The freedmen milieus at Delos and Narona. New perspectives on the Lamboglia 2 wine trade

STOCKHOLM 2013

SKrIfTer uTgIvnA Av SvenSKA InSTITuTeT I ATHen, 8°, 22 ACTA InSTITuTI ATHenIenSIS regnI SueCIAe, SerIeS In 8°, 22

Perspectives on ancient greecePapers in celebration of the 60th anniversary of the Swedish Institute at Athens

edited by Ann-Louise Schallin

THe freedMen MILIeuS AT deLOS And nArOnA • AdAM LIndHAgen • 231

Abstract*The central role of Delos in the eastern Mediterranean trade in the Late Republic is well known. However, apart from the well documented slave trade there, other goods and commodities involved in this trade have been little discussed. I will in this paper focus on the Lamboglia 2, the most commonly found wine amphora type on the island and according to increasing new evidence, produced mainly on the central Dalmatian coast. The distribution of Lamboglia 2 amphorae on the island is discussed in connection with their find contexts which indicate a close connection with the dominating freedman milieu at Delos. The many simi-larities in the organization of the freedmen in religious associations and the structure of the society between the island and the Roman emporion Narona on the cen-tral Dalmatian coast are discussed as one of several indi-cators of trading relations between the both locations.

Many of the lavish freedmen houses at Delos can be connected with individuals probably active in the wine trade with Lamboglia 2 amphorae. It is concluded that the close relationship between the Lamboglia 2 and the central points of redistribution on the island indicate that wine from the Dalmatian coast was a central com-modity in the commercial exchange between East and West on the island.

The role of trade as the fundamental reason for the flourishing period of Delos (166–69 BC) is well known.1 However, the details of this trade, and what goods it encompassed other than slaves, remains relatively little known. Wine is known to have been consumed in great quanti-ty at Delos, but the character and extent of the trade has never been analysed in detail. I will in the following argue that wine produced on the Dalmatian coast was probably one of the single most important trading goods which were ex-changed at Delos. I will also try to answer what this new information on the Late Republican wine trade in the East means to the under-standing of the economic role of the island.

I will focus on the so-called Lamboglia 2 wine amphora (Fig. 1), which is the most commonly found at Delos. It has until now been assumed with little hard evidence that the Lamboglia 2 amphorae were pro-

1 See for example Reger 1994.

AdAM LIndHAgen

The freedmen milieus at delos and naronanew perspectives on the Lamboglia 2 wine trade

* I would like to express my gratitude towards the Swedish Institute at Athens for giving me the oppor-tunity to work in Greece through a one-year scholar-ship which gave me the possibility to study the Greek Lamboglia 2 material. I am indebted to the staff of the Institute, especially Mrs Bodil Nordström-Karydaki, for facilitating my contacts with authorities and muse-ums. I also extend my warmest thanks to the Museum of Delos and Dr Panagiotis Hatzidakis for permission to view Lamboglia 2 material from Delos and to take photographs in the museum. For permission to study Lamboglia 2 material from Athens and Corinth, I am grateful to The American School of Classical Studies at Athens, especially to the Assistant Director at the American excavations at Corinth, Dr Ioulia Tzonou-Herbst, for help and assistance.

232 • AdAM LIndHAgen • THe freedMen MILIeuS AT deLOS And nArOnA

duced by several small centres on the Italian Adriatic coast.2 In a recent article,3 I have ar-gued against this view, presenting instead sever-al different arguments for a mass production of the type on the central Dalmatian coast.4 There is, in fact, a large body of evidence in favour of a location of this production to the coast of cen-tral Dalmatia, more precisely on the island Vis

2 Maselli Scotti 1982; Brecciaroli Taborelli 1984; Cipriano & Carre 1989.3 Lindhagen 2009.4 Contra, Panella 2010, 96–97. Since the publication of the article, increasing evidence can be added to those already existing for a major production of Lamboglia 2 amphorae at Issa and Narona, most importantly what might be mould to an amphora stopper/lid (M. Topić forthcoming publication of the excavations of the fo-rum of Narona).

(ancient Issa) and around Vid near Metković (ancient Narona) in modern Croatia. My argu-ments are based on several strands of evidence: the find of a kiln at Vis which clearly produced vast amounts of Lamboglia 2,5 close similarities in the geology of the island with the Lamboglia 2 fabrics, links between stamps and individuals known from inscriptions at Narona and Issa, and finally the very uniform craft-tradition. The latter was expressed in a likewise very uni-form fabric, the stamping tradition, and last but not least in the very particular moulded amphora stoppers (Fig. 2), all produced in the same typical fabric.6

5 The kiln was situated east of the ancient site, at Stonca Bay. Here around 15,000 sherds of Lamboglia 2 and Greco-Italic amphorae, some of them misfired, were found (Kirigin et al. 2006, 193–194, note 8; fig. 8, no. 46). I had myself the opportunity to control (Au-gust 2012) that the fabric of these fragments is identical to the Lamboglia 2 of “Adriatic” fabric at Narona and Delos. There are also plenty of scattered sherds of the same typical fabric on the beach in the ancient harbour area of Issa.6 The production of these stoppers can now with cer-tainty be linked to the central Dalmatian coast. What is possibly a mould for this type of stoppers with the letters P. PV- - ICI has recently been found in the exca-vations of the forum of Narona, giving the hypothesis of a Dalmatian origin of the Lamboglia 2/Dressel 6A another boost. (M. Topić, forthcoming publication of the excavations of the forum of Narona). The “Adri-atic” amphora fabric is discussed in detail in Lindhagen 2009, 86–87. Peacock and Williams presents it as the typical fabric of Lamboglia 2 and Dressel 6A and de-scribe the fabric thus: “A fairly soft, smooth slightly mi-caceous fabric, sometimes with a sparse scatter of small lumps of dull red iron ore … commonly buff (7.5YR 7/4) to creamy buff (10YR 8/3–7/3) through to 5YR 7/4–6/4) with a pale orange core.” “Normally contain-ing little other than fine grains of quartz, flecks of mica and occasionally limestone and iron ore.” (Peacock & Williams 1986, 100–101). Riley describes the fabric from Dressel 6A finds from Benghazi as cream or buff (ranging from 10YR 8/3–7/3 through 7.5YR 6/4 to 5YR 7/4–6/4), often with a pale orange or rose core sometimes with dull red or red and occasional white grits and moderate mica. Riley considers this as a uni-form fabric and that it accords with those published by Italian scholars (Riley 1979, 156–157). Martin-Kilcher

