The Gateway and Portal Stone Reliefs from Arslan Tash

The Gateway and Portal Stone Reliefsfrom Arslan Tash

PAULINE ALBENDA

Brooklyn, NY 11224

There were varying North Syrian responses to the Assyrian presence.This article focuses on the artistic response of a single site, Arslan Tash(ancient Hadatu). Two groups of Assyrian stone sculptures are studied: thehuman figures carved in relief and the animal sculptures. The sculptures area disparate collection; many were moved before their recorded recovery.North Syrian subject matter, craftsmanship, and prediliction are at timesinterjected into the stone sculptures. Consequently, individual subjects havean unusual appearance.

Stylistic criteria lead to the conclusion that the Arslan Tash sculptureswere produced within a time span that extended from the reign ofShalmaneser III (858-824 B.c.) to that of Sargon II (721-705 B.c.) Duringthat period, Hadatu was a center of cross-cultural activity and functionedas an important stopping place for Assyrian kings and as a military basefor the royal army.

The stone reliefs discovered at Arslan Tashin northern Syria are especially noteworthyas illustrations of neo-Assyrian decoration

in the provinces. The bas-reliefs of human figuresand the animal reliefs that adorned the city gatesand temple portals are the subjects of this article.There is no archaeological evidence to suggestthat they were set up at the same time. They showstylistic differences and may have been carved byartisans in separate but contemporaneous work-shops. However, that explanation requires thepresence of several schools of stone carvers work-ing alongside but independent of one another. Itis more likely that the sculptures were executed indifferent periods. The absence of secure contextsfor the majority of the sculptures and the generallack of inscriptions make it difficult to determinethe respective periods of manufacture. An inscrip-tion carved across the body of one bull firmlydates the animal and its companion piece to thereign of Tiglath-pileser III (745-727 B.C.). Tenta-tive dates for the other Arslan Tash sculptures canbe established by comparing them with art workswith similar motifs and styles from Assyria properand North Syria. The present study will demon-

strate the artIstIc importance of the sculpturesfrom Arslan Tash and will assign dates of produc-tion for the respective groups of carvings.

Arslan Tash is situated in the plain of Seroudj,about 30 km east of the Euphrates River. Itsmodern name, "the stone lion," is derived fromtwo bas-reliefs of lions found at the site. The firstEuropeans to see the basalt orthostats were mem-bers of the Chesney expedition, during their travelsin 1836 (Chesney 1850: 114-15, map 1; Olmstead1923: fig. 67). In 1886 and 1889, stone reliefs fromArslan Tash and elsewhere were transported tothe museum in Constantinople (Unger 1925: 4;1928b: 156). In 1928 Thureau-Dangin excavatedthe site of Arslan Tash in two brief campaigns(Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931: 2-3).1 He exposedthe portal lions and bulls in the area of an Assyriantemple, along with additional sculptures in otherlocations, including a large statue of a minor deity,a stela, and stone blocks with figures (Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931: 54-67, 81-85). Among otherimportant discoveries at Arslan Tash were the

ancient enclosure wall with three of its gatewayspartially preserved (Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931:68-78) and a royal residence in which painteddecoration was still visible on several walls(Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931: 16-54).

In antiquity, Arslan Tash stood along a majoreast-west route that passed through the cities ofGuzanu (Tell Halaf) and Harran, crossing theEuphrates at Til Barsip (Tell Ahmar), Carchemish(Jerablus) or Biredjik. An early, non-Assyrianoccupation phase is indicated by a large stonepedestal shaped into a pair of bulls in relief (AleppoM 7513), related stylistically to similar examplesfrom Carchemish ca. late tenth century B.C.

(Thureau-Dangin et aI. 1931: 67-68, pI. 2: 3;Woolley and Barnett 1952: 159, 168-69, 171, pIs.B.34, B.47). From that discovery, one can infer acommon cultural environment between the twosites; however, Carchemish was the dominantcenter (Winter 1983: 181-83). In the neo-Assyrianperiod the name of the site was Hadatu. Thepartially legible cuneiform inscription carved onone bull (Louvre AO 11500) and on two fragments(now lost) of a colossal lion from the west gatefurnish this identification-although Unger sug-gests that the city may be identified with Dur-Tukulti-apal-esharra (Thureau- Dangin et al. 1931:62-63,85-89; Unger 1928b: 156; Luckenbill 1926:§765, 795). In the eighth century B.C. the city waspart of the province of Harran. A post-Assyrianoccupation phase is attested by the discovery of a

modest "Greco-Orientale" temple complex builtover a portion of the Assyrian palace (Thureau-Dangin et aI. 1931: 9-15); but architectural fea-tures indicate that the temple is actually of theRoman-Syrian type, similar to the Roman templeat Dmeir (Brummer 1984: 131-34, figs. 20,21).

The stone sculptures are a disparate collection.Many were moved about before their recordeddiscovery. The recovery and assembling of thesculptures span 50 years, from the late 19th cen-tury to Thureau-Dangin's campaigns in 1928.Those facts bear upon the art-historical discussionof the carved subjects.

Two groups of sculptures are discussed sepa-rately below: the human figures carved in relief andthe animal sculptures. There are three units in thefirst group-military parades (figs. 1-7), proces-sions of tribute bearers and Assyrian attendants(figs. 8-9), and the two slabs of tribute bear-ers discovered some distance from Arslan Tash(figs. 10-11). Each unit has a different style. Manystone blocks carved with figures of soldiers werediscovered in the same location while those show-ing tribute bearers and Assyrian attendants werescattered throughout the area of Arslan Tash, nonein situ or near the preceding group of slabs. Thetwo figure units from Arslan Tash were carved onpreexisting walls composed of large basalt blocks

or boulders as evidenced, for example, by theLouvre slabs AO 11502 and AO 28490. Thus thenarrowness of the orthostats in the IstanbulArchaeological Museum is due to the cutting awayof excess stone to facilitate their transport. The

second group of sculptures consists of colossal lionreliefs from the east and west gates (Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931: pIs. 6, 14: 2), the pair of bullsfrom the Assyrian temple area (figs. 12-13), andthe two lion reliefs recovered from outside the

Assyrian temple (fig. 14). The gateway lions andbulls were discovered mostly in situ. In all prob-ability the temple lions were originally set up atthe outer entrance of the religious structure.

A majority of the stone blocks depicting mili-tary persons was discovered in the late 19th cen-tury in the vicinity of a spring in the modernvillage of Arslan Tash. This area was marked "D"in a line drawing that Unger published, and addi-tional slabs with similar subjects were discoveredin various locations (Unger 1928b: 156; Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931: 76-82, pIs. 7-11).2 Thureau-Dangin's later excavations showed that Area Dwas the west gate, and that the exact placement ofthe bas-reliefs could be marked (fig. 15, line M-N).On the north wall of the gateway, the line ofsoldiers and the royal chariot advanced to the

Fig. 5. Arslan Tash reliefs AM 15, AM 16. Photo courtesyIstanbul Arkeoloji Muzerli.

Fig. 6. Arslan Tash relief AO 11502. Photo courtesy Museedu Louvre.

viewer's left, while the figures on the south wall ofthe same gateway advanced to the viewer's right;both parades moved toward the outer gate(Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931: 77).

Figure 16 is a reconstructed drawing of the twoprocessions, based on the available evidence. Onthe north wall the chariot and the line of soldiers

Fig. 7. Arslan Tash relief M7516. Photo courtesy Aleppo Fig. 8. Arslan Tash relief AO 28490. Photo courtesy MuseeMuseum. du Louvre.

Fig. 9. Arslan Tash relief M 7518. Photo courtesy Aleppo Fig. 10. Tell Hadjib relief AM 1955. Photo courtesy Istan-Museum. bul Arkeoloji Muzerli.

Fig. 11. Tell Hadjib relief AM 1982. Photo courtesy Istan-bul Arkeoloji Muzerli.

are approximately 7 m long; the line on the southwall is approximately 6.80 m. Both segments orig-inally were longer. The decorated surface on thestone slabs reached a height of about 1 m; how-ever, since the tops of the individual stones are cutaway, it is not certain whether a raised band or anadditional decoration was applied. On each wallthe composition displays select units of the Assyr-ian military that accompany the king-effaced onthe extant slab (fig. 17)-in his chariot; figuresinclude mounted guards, foot soldiers distinguishedby their maces, and foot soldiers equipped withswords, spears, and round shields.

