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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” Foreword This research paper examines the farming landscape on the island of Tinos. As late back as the 14th century, travellers have often referred to Tinos as the best farmed island of the Cyclades, rich in silk-production and known for its silk stockings, a trade that once employed many women and thrived through the exports of its products. ''Here is where crops are probably farmed most than in the rest of the island. Despite the rocky ground, the terrain is almost entirely covered with crops. However, the ground enjoys the benefit of being irrigated with abundant freshwater, which contributes to its fertility for growing barley and other grains; the production of legumes is also bounteous.'' Today, Tinos’ landscape is a composition of blurred boundaries between natural and man-made features. To allow farming the steep and dry land, hills and mountainous areas had to be landscaped using terraces. Some of these terraces are ancient, but most were created under Venetian rule and expanded after the 18 th century when the island fell under Ottoman rule. Heavily populated at that time, the island needed to be intensely farmed in order to cover the daily needs for food, which caused the further expansion of the network of terraces. Tinos’ strong connection with religion ever since the ancient times is equally important. Over the centuries, religion interweaved with farming have merged into becoming key elements of everyday life, thus building a sense of communal identity. This paper focuses on the farming landscape of the village of Kampos today, at a time when farming no longer holds the same key role in the island’s commercial and cultural life as in the past. As one of the oldest villages of the island, Kampos is part of the Middle Lands, which consist in mostly catholic villages with rural economies. The village has no central public space, such as a village square. Villagers used other communal areas in their everyday lives, such as the laundry rooms and the old stone ovens. A vital public space was the streets of the village themselves. At a particular turn of a street, the street widens up to create an 1
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“The farming landscape on the island of Tinos”, 17th International Conference on Humane Habitat (ICHH), 31 Jan. - 2 Feb. 2015, Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development

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Page 1: “The farming landscape on the island of Tinos”, 17th International Conference on Humane Habitat (ICHH), 31 Jan. - 2 Feb. 2015, Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development

The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.”

ForewordThis research paper examines the farming landscape on the islandof Tinos. As late back as the 14th century, travellers have oftenreferred to Tinos as the best farmed island of the Cyclades, richin silk-production and known for its silk stockings, a trade thatonce employed many women and thrived through the exports of itsproducts. ''Here is where crops are probably farmed most than in the rest of theisland. Despite the rocky ground, the terrain is almost entirely covered with crops.However, the ground enjoys the benefit of being irrigated with abundant freshwater,which contributes to its fertility for growing barley and other grains; the production oflegumes is also bounteous.''  Today, Tinos’ landscape is a composition ofblurred boundaries between natural and man-made features. To allowfarming the steep and dry land, hills and mountainous areas had tobe landscaped using terraces. Some of these terraces areancient, but most were created under Venetian rule and expandedafter the 18th century when the island fell under Ottoman rule.Heavily populated at that time, the island needed to be intenselyfarmed in order to cover the daily needs for food, which causedthe further expansion of the network of terraces. Tinos’strong connection with religion ever since the ancient times isequally important.  Over the centuries, religion interweaved withfarming have merged into becoming key elements of everyday life,thus building a sense of communal identity.

This paper focuses on the farming landscape of the village ofKampos today, at a time when farming no longer holds the same keyrole in the island’s commercial and cultural life as in the past.As one of the oldest villages of the island, Kampos is part of theMiddle Lands, which consist in mostly catholic villages with ruraleconomies. The village has no central public space, such as avillage square. Villagers used other communal areas in theireveryday lives, such as the laundry rooms and the old stone ovens.A vital public space was the streets of the village themselves. Ata particular turn of a street, the street widens up to create an

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” open space called ''choreftra''; that is where dances were organised onspecial festive occasions and where people still pause at thelocal cafe.

Within a landscape that seems semi-artificial, land andwater boundaries become an essential element for villagers. Thisongoing research explores the presence and the negotiation ofthese boundaries as they lead to understanding ownership andbonding within village culture. This is explored using ninedifferent narratives that are based on archival work and fieldresearch. The fluidity of most of these spatial boundaries revealsthe existence of ethical and emotional limits. The conclusions aretentative as the research is ongoing. However this study ofboundaries, which determine ownership in daily practice, leads toseeing boundaries as creating contact zones and spaces of ethics,when viewed through the lens of official and unofficialnarratives.

Summary of Narrative 1: The ownership of land

The first narrative unfolds the island’s history in terms of landuse and ownership, since the 14th century, when we have the firstwritten proof of land ownership on the island. Since that time,hierarchy and land distribution played a key role in the feudalsystem prevailing under Venetian rule (1390 - 1715). On Tinos,feudalism was implemented in a different way than in any otherarea or island, or the rest of Greece and similar countries of theByzantium. Some of the public land belonged to the feudal lords,

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” who awarded powers at the request of the parties concerned1. In1700, the legatο -a type of covenant which connected land andownership with the church- was the first attempt to create somekind of a land registry on the island, at the request of bishopGiustiniani. This established a different reading of the landscapeand the land’s production. Land fields were described by the seedsand products they were producing. Contracts, legata and testamentsreveal an understanding of the value of the land, at the time theywere compiled.