Fig. 1. Lamboglia 2 amphora from the Illyrian settlement Desilo near Narona. Courtesy S. Vasilj, University of Mostar.


delos and the wine tradeThe Lamboglia 2 wine amphora has for a long time been connected with the market at Delos. It was André Tchernia who first pointed out that the type was primarily directed towards the East and found in large quantity at Delos.

describes the fabric of the Dressel 6A finds from Augst (Switzerland) thus: “Hellbeige, Matrix sehr fein, gut gebrannt; mit grossen roten Einschlüssen. Im Boden oft stark angegriffen, mehlig”. (Martin-Kilcher 1987–1994, 623, Tongruppe 64; Martin-Kilcher 1994, II, 428). van der Werff 1986, 106 (amphora wall at Ostia, 9 examples of Lamboglia 2) describes the finds as in general of well-levigated, pale yellowish-pale brown-pale orange-light orange-brown (5YR 7/4–7.5YR 7/4) clay, little mica, occasional lime particles, sometimes rust-like inclusions or brown specks, occasional quartz-like grits. Some have a creamish wash on the exterior. The “Adriatic” fabric is probably identical to the “ION-ADR-A-7-10” of V. Gassner (Gassner 2011, 4–5), which she hypothesizes was produced at Apollonia in Albania, judging by the large amounts of Greco-Italic amphorae found here. It should be noted that this site is not distant from the central Dalmatian coast. A survey of the various analyses carried out on Lamboglia 2 in Italy and attributions to different geographical origins is found in Bruno 1995, 83–91. The homogeneity of the Lamboglia 2 fabrics which have been analysed is quite obvious, and it seems that the only reason why they are considered to be of different origins is the pre-conceptual and widely diffused assumption of many different identified “kilns” or “production centres”, of which there is virtually no real evidence.

He assumed that the “Italic” wine in these con-tainers was destined to be sold on to markets in the East via the traders from Alexandria and Beirut who are recorded in inscriptions.7 J. Lund has supported Tchernia’s view of the imports of western wine in the Aegean as part of a wider pattern of trade between East and West.8 N. Rauh has argued on the contrary that the Lamboglia 2 has not been found in enough quantity in the eastern Mediterranean to sustain the hypothesis that the wine was re-exported to the East in return for slaves.9 This is, however, an argument e silentio, and it is anyway perfectly clear that the Lamboglia 2 was exported in very significant numbers to the East, primarily to Alexandria, where c. 40% (1,200 finds) of the recorded Italian amphorae in the eastern Mediterranean are found.10 More than 70 Lamboglia 2 stamps and 15 complete amphorae are known from the Greco-Roman museum there,11 as well as a shipwreck found in the port of Alexandria which contained c. 500

7 Tchernia 1986, 72.8 Lund 2000, 87.9 Rauh 1993, 61, n. 172.10 Will 1997, 123; Lund 2000, 88. 11 Tchernia 1986, 72.

Fig. 2. Moulded amphora stoppers from Lamboglia 2 found at Delos, Delos Museum. © Hellenic Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs, Culture and Sports, 21st Ephorate of Antiquities, Delos Museum.


amphorae.12 Finds have been made at Ephesos, Bodrum, Kos, Rhodes and as far east as Jerusa-lem.13 Although the number of published finds in the eastern Mediterranean outside Alexan-dria is moderate, the almost non-existent am-phora studies in many eastern Mediterranean countries make any arguments e silentio unten-able. Although the study of Roman amphorae in Greece is still very much underdeveloped, the great quantities of finds from Athens14 and Corinth15 have been such that they have not

12 Empereur 1999, 546–547. They have the particu-lar moulded amphora stoppers mentioned above and shown in Fig. 2, indicating a central Dalmatian origin (see picture at: http://www.cealex.org/sitecealex/amphores/AMPH_SUITE_E.HTM) Site accessed 22.08.2012.13 Tchernia 1986, 72; Bezeczky 2004. The Lamboglia 2 are very numerous at Ephesos (pers. comm. T. Bezec-zky).14 Several stamps of Lamboglia 2 with the character-istic “Adriatic” fabric have been found at the Athenian Agora. That the Lamboglia 2 were very common at Athens is shown by the fact that the type is the most common in the amphora repository of the American School in the Stoa of Attalos. Many finds also derive from a well constructed just before the destruction of the Agora by Sulla in 86 BC. Here dozens of amphorae and fragments of the type were used as packing behind the tiles (Will 1970). Further finds which underline the frequent occurrence of the container come from the Kerameikos, where at least seven complete amphorae were encountered (Böttger 1992). Many Lamboglia 2 were found during the excavation of a ventilation shaft for the new Metro in the National Gardens, near the Zappeion (information sign from exhibition at Syn-tagma Metro station, where three Lamboglia 2 are dis-played).15 Lamboglia 2 are frequently found in the excavations at Corinth (pers. comm. Dr Ioulia Tzonou-Herbst), and also at its harbour, Kenchreai (Adamsheck 1979). The type is also represented with several complete examples in the repositories of the American School at Corinth. A number of amphorae which seem to be transitional between late Greco-Italic and Lamboglia 2, with a fabric identical with the typical Lamboglia 2 fabric, have been found in a deposit at Corinth, but they can unfortunately not be dated more precisely (Bald Romano 1994, 60–61, 86–88, nos. 63–66, fig. 13, pl. 25–26). I have had the opportunity to study these amphorae and other Lamboglia 2 amphorae

been possible to overlook. They show that the large numbers from Delos cannot have been due to the consumption of wine by Italian traders there alone.16 Since it has always been taken for granted that the wine transported in the Lamboglia 2 amphorae was of Italic origin, it has been presumed that the rhomaioi im-ported this wine because it was more according to their taste than the Greek ones.17 With the indications we now have of the origin of the wine, which was probably initially produced at Issa in a predominantly Greek cultural envi-ronment, its tradition being later spread to the Dalmatian mainland,18 it would seem feasible to assume that the wine would have had Greek characteristics rather than Italic. That the wine from Issa was appreciated by the Greeks is un-derlined by the statement by Agatharchides, a Greek from the wine-exporting Knidos, who wrote that the wine from Issa was better than any other.19 Thus, there is little reason to believe that the wine was imported to Delos especially

