; ash-blue, ruled with rastral, 20 staves; 6 mm rastral". (p. 376)

Studia Mzasicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hngaricae 35/4, 1993-94

s . t. I I p o I I .s, 13- l' brb J vy te 5; J ; j

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grzymstwa polskiego) was standing in the highest esteem with Liszt which appeared as a revelation for the composer and gave rise to the emergence of Paroles d'un Croyant by Felicite de Lamennais.

This work written after the suppression of the 1830 Polish uprising in Dresden and published in 1832 became the Bible of the Polish exiles. In the first part entitled Livre de la Nation polonaise the writer describes the history of the nation up to the point of martyrdom for which Mickiewicz blaimed Austria, Russia and Prussia. The second part, Livre des Pelerins polonais is addressed to the Polish refugees, that is the pilgrims and provides them with advice in the spirit of Slavic Messianism. Mickiewicz proclaims that Poland which, according to him, had always been faithful to the Christian ideals of freedom and justice which died now as the "Christ of the nations" for the sin of all but will rise again and will realize the country of love, peace and justice upon the earth.

The second part of the book which created stir throughout was published in Paris in 1833 translated and prefaced by Charles-Forbes- Rene de Montalembert, a close friend of Felicite Lamennais, member on the staff of L'Avenir. In France Mickiewicz's idea of the historical, more precisely, salvation historical mission of Poland did not gain support, nay, his bias towards his own nation rather arouse grudge which came to be expressed in the criticism of Sainte-Beuve, one of the most significant critiques of his time.'3 The religious devotion of the Slav Christianity reminding the West of medieval mysticism thought to have been long lost by the

'3 "... Amidst energetic and simple pieces of advice given to his compatriots several serious words leave also the poet's mouth about foreigners, us Frenchl too, who are accustomed to more praise. The words foreig- ner, enemy, idolatre which appear to be synonyms for the poet, apply to us, too, who have failed to accept the noble mission of the overall war for the cause of the people ..." Ch.-A. de Sainte-Beuve, "Adam Mickiewicz: Le Livre des Pelerins Polonais", Premiers lundis II. 8 juillet 1833 (Paris, 187>75), p. 232.

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A. Kaczmarczyk: The Genesis of the Fanerailles 375

19th century as well as the spirituality ready to make sacrifices brought the book enthousiastic supporters and arouse sympathy for the Polish people. The poetic language of the book resembling biblical prophecies and the Gospels transmitted this deep religiousness to the readers. Lamen- nais who, by the good offices of Montalembert, came to know the book of the Polish pilgrims while being translated wrote about it in terms of the highest appreciation to Marquis de Coriolis on May 6, 1833 from La Chenaie: "... There will appear within short a small volume entitled: the Book of the Polish Pilgrims by Mickiewitz (sic!) who is indisputably the poet number one of our age; there are enchanting things in it: without dis- regarding the considerable distance that separates the language of man from the language of God I make bold to say sometimes it is as beautiful as the Gospel. Such a lucid expression of Faith and Freedom together is a real miracle in our century of slavery and unbelief ...a14 Some days later, on May 1 6, Lamennais reported to Montalembert of having started writing Paroles d'un Croyant: "Before having read Mickiewitz (sic!) I began a short work of strongly analogous genre ...a15 In Mickiewicz's words Lamennais recognized the formulation of his own liberal views of Chris- tian background. Similar to Mickiewicz he also called up against the pos- sessors of power considering freedom and respect in every field as essential human rights. He saw the means for attaining his goal, establishing a socialistic and democratic society, in kindling fraternal love and sympathy as well as accepting suffering with faith and trust in God. Though he directed his words to the people in general, to mankind and not to one single nation as Mickiewicz did he was capable of identifying himself with the national tragedy of the Poles. His prose-poem Hymne a la Pologne which appeared as an appendix to the first French translation of Livre des Pelerins polonais bears to his understanding of Polish Mes- slanlsm:

... Your dispersed sons have taken into the world the marvellous recital of your glory-. They have told that shaking off all of a sudden the yoke of your suppressors you have risen like the angel that God had sent armed with his glaive to punish those who make a mockery of justice; and the heart of the tyrans has trembled.

14L. Le Guillou, ed.: F. de Lamennais, Correspondance generale. Textes reunis, classes et annotes (Librarie A. Colin, 1974), vol. V, July 1831-33, p. 384.

'5 F. de Lamennais, Correspondance ge'ne'rale .. . vol. V, p. 395 (my italics).

Studis Mu.vic sl sgics Acutlemise Sc ientisrum Atunguricue 3S/4, 1 5s5s3-5s4


[Refraine:] Sleep, my Poland, sleep in peace, in what is called your grave: yet me, I know that it is your craddle ...

Lamennais' work, the Paroles d'un Croyant owes most to Mickie- wicz's book with respect to style. The poetic prose of Lamennais had earlier been enriched by biblical phrases and paraphrases as well, yet it was under the influence of Mickiewicz that he took over completely the phraseology of the Bible and expanded it over the entire Paroles. His teachings exhortations and parables in the spirit of the Gospels could only awake the impression of a series of real biblical scenes and visions in a style completely matching them.