“Νο 3571 - Land purchase for 600 drachmas”

In Tinos, today, December 18th, 1911, Maria the wife of Ioannou Theodorou, who has theexclusive ownership and possession of a field at location Avdos of Pereas borough,consisting in 13 continuous pieces of land, terraces and a meadow containing fig trees,vines, olive trees, mulberries, two corrals and an irrigation system, continues to a gorgeand borders on the properties of Ioannou Fr. Delatola, Zampeta P. Palamari, widow ofStefanou Filipousi and on path No. 2502, by this contract dated October 20th, 1904…”

However as Fish writes, “deeds of possession” are, in a term thathas now become fashionable, a mere “text” and common law rewardsthe author of that text. But as students of hermeneutics know,even the clearest text may have ambiguous subtexts.2 Certainly,different types of boundaries can create different understandingsof the ownership or claim of ownership. Land inherited and landacquired by work creates different types of ownership and bonding.The connection of the family with their land, but also thediscriminatory treatment of sons that inherit the best parts ofland has been a typical feature in Kampos village since ancienttimes, as well as an inherent feature of the Greek culture ingeneral.

The fact that the stone walls of each property do not necessarily

1 Μάρκος Φώσκολος, Τηνιακά Ανάλεκτα, Τόμος 3,Το κτηματολόγιο των εκκλησιών της Τήνου και η καταγραφή των λεγάτων τους. ΑΚΤ, Κώδικας 4, Εκδόσεις Φιλιππότη, 1998, p.18 2Carol M. Roset, Possession as the Origin of Property, Article, The University of Chicago Law Review, v52 n1 (19850101): p.73-88 

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” point to a fixed boundary allows the creation of a contact zone,an intermediate space of communication, a space of conflict andagreement. The owners need to conclude an agreement. The un-objectifiable and flexible in some cases boundaries create athreshold of communication, a different need for claim ofownership, which extends to villagers’ everyday life, but alsocreates a situation of coexistence and cohabitation. True storiesas narrated by Kampos’ villagers talk about how conflicts andagreements on disputed and indefinable boundaries or villagecommon land create a different type of bonding/ownership for thevillagers not only with their land, but also with the area oftheir village.

Summary of Narrative 2: Water and time flowing

The second narrative unravels in current-day time and reveals theuse of water in the village. In Kampos, there is private, communaland public water; water as a boundary creates a differentsituation each time. In the water narrative, water first appearsas a communal good in the village, a place where nowadays womenwash their carpets or heavy fabrics at the laundry rooms [plystres]of the village. The laundry halls of Kampos are located at theoutskirts of village, next to the gardens and fields. All aroundthe village, there are water tanks along the pathways leading tothe fields to quench the thirst of passing herds. Leaving the coreof the village houses behind us, we find hoses along the pathwaysdividing the gardens and the fields. Those are connection hoses tothe village’s central water spring that establish a timerelationship with water for as long as the connection remains andexpress the private use of water in everyday life.

Contracts, covenants and legata present water as property onlythrough time. Water is “to agathon”, nobody can own it; what they canown is time to use water. In handwritten contracts of 1820, aswell as in present-time contracts, the use of water may be set as“...water will come when the sun reaches the floor of the diocese, on the third Sunday;

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” in the afternoon, when the sun casts its shadow on a pigeon house in Messaria to Sotira.”Or another contract: “the Diocese will have water in the morning of Monday untilthe second Wednesday morning (two days and two nights) and the second morning of thesecond Friday until Saturday morning (a day and a night).”3

The common understanding of water as property in the village, butalso as “a common good”, not measured as matter but as time -inthe contracts and covenants-, but also the creation of conflictsand agreements create another discourse regarding ownership. Thisdiscourse involves conflicts and agreements based on the prolongedused of the flow of water, beyond the time limits set by eachowner’s contract. Time creates a different kind of ownership forvillagers, which is identifiable only through time and claimedthrough the weekly or daily visits to the water spring so as tochange the direction of the spring’s water flow towards theirproperty. The different perception of time in relation to theownership of water creates conflicts and agreements both in theprivate and communal use of water in the village.

Summary of Narrative 3: Air and the right to use it

The narrative of “air” unfolds on the day of the Honey Festival,which takes place at the new square/open space of the village. Onthat day, after listening to the interviews and the stories of thevillagers, a big dispute came to light that had been the hot talkin the village for more than a year. The new village square hadbeen donated to the village association and was constructed withthe voluntary work of the villagers. Until 1996, the village didnot have a square; villagers would meet at a plateau of thestreet, an open space called choreftra or dancing area. The recentclaim of a local businessman to buy the "air value” or the “rightto use the air” of the new square, open a coffee shop and puttables and chairs on the square raised a big controversy among

3Files/ Αρχείο ΑΚΤ, φακ.19, εσ. 6 -Κτήματα5

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” villagers. In terms of law, this project was not possible, unlessit would be based on a broad-based consensus, as evidenced by thevillagers’ own signatures. The Municipality that had initiallycaused the issue refrained from interfering in the controversy andstalled its decisions for reasons of political cost. A largeportion of the villagers claimed that the square, as a publicspace, had been created by them and it belonged to the village, asthey said. The square might be empty during the day, but on feastseveryone could be there. Who would be the actual owner of the“air” of the new open square? The land boundaries of the newsquare were clear, but the lack of “airspace” boundaries createdthe need to claim ownership.