in the repositories of the American Excavations at Corinth, and they all seem to share the same “Adriatic” fabric. The 19 amphora stoppers, all of exactly the same fabric and found in the same deposit, are of particular interest. These were originally published as possibly Corinthian (Bald Romano 1994, 85, no. 60, pl. 24). They are without exception of the same shape and fabric as the stoppers found at Narona (see Horvat 1997 and Zupančič et al. 1998 for the typical Adriatic Greco-Italic fabric, which is identical with the typical Lamboglia 2 fabric). The transitional amphorae, some of which clearly are more similar to Greco-Italic than Lamboglia 2 amphorae, show that Adriatic wine was already being exported to the Aegean by the middle of the 2nd century BC. The date for the end of the Greco-Italic amphorae is very difficult to establish, but with all probability the type had disappeared by 120 BC. The Greco-Italic amphorae (nos. 63–64) from Corinth may thus date to between the period shortly prior to the destruction of the city in 146 BC or roughly the two decades following it.16 The same observation is made by Lund 2000, 87.17 Rostovtzeff 1941, 1254; Tchernia 1986, 72.18 Lindhagen 2009, 93.19 Agatharch. ap. Ath. 1.52.


for the Italian population residing on the is-land.

However, it is clear that the vast numbers of Lamboglia 2 amphorae from Delos, Athens and Alexandria (85% of all “Italian” amphorae) must be due to the concentration of Italian ne-gotiatores there, since their presence certainly indicates a more intense trade in “Italian” com-modities. The evidence suggests that the inten-sity in trade with “Italian” wine was not as high elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean.20

Strabo saw the renewed importance of De-los as a trading centre develop as a consequence of Rome’s destruction of Corinth in 146 BC.21 However, the importance of the Roman trade at Delos had begun earlier than that; in 166 BC Delos was made a free harbour as a punishment of the Rhodians, an event which symbolizes the beginning of the Rhodian decline.22 The Rho-dian wine was famous and exported all over the Mediterranean with a peak in the late 3rd century and first third of the 2nd century BC. The decline of Rhodes after 166 BC should not, however, be exaggerated.23 The evidence of Rhodian amphora stamps is clear; the export of wine to Delos did not diminish drastically before the last decade of the 2nd century BC.24 Also the peak of Knidian wine exports to the island in the first quarter of the 1st century BC shows that Roman wine exports to Delos were probably on a modest scale until the last decade of the 2nd century, and still met competition in the early 1st century from the Knidian wine.25 This probably means that the Lamboglia 2 was becoming dominant in the Aegean only by c.

20 Lomas 1993, 105; Will 1997, 120; Lund 2000, 88.21 Strabo 10.5.4 (486).22 There are indications that a colony of Italian traders had settled at Delos before 166 BC, as stated by Strabo, perhaps already by the second half of the 3rd century BC (Strabo 10.5.4; Musti 1982, 6).23 Gabrielsen 1993.24 Finkielsztejn 2001, 187, fig. 2; Lund 1991, 36, fig. 4.25 Empereur 1982, 219–233, particularly 222–225; Finkielsztejn 2001, 194.

110–100 BC, and in the early 1st century BC the Aegean wine export was clearly severely af-fected.26 The western domination of the wine market is also evident from the finds at De-los, where the Lamboglia 2 dominates with almost 80% of the complete amphorae.27 The close connection between the intensification of trade at Delos and the Roman expansion eastwards illustrates well the intertwining of economic and political interests in the Roman expansion.

The end of Delos as the hub of the Medi-terranean international trade came probably in 69 BC and the pillaging of the island by the pirate allies of Mithradates VI, after which date there are no more signs of large scale trading activity.28 The Lamboglia 2 trade nevertheless continued unabated for nearly half a century, from the Augustan age followed by the Dres-sel 6A, but it is probable that the first third of the 1st century BC was the apex of Roman ex-port of wine eastwards. Possibly the market at Delos was an important reason for this devel-opment. It could be argued that the existence of Delos encouraged a mass export of Roman wine to the eastern Mediterranean. The export of Dalmatian wine to Greece had already be-gun by the mid-2nd century BC judging by the finds from Corinth, if not earlier.29 The market at Delos also gave an additional input to the wine industry in supplying it with new slaves. The major part of the slaves or freedmen featuring on the Lamboglia 2 stamps probably came from the East. As J. Lund has pointed out, it was uneconomic to return with empty

26 Lawall 2006, 276, suggesting that the massacres on Roman citizens by Mithradates VI in 88 BC might have been a consequence of the collapse of important parts of the Aegean wine production.27 Empereur 1982, 110; Lund 2000, 84. The Italian dominance is also shown by the fact that 64% of the Late Hellenistic amphorae are western (Will 1997, 123; Lund 2000, 88).28 Rauh 1993, 69–70.29 See note 15 above.


ships, and the Italian ships would surely have returned back to Italy/the Dalmatian coast with new cargoes, presumably to a large part from the eastern Mediterranean. The conclu-sion that an important part of these cargoes would have included slaves is difficult to avoid, although the view of this trade as a simple ex-change wine-for-slaves should also be avoided. It should be remembered, however, that in the western Mediterranean, especially in southern Gaul, a vast number of slaves were exchanged for Roman wine.30 The context in the West was clearly different, since the exchange involved barbarian tribes, but nevertheless illustrates the high demand for slaves in Italy and the huge output of the Italian wine export.