Having got acquainted with Lamennais's book the abbot made close friends with the Polish poet, the token of which was the similarity of their character, in addition to their spiritual kinship. Both had an exceptional sense of vocation and responsibility towards their own people, traits which characterized more or less the intellectuals of the nations on the periphery in the 19th century but Lamennais expected them of the intellectual leaders, church dignitaries and artists everywhere. When in the second part of his work Mickiewicz defined himself and his fellow exiles as pilgrims it was this social sense of vocation charged with religious sentiment that he tried to instil into his comrades in misfortune. The extraordinary importance of the choice of name is shown by the fact that the second part of the Livre des Pelerins polonais starts with giving a jus- tification for it:

The soul of the Polish nation are the Polish pilgrims. But not every Pole on pilgrimage is called refugee because a refugee is a man

fleeing so that he may rescue his life from the hands of the enemy. The Pole does not call himself exile, either, for an exile is a man banned by the

decree of his magistrate, and it is not his magistrate that has expulsed him. The Pole on pilgrimage has not even a proper name but he will be given this name

in the course of time just as Christ's confessors were given theirs in due time. While waiting, the Pole is called pilgrim because he takes the oaths to go on

pilgrimage to the Holy Land, that is to the delivered Poland and to follow his route until he has found it . . . Ifi

The pilgrim bears the same spiritual content in the Parole d'un Croyant as well but his figure is, because Lamennais does not actualize,

16 Adam Mickiewicz, Actes de la Natic)n polonaise et des Pelerins polcJnuis. T. SopliSa, trans. (Paris, 1 859). p. 75

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A. Kaczmarozyk: The Genesis of the Fune'railles 377

still more abstract and his faculties Iying far beyond the average man's potentials are even more remarkable. Lamennais does not use the pilgrim to symbolize the refugees. He remembers them in the figure of the exile among the people afflicted by various sufferings right before the closing chapter of his work discussing the transcendental return home. In his understanding the pilgrim is the symbol of the "spiritual leaders" of the society, of priests and artists with a sense of vocation. He alone is capable of illuminating the average people in dreams and thereby convincing them of the divine will and its sole redeeming force. In the Paroles it appears in one single parable instilling hope into an embittered old man feeling cheated out of everything, deprived even of his son, convincing him of the truth of the divine teaching: "It is not the suppressed who suffer most but the oppressors" (chapter xxxiii). Of all the figures of the parables this em- pathy and intelligence characterize only the pilgrim and the spirit (Esprit, chapter xi). Lamennais expresses the selectness of these two persons by their speech as well. In contrast to the rest of the protagonists of the stories but identically with the abbot speaking in the first person singular, they are those who, by virtue of their endowments, are capable of giving advice, showing the way towards salvation.

Since Lamennais exerted a life-long influence on the young Liszt by awakening him to his artistic vocation and most of all by stengthening in him this belief we must assume that one of the inspirers of the title Annees de Pelerinage and probably the more important one was the pilgrim symbol by Lamennais and, let us add, because they are inseparable, by Mickiewicz. The earliest document of the presence of this title was the letter written by Marie d'Agoult to Liszt'7 on October 25, 1840 and its first bearer was the first version of the book Switzerland published in 1841:l8 lre Annee de Pelerinage, Suisse. As regards contents, this work agrees with the first chapter of Album d 'un voyageur (Haslinger, 1842) in whose subtitle Liszt retained the original designation: Impressions et Poesies. Ac- cording to the other literary explanation of the title Annees de Pelerinage considered exclusively in literature so far Liszt made reference to Byron's epic poem, the Childe Harold's Pilgrimage. It is most likely that both associations are correct so that we only have to find out which played a

17 D. Ollivier, Correspondance ... II. p. 39. 18 Data by Gyorgy Kroo in Az elso zarandokev [The first year of pilgrimage] (Budapest, 1986), p. 53.

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378 A. Kaczmarczyk: The Genesis of the Funerailles

decisive role in the new title. As to the question whether it is worth looking for a literary work behind the poetic piano cycles Liszt was preoc- cupied with at the time, in the 1830s and 1840s, provide enough justifica- tion: their title was inspired by a work of belletristic in each case. The Album d'un Voyageur echos the Lettres d'un Voyageur by Georges Sand, the Marie Poeme en 6 chants planned in 1835 borrows its title from Marie Poeme, a collection of elegies by Auguste Brizeux, a poet of Brittany, not to speak of Har7nonies poetiques et religieuses which was inspired by Lamartine's volume.

Based of the history of genesis of the Swiss book of 1841 it must be surmised that the title Annees de Pelerinage owes its existence to the influence of Mickiewicz and Lamennais. Alexander Main19 pointed out that by attaching Lyon and Psaume dedicated to Lamennais as the opening and closing movements, respectively in the last phase of the compositional process, Liszt altered the original concept of the album made up from Swiss pieces in a way that he dedicated the whole series together with the two enframing movements to the abbot. The meaning of the piano work, his declaration of commitment towards Lamennais's ideas coincides thus completely with the pilgrimage symbol used in the sense of the Mickie- wicz and Lamennais. That Liszt set Annees de Pelerinage, the new title expressing the poetic message of the ultimate concept against the title and concept of the enframing work Album d'un Voyageur and not the Impres- sions et Poesie was pointed out by Gyorgy Kroo in a study on the history of genesis of the Album and the First Year of Pilgrimage.20 It was he who shed light on the meaning of the altered concept expressed in the title and the preface to the two volumes as well. To his interpretation, which is based on the two prefaces and discusses the difference between the spiritual disposition of the traveller and the pilgrim,21 let me add the Lamennaisian explanation of the two symbolic figures which must have influenced Liszt. In the set of symbols of Paroles the two figures are

9"... The Impressions et poesies became, I think, a battleground for two conflicting ideas. The main one, of course, was that of representing Swiss landscapes. This, probably suggested by a letter from Lamennais late in 1835, determined the character of the Album d'un voyageur on the whole. But in the autumn of 1837, as Liszt worked on the Impressions et poe'sies, this apparently was joined by another notion, that of reconciling, symbolically, the spheres of Mennaisian liberalism and art . . ." A. Main, Liszt's Lyon", l9th Century Music, vol. iv,No.3(1981),p.241.

20 Gy Kroo op cit 21 Gy. Kroo, op. cit., pp. 57-60, 68-72.

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clearly distinguished. While the pilgrim may appear as traveller, the aspect of travelling forming part of his figure, the opposite is simply inconceiv- able: the traveller's symbolic sphere of activity is narrower. With Lamen- nais the pilgrim fulfills a mission, he is destined for more than the common run of people and for exactly their sake. In contrast, the traveller is the symbol of the average people, he explains its meaning at the end of the parable about him as follows: "The traveller is the man, the journey is life, the rocks are the myseries he meets at every step on the road".