Stylistic criteria indicate that the military pa-rades were carved after the middle of the eighthcentury B.C. (see below). The restored arrangement

Fig. 12. Arslan Tash bull AO 11500. Photo courtesy Mu-see du Louvre.

Fig. 13. Arslan Tash bull AO 11501. Photo courtesy Mu-see du Louvre.

of each military parade relies on comparative artworks with similar themes, all datable to the sameperiod. The palace wall reliefs of Tiglath-pileser III(745-727 B.C.) and Sargon II (721-705 B.C.) beardepictions of the royal chariot with foot soldierswho precede and guide the vehicle (Barnett andFalkner 1962: frontpiece, pis. 43, 44, 58, 59, 61,81-83; Botta and Flandin 1849: pis. 63,64, 71, 94,100; Albenda 1986: pis. 99, 103, Ill, 120, 134).There are no cavalrymen following the royalchariot or units of foot soldiers with maces on thereliefs of Tiglath-pileser III, although such de-

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Fig. 14. (Left) Arslan Tash lion M 7519. Photo courtesyAleppo Museum.

Fig. 15. (Above) Plan of west gate, after Thureau-Danginet al. 1931: fig. 19.

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pictions are found on the slabs of Sargon II (Bottaand Flandin 1849: pIs. 53, 63, 112-14, 142, 143;Albenda 1986: pIs. 88, 89, 111, 120, 134). A wallpainting in Room 47 of the provincial palace at TilBarsip contained a line of soldiers arranged singlyand in pairs, all of them standing behind theenthroned figure of the king. Helmeted soldiersarmed with spears and round shields are positioned

between mace-bearing soldiers (Thureau-Dangin1930a: 113-32; Thureau-Dangin and Dunand 1936:pI. 52; Tomabechi 1983: 72, 73). A carved ivorypanel of Assyrian workmanship was discovered inthe Ezida temple at Kall].u (Nimrud); it depicts amilitary procession in two registers, also withmace-bearing soldiers without headdresses preced-ing helmeted soldiers armed with bows, maces, and

round shields (Mallowan 1975: 279-82; Mallowanand Davies 1970: 28, pI. 17, no. 61 a-j). Thoseexamples of Assyrian art demonstrate that theorganization of the military parade required theking to be surrounded by royal guards, mountedand on foot; the regular army came after them. Thetwo reconstructions of the Arslan Tash militaryparades have the units of militia aligned in de-scending order of rank: royal chariot accompaniedby attendants, riders on horseback, mace-bearingguards, and armed, helmeted soldiers.

The bas-reliefs in the west gateway are unusualin that they present a mirror image, except foroccasional differences in the military equipmentthat the solders hold. The reconstructions of thetwo parades given in fig. 16do not elaborate on theavailable evidence: nonetheless, one can assumethat on the north wall two cavalrymen come afterthe royal chariot, and that on the south wall theroyal chariot precedes the two cavalrymen. Doubleimagery was known in the palace art of Assyria.From the ninth century B.C. on, it was adapted for

the large sculptures that lined important doorjambs and the walls framing those doors, and forthe motif of divine and human figures flanking astylized tree (Botta and Flandin 1849: pis. 24, 26,150; Albenda 1986: pis. 35, 36,63; Hrouda 1965:pI. 36; Reade 1983: 2-3, pis. 3, 30). The use ofdouble imagery applied to narrative scenes set upon opposite walls does not seem to have occurredin Assyria proper before Sargon II (Botta andFlandin 1849: pis. 121, 138; Albenda 1986; pis.63,64).

Subjects of the bas-reliefs. The personnelcomprising each of the two military parades con-sist of a person of highest rank and attendants inthe chariot, cavalrymen, Assyrian officials, royalguards, and foot soldiers. The high ranking personoriginally appeared on the near side in the chariotbox with a charioteer and a personal attendant; thefigure was deliberately effaced and previously-hidden portions of the driver and attendant werereworked and are now entirely visible (Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931: 79). Above the curved uppersiding of the chariot box, a horizontal cut suggeststhat the box was reshaped into a straight uppersiding and possibly reworked with a layer ofplaster and paint. The recutting of the relief is not arandom act and must have been done sometimeafter the wall reliefs were completed, since twostyles of carving are discernible on the head of thedriver. The main outline of the highest rankingperson can be traced and it may be Shamshi-ilu, aturtiinu, who held the eponymate in 780, 770, and752 B.C. (Hawkins 1982: 404-5; Reade 1972: 88-89; 1979:72).3An alternate identification, followedhere, is that the central figure represents the king;the sculpture can be restored to show him wearingthe tall headdress and posed with right arm raisedand left arm lowered (figs. 16-17). It cannot bedetermined what, if anything, the king held; in anyevent, his pose is that of a triumphant ruler.

The Arslan Tash scene of a royal person in hischariot does not occur among the eighth centuryB.C. paintings that decorated the walls of severalchambers in the Assyrian residence at Til Bar-sip. Thus the probable source for this subject isthe royal workshop at Nimrud, which producedthe fine bas-relief from the Central Palace onwhich Tiglath-pileser III is portrayed (Barnett andFalkner 1962: pis. 68-71). On the Arslan Tashand Nimrud reliefs, the representations of theroyal chariots are similar, and both have similar

harness equipment (Hrouda 1965: 93-100; Madh-loom 1971: 29-31). A notable difference on theArslan Tash relief is the gradual decrease in sizeof the different subjects, beginning with the per-son at the head of the line and ending with themounted rider. This artistic feature may be anawkward attempt to depict the military paradeadvancing to the foreground. A similar methodrecurs among the individual groups of ArslanTash soldiers, on a bas-relief from the CentralPalace, carved after the king's ninth Palu (735B.C.), on an ivory panel found at Fort Shal-maneser, and on a stone relief from Sak<;:egozu(Barnett and Falkner 1962: 28, pIs. 82, 83; Mal-Iowan and Herrmann 1974: 46-48, 68-69, fig. 13,pIs. 1, 3; Akurgal 1966: 62-63, pI. 23b).

The two horses pulling the Arslan Tash chariotare slender and the visible tail, neatly combed andtied at the center, reaches ground level. The ani-mals walk at a brisk pace, their ears turned backas an expression of alertness. The head harnessconsists of a cheek piece composed of a plain barwith curved ends to which a triple-split cheekstrap is attached, a browband to which a longnose plaque is attached, and a throat lash (fig. 18).A small ring serves as the fitting for the crossedstrap. On the head a two-tiered tassel is attachedto a twisted rope that extends over the horse'smane. The throat and chest of the visible horseare embellished with a necklace of alternatingbeads and flat disks, at the front of which is athree-tiered tassel that emerges from a bell-shapedtube, a broad collar, and a thin strap from whichnarrow strips fall. Attached to the last item is a.large pendant side ornament that terminates in a

plain disk with raised edge and several rows ofsmall, multiple tassels. The undecorated disk isunusual, since similar disks on the chariots ofAssyrian kings have large rosettes (Strommengerand Hirmer 1964: pIs. 202, 204; Barnett and Falk-ner 1962: pIs. 48, 49, 82, 83). For example, theone depicted on Tiglath-pileser's chariot is in theshape of a 16-rayed flower with central button,resembling an aster.4 However, the elliptical cloththat covers the shaft pole of the Arslan Tashchariot is decorated with small eight-rayed flowersresembling marigolds (fig. 19); similar flowers ap-pear along the outer border of the chariot box.The yoke pole terminates in an animal head (bull?).Near its upper end are two semicircular fittingsthrough each of which a rein extends, and one ofthem is joined to the bit (fig. 20). A broad cushionor pad covers the horse's mane.

After the royal chariot come equestrian guards;one rider and his horse are preserved entire (figs. 1,21). Despite the decreased size of this equestriangroup, the artist gave it full attention. The beard-less rider is bareheaded and attired in a high-necked, short-sleeved dress with a fringed bottom.At the waist is a broad belt to which a long, narrowsword in its scabbard is attached. On his feet areankle-high boots; knee-length stockings are kept inplace by cord. The rider sits comfortably upon afringed and tasseled rectangular cloth that coversthe back of the horse. His extended left hand gripsthe rein, while the lowered right hand clutches awhip that is mostly hidden on the far side of theanimal's body. The horse prances forward andraises both forelegs off the ground; unlike that ofthe chariot horse, its tail is folded up and tied. The

ridden horse's head harness differs in several waysfrom those on the chariot horses (fig. 22). Thecheek piece is a twisted bar to which a double-splitcheek strap is attached. Connected to the samestrap is a nose strap that extends obliquely to thenose plaque which, in turn, is attached to thebrowband.5 The forelock falls forward in a cluster,and along the length of the mane is a twisted ropeto which the throat strap and breast collar areattached. The throat strap is plain, except for anelaborate tassel at the front. The breast collar isdecorated with a row of small bells.