The archaeological contextIn order to understand the character and ex-tent of the consumption of wine at Delos, it is necessary to examine the find contexts of the Lamboglia 2 amphorae. The characteris-tic Lamboglia 2 fragments are found every-where on the island.31 Complete amphorae are frequently found in cellars and storerooms of the ancient houses, often dug down in the soil. Jean-Yves Empereur has stressed the huge dominance of “Italian” amphorae at Delos, es-pecially from shops and cellars. In some houses like the Maison de Fourni “Italian” amphorae constitute around 90%, a “quasi-monopole.”32

PubLIC SPACeS And buILdIngS

A good place to begin is the so-called Magasin des Colonnes, a two-storey warehouse located

30 Tchernia 1986, 88–89 (Diod. Sic. 5.26.3).31 According to Empereur, the “promeneur délien” frequently finds Lamboglia 2 sherds on the surface (Tchernia 1986, 71, n. 93), something which I could confirm myself at my visit there.32 In Bruneau & Ducat 1983, 97–98.

on the sea front. The structure was excavated in the late 19th century, when documentation of amphora sherds was not undertaken, and only a stamped handle of a Lamboglia 2 is record-ed.33 A problem is that store buildings in gen-eral have been neglected, and excavation and research has been focused on the private houses and sanctuaries. However, large amounts of “Italian” amphorae must have arrived at this part of the island judging from the numbers recorded in the Maison de Fourni situated on the higher ground above the Magasin des Col-onnes.34 The exact function of this large house is unknown, but the many shops and cellars with amphorae here suggest that it was an important place for the storing of wine. The house is situ-ated in a somewhat isolated position, outside the town on a slope, and the shops cannot have been intended for ordinary retail. The sugges-tion that the house was inhabited by members of one of the religious associations seems plau-sible, and that the wine was intended for reli-gious feasts. The Magasin des Colonnes would have had some connection to the official cult of the lares compitales, since a domestic shrine dedicated to these deities was found there.35 The fact that this storage building was official and not private, suggests an official relation to this cult. From the warehouse, the amphorae would have been transported on the so-called Road 5, which delimits the harbour and com-mercial area from the private residential neigh-bourhood, to the Agora of the compitaliastai (Fig. 3). The compitaliastai, just as in Rome and elsewhere in Italy, was a cult association to which exclusively freedmen and slaves were al-

33 Jardé 1905, 40; Rauh 1993, 89. The stamp reads …CVNDI, and is probably a fragment of the stamp TRICVNDI or TRACVND found at Taranto and Al-exandria respectively (Bruno 1995, 149).34 Empereur 1983, 98.35 Rauh 1993, 89.


lowed, and which organized the cult and ludi of the aforementioned lares compitales. The abovementioned agora both housed a sanctu-ary to the cult and was probably also the loca-tion for the ludi.36

At Delos, slaves and freedmen were almost exclusively of eastern Greek origin. Several wall paintings from compitalia shrines on the island are preserved, and the drinking or sacrificing of wine is a very central theme. The lares are depicted as at Pompeii and elsewhere drinking or libating wine from their rhyta. The ludi com-pitalia were an important part of the festivi-ties, and comprised athletic competition such as wrestling, and the prize for victory seems frequently to have been an amphora of wine. In one lararium painting it is clearly a Lam-boglia 2 amphora which is depicted as a prize (Fig. 4).37 Since the lares are always connected

36 Hasenohr 2003, 210, 214.37 Hasenohr 2003, 225, fig. 1.

Fig. 3. Agora of the compi-taliastai with the tholos for the cult of the lares. Photo: A. Lindhagen.

Fig. 4. Detail of lararium painting from Delos (Maison 1C, Quartier du stade) with Hercules standing with club and below two boxers and the prizes of victory: a ham and an amphora of wine. The type is clearly a Lamboglia 2. Drawing by Marina Prusac Lindhagen after Hasen-ohr 2003, 225, fig. 1.


with libations of wine, and wine was both consumed,38 sacrificed and given as prize of the ludi, it is not unfeasible to connect the compi-taliastai in some way with the supply of wine to the island. This is also suggested by one of the secondary cults to which the compitaliastai dedicated: Zeus Eleutherios and Dionysus.39 It is significant that this unique hybrid of cults has not been recorded elsewhere.40 The connec-tion between the cult association of the compi-taliastai and the wine trade is most importantly indicated, however, by an inscription from the Agora of the compitaliastai, dating to the be-ginning of the 1st century BC, the apex of the Lamboglia 2 wine trade. It is a dedication of the oinopolai to Hermes, Dionysus and Apollo.41 The reason for this combination of deities is obvious: Hermes was the deity of commercial luck, Dionysus the god of wine, and Apollo the god to whom the island was sacred. A dedica-tion by the Italian elaiopolai is also known from this agora.42 It is probable that in the latter case we are dealing with the Brindisine oil-ampho-ra trade of the 1st century BC. However, the oil trade was in the Hellenistic period signifi-cantly lower in volume than that of wine and would have played a smaller economic role.43 It seems likely that the Magasin des Colonnes with its lararium was indeed closely connected with the compitaliastai and the wine trade. No doubt the amphorae were transported from the warehouse in the harbour to the agora, where

38 Cato Agr. 57, 2; Hasenohr 2003, 194. During these ludi slaves were allowed to drink and feast together with their masters and even to swap roles with them.39 Hasenohr 2003, 211.40 Bruneau 1970, 617.41 ID 1711.42 ID 1713–1714.43 For the distribution and numbers of finds of Brindi-si amphorae compared with the Lamboglia 2, see Cip-riano & Carre 1989 and now Lindhagen 2009, 95–97, fig. 4. The work on the Late Hellenistic Punic amphorae in recent years clearly suggests that they above all were containers destined for fish products rather than for oil. See also Lindhagen 2006, 56, 59, 108.

they would have been sold by the oinopolai in the shops on the east and south sides of the square.44 Most probably, the buyers here would have been the private households in the quar-ters around the theatre.

The other important cult association con-nected with the Agora of the compitaliastai was the Hermaistai, organizing the cult of Hermes. This deity, the god of commerce and com-mercial luck, was naturally the most revered by merchants. Although the dedications are in Greek, it is clear that the deity worshipped was the Roman/Italic Mercury, not the Greek Hermes.45 In addition, Mercury was also the patron deity of the Italians. An inscription with a probable connection to the wine trade is a dedication by the magister of the Hermaist-ai from c. 146–144 BC, a certain M. Lollius, Q. filii. We know that a M. Lollius Q. f. Men. from Samnium began his career as a negotiator, maybe in the wine business. He had by the end of the 2nd century BC reached a high position as a member of the consilium of the S. C. de Agro Pergameno.46 His brother or son was the Q. Lollius who is mentioned in Cicero’s Ver-rine orations, and was a ninety-year old eques and arator at Aetna in Sicily in 73–71 BC. A stamp M. LOLLI Q. F from the shipwreck of La Madrague de Giens, dating to c. 70–50 BC, was on a Lamboglia 2.47 It seems very probable that the individual on our stamp was the son of this Quintus, known also from Cicero’s Ver-rine orations, and quaestor in 64 BC.48 As Rauh has pointed out, Quintus, and possibly another son with the same name were involved in the