On the day of the Honey Festival, the air smells honey, a communalsmell that escapes through the open windows of village houses. Onthat summer day, the women of the village work together in thekitchen of the communal hall [leschi] of the village, they clean thevillage together and they bake and decorate their last honeysweets together. Everything must be ready to welcome the visitorson the night of the feast. That night too, just like every year,the village air vibrated with the smell of honey and the sounds ofmusic, folk dancing, clapping and laughing.

In this narrative, using mainly interviews and personalexperiences on that day, is explored what I mean by communal spacein Kampos village through the concept of missing ownership becauseof lack of air boundaries, examining air as a right to use, aswell as a smell and a sound.

Summary of Narrative 4: The animal that I lost

“It was on Taxiarhon day. Joseph has a field in Vachari; there, he had a “female” asbeautiful as a lady, 9-10 months old. They were together with an older cow as they left the

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” field to come back home to Livada. The older cow came home, but she (the younger cow)didn’t. Joseph searched, searched, searched everywhere, he was searching for days, hewas asking people… At the time, people said that thieves had been stealing pigs at theUpper Lands…Well, weeks passed, months passed, almost a year. They stole it…We lost it.Usually, we mark animals; when they grow up a little, we cut their ear a little with a knifeto recognise them.” said Angela, the wife of Joseph, who also works withhim on animals. The lack of a mark on the animal’s skin, the lackof spatial and ethical boundaries leads to an unfortunate loss, alack of ownership. What means the mark and the loss of an animalfor the villager? “When the calves are big, we sometimes wonder how we will getthem out of the stable. Joseph says that they can get wild. You know they understandwhen they are about to leave…And if they leave, when we sell one or two, when we comeback home we long for them and feel sorry thinking, “poor them, they will beslaughtered”, because I am the one who feeds them every day. You could say that they arelike children, like humans, we feed them, they leave and then we miss them, whether theyare intended to be sold or…. if you think about it, with a knife…”, said Angelaclaiming a different loss involving sentimental and ethicalboundaries.

Most of the villagers of the village own an animal. Althoughprofessional farmers living at the village are principally threeand their herd consists of 15 to 17 cows producing 100-150 poundsof milk per day, most of the villagers have animals too. Theirday starts at 5 am, both in winter and summer time. By 6 am, thestables must be clean and the cows ready for ‘transportation', asthey say. The animals must be guided from the fields, an area faraway from the village, their grazing place, to the nearest villagestalls to be fed and milked. After this ends, the herd will 'moveback’ to its original location. The farmer will also ‘move’ toanother direction, feed the sheep and then return to his house andrest. At 4 pm, he will repeat the same routine again, another‘transportation’ of the cows from the fields to the stables so asto be fed and milked. Manthos, like other professional(professional in terms of selling their products on the market)and non-professional farmers of the village, is himself a figure

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” of a guide, a doctor, and a companion for his animals. The rite of'transportation' of the cows, the care and milking involvesphysical contact, while animals also respond to his soundcommands. That way, there is a communication and bonding with theanimals, but there is also a connection with the space and theitinerary that he follows every day.

During this daily procedure of “transportation” -which the farmerwill repeat in the afternoon after taking care of his garden andcrops- there is constant movement, not necessarily within thevillage boundaries, as village boundaries become blurry dependingon the farmer’s daily needs. However, this daily itinerary createsa bond with his plants, his animals and the land he is headed toin his daily route.

On the other hand, the village has an unwritten law: large animalsor small flocks are not allowed to cross the village except forhorsemen,'' because the village must be clean.'' The need for cleanlinesssets an inner and outer boundary to the relationship betweenhumans and big animals or flocks, between the residential and non-residential area of the village. Again, boundaries prove to beinconclusive, considering that, in addition to horses/donkeys ormules, there is always place in the basement for newborn animals,cats and dogs are always present at the yard and gardens arefilled with rabbits.

The lack of spatial, emotional and ethical boundaries may causeboundaries to be violated by an intruder, may cause a loss, butmay also cause a bonding. The lack of emotions may cause anenforced gap, the end of animal life. However there is bondingbetween the farmers and their animals; there is a contact zone, abalanced bonding and ownership, which is also explored in thisnarrative.

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.”

Summary of Narrative 5: Work in my field

In terms of time, this narrative continues on from the previousone, in the afternoon, when the farmer goes to rest, only torepeat the process of transporting his animals again later in theafternoon. Through the villagers’ narrations, this narrativereveals the essence of their connection with their farmed land andwhat this distance with their land represents. Kampos’ farmed landproduces a small amount of crops for use in the family, althoughthe farming method respects an organised, annual schedule similarto the one followed by professional farmers, such as the ones inthe village of Komi.

Farming establishes a different understanding of the landscape asspace. “Each farmer has 4-5 plots of land, which means a distanceof 15 minutes to 2 hours to move from one to another.”4 This isbecause the property of each family is divided into small piecesspread all over the landscape surrounding the village. The farmerhas to follow a specific route everyday to reach his land.