To judge by the extant reliefs from the CentralPalace at Nimrud, mounted guards do not seem tohave formed part of Tiglath-pileser's elite militia.Those cavalrymen, who usually number two on thewall reliefs, are present when Sargon II travels inhis chariot (Botta and Flandin 1849: pIs. 53,62,63,142; Albenda 1986: pIs. 111, 119, 120, 134). Sar-gon's equestrian guards are always shown withouthelmets or headbands; they possess several kinds

of weapons including bow and quiver, sword, andspear. Once, two of the cavalrymen are depicted ina wooded landscape some distance from kingSargon's chariot, and each rider grips a three-thonged whip (Botta and Flandin 1849: pI. 108;Albenda 1986: pI. 85). The stance of one rider andof his horse are identical to those on the ArslanTash relief described above, except that the formergroup is turned to the spectator's right and thuspresents the opposite view. Nearly identical to theSargon example is the second Arslan Tash relief ofa rider on horseback which Thureau-Dangin dis-covered; it is now in the Aleppo Museum (fig. 7).Among its minor differences are the visible left armof the rider and the one- or two-thonged whip thathe grasps. As evidenced by the Arslan Tash andother neo-Assyrian bas-reliefs, a function of thepaired riders was to protect the king during histravels, at which times they stayed close behind theroyal vehicle. From their close association with theking in his chariot, then, the Arslan Tash eques-

trian guards belong to the special unit known asthe qurubuti sa pethalli, the "king's householdcavalry" (Kinnier Wilson 1972: 48).

It is curious that, with the exception of theequestrian guards, units of cavalry and chariotrybelonging to the Assyrian army are excluded fromthe Arslan Tash military parades. Textual datashow that, in the late eighth century B.C., thosebranches of the military consisted of units fromAssyria proper and units conscripted from citiesdefeated in battle. At the same time, there devel-oped an awareness of the importance of cavalry inwarfare technology (Dalley 1985: 37-39). Thetactical superiority of cavalry over infantry, and ofchariotry over cavalry, is described most vividly onthe wall reliefs of Sargon II (Albenda 1986: 82-83,89-90, pIs. 94, 95, 102, 103, 113, 116, 117).

Several military figures on the Arslan Tashreliefs are distinguished by their costumes, weap-ons, and related positions within the two parades.It is likely that each person has a specific butdifferent rank within the military organization. Ahigh-ranking official leads the procession whichincludes the royal chariot (fig. 1). He is beardlessand wears a long dress and a shawl of fringesgenerally associated with the Assyrian court. Hisboots are partially hidden beneath the garmentfringes. He is bejeweled with a triple-armed ear-ring, open-ended arm bands, and bracelets. Theranked official places the left hand on the pommelof his sword and the right arm extends downwardalong the side of his body. Similar officials appearseveral times on the palace reliefs of Tiglath-pileser III, and in each instance they stand behindthe commander-in-chief (turtiinu), who faces the

king (Barnett and Falkner 1962: pIs. 84-86, 95).A significant difference between the Arslan Tashand Nimrud court officials, however, is the foot-wear. Boots were common in North Syria, andthose worn by the Arslan Tash official are of a stylefavored by Bar-Rakib, a ruler of Sam'al (Zin-cirli) who owed allegiance to Tiglath-pileser III(fig. 23:c, 4).6 The boots on the Arslan Tash officialshow a familiarity with and an acceptance of NorthSyrian fashions. His costume and pose indicate adegree of authority within the administration ofthe Assyrian provinces.

After the Arslan Tash official come two armedattendants standing side by side. They are bearded,and both wear long, belted garments and heeledsandals. The fully visible attendant is adorned witha pendant earring and a plain bracelet, and hisweapons consist of a long sword in its scabbardand a quiver with tasseled cover. The pairedattendants advance with both arms lowered andhands turned down. On the palace reliefs ofTiglath-pileser III and Sargon II, paired attendantswho always accompany the royal chariot usuallyhold the reins of the chariot horses. The differencebetween the pictorial versions may be due to themodifications made by the artisan responsible forthe Arslan Tash reliefs. The paired attendants mayrepresent the mukil appati or "holders of the reins"(Kinnier Wilson 1972: 52).

Another bearded official attired in a long, beltedgarment appears at the head of a line of footsoldiers who are armed with swords, bows, andmaces (figs. 4, 5). On the north wall, each mace-bearing soldier holds the mace in his right handand rests the left hand on the pommel of his sword(fig. 2). On the south wall, the soldiers hold theirmaces upright over the right shoulders and grasptheir bows in the left hands. The leader, who alsogrips a mace, must be the senior officer in com-mand of the unit. All the soldiers are bareheaded.They wear short-sleeved blouses, belted knee-length tunics embellished with fringed and tasseledcloths that fall at the front, and heeled sandals. Onthe palace reliefs of Tiglath-pileser III, similarunits of soldiers on campaign carry statues offoreign deities, and on the reliefs of Sargon II theyprecede the royal chariot in a military parade(Barnett and Falkner 1962: 29-30, pIs. 87,92,93;Botta and Flandin 1849: pIs. 113, 114; Albenda1986: pI. 89). The mace-bearing soldiers mustrepresent the king's personal guards and therefore:formed another unit of qurubuti-officers.

ASSYRIA ARSLAN-TASH NORTH SYRIA/SOUTH ANATOLIA

900 B.C.

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Fig. 23. Styles of footwear. a = Arslan Tash (Unger 1925: pI. 8); b = Tell Hadjib AM 1955 and AM 1982 (see figs. 10,11); c = Arslan Tash AM 1946 (see fig. 1); d = Arslan Tash (see figs. 1-7); 1 = Ivriz (Akurgal and Hirmer 1962: fig. 14);2 = Carchemish (Akurgal and Hirmer 1962: fig. 121); 3 = Zincirli (Akurgal and Hirmer 1962: fig. 129); 4 = Zincirli (vonLuschan and Jacoby 1911: figs. 255, 257, pI. 67); 5 = Marash (Akurgal and Hirmer 1962: fig. 139); 6 = Malatya(Akurgal and Hirmer 1962: fig. 107).

Next come helmeted foot-soldiers who carryeither maces and spears or spears and roundshields (figs. 3,6). In all probability, those infantryunits represent the military personnel assigned tothe provinces of North Syria. On the bas-reliefs,the array of armor and weapons the infantrycarries is impressive. Each soldier's pointed hel-met is decorated with raised ridges along the rimand at the front. The socketed spearhead blade istriangular and the weighted end of the shaft hasringed bands; the shield shows concentric circles(on Assyrian weapon types, see Madhloom 1971:43~46, 53-56). The sword in its scabbard is essen-tially the same in the several representations(Maxwell-Hyslop 1946: 80-81). The hilt is com-posed of a round pommel with flat underside, agrip with rounded swelling in the center, and arectangular guard. The blade is long and narrow,and probably has a raised midrib along its length.The scabbard is simply decorated at the upper endwith an incised X between two bands of raised

ridges. Elsewhere, a scabbard belonging to anAssyrian attendant has two volutes near the lowerend (see fig. 1). Attached to some scabbards arebroad straps slung over the left shoulders of thesoldiers.

