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1 The emergence of linguistic knowledge in infant speech perception When, why and how to build a holistic view Alex Cristia LSCP, CNRS
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The emergence of linguistic knowledge in infant speech ... 4_Cristia... · The emergence of linguistic knowledge in infant speech perception ... Kaplan et al. (2002); Uther et al.

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Page 1: The emergence of linguistic knowledge in infant speech ... 4_Cristia... · The emergence of linguistic knowledge in infant speech perception ... Kaplan et al. (2002); Uther et al.

1

The emergence of linguistic knowledge in infant speech perception

When, why and how to build a holistic view

Alex CristiaLSCP, CNRS

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Vowels (between 2 and 14)Consonants (between 6 and 122)

Figures from the World Atlas of Language Structure

Few (2-4)Many (7-14)

Few (6-14)Many (34-122)

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The input

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Infant & adult-directed speech (IDS-ADS)

These two registers differ in most cultures (Lieven, 1994)

Infants attend preferentially to IDS (meta-analysis in Dunst et al., 2011)

Acoustic characteristics that distinguish IDS from ADS similar across languages/cultures → functional pressures (Ferguson, 1964)

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Why is IDS different from ADS?

Attributed to (at least) 2 possible goals1. Engage attention, modulate arousal, and express

affection → IDS ≈ happy speechFernald (1990); Kaplan et al. (2002); Uther et al. (2007)

… Higher absolute pitch & expanded pitch range (Scherer, 2003;(Ohala, 1983)

… Smiling → shorter vocal tract and tenser vocal configuration – affects some vowels more than others (Tartter, 1980)

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Why is IDS different from ADS?

Attributed to (at least) 2 possible goals1. Engage attention, modulate arousal, and express

affection → IDS ≈ happy speech

2. Provide “good” linguistic material to facilitate language acquisition → IDS ≈ hyperspeech

Fernald (2000); Kuhl et al. (1997); Sundberg (2001)

Clear ADS: Language-specific expansion along identifying acoustic dimensions (e.g., Andruski, 2006, Kang & Guion, 2009)

Note that prosody also affected: slower speech rates & sometimes higher pitch and larger pitch ranges (Bradlow et al., 2003; Picheny et al., 1985; Smiljianic & Bradlow, 2005))

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Why is IDS different from ADS?

Attributed to (at least) 2 possible goals1. Engage attention, modulate arousal, and express

affection → IDS ≈ happy speech

2. Provide “good” linguistic material to facilitate language acquisition → IDS ≈ hyperspeech

Caregivers enhance phonologically/lexically distinctive dimensions

→ Phonemic distinctions will be stretched→ Allophonic distinctions will not

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• Moms asked to talk about a set of objectsFirst to infant alone; then to experimenter &

confederate– 28 American English moms of 4-month-olds– 18 American English moms of 11-month-olds

• Objects carefully chosen to elicit tense/lax, nasal/oral, and point vowels in controlled lexical & phonotactic environments– Similar vowels (8 words w/ each vowel) with

matched preceding and following Cs and similar word frequency• Tense/lax: ε/e (pesto/basil), ɪ,i (picnic/peekaboo) • Oral/nasal: æ~/æ (dancer/tassle), ɛ/̃ε/ (tender/teddy)• Cs: (b,p,d,t,k,g)V(s,ʃ,b,p,d,t,k,)

Methods

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IDS does not show category enhancement

Cristia & Seidl (2013) JCLScripts etc. athttps://sites.google.com/site/acrsta/ Home/nsf_allophones_corpora

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Nu

mbe

r of results

Variation evident in a systematic review

Cristia (2013), Language and Linguistics CompassAnnotated tables downloadable from sites.google.com/site/acrsta/IDS_meta-analysis

Not an isolated findingFactors

Benders (2012)McMurray et al. (in press)

Lam & Kitamura (2012)Burnham et al. (in press)

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Impact of the input

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Symbolic: Presence of categories

/s/ /ʃ/

Hypothetical acoustic dimension

Distributional: modulated by distributions

of acoustic cues

/s/ /ç/ /ʂ/

/s/

Hawaiian

English

Polish

Frequency of occurrence

Cf. Ladefoged & Cho (2005)