The Byron quotations in the Swiss book of Annees de Pelerinage leave no doubt that the impressions of Childe Harold's Pilgrimage resound in the title as well. Moreover, the entry "A-nees de Pelerinage Childe H?" in the already mentioned list, WRgs B20, makes this possibility of interpretation still more obvious. We must not forget, however, that it was written in 184849, much later than the emergence of the title Annees de Pelerinage in 1839,22 on the other hand, the question mark suggests that this interpretation of the piano work had not been an ultimate decision on Liszt's part yet. To trace the title Annees de Pelerinage back to the Byron inspiration is contradicted by the data of origin. How could anyone justify that a work of Byronian conception received a-Byronian title in the aftermath only when its image had already been determined by LamennaisXs concept and not by the original one.

The title Annees de Pelerinage should be attributed to the intellectual influence of Lamennais and Mickiewicz in the first and second places. At the same time it must be admitted that these two men were attached to Byron's work by several ties. To illustrate how closely these three authors may have belonged together in Liszt's thinking it is worth quoting an ex- ample originating with Marie d'Agoult, however second-hand, somewhat distant it should be in this case. Since the real and intellectual trip to Swit- zerland and Italy was to such an extent their common experience it may be taken for granted that the lady's opinion in literary respect will also shed some light on Liszt's for us.

On returning to Paris in the autumn of 1839 Marie d'Agoult soon fur- nished her apartment in the street Neuve des Mathurins. A most portentous

22 Gyorgy Kroo established that the preface to the Annees de Pelerinage which must have existed from 1839 on, Liszt's stay in Rome at the latest "was worded by Liszt in the place of the earlier sub-title as a kind of poetic paraphrase". Hence the new title can be dated to 1839. Op. cit., p. 58.

Stublia Musicologica Acablemiae Scientiarum Bungaricae 35/4, 1993-94


room of this apartment was the "Boudoir auguste" serving also as library whose decorative elements and the symbolic sense of their arrangement was described at great length in one of her letters to Sainte-Beuve written in the spring of 1840:

... As you have failed to come and see the small august boudoir. I have to describe it for you. By way of help, the idea would be an ideal, the serenity after the fight, the rainbow after the storm. Well, serenity in the arts and poetry, Goethe is of course the God of this chapel. This is a superb type of sereliity, yet a serenity acquired after Werther, after Faust. As representatives of sereliity Ms Roland, Mr Ingres, follower of the witch Rafael should be listed and, if need be, Chateaubriands Obermann, two saints you can call as you want to, deputies of serenity in Christianism (the others are a little pagan); in our arms painted on the window planes there is a wolf with the slogan avidus pugna [avid for fight] (fight, combat); it is supported by two angels (serenity); the slogan above Goethe's poem is difficult to translate literally it sounds roughly like: he who remains strongly attached to his idea, his feeling the German word includes both transforms the world or creates the world in his image or, in other tenns, governs his fate. My marble bust by Bartolini will be in the background. Other reliefs, representing fight are: Mickiewicz, Lamennais, Byron ...23

The system of Marie d'Agoult supports, though indirectly, my opinion established on the basis of the 1841 concept of lre Annee de Pelerinage, Suisse according to which the three authors, connected by the new title and message, could have been attached to each other in Liszt's phantasy as well. In addition, it provides further evidence to justify the view that Mickiewicz must be taken into consideration asnong those playing a role in establishing Liszt's Christian-liberal artistic creed. The Polish poet must have aroused particular attraction on the composer's part, not so much because of his person and work but rather by playing an important secondary role in Liszt's 1834 acquaintance of Lamennais. Since Mickie- wicz belonged to the abbot's close circle of friends it may be assumed that the author of Livre des Pelerins polonais was present in the personal relationship between Lamennais and Liszt from the first moment on, at least spirituall.y. If it is true that Liszt conceived the title Annees de Pelerinage after January 31, 1838, following the emergence of the final concept of the Swiss book dedicated to Lamennais24 in which, in connec-

23 Vte Pleunot de Langle: "loseph Delorrne et la Comtesse Marie" Revue de France 15 dEcembre 1930, p. 705. Cited in: J. Vier, La Comtesse d'Agoult et son temps, vol. ii, 3rd part (Paris, 1959), pp. 13-14. "Petit Boudoir auguste" was the title of a sonnet by Sainte-Beuve.

24 Liszt wrote to Adolphe Pictet on January 31, 1838: ". . . a small volume entitled Impressions et Poesies that I have finished ..." In: R. Bory, Une Retraite romantique en Suisse (2Paris, 1930), p. 132.

Studia Mu$icologica Academiae Scientiarum Bungaricae 35/4, 1993-94


tion with the pelerin symbol of Lamennais that of Mickiewicz must neces- sarily have been involved, it should not be a mistake to assume, either, that this process of association also worked in the opposite direction. More precisely, if Liszt's choice as a composer fell on a subject-matter with Polish associations later in life either as his own idea or inspired by Carolyne von Sayn-Wittgenstein then the topic itself set in motion a chain-reaction in the composer's mind, the principal links being first Carolyne, then Mickiewicz and finally Lamennais. It can be suspected that such a series of associations lies behind the Polish musical hints of the Rakoczi et Dombrowski movement of the Symphonie re'volutionnaire and the Fune'railles. Through his intellectual attachment to Mickiewicz and Lamennais the espousal of the Polish cause meant for Liszt the declaration of his commitment to the liberal views of Lamennais as well, hence works or sections of works of this kind must always be considered as an hom- mage a Lamennais to a certain extent. The possibility that the Chopin imitation with Polish references in the Fune'railles was at the same time an expression of respect towards the abbot is also borne evidence of by the inner relationships of the cycle Harlnonies poetiques et religieuses including the piano piece as its seventh movement as well.