The maces held by the respective units of militiaare of a single type and vary slightly among thedifferent representations (figs. 2, 3, 4, 24). Eachmace head consists of a cylindrical tube withovoid swelling at the center, raised ridges aboveand below the swelling, and small triangular pro-jections at the top. The object is mounted near theupper end of the wooden staff. Mace heads of thistype appear among the wall paintings at Til Barsipand on the palace reliefs of Sargon II (Thureau-Dangin and Dunand 1936: pI. 47; Botta andFlandin 1849: pIs. 65,66, 113, 114; Albenda 1986:pIs. 89, 121). One of several Assyrian examplesrecovered from the excavations at Khorsabad(Dur-Sharrukin) is well preserved and nearly iden-tical to those on the Arslan Tash reliefs (fig. 25).7

Examples of the same type were also discovered atZincirli (Andrae 1943: 85-87, fig. 107, pI. 42: i-k).Shalmaneser III (858-824 B.C.) inscribed a proto-type (Curtis and Grayson 1982: 88-92, fig. 1:1-3,pI. 3a). The maces held by the respective units ofmilitia at Ars1an Tash may be symbols of authorityor rank, rather than actual weapons (Moorey 1971:92-93; Millard 1983: 103); similar objects in thehands of high-ranking persons portrayed on theeighth century B.C. stone reliefs at Carchemish andSakyegozu may also be symbols of authority(Hogarth 1914: pis. B.1, BA, B.5b, B.8a; Orthmann1971: pI. 50). If this assumption is correct, thehelmeted soldiers at Arslan Tash were especiallyimportant-they may have been under the directcommand of the Assyrian king.

Style and date of the bas-reliefs. The twomilitary parades originally formed a narrow friezeabove ground level on the north and south walls.Despite the hardness of the stones and the dam-

Fig. 25. Bronze mace head from Khorsabad. AO 21368 (N3102). Photo courtesy Musee du Louvre.

aged or weathered areas of the carved surfaces,the bas-reliefs illustrate a precise delicacy ofworkmanship. Fine lines delineate each subject,subtle modeling along the contours and portionsof each body conveys a sense of solidity, and linesrendered in relief demarcate various parts of thecostume. Overall, the carving of the individualfigures is crisp and linear, and essential details arerendered with clarity and simplicity. Moreover,the carving technique is uniform throughout anddepictions of soldiers belonging to the same groupare repetitive, sure indications that the sculptor(s)had much skill and worked from master drawings.The human figures are short (ca. 80-90 cm) anddistinctive for their bell-shaped bodies and ex-tremely high waists. The proportion is naive

(head:waist:foot = 1:1:2y2) and contrasts with theAssyrian canon. (In the period of Sargon II thereare about six head heights to the total height.)There is a knowledgeable rendering of specificfeatures, however. The portraiture of the indi-vidual figures is singular (figs. 1-6, 17, 21, 26).The underlying shape of the human head drawnin profile is a circle; and when clean shaven, theface has a rounded cheek and chin. Facial featuresinclude a large elongated eye below a prominentlyarched eyebrow, a small nose, and thin lips. Thelong beard covering the face is composed of smallnubby curls without swirls, relieved by two rowsof continuous vertical lines, and a narrow mous-tache covers the upper lip. The hairdo consists ofmultiple striations in relief that cover the head tothe level of the earlobe where wavy strands emergeto form plain curls in a cluster that touches theshoulder as it curves up.

The carving of the bas-reliefs~as distinct fromtheir content~is of North Syrian workmanship.

Basalt stone carving had a long history in NorthSyria, and it is well attested at a number of sitesincluding Carchemish and Zincirli, two centersthat developed strong sculptural traditions. AtCarchemish, among the latest datable stone reliefspreceding that city's conquest by Sargon II in717 B.C. is the portrait group on the Royal But-tress (ca. 750 B.C.). The subjects include the gov-ernor Yariris and the children of king Astiruwas(see Hawkins 1979: 159). The carving of the in-dividual figures is naturalistic and the compositionavoids the mechanical repetition found on thereliefs of the Processional Entry (Hogarth 1914:pIs. B.7, B.8; Woolley 1921: pIs. B.17a, B.19-B.24;Woolley and Barnett 1952: 244). The decorationson the boots of Yariris differ from the decorationson the boots of Kamanis, his successor (fig. 23:2),and from those on the Arslan Tash reliefs(fig. 23:c-d). There is some similarity, however,between Kamanis's boots and those worn by thedeity carved on the hillside at Ivriz in southernAnatolia (fig. 23:1), an indication of the mobility offashions. The rock monument dates from about740 B.C. (Akurgal and Hirmer 1962: 140, pI. 24,fig. 140). The portrait group on the Royal But-tress predates the Arslan Tash military parades(see below). It is unlikely that later artisans fromCarchemish, working within a highly-developedsculptural tradition that depicted human figureswith slender proportions, were responsible for thecarving of the military parades at the nearby siteof Arslan Tash. However, versions of militaryparades were discovered at Carchemish. Ortho-stats carved in relief with war chariots and footsoldiers bearing captives lined the Long Wall ofSculpture; marching soldiers lined a portion of thewall in the King's Gate; officers carrying differentweapons formed part of the Royal Buttress. Thefirst two subjects are of contemporary workman-ship (ca. 850 B.C.), while the last is in the style ofthe portrait group (Hogarth 1914: pIs. B.I-B.5;Woolley and Barnett 1952: 164-66, 196, 243-45,pIs. BAI-BA6).

The sculptors who produced the reliefs at ArslanTash appear to have had affinities with a traditionof stone carving that was especially apparent atZincirli, where two main groups of stone reliefsfrom the eighth century B.C. were discovered. Onegroup originally decorated the outer facade ofHilani III and showed two processions of localofficers advancing toward the main entrance (vonLuschan and Jacoby 1911: 243, 343-45, figs. 150,

Fig. 27. Detail: relief from Hilani III at Zincirli (IstanbulAM 7738).

254, pis. 57-59; Orthmann 1971: 547-48, pI. 65).The human figures are short (ca. 78-80 cm) andsquat (l :4/5: 1 3/5); rounded contours, occasionalmodeling, and oversimplified renderings of detailscharacterize their lively style (fig. 27). (Winter[1979: 116-20] discusses the genre of human fig-ures with squat proportions.) These wall reliefs areentirely the work of local North Syrian artisansand antedate the second group, which originallydecorated two projecting side walls of the Nord-hallenbau (stepped portico). On three sides of oneprojecting wall was a line of musicians, and on twosides of the other projecting wall the local rulerBar- Rakib was portrayed, surrounded by personalattendants (von Luschan and Jacoby 1911: 345,350, figs. 255, 257, 259, pIs. 60, 62-63; Orthmann1971: 545, 547, pIs. 63:b-f, 64:a-b). The stonereliefs from the Nordhallenbau, as well as theisolated slab (fig. 28) on which the same ruler isdepicted (von Luschan and J acoby 1911: 377,

Fig. 28. Detail: relief of Bar-Rakib from Zincirli (IstanbulAM 7697).

pI. 67), have more elaborate designs and introduceAssyrian-style elements such as hairdo, furniture,and proportion. Nonetheless, their creative style ispredominantly the same as the group fromHilani III; thus the Bar- Rakib reliefs are specificexamples of an "Assyrianizing style" in whichAssyrian elements occur but do not supersede thelocal tradition. Since Bar-Rakib was a vassal ofTiglath-pileser III, the wall reliefs from Hilani III,which are earlier, may have been carved for a priorruler of Zincirli.8

Although the sculptors of the Arslan Tash reliefsworked in a regional North Syrian style of stonecarving that extended to Zincirli, the Arslan Tashcompositions and their subject matter are Assyrianin origin. Master designs prepared by Assyrianartists and available at either Til Barsip, where aschool of painting was active during the reign of

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Fig. 29. Author's reconstruction of processions of bearers of tribute, based on collated drawings of excavated finds.Thureau-Dangin, et a/. 1931: A = pI. 13:3; B = pI. 13:1 (Aleppo M 7514); C = pI. 13:2 (Louvre AO 28490); D = pI. 12:3;E = unpublished (Aleppo M 7518); F = pI. 14:1; G = pI. 13:4.

Tiglath-pileser III, or Nimrud, the main center inAssyria proper of stone carving and other monu-mental art works, were almost certainly utilized. Aspecialized artisan-perhaps dispatched from Zin-cirli as a means of maintaining diplomatic relationsbetween that vassal city and Assyria (Zaccagnini1983:250-52)-modified the designs, and in doingso reverted to a North Syrian predilection formechanical repetition. The Assyrian preference fordetail was retained, however. The artisan probablysupervised the carving of the military parades if,indeed, he was not the master sculptor. Theiconography and specifics of subject matter on theArslan Tash reliefs are predominantly Assyrianand supersede North Syrian craftsmanship. Thecreative style resulting from the fusion of twoartistic modes is splendid and, moreover, furnishesan example of what may be termed "provincialAssyrian" art.