Working with nature, which in terms of the island and thevillage’s setting means dry land and lack of rain, the farmerappears to be nurturing everyday a perpetual bond with what he canactually never own, nature. They constantly work on the earth:farmers follow an annual schedule for sowing each plant, wait forthe rain, plan fallows for their land, share machinery, sharetheir water, share their land and establish agreements with peoplewho own wells to be provided with water, offering them farmingproducts in return. All these activities are based on the need tofarm. Boundaries become permeable by farmers to allow them own theproducts of nature, to allow them have their wine, their olive-oil, their vegetables and fruits. That is probably why there is a

4 Presentation of the agronomist Ioannis Aspromougos, Tinos, September 2011

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” tacit acceptance that everything must be created through a processof constant making -even if people are using agriculturalmachinery to farm their lands. The surface area is though neverbig enough to accommodate a proper tractor and smaller machinerycannot perform all the work that needs to be done.

“Everything comes from the earth and the sea: the bread, thevinegar, the olive-oil, everything needs work in order to beproduced. Only God speaks and creates, man needs to make”, saysMarcos, an old farmer of Kampos. Although living at a time wheneverything is available at the supermarket, they dedicate theirtime and effort to plan well their own production of vegetables,vinegar, wine and olive-oil. People often say “Do whatever you canin order not to sell you land, but pass it on to the next ones”,meaning younger family members. This represents a different way toconnect with nature and the passing of time, but also confirms theboundaries of their properties and connects them with thecontinuity of their family name in time. In an effort to own theproducts of nature, village boundaries disappear in villagers’everyday itineraries, their house and family name extend to thefields, water and land boundaries at their property merge toensure a bountiful production.

Summary of Narrative 6: Waking up together

This narrative explores the boundaries between man and woman, bymaking a historical account of the role each plays in villagelife, as well as by listening to stories and experiences shared.One of the most important qualities for a woman in the village isto be a 'good’ and 'hard-working' housewife; similar words areused for praising a man, too, who should be a 'homemaker' and a'hard worker’. Both men and women are responsible for managing theeconomy of the house and the family. In general, the position of

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” women in the village is on the verge between the public andprivate sphere, as Dubisch explains. After the 19th centurythough, because of the big migration flows, women had to take onan equally hard role as men, who had to farm the barren earth.Women of Kampos had to migrate and work as maids in rich homesabroad (especially Istanbul), so as to contribute to the economyof the house. The man had to stay and farm his land so as to offergoods to his family, but the woman had to travel longer distancesaway from home for the same purpose.

“Man does not meddle in house affairs. Those tasks that a man could not do were done bywomen”, says Marcos, an old farmer. “In the mornings, we wake up togetherwith my husband, we drink our coffee and we go to the field to milk the cows; then, Ireturn home to cook, do the housework and feed my pigs, rabbits and chickens. At noon,we eat together and then we take our nap to rest. In the afternoon, we go again to milkthe cows, the same routine, and then I return home to wash the clothes”, saysAntonia, the wife of Marcos. Such descriptions of everydayroutines reveal that the boundaries between tasks that can be doneby a man and a woman in the village of Kampos are not clear, if weset aside work that has to do with physical strength. Althoughtheir roles in terms of owning space suggest that the woman isleading house affairs while man works in the field, women oftenget involved in the space of men. On the other hand, the propertyof each of them is never referred to as common.

“Many years ago, although Petris had given his “word” to Maria(that he would marry her), he left her for another woman, Irene.Maria’s family had to make up for this lack of ethical boundarieswith a clash. When in the evening Petris visited the taverna ofthe village, suddenly lights were switched off and doors werelocked. Only the sound of wooden legs of chairs beating againsteach other, firsts against faces and groans could make up apicture for this fight, as narrated by Kafadara. The social roleof the couple plays an important part for village life. Was it

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” actually the lack of boundaries or the family bond that Maria’sbrothers were fighting for or against?

The social role of woman is important, although different from therole of man. The woman is the one who will take care of the houseand clean all indoor and outdoor areas, including the publicstreet passing in front of her gate. She will clean and organisethe house, she will support the maintenance of the house and willpresent a spotless image of the house on the days of villagefestivals, when houses open up to host the village community. Theman is the representative of the family in village society.However, his role is mostly connected with the broader landscapeof the village through his continuous presence and work in thefields. The boundaries between man and woman become fainter and attimes disappear when it comes to house rules for the goodmanagement of the ‘household' and its economy. That seems toextend beyond the doorsill and the yard of their home and seems tobe based on their collaboration and bond through their commonownership of the house.

Summary of Narrative 7: Village religious festivals

Narrative seven describes the day of the village’s religiousfestival through the experience of a woman of the village calledFragiska. This is the day when Fragiska “opens up” the doors ofher house to welcome the village’s community and other guests whohave come to join the village celebration, to share a festive mealat her family house.

A few days before the feast of the patron Saint of the village,St. Trinity/Agia Triada, village streets are cleaned and painted with

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” white lime; so are the exterior walls of the church. On the day ofthe festival, the church and the streets are decorated withflowers. The mass involves a procession of priests, villagers andvisitors, passing by the broadest, but still small streets of thevillage. After the end of the procession and the mass, selectedhouses of the village (whose owners wanted to offer festive meals)are ready to welcome their friends, relatives, neighbours, fellowvillagers, villagers from other communities, as well as strangerswho visit the village on that day. Both guests and hosts know thatguests have to visit all the “open houses” of the village, sit onevery house’s table and savour their festive meals. The priest ofthe village will make his turn on each and every one of the “openhouses” to bless the meal. This meal involves a particular menuand particular food decorations. Boundaries of privacy dissolveand communal and religious bonds are revealed to express theidentity of the village through the celebrations for its patronsaint.