44 Rauh 1993, 97.45 Hasenohr 2003, 200.46 Rauh 1993, 50.47 Liou & Pomey 1985, 563. This Lamboglia 2 is of Campanian fabric, a unique case. Why would a Campa-nian producer choose the shape typical of the Adriatic? The answer possibly lies in the connections with Delos which this man probably had, where the Lamboglia 2 type was dominant.48 Cic. Verr. 2.3.62–63.


slave trade.49 Thus, it seems that our M. Lollius would probably have inherited family interests at Delos regarding both the trade in wine and slaves. It is possible that he produced amphorae imitating the Adriatic Lamboglia 2 in order to compete more successfully on the eastern wine market, where this container was dominant. It is in any case very probable that the grandfather of the wine-trading quaestor also was involved in the very profitable wine business of Campa-nia, which boomed in the years following the destruction of Carthage.

The connection between the magistrates of the religious corporations of the island and the wine trade can possibly be illustrated by the following example. An inscription from the Agora des Italiens mentions a certain Ni-cias among several freedmen financing ludi in connection with the renovation of the agora.50 He was one of the magistri of the combined collegia, and thus the elected leader of one of the several different collegia at Delos, for ex-ample the Hermaistai, compitaliastai or Apol-loniastai. Three Lamboglia 2 stamps with this (admittedly extremely common) slave-name (NICI) are known from Delos,51 and as many as 34 of them are known from a shipwreck off the south-eastern Spanish coast at Punta de Al-gas, dated to c. 100–70 BC, almost all together with circular stamps with a Nike figure and in a few cases a palm branch.52 This dating fits well with the dating of the inscription, probably the beginning of the 1st century BC. The Nike fig-ure could of course in a general way allude on the name Nici(as) which means “of victory.” There are, however, among the nearly thousand Lamboglia 2 stamps recorded, no parallels to such a symbolic allusion on the meaning of a name. Rather, it might be argued that this mani-festation was a consequence of some kind of

49 Rauh 1993, 50, n. 131.50 ID 1756; Rauh 1993, 322.51 Bruno 1995, 142.52 Marquez Villora & Molina Vidal 2005.

important victory which the producer wished to express, in this way underlining the perfect accordance between his name and his deeds. Nike represented victory mainly at war or in athletic games, and the first option can obvi-ously be excluded in the case of a freedman. If one were to search for a feasible location in the Greek world in the early 1st century BC where freedmen or slaves might be connected with symbols of victory in athletic games such as the palm branch or the Nike, then Delos would certainly be the best shot. That Nike was worshipped at Delos is attested by sev-eral inscriptions,53 and the palm branch is one of the most frequent symbols on the lararia paintings, referring to the prize of victory in the ludi celebrated during the festivities of the compitalia. The palm branch as a prize in the ludi compitalicii is characteristic of Delos and absent in Italy, and might be due to the sacred palm of Apollo at Delos.54 The Nicias who ob-viously was one of the wealthiest men on the island, and who financed the renovation of the most lavish monument of the Italici and athlet-ic games in connection with it, might very well have been magister of either the Hermaistai or compitaliastai, and thus part of the milieu of freedmen which was involved in the Dalma-tian wine trade. Since three stamps with NICI have been found at Delos, this certainly does not weaken the hypothesis that this producer would have had some kind of office here. The link can of course only be purely hypothetical, but it deserves to be considered and the links between Lamboglia 2 stamps and freedmen at Delos in general need to be investigated more in detail.

The Agora des Italiens is the largest and most enigmatic of the monuments at Delos. It is beyond dispute that it was the most impor-tant point of reunion and display for the Italic

53 Bruneau 1970, 452–453.54 Hasenohr 2003, 199.


traders; and in addition a place of commerce, social encounter and cult.55 There is probably much to suggest that the storerooms and shops on its exterior served partially for the retail of the large amounts of Lamboglia 2 amphorae which were stored nearby. Although the Agora des Italiens can hardly be interpreted as a spe-cialized slave-market, it is clear that it was the centre of an area which was strongly character-ized by the commercial activity of the Italian and eastern businessmen. If wine played an im-portant role in the commercial exchange as we have assumed here, it is in the area around this agora that such indications can be expected to have been most evident.

In the excavation in the area surrounding the Italian agora in 1926 hardly anything but warehouses with large numbers of ampho-rae were found.56 Around 50 nearly complete Lamboglia 2 amphorae were for example found buried to their necks in a courtyard north-east of the agora.57 Not far from here, there seems to have been another important amphora deposit, in the Maison des Sceaux. This house was prob-ably owned by Italian traders/bankers of the Aufidii family, and large amounts of ampho-rae and black-gloss pottery were found here, suggesting their involvement in this trade.58 It should be mentioned that a Lamboglia 2 stamp with the name Aufidius has been recorded

55 The Agora des Italiens has been interpreted both as the slave market of Delos (Cocco 1970; Coarelli 1982; Coarelli 2005), and as an arena for athletics and gladi-atorial games (Rauh 1993, 335). Both these hypotheses seem to be too simplistic; the former relying too much on the literary sources on the slave market, the latter instead ignoring the commercial function of the area. The most recent and extensive study is Trümper 2005, who views the agora as a combined centre for reunion, display, commerce and leisure for the Italian traders.56 Tchernia 1986, 72.57 Empereur 1983, 882–886. These amphorae may have been reused, for example for drainage, but their presence here shows the dominance of the type and that it was easily available in the area.58 Rauh 1993, 216–217.

from Italy, thus showing that the family was indeed involved in the wine business.59 Also nearby is the Maison des Comédiens, the excava-tion of which yielded 28 Lamboglia 2 stamps.60

PrIvATe HOuSeS

Many of the wealthiest houses at Delos can be connected with the cult of the lares compitales through the presence of lararia shrines,61 and this probably shows that the houses belonged to the rich individuals from the freedmen and slave class which constituted the compitalia-stai.62 Almost all of the most lavishly decorated houses have outdoor lararia shrines.63 Two of these, the Maison des Masques and the Maison de Dionysos have splendid mosaics depicting Dionysus (Fig. 5). If our assumption is correct that the compitaliastai to some extent were identical to the wine traders of the island, the choice of motif is not surprising. Although Dionysus was a popular deity in the entire Greco-Roman world, the choice of motif in these very costly and elaborate mosaics in the houses of wine-dealing merchants is hardly a coincidence.