It appears that the Arslan Tash stone reliefs werecarved sometime between the reigns of Tiglath-pileser III and Sargon II. Thureau-Dangin et al.(1931: 5) accept the earlier date. However, the

reign of Shalmaneser V (726-722 B.C.) is morelikely, based on several observations. First, themilitary compositions lack innovation and relyupon existing Assyrian designs such as thoseproduced by the royal workshop at Nimrud. Thusthey must postdate the wall reliefs from the CentralPalace. The Arslan Tash reliefs could have beencarved late in the reign of Tiglath-pileser III, butthe mature palace style that typifies the art of thatking would have surely outweighed North Syrianpredilections. Conversely, the rigidity and repeti-tiveness that characterize the Arslan Tash reliefsare nowhere evident among the palace reliefs ofSargon II that show similar subjects; there, theepisodic scenes are dynamic and their composi-tions differ markedly. Second, depictions of Sar-gon's chariot show that it is of a later type and,moreover, the recut upper siding of the ArslanTash chariot box relates to the examples fromSargon's reign (Madhloom 1971: 19-20). Third, onthe Arslan Tash reliefs all the sandaled feet havethe same pattern of lacing (fig. 23:e). The palacereliefs of Tiglath-pileser III do not have this or a

similar pattern. A more intricate version wasdevised for the sandals depicted on the reliefs ofSargon II (Albenda and Guralnick 1986: 234-35,fig. 3). Finally, the provincial style of the ArslanTash bas-reliefs can best be explained by the briefreign of Shalmaneser V, which was not long enoughfor a newly reorganized royal workshop in Assyriaproper to develop a formal art style suitable to thatking. Consequently, for the production of thebasalt reliefs set up in the west gate the buildersrelied on existing master designs and competentNorth Syrian stone carvers.

The selection of a city gateway for the perma-nent display of the Assyrian military is unique.North Syrian cities such as Carchemish and Zincidimay have provided the inspiration (Hogarth 1914:pIs. B.l-B.4; von Luschan, 1902: 208-9). Thedisplays of the military parade may have servedtwo purposes. First, their placements along thewalls of a gateway leading into the city of Hadatuwere a public proclamation of the Assyrian king'smilitary power. That fits well with what we knowof Shalmaneser's western campaigns. Shalman-eser V took several military actions against Syriaand Phoenicia, which included the kingdoms ofDamascus, Tyre, and Samaria (Brinkman 1968:243-45; Dalley 1985:33; Katzenstein 1973:220-30).The effacement of the Assyrian king on the ArslanTash relief may have been done soon after hisdeath; his demise, followed by a brief time ofmilitary and political uncertainty, could haveprompted the action. Sargon II concluded thebattle at Samaria in the first year of his reign andhad to contend with a rebellion by Assyrians andothers; in the second year he dealt with anotherrevolt in the west and was officially crowned kingof Assyria (Lambert 1981: 125; Luckenbill 1927:§4-5, 134; Saggs 1975: 15). The second purposefor the display of military parades may have beento show that Hadatu was the site of the Assyrianmilitary base in North Syria and the provincialresidence of Shalmaneser V. The palace area wasdiscovered at the northeastern end of the modernsite, and the latest phase of occupation is dated tothe late eighth century B.C. (Turner 1968: 64-65).All the chambers comprising the royal apartments,private and public, had the same painted walldecoration. It consisted of a frieze about 78 cmwide and composed of a single band of alternatingconcave-sided squares and circles and continuoushorizontal lines at the top, center, and bottom.The colors were limited to red, blue, and black on a

white background. A plain black-on-white friezeof concentric circles connected by thin lines wasdiscovered in still another chamber (Thureau-Dangin et ai. 1931:28-30, pI. 48).

The modest wall paintings at Arslan Tash are inmarked contrast to the figures and rich patternsthat enhanced several chambers of the royal resi-dence at Til Barsip, which Tiglath-pileser III andlater kings used (Thureau-Dangin and Dunand1936: pIs. 45, 46).9 The wall paintings from Sar-gon's palace and the residence of a high-rankingofficial in the Assyrian city of Dur-Sharrukin areequally elaborate (Botta and Flandin 1849:pIs. 155,156; Albenda 1986:pIs. 150,151; Loud, Frankfort,and Jacobsen 1936: 68-71, pIs. 2-4; Loud andAltman 1938:83-86). The Arslan Tash polychromedecorations showed floral patterns within the geo-metric shapes, and their style forms a transitionbetween the Til Barsip and Khorsabad versions(cf. Parrot 1961: figs. 341-43). Additional exam-ples of Assyrian wall paintings discovered at TellSeb l:Iamad in Syria consist of black and whitefloral and geometric motifs. However, the date oftheir production has still to be determined (Kuhne1985: 170-72, figs. 63, 64).

Numbers of basalt blocks from Arslan Tash andelsewhere displayed persons carrying a variety ofobjects and advancing either to the viewer's rightor left. The individual blocks were discovered inmostly weathered or fragmentary condition, andnone were found in situ. Thureau-Dangin was lesscertain that the reliefs of tribute bearers originatedin the west gate, possibly decorating the same dooras those showing military parades. However, thedepictions of those persons form two differentgroups.

First group. Two slabs, 1M 1955and 1M 1982,reached the museum in Constantinople in 1899and1901 (figs. 10-11). Those orthostats were dis-covered by chance at Tell Hadjib, a modern villageabout 2 km east of Arslan Tash. Presumably, theslabs originated in Arslan Tash (Thureau-Danginet ai. 1931: 82-83). Slab 1M 1982has at the back aprominent L-shaped groove; two surfaces and onenarrow side of the stone are smooth. Carved inrelief on each slab is a bearded man who turns tothe viewer's left and balances on his head a largewickerwork tray laden with small vessels. The two

men wear identical costumes, each of which con-sists of a wide-brimmed turban with pointed tip,an ankle-length dress that is shorter at the front,and a broad belt of possibly the hook-and-eye typeat the waist. 10 The high boots are partially hiddenbeneath the dress. The subject matter and style ofcarving make it likely that the Tell Hadjib slabs areentirely Assyrian in origin. The subject of a bearerof tribute balancing a tray on his head occurs inninth century B.C. Assyrian art works but, atpresent, similar representations are unknownamong the palace reliefs of Tiglath-pileser III andSargon II. Nonetheless, the style of dress (cf.Barnett and Falkner 1962: pis. 12,49, 75) and theboots with linear decoration (fig. 23: b) point to aneighth century B.C. date. Moreover, the proportionof each person (1:l:2J!4) and the method of carvingin which the surface of the subject matter raisedfrom the background is essentially flat, are similarto stone reliefs from the reign of Tiglath-pileser III.The Tell Hadjib slabs are attributed to that period.

The vessels on the wickerwork trays that thetribute bearers carry are of two types. Slab1M 1955 shows seven identical bowls, but onlytheir main outlines are preserved. Each bowl (withhandle attachments?) has a wide mouth, a highrim, and a squat, spherical body; what appears tobe a disk foot is actually the ring stand forsupporting the bowl. Comparisons for this bowltype are the small handled cauldrons discoveredin Tumuli P and MM at the Phrygian site ofGordion (Young 1981: 11-12,110-11,223-24,pis. 8:A-C, 58:A-H). Slab 1M 1982 has six iden-tical bowls resting upon stands, and two identicalbracelets with broad, plain terminals. Each bowlhas a straight rim with thick upper edge and ashallow body decorated with vertical grooves. Itsshape and decoration indicate that the vessel is aknobbed or petaled bowl. Comparative exampleswere recovered in several tumuli at Gordion(Young 1981: 131, pI. 68:B), and a similar bowlwithout relief decoration was recovered at theSyrian site of Qarqur (Lundquist 1983: fig. 4). Thebearers of tribute depicted on the Tell Hadjibslabs may have originated in the same region asthe foreigners shown in a drawing of a bas-relieffrom the Central Palace of Tiglath-pileser III atNimrud (Barnett and Falkner 1962: xx, xxi, 12,pI. 47). Those persons probably came from thesouthern Anatolian plateau and one of them holdstwo vessels similar to types discovered at Gordion.

The first vessel is related to the knobbed or petalbowl but the second, distinctive for its triangularprofile and ring base, is without exact parallels;however, its ring handles attached to a raised rimsuggest that the shallow dish is a variant of thetype with swiveling ring handle known fromTumulus MM at Gordion (Young 1981: 125-31,figs. 81-85, pis. 65-67).

