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The EU Is Disengaging From the Settlements, Not From Israel
Persson, Anders
Published in:Haaretz
2015
Link to publication
Citation for published version (APA):Persson, A. (2015). The EU
Is Disengaging From the Settlements, Not From Israel.
Haaretz.http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.685647
Total number of authors:1
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Haaretz Daily Cartoon -1/12/2015
Opinion
●
Home > Opinion
The EU Is Disengaging From theSettlements, Not From IsraelRather
than boycotting Israel, the EU’s new 'differentiation strategy'
specificallyseparates out the democratic and internationally
recognized Israel within the 1967borders - with whom it seeks close
ties - from the non-democratic and non-recognizedsettlements.
Anders Persson | Nov 12, 2015 11:20 AM
Israeli settlers stand on the roof of a synagogue in the West
Bank settlement of Givat Zeev, north of Jerusalem on November 4,
2015. Credit: AFP
European Commission adopts guidelines for labeling products from
Israeli settlements
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●●
Israel cancels meetings with EU over decision to label
settlement goodsNetanyahu to EU: Shame on you for decision to label
settlement goods
Three years of internal discussions have finally resulted in the
EU’sadoption of guidelines on the labeling of products from West
Banksettlements and the Golan Heights. Such products, according to
thenew rubric, suggests that these goods could be labeled 'product
fromthe Golan Heights (Israeli settlement)' or 'product from the
WestBank (Israeli settlement)'.
Why has the EU decided that this labeling strategy is an
effectivecontinuation of its policies regarding the
Israeli-Palestinianconflict? What does it hope to achieve and is it
likely these aims willbe met?
The EU’s new “differentiation strategy” is meant to
distinguishclearly between the settlements and Israel proper, and
labeling is apart of this effort. It is a strategy that should be
seen both as a verylate measure against reversing more than four
decades of Israelisettlement construction, but also as a possible
strategy for dealingwith Israel in a post two-state solution
reality.
While the peace process certainly has died and resurrected
severaltimes before in the past, it seems harder and harder to
visualize aviable Palestinian state alongside Israel. By
“disengaging from thesettlements”, differentiation actually makes
it possible for the EU tohave normal relations with Israel, even if
the occupation will notend. It is therefore a strategy where one of
the objectives is to avoidplacing real, and far more painful –
because more effective -sanctions against Israel.
The EU’s new differentiation strategy is about separating
thedemocratic and internationally recognized Israel within the
1967borders from what is increasingly referred to by Peter Beinart
andothers as the non-democratic and non-recognized Israel, which
isthe occupied territory, primarily of the West Bank (including
EastJerusalem), but also of the Golan Heights. Differentiation
takes theform of prohibiting grants, prizes and funding from the EU
to thesettlements in the occupied territories (2013 EU
settlementguidelines), clauses in EU-Israel agreements (See for
example, theHorizon 2020 research project that began in 2014) that
stipulatethat the occupied territories are not part of the state of
Israel, non-recognition of Israeli veterinary supervision beyond
the Green Line(2014 EU decision), which has effectively banned
these productsfrom entering the EU. The latest measure in the EU’s
differentiationstrategy is the recently announced labeling of
settlement products.
Since the differentiation strategy targets only around 1% of
Israel’seconomy, it is obviously not an instrument for boycotting
Israel andit will likely not lead to immediate Israeli
counter-reactions orconcessions, but it may have long-term
consequences, just as theEU’s normative diplomacy has had in the
conflict in the past. Hadthe EU really wanted to boycott Israel, it
would of course target the
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other 99% - the internationally recognized and democratic
Israel,which the EU, as it continues to state over and over again,
insteadwants closer relations with.
In late 2013, around the same time as the settlement
guidelineswent into effect, the EU offered Israel an unprecedented
assistancepackage in the form of a “Special Privileged Partnership”
(SPP) if itwould sign a peace agreement with the Palestinians. The
SPP, whichwas a bit vague when it was published, was estimated to
be worthbillions of euros, not to mention what it would do for
Israel’sdecreasing international legitimacy. Above all, the fact
that the EUoffers Israel closer integration into the Union
ridicules certainextreme Israeli allegations by settler leaders and
others that theEU’s differentiation strategy is motivated by
anti-Semitism.
At the same time, it is certainly true, as Israeli critics
argue, thatdifferentiation is as political a strategy as much as it
is technical oreconomic. These measures against Israel would not
have happenedif Israel and the Palestinians would be six months
away fromsigning a peace treaty. But Israeli critics are wrong in
arguing thatIsrael somehow is being unfairly singled out for
sanctions whileothers are not. Right now, about three dozen
countries are listed onthe EU’s list of countries subjected to
”restrictive measures(sanctions) in force” - and Israel is not
among them. Israeli critics ofthe EU often conveniently fail to
mention that the EU has a similardifferentiation strategy in place
for Armenia’s occupation ofNagorno-Karabakh, though not for other
occupations like Turkey’sof Northern Cyprus or Morocco’s of Western
Sahara, which EUofficials say are completely different situations
from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Also important to note is that the EU in its security strategy
from2003 defined resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,
unlikeother conflicts, as “a strategic priority for Europe”. This
completelylegitimate self-interest might warrant different measures
in theIsraeli-Palestinian conflict as compared to other conflicts.
In aworld still dominated by interests and realpolitik, one can
neverexpect a political actor to be completely consistent in
itsinternational affairs. Just look at the disrespect with which
Israelileaders regularly treat the EU, or even the American
administration(its real friends) and compare that to the respect it
pays the leadersof Russia (the main weapons supplier for Israel’s
enemies) andChina (a lucrative trading partner for Israel, but
hardly a diplomatically, as it almost always votes against Israel’s
positions ininternational forums).
The academic literature on the EU has long sought ways for
theunion to translate its economic power into political clout in
theIsraeli-Palestinian conflict. The differentiation strategy
offers theEU just that – a completely new box of diplomatic tools
it can useagainst Israel, where the EU can use its power as the
world’s largesteconomy and Israel’s number one trading partner as
diplomaticleverage. Differentiation between the democratic and
non-
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democratic Israel will be even more important in a possible
futurescenario where the two-state solution is gone and the
occupationbecomes permanent. In the meantime, the EU’s
differentiationstrategy offers one of the most concrete examples
yet of the price –political, but increasingly also economic - that
Israel is paying for itscontinued occupation.
Anders Persson is a political scientist at Linnaeus
University,Sweden. He is also expert commentator on the Middle East
onSwedish TV and radio. His latest book The EU and the
Israeli-Palestinian Conflict 1971-2013: In Pursuit of a Just Peace
wasrecently published by Lexington Books.
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