Fragiska’s husband Manthos further describes what takes place onthe day of the feast at the outlying chapel of St. Georgios, whichis located among the fields of the village. On the day that theoutlying chapel of St Georgios celebrates its patron saint, asimilar procession connects the village with the fields and itssurrounding areas. Among private properties of land, the outlyingchapel of St Georgios, like other chapels that belong to thechurch or private owners, marks a specific un-objectifiableboundary on Kampos’ landscape. The fact that their location isalways within nature, outside the limits of the village’ssettlement, but connected via routes with the core of the village,creates a bond and a sense of identifying with the unknown land ofthe village area and landscape.

Summary of Narrative 8: The unknown land 13

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.”

The narrative of Joseph, a farmer and livestock farmer in Kampos,as he describes the night his cow gave birth to a calf, revealsthe existence of unknown and physically strange figures at theboundaries of the village, making also hints about bad omens thatcaused Fifi’s death on the next day. His friend Thomas also talksabout unknown beings called aggeloudes seen at the boundaries of thevillage near the gorge that beat up Nikolas, although some say itwas actually Klamouras, hidden beneath the cloak of sprites.

Stories like that were once “animating” the daily lives of villagepeople, when after the dusk they all gathered at the ‘’choreftra(dancing space)’’ of the village. There was no electricity or lightsat the time. Today’s story-tellers, just children at the time,were afraid to return home alone. Nowadays, children listen tothose stories but do not reproduce them. The narrative of Josephhas a setting in time, a particular space and time outside theboundaries of the residential area of the village and is connectedto an actual death. As boundaries start to dissolve by the silenceof nature and the darkness, stories like that come to connect thespace of the village with an unknown boundary, which nobody owns;the village this time becomes a shelter for its community. Afterhearing several stories like the one above, boundaries between thereal and imaginary world are weaved at the borderline betweenvillage houses and nature. Fictional stories always gave awayhints to true stories, such as black market deals made at theedges of the village, secret love stories and love affairs, butalso served as a way to keep children close to their village as anest.

As Ingold says, “Only because they already dwell therein, can they think thethoughts they do.”5 As a part of the natural world and the unknown,

5Tim Ingold, The perception of the Environment, Essays on livelihood, dwelling and skill, Routledge,London and New York, 2000, p.186

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” real or imaginary stories come to knit another definition for thevillage beyond its actual structure and physical dimension.

Summary of Narrative 9: The other world

The last, ninth narrative will unravel the connection of thevillage community with a new space created at the “outskirts” ofthe village. East of the village, next to the fields and the barenature lied once the old school of the village; two years ago,this school was refurbished, redesigned and converted into amuseum of modern art. Joseph visited the new space of the oldschool, but he felt unfamiliar with it. However, like the majorityof his fellow villagers, expressed satisfaction that now“strangers” would visit their village more. Ever since the bigopening of the museum, the village community has been moreactively engaged in cleaning and decorating the village. The newmuseum exists in a space that they used to own as a community.Nowadays, this space denotes something boundless that villagersare trying to get attached to through the connection with thevisitors of the museum.

Similarly, what would mean the world of television, the internetand social media for the people in the village? For most,television is a means to get to know the “other world”, the worldwhich the elders always compare with their own life in thevillage, saying how well they live in their “village nest”. On theother hand, Fragiska, the wife of Manthos, is getting connectedwith the social media, posting photographs of the festivities onthe day of the patron Saint of the village and the Honey Festival.She wants to share pictures of the village with some new friendsfrom Australia, as she explained.

Manthos, Fragiska’s husband, escorts a herd of cows by car to theland where the cows will spend their day grazing. His father-in-

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” law joins him on foot and two other farmers stop by his land tochat. There, Manthos asks me, “Do you know how I should search onthe Internet about the disease that my cows suffer from rightnow?” The word for that disease in the local language is not thesame as the one used in the world of internet or science.Villagers of Kampos, a village made up of a series of un-objectifiable boundaries, have now come face to face with thelimitless world of the internet. This limitless world of theinternet would serve as a point of communication with the outsideworld and a tool for building their own identity, being now ableto see things that they actually own in the real world, theirvillage Kampos, from a distance.

Ending remarksAs Ricoeur says, “first of all, all stories about life unfold in aspace of life”; the summaries of the nine different narrativesabove reveal a new reading of Kampos’ farming landscape. Thevillage emerges as a living organism formed through the dailydiscourse about the existence or lack of boundaries, seen throughthe lens of property and ownership, but also in the sense ofbonding and living together. This finding indicates the lack ofclear boundaries, which creates an in-between space ofcommunication, as well as claims and agreements among farmers.These observations tend to support the claim that there is a space“in-between”, which often appears where the lack of a physicalboundary is replaced by social, ethical or even emotionalboundaries. The narratives of land, water, air, animal and plantownership, the narratives on the relationship between men andwomen, the relationship with religion, the unknown, the imaginaryworld and the outside world of contemporary life and social mediathat have been described in short involves heroes of equalimportance and shed light on the interaction between village lifeand culture.