As many as a third of the private houses at Delos have shrines to the lares, and prob-ably housed freedmen and slaves.64 One of the most lavish houses at Delos was inhabited by freedmen of the Paconii family. This family was among the most influential on the island, with trading interests in the East, and many freed-

59 Bruno 1995, 120.60 Will 1970.61 It has been demonstrated by C. Hasenohr (Hasen-ohr 2003, 194–195) that the presence of lararia shrines outside houses indicates that the inhabitants of the house adhered to the cult rather than it being merely an official cult imposed by the authorities. 62 This is also considered as plausible by Nicholas Rauh (Rauh 1993, 204).63 Such as the Maison de Hérmes, Maison des Masques, Maison de Dionysos, Maison des Dauphins, Maison du Trident, Maison de Fourni (Tang 2005, 341–345).64 Tang 2005, 341–345.


men are known from inscriptions here. An in-teresting connection between the production of the Dalmatian wine and Delos is the name Lucius Paconius, represented by the stamp L. PACONI.65 At Delos, a tabula defixionem, the so-called Mykonos curse table, dated to around 100 BC, lists among the cursed individuals a certain Lucius Paconius senex. He is probably identical with the L. Paconius L. l. Trupho, a magister of the collegium of the Hermaistai, Apolloniastai and Poseidoniastai and also of the compitaliastai in the end of the 2nd century BC.66 Interestingly enough, the victims of the curse have been interpreted as belonging to a trading association, and several of the names on this tablet are those of slaves or freedmen which have parallels in the Lamboglia 2 stamp re-cord.67 In the Maison d’Hermès, a graffito with

65 Bruno 1995, 135.66 ID 2354 = ILLRP 1150; Rauh 1993, 29; Solin 1982, 101–117.67 Solin 1982, 101–117.

the name GENT(IOS) has been found.68 The name Gentius/os is a typical Illyrian name, and features on several Lamboglia 2 stamps (GEN-TI), six of which actually have been found at Delos.69 The graffito thus seems to constitute a direct link between Illyria and Delos. In addi-tion, in the house lived Paconii freedmen called Dionysios and Antiochus, both magistri of the compitaliastai; both names appear in the Lam-boglia 2 stamp record.70 There can be no doubt that the different Paconii who were engaged in trade were all interrelated, and it is thus very probable that the L. Paconius on the stamps, if not even identical to the individual listed on the curse tablet, belonged to this family with strong economic interests at Delos.

68 In addition, we know that a nummularius slave wore the name T. Paconius Gentius (Rauh 1993, 227). 69 Bruno 1995, 133.70 It is of course impossible to prove any connection between these individuals and the stamps, but the con-nection is tempting.

Fig. 5. Floor mosaic with Dionysus from the Maison de Dionysos. Photo: A. Lindhagen.


The house of a certain C. Tullius is of a typical Roman-Italic type and can through its lararium be connected to the compitaliastai. This is also confirmed by the compitaliastic inscription from the Agora of the compitalia-stai mentioning the freedman of Q. Tullius, Heracleus.71 Interestingly, our Q. Tullius can be connected to the L. Paconius above, since he is mentioned together with the former on the Mykonos curse tablet. He probably did not in-habit his house at Delos himself, but the simple house was rather the home of his freedmen.72

Links between the stamps and roman senatorsThe stamp record tells us that mostly freedmen and slaves were the agents of the Lamboglia 2 wine trade. But is there any evidence of sena-torial involvement behind these names? A few names, and from the highest ranks of Roman society it would seem, can be connected with the production and commercialization of wine from the Adriatic. The stamp MALLEOLI L. S probably refers to a son of C. Publicius Malleolus, quaestor of Cilicia in 80 BC.73 The MALLEOLI stamps are associated with sev-eral different slave names, and are spread along the Italian and Sicilian coasts. One of these with the name ARTH(EMI) MALLEOLI has the typical “Adriatic” fabric,74 suggesting that

71 ID 1761; Rauh 1993, 199.72 Rauh 1993, 199–200.73 Tchernia 1986, 117–118. A certain Lucius Pub-licius Malleolus was condemned to the poena cullei for matricide in 100 BC; from then no member of the fam-ily could use the nomen Publicius which had become desecrated. This would explain that the slave names are associated with the cognomen of the dominus instead of the nomen which was the rule. However, there are a few additional cases where slave names are associated with cognomina instead of nomina: see Lindhagen 2009, 102.74 Lindhagen 2009, 101, n. 120.

the vessels carrying this cognomen were part of the large scale production centred at Issa-Narona. Another very interesting possible con-nection is the stamp Q. NVMERI. We know that Quintus Numerius Rufus, tribune of the plebs in 56 BC, became a patron and euergetes of Issa at some point between 55 and 51 BC. He reconstructed a portico in the harbour of Issa on his own expense.75 Knowing that Nu-merius Rufus was a patron of Issa and belonged to the uppermost stratum of Roman society in addition to his interest in beautifying the port where the amphorae would have been loaded on ships, it would be a surprise if he were not involved in some way in the wine business of the island. The amphora on which the stamp was found has been identified as a Dressel 6A,76 but is rather a Lamboglia 2.77 I would thus ar-gue that the amphora stamp can be connected with the tribune of the plebs of 56 BC.