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Mom speech

Sally!/s/ pole ~8kHz

Prosody

Sounds

42 moms+ babies

4-6m: 18

12-14m: 24

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/ʃɔ .. ʃa/

/ʃɔ .. ʃa/

/ʃɔ .. ʃa/

Habituation

Average of preceding 3 trials falls below 40% of longest 3 trials

/sɔ .. sa/

/ʃɔ .. ʃa/

/ʃɔ .. ʃa/

/sɔ .. sa/

Test: fixed duration (15s)Baby /s-ʃ/

discrimination

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/s/

Mom speech Baby /s-ʃ/ discrimination

Cristià 2011 JASA

4-6mo 12-14mo

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Cristià et al. 2011 JPhon

Beyond correlations: AGL

Some learning (→ meta-analysis of [un]published results with Sophie ter Schure <[email protected]>)

Frequency

/ç/ /ʂ/

Frequency

Exposure type 1 Exposure type 2

2

1 Individual variation in natural language acquisition

Laboratory learning (strict control input)

/ç/ /ʂ/

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Impact of the input in the context of 'real' language acquisition

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First steps

Phonology-first

Lexicon-first

Interactive view

Rääsanen (2012)

Johnson (2004); Beckman & Edwards (2010)

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Using individual variance longitudinally: Initial benchmarks

1. Is the individual variation measured meaningful?

2. Are we tapping linguistic skill

(or just general lab performance)?

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A longitudinal approach: Initial benchmarks

1. Is the individual variation measured meaningful?

Can it predict vocabulary size?

Searches in scholar.google.com, Pubmed, Science Direct, and Proquest

Identified 20 articles and theses 43 effect sizes [r] (+ 8 without comparable ES) Median r within infant group Grouped into three types: speech sounds, words, prosody

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Example: Processing of sounds

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Example: Processing of sounds

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Example: Processing of sounds

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Median effect size and weight per infant group

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Median effect size and weight per infant group

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Median effect size over all studies

r=.31 [.22, .4]

Speech perception at 4-12 months explains 5-15% variance

in vocabulary size at 11-48 months

Speech sounds r=.35 [.22, .47]Words r=.28 [.14,.4]

Prosody r=.42 [.18, .61]

Cristia, Seidl, Junge, Soderstrom, & Hagoort (in press), Developmental ScienceDatabase available at sites.google.com/site/invarinf (Individual Variation in Infancy)

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A longitudinal approach: Initial benchmarks

1. Is the individual variation measured meaningful?

2. Are we tapping linguistic skill

(or just lab performance)?

For now, 2 ways to answer

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1. Reuse existing data

Habituation r=.45 [.2, .65]Dishabituation r=.42 [.29, .54]

Rapid auditory processing r=.54 [.25, .74]

Overall non-linguistic infant predictors of vocabulary r=.43 [.35, .5]

Speech-speech: r=.43 [.28, .57]

Correlations within infancy Speech + non-linguistic: r=.25 [.08, .40]

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2. Direct experimental comparison

Predictions: General lab performance Cognitive demands of the task Emergent language skills

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2. Direct experimental comparison

Predictions: General lab performance Cognitive demands of the task Emergent language skills

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2. Direct experimental comparison

Predictions: General lab performance Cognitive demands of the task Emergent language skills

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2. Direct experimental comparison

Predictions: General lab performance Cognitive demands of the task Emergent language skills

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2. Direct experimental comparison

Predictions: General lab performance Cognitive demands of the task Emergent language skills

Trochees Vowels VRM

Vowels 0.30*

VRM 0.05 -0.07

A/B 0.1 -0.2 0.09

Seidl, Cristia, Wang, & French (variably rejected)

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Kuhl, 1994; Kuhl et al. 2008 Curtin & Werker, 2005 : Curtin et al., 2011

Extension to current theories

PHONEME[k]

WORDFORM

generalizations

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The synthetic learner (BOOTPHON) DUPOUX

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The synthetic learner+

+ Deployment of attention+ Memory systems+ ...

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Increasing sensitivity: better measures

High replicability (+portability)

High reliability

'Intensive'- Compatible with a multivariate approach

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Input, output, perception

+ state-of-the-art algorithms, e.g.SOUNDS: Supervised phone recognizer WORDS: Semi-supervised term discovery

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Other problems of individual variance

Limited pool of variance:

Twin studies → heritability 25-67% (Stromswold, 2001); single factor emerges (e.g., Bornstein et al., 2012)

Conceptual ambiguity:

Precise theories (quantitative predictions)

Causality can never be demonstrated

AGL, models, animal parallels...

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Summary

Multivariate approaches

Not only in vogue, but even necessary (often)

Infant studies' low SNR

Interactions may fall below sensitivity

Principled way to structure search

Models could play a key role

Face conceptual inseparability

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Thank you.