The foregoing evidence indicates that the TellHadjib bearers of tribute probably represent oneof the lands in the southern Anatolian plateauthat sent tribute to Tiglath-pileser III between 743and 738 B.C. The Assyrian king secured con-trol over northern Syria and southern Anatoliaafter his successful battles against U rartu in743 B.C. and against Arpad in 740 B.C.; his west-ern campaign in 738 B.C. led to overall control ofcentral Syria (Astour 1979: 1-23; Luckenbill 1926:§769-72, 785, 797,801-2, 813, 815-16; Shea 1978:43-49).

Second group. The stones belonging to thesecond group were fragmentary, or whole butpoorly preserved. Sections of two compositionshave been reconstructed from the published finds;each displays a line of people advancing to theviewer's right and left respectively (fig. 29). Oneunpublished slab now in the Aleppo Museum(M 7518; fig. 9 here), on which two armed As-syrian attendants turned to the left are depicted,may belong to the procession showing the personsadvancing to the right (below). All the stonesprobably were set up originally in the same loca-tion. It is unlikely that the stones lined the wallsof an inner chamber, since they are of basalt andone extant, boulder-like slab (fig. 8) has a thick-ness about one-third its height. The two narrowfriezes, each about 90 em high, probably deco-rated the lower walles) of an exterior facade orpassageway.

Despite the poorly preserved carved surface, theindividual human figures appear to be generallyalike in attire and pose. The several tribute bearersshown in their entirety are drawn in profile. It isuncertain, however, whether they are clean shavenor possess short beards. The hair falls in a clusteron the shoulder. The costume consists of an ankle-length dress with a long coat over it, and boots.The objects they carry include sacks, handledvessels, and probably folded cloths. On Louvreslab AO 28490 (fig. 8) a handled bucket carried by

one tribute bearer and preserved only in mainoutline form, is identifiable as a lion's-head situla,a type of vessel found several times on the wallreliefs in the palace of Sargon II at Khorsabad.Both Assyrian attendants and foreign tributarieshold such vessels (Botta and Flandin 1849: pIs. 16,76; Albenda 1986; pIs. 47, 66, 123, figs. 44, 63, 85).An extant example was recovered from TumulusMM at Gordion (Young 1981: 121-22, pIs. 62:C-F, III).

Comparison with art works from Assyria properdiscloses that the Arslan Tash processions oftribute bearers were carved during the reign ofSargon II. In that ruler's palace of Khorsabad,reliefs on the walls of several chambers consisted oflines of tribute bearers led by Assyrian courtofficials advancing toward the Assyrian king, be-hind whom stood personal attendants and armedguards (Botta and Flandin 1849: pIs. 103, ·137;Albenda 1986: pIs. 66, 71). The art works fromKhorsabad indicate that each of the two partiallyreconstructed Arslan Tash compositions originallyincluded the Assyrian king, and that Aleppo slabM 7518 belongs at the right side of the line offoreigners advancing to the viewer's right. The twoAssyrian attendants depicted on slab M 7518 areidentical in appearance and pose. Each attendant isbearded, wears a long garment beneath a flouncedshawl that covers one shoulder, and has heeledsandals. Each attendant extends his right armdown and carries in his left hand a bow withduckhead extremities. Each attendant also has aquiver with long thongs and a long sword at thewaist.

Huge sculptured animals were discovered in fourplaces at Arslan Tash: the east gate, the west gate,the Assyrian temple, and the principal entrance tothe temple area. Lions decorated the first threelocations and bulls the last. Each animal wascarved in relief from a single block of basalt anddesigned as one of a pair lining the lateral walls ofthe respective entrance. The head and front of theanimal originally may have projected beyond theflanking walls of the entrance, since those portionsof the animal were sculpted in the round.

Only four of the animals were found intact: alion from the east gate (Parrot 1961: pI. 33 [photoreversed]), a portal lion from the Assyrian temple

(Aleppo M 7519), and the two bulls from theentrance to the temple area (Louvre AO 11500 andAO 11501). Fragments of the other four lions werealso recovered. Thureau-Dangin assigned all theanimal sculptures to the reign of Tiglath-pileser III(Thureau-Dangin et ai. 1931: 2-3), but he does notsubstantiate his conclusions. The city gate andportal lions are similar in style and may have beencarved at about the same time, during the lateninth or early eighth century B.C. Those animals,however, are dissimilar in style to the bulls, whichalmost certainly were carved in the second half ofthe eighth century B.C.

City gate lions. The two lions in the east gatewere partially exposed above ground in the 19thand early 20th centuries and entirely cleared dur-ing Thureau- Dangin's excavations. The uprightlion was intact while the fallen lion, resting on itsunsculptured side, lacked the head and hindpart.The upright and fallen lions had their right andleft sides sculpted, respectively. Both animals werethe same size originally, and the measurements ofthe upright lion are length 3.84 m, depth 0.82 m,height 2.45 m. Traces of a cuneiform inscriptioncovered the sculpted side of the upright lion,beginning at the top of the stone and endingabove the level of the paws. On the reverse sidewere three Greek letters and signs (Aramaic?) thatextended nearly across the stone (Thureau-Danginet ai. 1931: 70-73, figs. 22, 23, pI. 6).11

In the west gate only fragments of lions wereuncovered, lying at the bottom of an excavation.Two large fragments consisted of the hindquartersand part of the foreleg of a lion advancing to theright. Portions of cuneiform inscriptions werecarved on two other fragments, which subsequentlydisappeared between 1927 and 1928. Anotherfragment of a lion from the westgate had the hairof the animal's chest sculpted on one side and anAramaic inscription on the reverse. Still othersmall fragments had been used for the stone rim ofa well that was located in the modern village. Ontwo of the fragments were one leg forward and theother behind of a lion advancing to the left, and athird fragment had an inscription. The four frag-ments with inscriptions confirm that the undeco-rated sides of the lions in the west gate werecarved with texts in cuneiform and Aramaic(Thureau-Dangin et ai. 1931: 74-75, 85-89,pI. 14:2). The cuneiform inscription on the largest

fragment states that the Assyrian king installedthe basalt lions; moreover, among the severalpersons mentioned in the bel paIJate of Kar-Shalmaneser. Thus the earliest date for the pro-duction of the animal sculptures in the east andwest city gates is the reign of Shalmaneser III(858-824 B.C.). In the third year of his reign, theAssyrian king captured Til-Barsip from the rulerof Bit-Adini and renamed it Kar-Shalmaneser. Inhis sixth year Shalmaneser III seized control of thecities near the Balikh River. Two of those cities,Sahlala and Til-sha- Turahi (var. Til-Turahi), con-tained palaces that were turned into Assyrianresidences, although Shalmaneser III seems to havefavored the latter (Pritchard 1955: 278-79). Atabout that time, Hadatu was elevated to a provin-cial Assyrian city of some importance since, asproposed here, the huge lions in the east and westcity gates are attributable to the reign ofShalmaneser III.

Colossal portal sculptures of winged human-headed bulls (lamassu) from that king's reignhave now been discovered at Nimrud (Sobolewski1974-1977: 232, figs. 4, 5). King Shalmaneser IIIhad the temple of Sin, Ehulhul, built in the city ofHarran (Luckenbill 1927: §914), and one may sur-mise that the structure contained carved stonedecoration. The portal animal reliefs discovered atTell Ajaja (Shaddikanni) belong to the same pe-riod; the town was located on the west bank ofthe Habur River (Mahmoud 1983: figs. 5, 6; 1985:fig. 2; Layard 1853: 275-79, 284). The Tell Ajajalamassu shows a mixture of North Syrian andneo-Assyrian decorative elements and is an illus-tration of the effect of Assyrian concepts on NorthSyrian artistic modes in the late ninth century B.C.

Based on the published photographs, the lionsin the east and west gates are contemporary.Several details of the upright lion from the eastgate demonstrate that the animal is essentially ofAssyrian origin. First, the upper side of the blockextends across the entire length and includes thetop of the lion's head. That feature occurs on thehuge portal lion and lamassu from Nimrud, datedin the reign of Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 B.C.), andpersists into later neo-Assyrian times (Strommen-ger and Hirmer 1964: pIs. 198-201, 220, 221).Second, the side view of the lion follows prescribedneo-Assyrian iconography; that is, the near and farlegs are positioned forward and back, respectively,and the tail falls behind. Portal animal sculpturesfrom North Syria follow a different iconographictradition in which the placement of the legs is

generally reversed, even when only three legs aredepicted, and the tail curves down between thehind legs or behind the leg on the far side (vonLuschan 1902: figs. 125, 127, 137-141, pIs. 45-48;von Luschan and Jacoby 1911: pIs. 57, 64, 65;Woolley 1921: pI. B.27; Akurgal and Hirmer 1962:pIs. 132, 135, 136).