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” This research focuses on the boundary connected with ownershipthrough daily practice, as revealed by official and unofficialnarratives. For Vernant and Detienne the word boundary meaning“end” and “limit” is best expressed by the Greek word πείραρ. Asthey claim, certain Hellenists support the fact that as regardsthe specific, technical meaning of the word πέρας (peras) - σχοινί (schene)[meaning rope], there is the proof that the abstract meaning of theword “όριο” [limit/boundary] derived from the use of πείραρ in thesense of a bond or a knot.6 Other linguists claim that πείραρ doesnot mean the bond or the knot, but the edge, the end of a rope.7 Inthe semantic field of πείραρ, we find one particular type of path,which takes the form of a bond which fetters and conversely, theaction of binding is sometimes presented as a crossing, a wayforward.8

In support of the findings of the 9 narratives, Steinberg arguesthat “[...] the law of property penetrates everywhere in the realm of daily affairs. It is forexample, deeply implicated in our sense of place.”9 It appears that ownershipin the sense of place is deeply rooted and connected with veryessential, cultural elements of our daily life. Furthermore,Fustel De Coulanges claims that: “There are three things which from the mostancient times, we find founded and solidly established in these Greeks and Italiansocieties: the domestic religion; the family and the right of property - three things whichhad in the beginning a manifest relation, and which appear to have been inseparable.”10

Kampos villagers sustain the rural context of their regionsupporting property, religion and family. Focusing on the meaningof boundaries as contact zones, the 9 narratives reveal the

6 Marcel Detienne and Jean-Pierre Vernant, Cunning Intelligence in Greek Culture and Society. Translated into greek by Papadopoulou Ioanna, (Daidalos, Zacharopoulos Publications, Athens, 1993) p.3327 Ibid., p.3338 Ibid., p.3339 Theodore Steinberg, Slide mountain or the folly of owning nature, University California Press, Berkley, Los Angeles, London, 1995, p.9

10 De Coulanges Fustel, translated from the latest french edition by Small Willard, The ancient city: A study on the religion, laws, and institutions of Greece and Rome, Third Edition, Lee and Shepard, Boston, Charles T. Dillingham, New York, 1877, p.80

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” complexity of the village life and the way this is sustainedthrough daily routine as this takes place in the village core andrural landscape.

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.”

Selected Bibliography

Abram, David, The Spell of the sensuous, (Vintage books, 1996)

Agamben, Giorgio, The Open: Man and Animal, translated by Kevin Attel,(Stanford University Press, 2004)

Alexander, Christopher, The Nature of Order: An Essay on the Art of Building and the Nature of the Universe, Book 1, The phenomenon of life, (Published by, The centre for Environmental Structure, California, 2002)

Arendt, Hannah, The Human Condition, (The University of ChicagoPress, Chicago, 1998)

Barrett, Louise, Beyond the Brain, How Body and Environment Shape Animal andHuman Minds, (Princeton University Press, Princeton and Oxford, 2011)

Bourdieu Pierre, translated by Nice Richard, The Logic of Practice, (Polity Press, 1990)  

Coen, Enrico, Cells to Civilizations, The Principles of Change that Shape Life, (Princeton University Press, Princeton and Oxford, 2012)

De Certeau, Michel, The practice of the every day, Translated into greekby Kapsambeli Kiki, (Smili Publications, 1990)

De Coulanges, Fustel, edited by Ashley W.J., M.A., translated byAshley Margaret, The origin of property in land, (Messrs. George Allen &Company, Ltd., London, 1902)

De Coulanges Fustel, translated from the latest french edition bySmall Willard, The ancient city: A study on the religion, laws, and institutions of

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” Greece and Rome, (Third Edition, Lee and Shepard, Boston, Charles T.Dillingham, New York, 1877)

Derrida Jaques, The beast and the sovereign, Vol.2, (Indianna University Press, 2013)

Detienne, Marcel and Vernant, Jean-Pierre. Cunning Intelligence in Greek Culture and Society. Translated into greek by Papadopoulou Ioanna, (Daidalos, Zacharopoulos Publications, Athens, 1993)

Dimen, Muriel, Friedl, Ernestine, Regional variation in modern Greece and Cyprus: Toward a perspective on the ethnography of Greece, (Published by the New York Academy of Sciences, 1978)

Dubisch, Jill, Gender & Power in Rural Greece, (Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1986)

Farrell, Krell David. Derrida and Our Animal Others: Derrida’s Final Seminar, theBeast and the Sovereign. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2013)

Hanson, DavisVictor, The Other Greeks, The Family Farm and the Agrarian Roots ofWestern Civilization, (The Free Press, 1995)

Haraway J. Donna, When species meet, Post Humanities, volume 3, (University of Minnesota Press, Mineapolis, London, 2008)

Illich, Ivan, H2O and the waters of forgetfulness, Reflections on the Historicity of “Stuff”, (The Dallas Institute of Humanities and Culture, Dallas, United States of America, 1985)

Ingold, Tim, The perception of the Environment, Essays on livelihood, dwelling and skill, (Routledge, London and New York, 2000)

Just, Roger, A Greek Island Cosmos, Kinship and Community on Meganisi, (Schoolof American Research Press, Santa Fe, 2000)