The piano cycle Har7nonies poetiques reminding us at first sight of Lamartine's identically called volume of poetry only has several links with Lamennais as well. On the basis of Pense'e des morts, its fairly widely known fourth movement, it may already be guessed that it succeeds not only the piano piece Har7nonies poetiques published separately in 1835 but is, to a certain extent, the instrumental successor of De profundis Psaume instrumental written to Lamennais. It is the De profundis (en faux-bourdon) section of psalm (Pense'e: bars 58-61) and the coda of the first part in sonata form (Pense'e: Adagio cantabile assai, from bar 85 to the end) that was taken over from the piano concert to the Penseoe movement of the cycle. Moreover, there are motifs in the movement which had equally formed part of the piano piece Harmonies and De profundis, to mention only the most conspicuous ones, the soprano recitative in the opening themes of the two works. With the title Liszt expresses among others and here it is worth recalling the background of the title of Anne'es de Pe'lerinage that the Pense'e des morts is the descendant of two aeuvres brought forth by a different intellectual inspiration each. The

Studia Muvicologica Academiae Scientiarum Bungaricae 35/4, 1993-94

De profundis (Jay Rosenblatt's version)

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History of Crux, Table 1 a: 1833-1835

Pense'e des morts is namely merely the third title of the poem by Lamen- nais in question. The composer must have given this very title to the piano piece because the original title had been De profundis and De profundis ou Pense'e des morts.25

In connection with the cycle the most decisive fact is that extracts from De profundis can be found not only in this movement. Liszt based on the head motif of the opening theme of the piano concert, the crux motif passing for a visiting card in his later religious compositions a theme each of several movements of the series Harmonies. This motif became thereby one of the fundamental musical formulas, the maqam of the work and the piano cycle the musical-spiritual successor to De profundis, due to this feature as well as the quotations taken from Pense'es des morts. In view of the role the crux motif plays in Har7nonies its occurrences in the first version of 1847/48 consisting of twelve movements as well as in the final series of 1853 will be enumerated. (See Table l a-d.)

Similar to the piano concerto Liszt placed this motif to the beginning of the Hatmonies as well; the opening theme of Invocation is a melodic variant of the crux. In the final version of the movement there appears the original form of the motif beginning with an ascending second step which is the counterpart in major of the minor form present in De profundis. The major formula emerges also in the movement Litanie de Marie included in the Harmonies series of 1847 only. Furthermore, it sounds in minor in the Et ne nos inducas in tentationem section of the Pater noster where the

25A. de Lamatine, aN:uvres Poeti4ues Completes. Edition presentee, etablie et annotee par M.-F. Guyclrd (Pans, 1963), p. 1846.

382 A Kaczmarczyk: The Genesis of the Funerailles

Studi(l Mu.sicolo8ic(1 Ac(ldemi(le Scienti(lrum Bunguric(le 35/4, 1993-94

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crux merges with the melody of the Gregorian chant. What contributes to making it a maqam, that is a conceptual factor more significant than the identity of melody, is that Liszt establishes it in an accented place, in a unison position after a continuous four-part texture in one part only and lets it repeat as the only repetition in the movement in octave unison.

The most extraordinary form of appearance of the crux motif can be found in the movement Miserere d'apres Palestrina. This musical quota-

o. o

tion from the beginning of the work attributed to Palestrina but alien to his

A. Kaczmarczyk. The Genesis of the Funerailles 383

Litanie de Marie N9 p. 21

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History of Crux, Table lc: 1853, Final version

style26 and notated, on top of it all, with erroneous part-writing (bar 23: e1-d#l-b-a-d#l, e1-d#l-el-d#l instead) must have called Liszt's attention by offering him the crab inversion of his own crux motif.

26 Since this Miserere does not figure in the two Palestrina complete editions it may well be that the publisher printed it under his name purely as a business trick.


Invocation

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History of Crux, Table ld: 1853-1856 Symphonie revolutionnaire


The fact that Liszt merged the De profundis theme with that of Har- monies, which had been congenial with it from the beginning, he suc- ceeded in solving his problems with the unfinished piano concert. He could transmit to the piano cycle the sections he found valuable from the point of view of composition as well as the intellect;ual message without burdening it with problems of the form of the concert. Besides, seting to music the topic De profundis which he had promised to the abbot who felt very much attracted to it the work came into being after all in form of a piano cycle, if already not as a concert. This means that by composing the first version of Harmonies there emerged once again a piano series which, similar to Album d'un voyageur and 1 Anne'es de Pe'lerinage Suisse, was also corlnected intellectually with Lamartine27 and Lamennais. While the items finished around 1840 were related to them, the spiritual initiators of the journey, by external links only Liszt "composed them into" the series Harmonies interpreting the title, as it were, literally as Lamartineian and Lamennaisian harmonies. Liszt seems to have had opportunity to revise the two works written around 1840 and to transform them to a real cycle organized on a higher level right after composing the first version of the Harmonies. That the transformation to a cycle of the 1st and 2nd years of Anne'es de Pe'lerinage, that is of the final books Switzerland and Italy which appeared in 1855 and 1857 was begun by and large between 1849 and 1852, simultaneously with the final elaboration of the Harmonies we learn from Liszt's letter to Carl Czerny dated April 19, 1852:

27 A. Main listed convincing arguments to indicate that Liszt was encouraged to compose Album d'un voyageur by a letter of Lamartine dated November 1, 1835. In: "Liszt and Lamartine. Two early letters.", Liszt Studien (Eisenstadtl 1978)1 vol. 21 pp. 137-139.