The stamps APROCI CRAS and SO-CRAT CRAS have been the subjects of inter-est, since it has been hypothesized that they might refer to the famous triumvir Marcus Li-cinius Crassus.78

75 CIL III, 3078; Wilkes 1969, 39, 229; Lindhagen 2009, 100.76 Martin-Kilcher 1993, 279, 317, fig. 122. 77 The rim of the amphora is missing, but the shape of the neck and shoulder of the amphora with this stamp is identical to Lamboglia 2 shapes from the first half or middle of the 1st century BC.78 Lindhagen 2009, 100. The former stamp has erro-neously been interpreted as belonging to a Dressel 6A and the latter as belonging to a Dressel 1. Another vari-ation, SOCRA. CRAS, from Vid/Narona stems from a Lamboglia 2 rim which has close morphological paral-lels datable to the first quarter of the 1st century BC. Thus, from a chronological point of view, an association of the stamp with Crassus cannot be ruled out, espe-cially since it was precisely in this early period that he built up his fortune which became the base of his later political career. Moreover, Crassus is mentioned in the literary sources not only as being famous for his wealth but also for having used slaves as middlemen in his com-mercial enterprises (Plut. Vit. Crass. 2.6–7). This way of “splitting a person” into several through slaves and freedmen was very common in the Late Republic for


Later, in the Augustan period, it seems that the freedman dominance of the wine produc-tion and their independent position disap-pears, and even very prominent senators and consuls do not hesitate to put their full name on the stamps; freedmen or slaves are not used as front figures anymore.79 There is no doubt, however, that just as the freedmen at Delos were the agents of the leading aristocratic fami-lies of Italy, this is also true for the Lamboglia 2 wine trade, and probably many more aristo-crats than the individuals mentioned here were involved in the same way through their slaves and freedmen.

Slaves, freedmen and cults at naronaDelos can be argued to be one of the most typi-cal examples of an emporion, i.e. a trading place where different cultural and economic systems meet on a “neutral” ground and where trade and the striving for profit is more important than cultural differences. Narona, the probable economic centre of the Dalmatian wine pro-duction, is another typical example of an em-porion, although situated more peripherally.80 The social, cultic and religious life at Delos has, interestingly enough, many parallels in that of Narona. Freedmen, generally former slaves of Italic families, had a uniquely strong position at Narona.81 The town attracted large numbers of

aristocrats in order to spread the risks of enterprise and not be associated directly with negotium. The stamps constitute another example of the use of the cognomen instead of the nomen of the dominus.79 Such as the admiral of Actium L. Tarius Rufus, the consul M. Herennius Picens, T. Helvius Basila etc. (Lindhagen 2009, 101–102).80 For an overview of Narona and its importance as a harbour and gateway community, see Lindhagen forth-coming.81 Alföldy 1965, 24. It has for long been recognized that the freedmen of Narona had a position greatly dif-

freedmen in the late 2nd and 1st centuries BC, who mainly were negotiatores, merchants, and were attracted by the flourishing commercial climate of the city.82 The freedmen community was a very mixed one, the majority originating in Italy, but also large numbers from the eastern Mediterranean.83

Freedmen at Narona took part on an equal basis in the collegia of magistrates from the mid-1st century BC, probably as a consequence of earlier successful trading activity among freed-men. Another unique trait of the social order at Narona was that the freedmen seem to have been much more independent of their patrons than elsewhere in Dalmatia; hardly any inscrip-tions where both the freedman and his patron feature are known from Narona, whereas they are common in most other towns. In addition, at Narona, freedmen were allowed access to the town council and the position of top mag-istrates, something which was not possible in other cities of the province.84 Thus the city at-tracted large numbers of traders, who saw the opportunity of reaching the higher echelons in society with greater ease than elsewhere in the province.

The particular social environment at Naro-na is also mirrored, just as at Delos, through the deities which were most commonly revered. The most numerous dedications here were made to the honour of the Roman Mercury, god of commerce and commercial luck.85 It is interesting to note that a certain Lucius Pon-tius, whose name probably is the same as that figuring on Lamboglia 2 stamps from the ship-

ferent from other Dalmatian, and indeed most other, towns, since they were socially recognized to a much higher degree (Medini 1980, 205).82 Alföldy 1965, 24. The important presence of freed-men engaged in commercial activity is attested by the existence of a collegium fabrum, whose only known member was both libertus and sevir. 83 Alföldy 1965, 24.84 Medini 1980, 206.85 Medini 1980, 206.


wreck at Vela Svitnja off the island Vis (Issa), is known from a dedication to Mercury on the same island.86 The dedication is in both Greek and Latin, reflecting the bilingual situation on the island, but the dedicator was Roman, and it is clear that the wine industry of Issa-Narona was completely controlled by Romans. There is no doubt that the cult of Mercury at Narona was also completely Roman: it is the same Mer-cury as that revered by the freedmen at Delos. The dedicators at Narona were often of eastern Greek origin, but the cult Roman. This shows how, at both Delos and Narona, the many Greek inhabitants were strongly “Romanized” and operated within the framework and inter-ests of the Roman Empire. Freedmen stood in great debt of gratitude to their former Roman masters; through them they had been freed and in addition achieved a wealth which had other-wise probably been unthinkable for them.

The second most common cult at Narona was that of Liber Pater, the god of the freed slaves (liber meaning “free” in Latin).87 When we consider this cult in relationship with the production of Lamboglia 2 amphorae which carried wine, it seems that the popularity of the cult was also due to Liber’s aspect as the god of wine and fertility. Interestingly, the Liber Pater at Narona had the very same characteristics as the unique hybrid Zeus Eleutherios-Dionysus at Delos. In order to combine the concepts of freedom and wine, in Greek it was necessary to combine two deities, whereas in Roman re-ligion, these aspects were united in the figure of Liber Pater. There can be no doubt that the adhesion to these quite particular cults reflects the one thing in common between the freed-men oinopolai at Delos and the freedmen wine

86 CIL III, 3076; Lindhagen 2009, 91, n. 57.87 Five inscriptions from Narona mention Liber (CIL III, 1784–1787; 8430), one of them a dedication of a sanctuary on behalf of the freedman magistrate and presumed wine producer Publius Annaeus Epicadus (CIL III, 1784; see also Lindhagen 2009, 99).

producers at Narona—the strong involvement in the wine trade. To which degree these inter-ests at Delos and Narona were coordinated is, however, difficult to tell.

The titles sevir and sevir Augustalis which many freedmen wore after the foundation of the colony at Narona illustrate their intimate connection with the Imperial cult. It was tradi-tion that this cult was administered by freed-men everywhere in the Empire. The magnifi-cent remains of the Imperial cult at Narona in the form of the recently excavated Augusteum shows the flourishing Imperial cult here in the late 1st century BC and the 1st century AD.88 A freedman who had both the positions of sevir and magister Mercurialis presented a sil-ver kantharos on the occasion of theatre games in honour of Augustus.89 It can hardly have been a coincidence that a typical wine vessel was considered an appropriate gift from the wine-producing Narona to the emperor. Delos was abandoned long before the Imperial era; instead there was a strong cult of the goddess Roma, who was the symbol of the Roman state. It seems that the cult of Roma was more Greek than Roman, and was due to the necessity for non-citizens to show loyalty to their new pa-trons.90 More than half of the Lamboglia 2 stamps have Greek names, but all are written in Latin, something which reflects the strong domination of Roman culture in the area of production.