Kagis McEwen, Indra, Socrates' Ancestor: An Essay of Architectural Beginnings, (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1993)

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” Letherbarrow, David, Topographical Stories, Studies in Landscape and Architecture,(University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 2004)

Lewis, Thomas, The Lives of a Cell, Notes of a biology Watcher, (The Viking Press, New York, 1974)

Perez-Gomez, Alberto, Built upon love. Architectural longing after ethics andaesthetics, (The MIT Press, 2006)

Rich, John, and Wallace-Hadrill, Andrew, City and Country in the AncientWorld, (Routledge, London, 1991)

Roset M. Carol, Possession as the Origin of Property, Article, (The University of Chicago Law Review, v52 n1 (19850101))

Rykwert, Joseph, The Idea of a Town, The Anthropology of Urban Form in Rome, Italy and the Ancient World, (Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1976)Sennett, Richard, The craftsman, (Yale University Press, NewHaven&London, 2008)

Sennette, Richard, Together, The Rituals, Pleasures and Politics of Cooperation, (Yale University Press, new Heaven & London, 2012)

Steinberg, Theodore, Slide mountain or the folly of owning nature, (UniversityCalifornia Press, Berkley, Los Angeles, London, 1995)

Periodicals 

Carl, Peter, Modulus 20, Natura Morta, (Princeton Architectural Press, new York, 1991) 

Casey, S. Edward, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2011, volume 29, Border versus boundary at La Frontera, (Department of Philosophy, State University of New York at Stony Brook,USA, 2010)

Centre de Recherches d' Histoir Mandonsnne, volume 126, Structures Rurales et Sociétés Antiques, Actes du colloque de Corfou (14-16 Mai 1992), Annales

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” Littéraires de l’Université de Besancon, diffusé par Les Belles Lettres, (Paris, 1994)

Frampton, Kenneth, Prospecta, Vol.20, Prospects for a Critical Regionalism, (The MIT Press, 1983)

Perez-Gomez, Alberto, Chora 1: Intervals in the Philosophy of Architecture, Chora: The space of Architectural Representation,(McGill-Queen’sUniversity Press, 1994)

Zimmerman, Michael, Environmental Ethics 15, no. 3, Rethinking theHeidegger-Deep Ecology Relationship, (Fall, 1993)

PhD

Leventis Panagiotis, Nicosia, Cyprous, 1192-1570: Architecture,topography and urban experience in a diversified capital city, School ofArchitecture, McGill University, (Montreal, September 2013)

Greek and Translated Bibliography

Αμιραλής, Ν. Γεώργιος, Φιλόλογος, Τηνιακές πτυχές, Ιστορία-Λαογραφία - Δημοτικά τραγούδια, (Αδελφότης των Τηνίων εν Αθήναις, Αθήνα, 1991)

Αμιραλής, Ν. Γεώργιος, Φιλόλογος, Τηνιακές ανταύγες, Ιστορία-Λαογραφία, (Πανελλήνιον Ιερόν Ίδρυμα Ευαγγελιστρίας Τήνου, Αδελφότης των Τηνίων εν Αθήναις, Αθήνα, 1996)

Γεωργαντόπουλος, Eπαμ. (1885), Εισαγωγικό σημείωμα - ευρετήριο, εκδοτική επιμέλεια Σοφιανός Ζ. Δημήτριος, Δαμιράλη, Ν. Μ., μεταφρασθείσα εκ του Γαλλικού,Ιστορία των Κυκλάδων Νήσων, Εν Αθήναις,

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.” εκ του Τυπογραφείου Αδελφών Περρή ,Τηνιακά, Ήτοι αρχαία και νεωτέρα γεωγραφία και ιστορία της νήσου Τήνου, (Αθήνα, 2005)

Δουκέλλης Παναγιώτης, επιμέλεια, Το ελληνικό τοπίο. μελέτες ιστορικής γεωγραφίας και πρόσληψης του τόπου, (Εκδόσεις Εστία, Αθήνα, 2005)

Δώριζας Γεώργιος, Αρχαία Τήνος, Μέρος πρώτον, (Αθήναι, 1974)

Δώριζας Γεώργιος, Η Μεσαιωνική Τήνος, Μέρος δεύτερον, (Aθήναι, 19760

Δώριζας Γεώργιος, Η Τήνος κατά τη Διάρκεια της Τουρκικής Αυτοκρατορίας και κατάτη Διάρκεια του Πολέμου

Ζαλλώνης, Mαρκάκης, εισαγωγή και επιμέλεια έκδοσης ΚώσταςΔανούσης, Ταξίδι στην Τήνο, ένα από τα νησιά του Ελληνικού Αρχιπελάγους,μετάφραση π. Δημήτριος Δαλέζιος, τ. Ι.,(Εταιρεία Τηνιακών Μελετών,Η Τήνος μέσα από τα κείμενα, έκδοση Συλλόγου « Οι Φίλοι τουΚρόκου», Τήνος, 1998)

Θαλασσινός, Μανώλης, Anna, Wouil-Μπερδιετάκη, Η Τήνος μέσα από την Ζωήκαι τον Θάνατο. Το Παλιό Τηνιακό Σπίτι, οι Ταφόπλακες στο Χωριό Πύργος, στην Τήνο,(εκδόσεις Ερίννη, Αθήνα, 1993)