Stula Musicologica Acatlemiae Scientiarum Hungancae 35/4, 1993-594


... I believe I made better use of these last three years than of the preceding ones; on the one hand, I submitted several earlier works of mine to a rather serious revising work and complete rewriting (among others the Etudes dedicated to you and of which I am going to send you a copy of the definite edition within some weeks and l'Album d'un Voyagellr which will appear considerably corrected, enlarged and transformed under the title 'Annees de Pelerinage, Suite de Compositions pollr le Piano Suisse et Italie '), on the other, I continued composing to the extent my ideas came and I imagine having finally arrived at the point where the style is adequate for the thoughts .. .28

It appears from Liszt's correspondence contemporaneous with the letter fragment that the cycle Harmonies poetiques circumscribed in the second part of the sentence and seemingly of great importance for the composer is the first among his new compositions.29 Completing the Har- monies opened the road, in my opinion, to carrying out the most significant alteration of Ire Annee de Pelerinage Suisse, wich affected the concept of the whole work, that is discarding the dedication of the series to Lamennais, together with Lyon and Psaume. As a successor to De profundis the Harmonies could namely assume the task of the two movements as well, attached as appendix to the 1841 Swiss book only and dis- rupting its unity of contents, that is expressing Liszt's gratitude and thanks to the abbot. By that it became possible to reorganize the Swiss (and Italian) Years of Pilgrimage in a new, eventually Byronian spirit.

The removal of Psaume from the Swiss series does not require any particular explanation, due to the compositional value of the piece, so much the more does discarding Lyon with its mysterious history, one of the most significant pieces of Liszt's maturing as composer and most in- teresting because of its innovations. A. Main30 found the most probable explanation of this question: the fundamental character of the piano work became disagreeable to the composer employed as the conductor of the Weimar Court. Let me add some of my remarks and observations.

I presume that the problem deriving from the character of the piano work was further aggravated by Liszt's having incoxporated into it not his

28 La Mara, op. cit., vol. i, Von Paris bis Rom (Leipzig, 1893), pp. 10S107. 29 In a letter written to Carl Reinecke three days before, on April 16, 1852 he formulated thus: ".. . I reck-

on that in the course of this summer there will appear successively the 12 grand Studies (definitive edition) and the Alarmonies poetiqlles et religiellses: and, in December or next January, 'Anndes de Pelerinage, Suite de Compositions pour le Piano' and the complete collection of my Hungarian rhapsodies ..." In: La Mara, op. cit., vol. i, p. 105.

30 Alexander Main, "Liszt's Lyon" .. . p. 242.

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own march but the work (Premier) Chant des Industriels by Rouget de Lisle widely known at least in Paris which was commissioned directly by the Prince Saint-Simon and became the earliest and formost march of the Saint-Simonians.31 This means in connection with Lyon that, owing to the increasing inopportunity of the movement, the piano work making too concrete references to it lost some of its topicality and the presence of the borrowed melody became embarrassing. In the knowledge of the Saint- Simonian march the vague points of the history of genesis of Lyon can be elucidated. The 1832 investigation and abolition of the movement which had been a partly underground one from the beginning explains why Liszt did not publish the work written, on the evidence of its style, probably in the first half of the 1830s. For establishing the commencement of composition a sheet of music manuscript paper offers an essential proof. It bears the date Sunday, June 16, [1833] on the one side and Rue du Mail, Friday, May 17, on the other. It contains the earliest sketch of the work having surfaced so far, the first moment of the arrangement and melodic alteration of Chant des Industriels (Ex. 6, WRgs Z 18, No. 62). This sketch also attests that the piece should not be linked by all means with the Lyon uprising but considered as a human-artistic attitude instead. With the march and the dedication to Lamennais, who had already been con- demned by the Church, Liszt declared openly his opinion which he shared with certain intellectual groups in the matter of the events of Lyon, for ex- ample.

Iv;S(,y,@ :=F ADCa-

31 Premier Chant des lndustriels published in and its history described by Ralph P. Locke, Music, Musicians and the Saint-Simonians (Chicago, The University, 1986). The connection of the piece with Liszt's Lyon evaded the author's attention.

A. Kaczmarezyk: The Genesis of the Funerailles 387

Studia Musicologica Acudemiae Scientiarum Bunguricae 35/4, 1993-94


The reason why Lyon did not occupy a place in the final versiotl of the Swiss years of pilgrimage cannot have been the loss of timeliness alone, much rather Liszt's success in the meantime to express his message in Funerailles, a work much more mature from the point of view of composition, wording the political content on a more abstract level and thereby apt to stand the test of time.

This movement came to be included as the last item in the cycle Har- monies after June 22, 185132 which, to be quite frank, would be more homogeneous without it both with regard to style and content. Why did Liszt feel compelled to insert it into the series of piano works, notwithstanding? Presumably because without the Funerailles the cycle Har- monies could not have been the fully qualified descendant and intellectual heir to the 1 Annee de Pelerinage, Suisse of 1841, that is the two outer movements conjuring up Lamennais could not have been eliminated. The religious compositions of the Harmonies affect namely one aspect of Liszt's view of Lamennais only, expressed in a straightforward language, they are merely continuing Psaume. Only by the inclusion of Funerailles could the piano cycle partake of the liberal, democratic ideas of Lyon as well.

Even if Funerailles as the last event of man's earthly pilgrimage fitted in with the concept of the cycle Harmonies running through life's sacral points of junction through its sub-title Liszt tears it out from time- lessness and calls particular attention to the topical political associations. Contrary to the rest of the movements why did he not refuse to disclose the inspiring experiences in this one? Who is the sub-title "October 1849" meant for in the piano cycle dedicated to "Jeanne Elisabeth Carolyne" em- phasizing Liszt's Hungarian affiliation and commemorating the victims of the war of independence? The answer lies probably in the sub-title itself: the composer must have been prompted by Heinrich Heine's poem Im Ok- tober 1849 to take such an open stand though Heine attacked him unjustly

32 On June 22, 1851 Liszt wrote tc Kistner, the publisher of Harmonies of a nine-movement work: "Are you really willing to publish the volume Harmonies (nine movements altogether) yet? ... I am afraid this work won't meet with a ready sale, nevertheless, it is very important to me that the edition be harmonic and in spiritual agreement with the dedication (to the Princess) [ . . . ] The manuscript is already completely finished ...". (Unpublished; Sotheby's Catalogue 1992, No. 513.) Since in his letter of May 10, 1851 Liszt informed Carolyne "I have almost finished the two Harmonies N°s 7 and 8 as well, 'Tombez, larmes silen- cieuses!' and 'Miserere"' (La Mara, op. cit., vol. iv, Leipzig, 1900, p. 113), the closing movement of the volume dedicated to the Princess cannot be else than Cantique d 'amour on musical and content criteria either.