The only important cult at Delos of which there are no evident traces at Narona is the cult of the lares compitales. This lack of evidence is, however, probably remedied by an until-now unidentified relief. It is fragmented and shows the front part of a coiling, crested snake and

88 Marin 2001.89 CIL III 1769; Marin et al. 1999, no. 17, 159–162, fig. 17 b; Marin 2004, 19, n. 37.90 Rauh 1993, 113.


the inscription SACR above (Fig. 6).91 Crested snakes are the typical symbols of the genius of the pater familias and ubiquitous in the icono-graphy of the lararia. The relief together with the uniquely strong dominance of freedmen and the strong Romanization at Narona, sug-gest that the cult of the lares was important also here. It should be mentioned that the snake is completely absent from lararia at Delos.92 That the iconographic traditions at Narona and De-los were different should not come as a surprise. Narona was geographically close to Italy and had a majority of settlers of Italic origin, where-as Delos had comparatively few inhabitants of Italic origin.

Thus all the three most important religious cults at Narona were based on, and intimately connected with, the freedmen and slave stra-tum of society. The importance of the cults of Mercury and Liber Pater also give us a very im-portant indication of the main occupation of these people; trade and viticulture. It deserves to be underlined that the very marked change in the epigraphic record at Narona at the foun-dation of the colony in the early Augustan pe-riod from freedmen to individuals with Roman

91 Prusac 2007, 283, fig. 53.92 Hasenohr 2003, 203.

citizenship complies perfectly in time with the change from the Lamboglia 2 with their domi-nant share of Greek and Latin slave- and freed-men names to the Dressel 6A with dominantly Latin citizen names in exactly the same period, commonly supposed to be around 25 BC.93

ConclusionsThe comparison between Delos and Narona shows that the character of these both societies was very similar. Both societies were dominat-ed by freedmen and slaves who had been en-trusted great economic responsibility by their masters or former masters, and the freedmen reached unprecedented wealth, many of them through trading in wine. This wine, I argue here, was exported in great quantity from Issa and Narona to Greece and Delos. The survey of contexts made in this paper shows that the large numbers of Lamboglia 2 at Delos can be connected to a large extent to public spaces, private houses and warehouses connected with the compitaliastai, and that large amounts were stored in storerooms in the area around the Agora des Italiens. This point of social and com-mercial encounter, around which were centred the offices of the Italian and eastern merchants, would have been the focal point of the Italian trade. Judging from the importance of the com-pitaliastai at Delos and their probable connec-tion with the wine trade, it is probable that the Dalmatian wine was one of the most important goods traded on the island. The eastern traders such as the Poseidoniastai of Beirut would then have transported it to the Levant, Alexandria and other commercial metropolises in the East. The large amounts of amphorae everywhere at Delos thus must be considered a natural con-sequence of the equally enormous amounts

93 Lindhagen 2009, 103.

Fig. 6. Relief from Narona (Vid near Metković, Croatia) with front part of coiling crested snake and the inscription SACR, possibly belonging to the cult of the lares. Archaeological Museum, Vid. Photo: M. Prusac Lindhagen.


of wine which passed through its markets be-tween the western and eastern Mediterranean.

The Greek freedmen milieu at both Delos and Narona was strongly Romanized; it paid respect to the goddess Roma (at Delos) and the emperor (at Narona) and organized the cults of typically Roman deities. These cults were in both places those connected with commer-cial luck and wine: Hermes, Liber Pater/Zeus Eleutherios-Dionysus, and at Delos the Lares compitales, with great probability also wor-shipped at Narona. Maybe the free role of the freedmen at Delos and Narona and the “absen-tee-landlord” character of the places contrib-uted to an unusually developed organization and formalization of trade fraternities within the religious sphere.94 The similarities in the organization of society and the cults need not necessarily indicate anything other than general similarities between societies of similar charac-ter. However, the fact that wine was arguably exported from Narona and the Dalmatian coast to Delos, and the probable existence of personal links make the similarities seem more than gen-eral. The Lucius Paconius known from Lam-boglia 2 stamps can possibly be identified with the homonymous freedman at Delos, belonging to the Paconii family, famous for its wealth and commercial ambitions. Regarding stamps with names of freedmen and slaves, it is more diffi-cult to make any connections, since often only the slave-names were used, but certain names such as the probably Illyrian Gentius found on a wall in the house owned by the Paconii or the Nicias known to have financed a renovation of the Agora des Italiens, might be more plausible

94 This has been suggested in the case of Delos (Rauh 1993, 341), but fits Narona equally well.

to connect with the Dalmatian wine trade than others. Such freedmen probably would have managed the estates of their aristocratic for-mer masters on the Dalmatian coast at Issa and around Narona, and exported their produce in Lamboglia 2 amphorae. In addition some of them would probably have kept offices at Delos, one of the major markets for this wine. Indeed, it would be surprising if the wealthy and influential aristocratic owners of the Dal-matian fundi would have let go of control of the merchandise after it left port at Issa or Narona. Any main economic actor in the eastern Medi-terranean trade by this time had to control his interests at Delos. The large communities of Italici or rhomaioi, active at Narona, Delos and Alexandria were actually a prolonged arm of the Roman Empire. As we have seen, some of the most influential senators in the 1st century BC probably were major agents in the Dalma-tian Lamboglia 2 wine trade, which they man-aged through their slaves and freedmen. The discovery that probably the major part of the Lamboglia 2 were produced on the Dalmatian coast will change the perspectives on the late Republican wine trade in the eastern Mediter-ranean, and shows that Narona and Delos were the interconnected centres of a mass produc-tion and trade of wine which were controlled by the uppermost aristocracy. The market at Delos was possibly an important precondition for the rapid expansion of the Dalmatian wine trade in the late 2nd and early 1st centuries BC, and this commodity can probably be counted among those in highest demand among products ex-ported eastwards by the Italian negotiatores.

AdAM LIndHAgen department of Archaeology and Ancient Culture Stockholm university Se-106 91 Stockholm [email protected]


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