Kάραλη, Μάχη, Οι Αγροτικές Κατοικίες στην Εξωμεριά της Τήνου, (Πολιτιστικόκαι Τεχνολογικό Ίδρυμα ETBA, Αθήνα, 2002)

Κασίμης Χ. – Λουλούδης Λ. (επιμέλεια), Ύπαιθρος Χώρα, Η ελληνική αγροτική κοινωνία στο τέλος του εικοστού αιώνα, Εκδόσεις Πλέθρον/ Εθνικό Κέντρο Κοινωνικών Ερευνών,( Αθήνα,1999)

Kazhdan, P. A., Epstein W. Ann, Aλλαγές στον Βυζαντινό Πολιτισμό κατά τον11ο και 12ο αιώνα, μετάφραση Ανδρέας Παππάς, μετάφραση παραρτήματοςΔημήτρης Τσουγκαράκης, α' ανατύπωση, (Μορφωτικό Ίδρυμα ΕθνικήςΤραπέζης, Αθήναι, 2004)

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.”

Passerini, Luisa, Σπαράγματα του 20ου αιώνα. Η ιστορία ως βιωμένη εμπειρία.(Εκδόσεις Νεφέλη, Αθήνα, 1998)

Nicholas, David, H εξέλιξη του Μεσαιωνικού κόσμου. Κοινωνία, διακυβέρνηση καισκέψη στην Ευρώπη, 312-1500, (Αθήνα: ΜΙΕΤ, 1999)

Νησιάκος Γ. Βασίλης, Λαογραφικά Ετερόκλητα, (Εκδόσεις Οδυσσέας 1997)

Ντε Σερτώ, Μισέλ, Επινοώντας την Καθημερινή Πρακτική, Η Πολύτροπη Τέχνη του Πράττειν, Πρόλογος, Λυς Ζιαρ,Μετάφραση, Κική Καψαμπέλη, (Εκδόσεις Σμίλη, 2010)

Λαμνάτος, Βασίλης, Οι μήνες στην αγροτική και ποιμενική ζωή του λαού μας, (Εκδώσεις “Δωδώνη’’, Αθήνα – Γιάννινα, 1987)

Λουκάτος Σ. Δημήτριος, Εισαγωγή στην Ελληνική Λαογραφία, Γ’ έκδοση, (Μορφωτικό Ίδρυμα Εθνικής Τραπέζης, Αθήνα, 1985)

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Σαράφη, Ν. Αικατερίνη, Τήνος, Χάρτες - Ενδυμασίες, (εκδόσεις Καστανιώτη -Διάττων,………)

Sachampi S., Translation, J. Patsouridi,Genesis and ecological status of soils on the island of Tinos, (Piraeus, 1974)

Σιμόπουλος, Κυριάκος, Τόμος Β', Ξένοι ταξιδιώτες στην Ελλάδα 1700-1800, (Αθήνα, 1973)

Φώσκολος, Γ. Μάρκος, Παρθένιος Μενάρδος ο Ξανεμίτης και ο Άγιος Ιωάννης ο Πρόδρομος στο Ξάνεμο. Σελίδες ιστορίας από τη βενετοκρατούμενη Τήνο, ( Έκδ. Δήμου Τήνου, Τήνος, 2010)

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The farming landscape on the island of Tinos "Sustainable Architecture, Environment and Development in Rural, Urban and Regional Context.”

Greek periodicals

Γιαννισοπούλου, Μαρία, Τήνος το νησί των αντιθέσεων. Μια πρόκληση για τον ερευνητή, Τηνιακά Σύμμεικτα, Περίοδος ΄Β - Τχ 1ο,(Απρίλιος - Ιούνιος2000)

Τηνιακά Σύμμεικτα, Τρίμηνη περιοδική έκδοση έρευνας ιστορίας και πολιτισμού της Τήνου, Περίοδος Β'-Τχ 8ο, (Απρίλιος - Ιούνιος 2007)

Τήνος Ιστορία και Πολιτισμός, επιμέλεια έκδοσης π. Μάρκος Φώσκολος, ΤόμοςΑ΄: Ιστορία, (Δήμος Εξωμβούργου Τήνου, Αναπτυξιακή, ΔημοτικήΕπιχείρηση, Τήνος, 2005)

Τήνος Ιστορία και Πολιτισμός, επιμέλεια έκδοσης π. Μάρκος Φώσκολος, ΤόμοςΒ΄: Πολιτισμός, (Δήμος Εξωμβούργου Τήνου, Αναπτυξιακή, ΔημοτικήΕπιχείρηση, Τήνος, 2005)

Παπαδόπουλος Α., Χατζιμιχάλης Κ., επιμέλεια και εισαγωγήαφιερώματος στην Επιθεώρηση Κοινωνικών Ερευνών: Η νέα γεωγραφία τηςΕλληνικής Υπαίθρου, no 25/ 2008

Φώσκολος, Μάρκος, Τηνιακά Ανάλεκτα, Τόμος 3,Το κτηματολόγιο των εκκλησιών της Τήνου και η καταγραφή των λεγάτων τους. ΑΚΤ, Κώδικας4, (Εκδόσεις Φιλιππότη, Αθήνα, 1998)

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