Stu(lia Musicol )gica Aca(lemiae Scientiarum Hungarictle 35/4 1'P'p3-524


and undeserved for not having taken actively part in the Hungarian war of independence. It was not Liszt's first truly composer's reply to accusations brought up against him. In the 1830s he sent an answer in the same spirit to Victor Schoelcher, who reproached him with being scornful of the public, with the dedication and motto of La Chapelle de Guillaume Tell in the series Impressions et Poesies: "Einer fur Alle, Alle fur einen" [One for all, all for one]. The sub-title was evidently meant to reach both Heine and his Hungarian friends in return for, among other works with Hungarian associations, Vorosmarty's poem written to him.33

I still owe the reader the elucidation of the links, if any, between the Hungarian layer of the Funerailles and the religious and poetic cycle Har- monies. The explanation lies in the Tristis est anima mea movement of the Symphonie revolutionnaire, a work related to Funerailles. It has already been pointed out that in the movement known from drafts written between 1853 and 1856 (WRgs A21,6) Liszt used two movements of Magyar Dalok to base its music texture on: the first part of the movement is the first Magyar Dal while its second part was written using the tenth Magyar Dal which, on its part, was constructed from motifs of the Rakoczi march. The first part is built, however, on two tinds of motivic fabric, the case being, that between the lines of the first Magyar Dal a chorale inscribed "Vox" is being repeated which reveals that this movement is related with the cycle Has7nonies. The chorale starts namely with a crux motif which is, at the same time, one of the maqams of the series Harmonies. This is not the only linkage point between the two works because the melody of the first line of the first Magyar Dal coincides with the other fundamental musical formula of the piano work, one of the form variations of the motif called "pendulum"34 by Dieter Torkewitz. (See Table 2a-d.)

The pendulum motif first emerges in the piano piece Has7nonies published in 1835. This work is a collection of variations built on the pendulum motif. At its first occurrence, in the opening bar of the piece, the pendulum appears to be merely an introductory-accompanying motif of

33 Liszt's letter to the Princess from Szekszard dated September 28, 1870 gives evidence of it: ". . .as a mark of his esteem His Lordship (Minister of Justice Horvath) recited by heart from beginning to end as toast Vorosmarty's beautiful poem addressed to me in 1840 which I believe to have answered by the Hungaria, les Funerailles and other smaller works . . ." La MaraX op. cit., vol. vi (Leipzig, 1902), p. 266.

34 D. Torkewitz, "Harmonisches Denken im Fruhwerk Franz Liszts", Freiburger Schriften zur MusiEwis- senschaft, vol. 10 (Munich-Salzburg, 1978), pp. 52-81 . An analysis of the piece Harmonies published in 1835.

Studi(w Muxicologiccl Ac(wdemi(we Scienti(wrum Hung(wric(we 35/4. 1993-94

Harmonies (lst version) Andante religioso quieto parlante A

63 > _ G i E i I , 84 .;.2 .; ;, ,@, ,,11 i

-3 - ; J ;. ; ; i E ; #$h;§>

9 #=#:C_ ta}S t Y9'l^ tY Y

Z s l - R

it1 I ff j b * marcatlsslmo

t1 I ff . I marcatissimo

,¢ ...... rTTl 11< n , ^^!^^ SS _ n n ¢

1III1 rrrrr I LLL lCrrrr-¢ iL Vle ff

Harmonies ( 1 st version) Senza tempo extremement lent

(+ t \ avec un profond sentiment d'ennui J pesante languendo

1ss Y

#' ' v , \ e.

t. t. t. k v \_

f - P dim.

HistoryofPendulum,Table2a: 1833-1835

Symph. revol. Nat. Ung. Symph. N8 p. 10

¢s hJ > 1X L lo 1s 1 History of Pendulum, Table 2aa:

ca 1841-1845


v

ppv sempre P la mano sinistra

De proiDundis (Jay Rosenblatt's version) 130

Studia Musicologica Acaclemiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 35/4 1'G'93-'94

divisi 'l l | l

Pensee des morts N9 p. 49 e ($)_' _ 3-- g i

Rrl "4 i i i "i i ;1 " - -

s g # ' m : =+ La lampe du temple N9 49g

[$] 9[$] W[$] Ib: @

Pater noster Bibl. Nat. MS 163 Hymne de l'enfant N9 p. 37

r x i i; ; > i;6S;arYlav:: - A i Pa-ternoster quies in coe - lis 9

/X J L S /i;;l;0t4

Benediction de Dieu dans la solitude N9 p. 65

as} SSSf + F: +.FA f JA W History of Pendulum, Table 2b: 1840 -1847/48

the recitative of the subsequent bar. The piece runs through the transfor- mations of this pendulum formula of uncertain tonality and metre until struggling its way up to a shaxp-featured hymn theme (G major, 2/4). (An- dante religioso bar 63.) The first line of Tristis est anima mea resembles this solution exceedingly in which it is as if the two forms of the "pen-

A. Kaczmarczyk: The Genesis of the Funerailles 391

Studia Musicologica Acaclemiae Scientiarum Bungaricae 35/4, 195s3-5s4

Unidentified N9 p. 53

>soW;i ANX History of Pendulum, Table 2b (cont.)