The massiveness, weight, and general propor-tions of the intact Arslan Tash lion from the eastgate are strikingly similar to those of the Nimrudlion of Ashurnasirpal II. The body and legs of theArslan Tash lion are richly patterned, and severaldetails of decoration can be paralleled with theNimrud example and with depictions of lions onthe wall reliefs of the Northwest Palace from thesame site (Albenda 1974: 1-2, figs. 1-3). Thesedetails include the prominent U-shaped deltoid onthe foreleg, the flame-like hair framing the samemuscle, and the distinctive portrayal of the hockand surrounding veins on the hind leg. There aredifferences between the Arslan Tash and Nimrudlions, however. Unlike the Nimrud example, theArslan Tash lion shows an exposed shoulder anda triangular ruff of hair on its body, features thatalso reappear on a lion on the so-called BlackObelisk of Shalmaneser III (Albenda 1974: fig. 4).The Arslan Tash lion also has a three-clawed pawon each hind leg, whereas a two-clawed paw ischaracteristic of lions in the period of Ashur-nasirpal II. A decorative feature is the doublecircle on the juncture of the elbow and another onthe back of the paw. It may derive from NorthSyrian sources; the double circle occurs on a tenthcentury B.C. stone carving of a lion from Car-chemish (Woolley and Barnett 1952: 241-42,pI. B.33).

Temple lions. Two basalt reliefs of lions werediscovered in an excavated area described as anAssyrian temple (Thureau-Dangin et aI. 1931: 55-56, 64-65, fig. 19, pI. 3). One, intact and lying onthe unsculptured side, showed the animal's leftside. The block measures 2.40 m x 1.56 m. Thesecond relief displayed the right hind part of alion; the remainder of the stone block was notrecovered. Neither animal was found in situ; orig-inally, they may have formed a pair that lined thelateral walls of the temple entrance. Both lionreliefs are uninscribed; thus criteria of style arethe only means by which they can be dated. Thefully intact lion is stark and brutish (fig. 14). It isset upon an undulating baseline and combinestwo views: standing and striding. The result,

visibility of five legs, is characteristic of ninth-to-eighth century B.C. Assyrian portal animal sculp-tures. The lion's head is carved in the round to thearea of the shoulder and rises above the upperside of the stone block. A narrow ruff of hairframes the overly large head, which is animatedby a snarling expression; a flattened mane coversthe chest, terminating along the outer edge of thehigh shoulder. Patterned striations of hair deco-rate the ruff, mane, belly, and body. Flame-likehair borders the V-shaped deltoid on the forelegand hair is indicated on the hindquarter. Othernoteworthy details include the three-clawed paws,the dewclaw on the far leg, a raised circle on thepaw and another on the elbow of the foreleg, andtwo circles inscribed with radiating lines on eachexposed shoulder.

Clearly, the intact portal lion is of Assyrianmanufacture and was carved sometime during orafter the reign of Shalmaneser III. However, theartistic device of freeing the head from the back-ground and aligning it above the upper side of thestone block indicates that the sculptors had adoptedNorth Syrian iconography. The lions from Malatyaand Zincirli are prototypes for this type of repre-sentation (Akurgal and Hirmer 1962: pI. 103; vonLuschan 1902; figs. 137, 138). The fully-developedversion is exemplified by the lions from Zincirli,Carchemish, and Sak~egozu, referred to above.Standard Assyrian iconography was followed inthe reign of Shalmaneser III. By the time ofTiglath-pileser III plastic modeling supersededlinear decoration in the rendering of real animals(Barnett and Falkner 1962: pIs. 6, 26, 30). There-fore, the temple lions postdate Shalmaneser III,and a possible date for their production is thereign of Adad-nirari III (810-783 B.C.). The num-ber of known art works from that period is lim-ited. Adad-nirari's stela discovered at Tell alRimah attests to the existence of a highly compe-tent royal workshop (Oates 1968: pI. 38), while afragmentary stela from Sheikh Hammad hints atthe utilization of North Syrian stonecutters forroyal works (Millard and Tadmor 1973: pI. 29).Adad-nirari III campaigned actively in the westand received rich tribute in Damascus, the royalcity of the king of Aram (Page 1968: 141-43,149-50; Luckenbill 1926: §735, 740).

Bulls. A preliminary survey in 1927 led to thefinding of two basalt bulls just below the surfaceof the mound. The huge sculptures were cleared inthe excavation of 1928; they were in situ, 3 m

apart, and they marked the entrance to a buildingcomplex. The right side of one and the left side ofthe other were visible. The cuneiform inscription carvedon the body of the first was entirely effaced, butthe inscription on the other was only partiallyeffaced. The text disclosed that Tiglath-pileser IIIhad the bulls installed at the entrance to thetemple (Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931: 54, 60-64,figs. 19,20, pI. 4).

Each bull (figs. 12, 13) is carved from a basaltblock and measures about 2.10 m high x 2.10 mlong x 0.60 m deep. The effacement in antiquity ofthe cuneiform inscriptions has led to minor altera-tions on each bull; for example, on bull AO 11500(fig. 12) the far foreleg seen in the side view hasbeen reworked and flattened, and on bull AO 11501(fig. 13) the outer row of curls extending across theupper part of the body seems to have been cutaway. Nonetheless, the two animals retain theiroriginal appearance. Each is compact and stocky,and the broad head on the shortened neck tiltsdown. The bovine head, now lacking ears andhorns, is modeled and thin lines mark the eyes,bridge of the nose, and muzzle. The five legs re-sulting from the combined front and side views arearranged in the prescribed Assyrian manner, andthe tail hangs behind the far hind leg. The muscula-ture on the feet and body of each bull are reducedto simple decorative forms. On bull AO 11501 theprominent V-shaped deltoid is demarcated by araised line; and on bull AO 11500 the muscle hasbeen flattened by the effacement of the cuneiforminscription that once extended across it. On theopposite side of bull AO 11500, the V-shapeddeltoid on its right leg is drawn differently (notvisible in the photograph) and reveals a misunder-standing of the motif. On the hind legs of eachanimal the hock and surrounding muscles are flatand raised from the background. Those details lackthe anatomical correctness seen, for example, onthe bull on the late eighth century B.C. Arslan Tashsteia (Louvre AO 13092; Thureau-Dangin et al.1931: pI. 2: 1), and their closest parallels are found inthe paintings of bulls and the lamassu discoveredat Til Barsip (Thureau-Dangin and Dunand 1936:pIs. 47,48; Parrot 1961: pIs. 109, 110).

Bands of curls in relief frame the head, cover thechest and dewlap, and extend over the back, belly,and thigh of each bull. Subsidiary bands of curlsappear on the shoulder and upper hip, and theswitch of the tail is patterned with curls andstriations. Thin lines demarcate each row of curls,which are without swirls. The inclusion of curls on

the bulls distinguishes them from domestic cattle.Similarly, the lamassu that adorned select en-trances in the palaces of Assyria proper wereinvariably embellished with clusters of curls onportions of the body; and the fragmentary exampledated to the reign of Tiglath-pileser III shows curlswithout swirls (Sobolewski 1982: 264-65, fig. 9).At present, bulls of the type found at Arslan Tashare unknown among the portal sculptures thatdecorated palaces and temples in Assyria proper.However, real bulls associated with the storm godare represented on stelae from such North Syriansites as Arslan Tash, Jekke, and Til Barsip(Thureau-Dangin et aI. 1931: pI. 2:1-2; Pritchard1969: nos. 500, 531). In all probability the ArslanTash bulls derive from a North Syrian divinesymbol that was adopted for the temple decorationand depicted in the Assyrian manner. It also maybe that in the late eighth century B.C. the religiouscomplex was dedicated to Adad; the stela of thestriding god on his animal, discovered in the samearea, supports this identification.