Pensee des morts Recitativo

Lento assai o b >

(l v pesante #

X

/Ss toylX X S ['+ {'S_r: X

Sa. *

Andante lagrimoso

I sottovoce J-N: x

v t#$"# '' ;: ;: ! $ : + w tr $ hr r rc

Hymne de lXenfant Poco allegretto

1i;;1S02-: SCAL b 8 dolce cantabile

(v:S11;0 Y vY * (m,

History of Pendulum, Table 2c: Final version 1853


Studiu Mu$icologica Acudemiae Scientiurum llunguricae 35/4, ] 'Y'93-'94

Benediction de Dieu dans la solitude Piu sostenuto quasi preludio

223 cantando -- ->_ --

W YXYv2YSC2S:eve= z _ a _ z 3 _ z 3-

t l'accon Ipagnamento sempre so to voce e legato ,_ + ^ t . ^ I 4 ss.1 s | n X X v . n s X v

w I r | , x I _ JL L § v , JL _ | I -

- V v I t1X U J - S tt\} '- @ - z - - s z -

Pensee des morts

ts " AdagioI @_m/ : j : 1<X

dolc ssimo una colda =

4 wJ-1 ; r i - w - w

w .s . I I I ^ w§& r I r w - i

ts g l l l o / l l l l r s w;} x ; ; i v , - t I I

Pa- ter noster qui es in cae- lis f

ssx - - r Fe A

Ave Maria

b Do - mi - nus tecum;

i; $ - _ <3 ,3 L

sS b X - L

A. Kaczmarezyk; The Genesis of the Fune'railles 393

Pater noster

n Andante

. _ _ . tre corde

History of Pendulum, Table 2c: Final version 1853

Studia Musicologics Academiae Scientiarum IIungaricae 35/4, ] 993-94

Harmonies: pendulum = theme of Ungarische National-Melodien I. 1

( $ _

2 9 - 0 j 6 0 'i s-i C O

#: rx #: r o

¢+ 2° < 1 e 8 j$

( v " tt tt o r


History of Pendulum, Table 2d: Symphonie revolutionnaire

dulum"-motif appeared, first the chromatic form in the low register winding round the fundamental, then immediately thereafter the major form answering from the middle position.

The history of the motif in the series Harmonies can be traced from 1840 onwards. The pendulum became the starting point of the thematic material in several movements of the series in a way similar to the crux, and thus the other binding musical element of the work in both versions. It appears chromatically at the beginning of Pense'e des morts and its predecessor of 1847 and in diatonic form as the introduction to the hymn music of Pense'e des morts (bar 77), in the opening theme of Hymne de l'enfant a son reveil, furthermore at the beginning of Pater noste; and in this form it becomes one with the melody of the Gregorian chant, just as the crux does later on. With the chorus version of this Pater noster (R. 5 1 8a) was printed the Ave Maria (R. 496a) as well, whose piano version can also be found in the final Harmonies cycle. The work for chorus and the piano piece differ at one single point only, in starting the Dominus tecum section, but this difference sheds light on the role of the pendulum motif in the Harmonies. Liszt exchanged the melody present in the chorus for one which is identical with the major form of the pendulum, that is he demonstrated the affiliation of the movement by exactly this motif. The theme of the introductory music of the third part of Benediction de Dieu

Studia MusicoZogica Academiae Scientiarum Bungaricae 35/4, 1993-94


dans la solitude (from bar 223 onwards) and perhaps the opening bass passage of the unidentified, untitled E flat major piece of the sketchbook N9 can be regarded as further melodic variants, segments of the pendulum. The arpeggio chord passages turning up in the course of the movement in various keys and winding round the slow-moving melody is always introduced by this descending trichord.

The pendulum had an important function not only in the two Har- monies-the piano piece and the series-but became the starting point of the thematic material in the piano concert De profundis as well. In it the pendulum motif served as the basis for the subsidiary theme in which Liszt exploited the contrary motions of the pendulum coming out particularly well on the orchestra. In the fugato of the subsidiary theme section the dux and countersubject parts of contrary motion derive from it. A solution similar to this arrangement in several parts can be met in the opening theme of the movement La Lampe du temple of the 1847 series, that is the predecessor of the Andante lagrimoso of l 853.

Like Pensee des morts whose title clearly expresses the double origin of the movement the title of Tristis est anima mea must also be examined to find out whether it gives away more about the symphony movement. It must be asked whether the movement making use of the fundamental formulas of the Harmonies shows community with Harmonies already in the title, that is whether there is an underlying poem by Lamartine, eventually from the volume Harmonies.

The title inscription raises the suspicion that with it Liszt referred to his reading experiences. The title of Tristis is namely written grammatical- ly incorrect in each document, thus: "Tristis est animam meam". In an age when Latin was a common asset a book could hardly have appeared with such a printing error. Consequently, we must assume that Liszt did not read this line from the Bible serving as the title in Latin but found it in some other work-why not a French one?-and translated it erroneous- ly into Latin.

Lamennais wrote the collection of poems Harmonies poeriques er religieuses between 1826 and the spring of 1830. The majority was inspired by the perhaps most unshadowed period of his life, his stay in Florence. The outcome of the months he spent in diplomatic service are

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the poems called "Tuscan Harmonies" whose genesis he himself described as follows:

...Florence that was the saloon of Europe then; Lucca that resembled a royal villa of Boccaccio; Modena that presented the most charming spectacle of Italy grouped around a tyrannical prince of the Middle Ages; Parma that attracted the eyes and the imagination of Marie-Louise, this young and charming debris of the Empire who resigned herself to the fall by the happiness of her actual intim life; Livorno where during the calm summer months in the solitary and splendid villas I tasted the melancholy of the vast sea, the sweetness of the conjugal and paternal love, the benefits of leisure devoted to poetry, without defrauding politics; all this has made Italy for me the earthly paradise of a reasonably thinking man, satisfied with his fate and not desiring anything else. Hence comes my love for Italy that had been, in Rome and Naples, the honeymoon of my adolescence and that became, in Tuscany, the delight of my youth. I loved it, I was loved there. There I wrote, in my free moments, the Harmonies poetiques which is a kind of Te Deum of my heart filled at that time with an emotional religion that rose towards the sky in inspired strophes from happiness and from tenderness...35

These poems were the most important sources of inspiration for the series Harmonies written from 1840 onwards. The piano piece Harmonies composed between 1833 and 1835 was far from such unclouded serenity yet. Similar to the first and second movements of Apparitions written at the same time the Harmonies does not close with a sense of having at- tained harmony although it reaches the hymn. In their conclusion they evoke in the low register and in subdued voice the motif or theme sym- bolizing the problem of the content reminding, so to say, of its existence, irresolvable quality. With the title Harmonies Liszt did not express the content of the piece of 1835 but that human-artistic objective which he set for this work and himself in general.

The Tristis est anima mea shows relationship with this range of emo- tions expressed in the early pieces. As a result, we must look for other kinds of poems underlying the Tristis and the piano piece Harrnonies. The two compositions may have been inspired by the great speculative poems of Lamartine's volume written around 1829- 1831 which can be paralleled with the volumes Meditations poetiques. Their underlying tone was the metaphysical anguish giving rise to the mal du siecle literature of the early 19th century from which Lamartine-and also Liszt-found the way out through their religious faith.

35 Lamartine par lui-meme. Livre 4a; XLIV.

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The attention of critiques and the public at large was drawn to the poem Novissima verba ou Mon ame est triste jusqu'a la mort which, taken its title, could directly have inspired Liszt's Tristis est anima mea. The 636-line poem which has at least the double or treble size of any other poem in the volume, constitutes well-nigh a separate chapter. Its content and tone suggest that it must have been created at the peak of Lamartine's inner crisis because it is the gloomiest, bitterest poem in the volume. In his review Sainte-Beuve mentions it together with Hymne au Christ and Pourquoi mon ame est-elle triste?, the best Harmonies poems inspired by heures funebres:

... The same anxieties (i.e. the ones sensed in Pourquoi mon ame) can be found with even more force and profundity in the poem entitled: Novissima Verba, or Mon ame est triste jusqu'a la mort; this is real agony at the Mount of Olives: long and drawn out whose assaults have not flnished. You count the thoughts of the poet like the beat of the artery at his temple, like the drops of cold sweat which fall from his forehead. His whole life and its false goods pass one by one in front of his eyes; he empties the chalice once more and, when he arrives at the last drops, he would also cry out readily: "Father, save me from this hour!" The anquish is pervasive, the perplexity immense. He is searching for a point in the darkness, he tries all routes to find a way out (etc.).36

The line quoted from the Gospels (St Matthew 26,38; St Mark 14,34)

to express his sentiments was for Lamartine only one, though the finalized possibility of title of November 3, 1 829. Some weeks before he mentioned the poem by another title yet when he informed Aime Martin, the profes- sor ot French literature, the editor of the life-work of Bernardin de Saint- Pierre of the genesis of the poem on October 19:37 "...I would like you to come to see me. I would read you a small piece of six hundred lines I have just written [...] It is called Job ...t38 The full title of the poem had originally been: Dithyrambes. Le chant du Cygne ou Job. The poem makes repeatedly references to both places in the Bible.

36C.-A. Sainte-Beuve: "A. de Lamartine: Harmonies poetiques et religieuses. 16 juin 1830.' Premiers lundis. Tome i, (Paris, 1875), p. 325.

37 In a letter to his mother from Geneva on July 28, 1835 asking her for forwarding to him several of his books he mentioned, among others two volumes of Bernardin de Saint-Pierre as well with the designation "edition compacte". This is probably identical with the two-volume compact edition of the life-work by Aime Martin. The "peculiarity" of this edition is, as Maurice Souriau warned us, that Aime Martin modified the original text in several places which affected, if nothing else, at least the writer's style. (See M. Souriau, Ber- nardin de Saint-Pierre d'apres ses manuscripts (Paris, 1905). Accordingly, Liszt did not know the authentic text, at least not at this time.

38 A. de Lamartine, (Euvres Pcetiques Ccompletes ... 1859.

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398 A. Kaczmarezyk: The Genesis of the Funerailles

It emerges from Liszt's sketchbook (WRgs N6) kept between 1828 and 1833 that he felt, his situation of that time was similar to that of Job. In the sketchbook he quotes from the book of Job twice: right at the beginning (p. 1), the following can be read in an ecstatic writing: "Then Job arose, and rent his mantle, and shaved his head, and fell down upon the ground, and worshipped ! ! And said, Naked came I out of my mother's womb, and naked shall I return thither: the Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away.-Blessed be the name of the Lord-" (Job 1,20-21). The second time he quotes on p. 32r: "Let the day perish wherein I was born" (Job 3,3). From these quotations we may conclude that Lamartine's poem which was conceived in a similar frame of mind could easily have resounded in Liszt on composing the piano piece Harmonies already. On the basis of external and internal arguments it seems justified to associate the symphony movement Tristis est anima mea with Lamartine's poem as well as with the piano piece and cycle Harmonies. The two works could have come in close connection when Liszt discovered the essential identity of the first Magyar Dal and the pendulum motif. This could probably have happened around 1850 only: the existence of the title Tristis in the plan of the series in the sketchbook of Ce qu'on entend already seems to be a sign of it. Though the pendulum motif emerges at the plan of the Na- tional Ungarische Symphonie of the sketchbook Lichnowsky as well, there is no sign of Liszt's having identified the Harmonies motif considered as a maqam at that time with that of the symphony.

It cannot be decided how much the recognition of the identity of the theme of the first Magyar Dal and of the pendulum formula in the Har- monies affected the concept of the whole Symphonie revolutionnaire. It is, however, sure that it was of conceptual significance for the cycle Har- monies. Since the pendulum motif got fixed "nationally" through the first Magyar Dal, the Fune'railles could have become an organic part of the cycle not only by the good offices of Chopin-Mickiewicz-Lamennais but through its Hungarian associations as well. The two fundamental musical formulas, the crux and the pendulum, which followed the composer's life for two decades more precisely than a diary show us Liszt in 1853, on completion of the piano cycle Harmonies poetiques as Christian and Hun- garian.

Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 35/4, 1'Y'93-'94

The Genesis of the Funérailles

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