There were varying North Syrian responses tothe Assyrian presence. The present work hasfocused on the artistic response of a single site,Arslan Tash. Study of the stone sculptures fromArslan Tash leads to several observations. TheAssyrian works of art were produced within a timespan from the reign of Shalmaneser III to that ofSargon II (mid-ninth to late eighth century B.C.).The probable dates for each of the major groups ofreliefs are based almost entirely on visual com-parisons. Their chronological arrangement is asfollows:

Lion reliefs from the east and west gates =reign of Shalmaneser IIILion reliefs from Assyrian temple = reign ofAdad-nirari III (?)Slabs from Tell Hadjib = reign of Tiglath-pileser IIIBull reliefs from temple area = reign ofTiglath-pileser IIIMilitary parades = reign of Shalmaneser VBearers of tribute = reign of Sargon II

Subjects, iconography, and details of executionoriginating from Assyria proper were generallyretained among the respective groups of sculp-tures. Yet North Syrian subjects, craftsmanship,and predilection for locating the works in gatewaysare at times interjected into these art works.Consequently, the individual subjects have anunusual appearance. We may surmise that Hadatuwas a center of cross-cultural activity.

As posited above, during the latter half of theeighth century B.C. Hadatu may have been animportant stopping place for Assyrian kings whenthey campaigned in North Syria, and a militarybase for the royal army. The city may have servedsimilar purposes in earlier times, from the reign ofShalmaneser IlIon.

A circular enclosure wall protected the ancientcity. Circular-walled military encampments aredepicted on the decorated bronze bands of Shal-maneser III from Balawat. One narrative episodebegins with a circular-walled encampment thatcontains a columned edifice, officers, military per-sonnel, and a bed (royal?). Departing from onegate is a line of chariots and officials on foot. Afterthem come the Assyrian king seated on a lowmound, and beyond is a rendering of an assaultagainst a city in Syria (Strommenger and Hirmer1964: 442, pI. 210). One cannot equate the pictorialversion of the military encampment with the city ofHadatu. The similarities are worth noting, how-ever, since a late ninth century B.C. date wasconsidered possible for the earliest Assyrian build-ing (Batiment aux ivoires) exposed at Arslan Tash.In the main entrance of that structure was a basaltcushion-shaped column base on a broad slab(Thureau-Dangin et aI. 1931: 46, 53-54, pI. 5:2).Cushion-shaped column bases were standard fea-tures in Assyrian architecture during the lateeighth and the seventh centuries B.C. (Akurgal1966: 84-86). In conclusion, the favorable locationof Arslan Tash in the western provinces and thegeneral east-west movements of people passingthrough its gates led to a productive, creativeenvironment. Assyrian rule may have led to pros-perity and thus to the conspicuous decorations ofthe gateways to the city and the temple complexwith symbols of its imperial wealth and affiliation.

In 1985 and 1986 I examined the Arslan Tash sculp-tures now in Paris and Istanbul. I thank the followingpersons for their kindness and assistance during myvisits to the respective museums and for furnishing mewith photographs upon request: Emin Ba~aranbilek,Assistant Director, and Edibe Uzunoglu, Curator,Istanbul Arkeoloji Mtizerli; Pierre Amiet, Conservateuren Chef, and members of the curatorial staff, Departe-

lInquiries were made to locate the field notes and on-site photographs, but without success. I am grateful toFranyoise Dumas, Conservateur en Chef, Bibliothequede l'Institut de France, and to Annie Caubet, Conser-vateur, Departement des Antiquites Orientales, Museedu Louvre, for their assistance in this matter.

2Two stone reliefs that Thureau-Dangin did not re-cord are Aleppo M 7514 and M 7523. They may belongto the group of four basalt stones Hamdy Bey men-tioned in 1883 and subsequently described by Unger,but which Thureau-Dangin later observed were un-sculptured (Unger 1925: 8-9; Thureau-Dangin et al.1931: 78).

3It is appropriate to point out that the pair of colossallions from Til Barsip, upon which Shamshi-ilu's in-scriptions were carved, are stylistically archaic andnon-Assyrian (Thureau-Dangin 1930b: 11-12; Thureau-Dangin and Dunand 1936: 141, 148-49, pi. 37:1-2). Atpresent, no major work of art produced for Shamshi-iluis known. In this regard, the worshiper depicted on arock relief in the Antakya region, thought to representShamshi-ilu, lacks the broad headband that the turtiinuwears. Still, Shamshi-ilu was a powerful official of theAssyrian kings under whom he served, as shown by thetexts on the Antakya and Pazarcik stelae (Hawkins1979: 161; 1982: 400-1, 404-5; Mellink 1976: 272,pi. 48:13).

4The importance of the flower as an emblem ofAssyrian royalty was not overlooked by Bel-harran-bel-u~ur, holder of the limmu office in 741 and 727 B.C. Hisportrait on a stela includes the king's flower placedprominently near the right shoulder (Pritchard 1969:301, pI. 453). The flower is omitted on the figure ofMushezib-shamash, a bel pabate official whose portrayalis otherwise similar to that of Bel-harran-bel-u~ur(Unger 1928a: 106, pi. 14). The plain disk with wings wasa North Syrian emblem. For example, it appears in thefield above the carved figure of Bar-Rakib and on thatking's royal seal (von Luschan and Jacoby 1911: 377,fig. 377; Andrae 1943: 73, pI. 38:b).

5The nose plaque on a stone horse head from Zincirliwas attached in a similar manner (von Luschan and

ment des Antiquites Orientales, Musee du Louvre;Hamido Hammade, Curator, Aleppo Museum. Permis-sion to study, photograph and publish the sculptures inthe Istanbul Arkeoloji Mtizeleri was granted by theGeneral Directorate of Cultural Affairs and Tourism ofTurkey. I am grateful to Eleanor Guralnick and TrudyKawami for reading and commenting upon my paper.

Jacoby 1911: 234-38, figs. 245, 246). Albenda (1977: 42-44) has discussed nose plaques (frontlets) and theirrepresentations in neo-Assyrian art.

6In the neo-Assyrian period, Zincirli was importantfor its location and as a source of metals and wood. Itstood at a road that went over Arsanli Bel, a natural passof the Amanus Mountains that affords an easy routebetween Syria and Cilicia (Alkim 1969: 280). In the ninthcentury B.C. its ruler, Rani (var. Haiani), sent tribute toShalmaneser III after an unsuccessful battle against theAssyrian king. This tribute consisted of silver, copper,iron, garments, domestic animals, and cedar logs, as wellas a daughter with her rich dowry (Luckenbill 1926:§599, 601). The huge stela of King Esarhaddon (680-669B.C.) and the Assyrian ground plan of the so-called"upper palace" indicate Assyrian presence at Zincirli(von Luschan, Humann, and Koldeway 1893: 2-22,fig. 3, pis. 1-3; von Luschan 1902: pI. 22).

7Two examples are inscribed (Pottier 1924: 138, nos.156, 157). The owner of one mace is Assur-sar-u~ur,probably the governor of Que from ca. 715-705 B.C. Thisindividual appears to have had an important role in theAssyrian military campaigns against the states of south-ern Anatolia (Postgate 1973: 27; Lemaire 1987: 5-6).

8Contrary to Orthmann (l971: 60, 66) who considersthe Rilani III reliefs later than those from the Nord-hallenbau. Genge (1979: 146-149) assigns both groups tothe period of Bar-Rakib. Stylistic differences are ex-plained as the handiwork of several artisans. Theimportance of Zincirli as a cultural center in the lateeighth century B.C. has been expressed by I. J. Winter inher review of Orthmann's book (1975: 138-39).

9Except for several fragments, the wall paintings fromTil Barsip no longer exist. I was privileged to view a fewof Louis Cavro's copies of the paintings made at the timeof the excavations in 1931. The Til Barsip paintings werecreated on a grand scale; publication of the complete setof Cavro's facsimiles (in color) will advance the study ofthe individual compositions.

IOBelts of this type were recovered in Tumulus P atGordion (Young 1981: 17-19, figs. 9-11, pis. 11-12:A-D). Undecorated belts of the same type are worn by

mUSiCians on a bas-relief from the Nordhallenbau atZincirli (Pritchard 1969: 272, no. 199).

lIThe fragmentary lion from the east gate has beenrestored and set up in a public park in the city of Raqqa,

Syria. Carved inscriptions observable on the un sculptedside of the stone block are presently unpublished (J. D.Hawkins, personal communication).

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