The Closing Chapter of Colonialism in the Horn of Africa

The Closing Chapter of Colonialism in the Horn of Africa | Dhumarra Ga’a Kolonummaa Gaanfa Afrikaa

April 10, 2013 at 8:15 am · Gadaa.com

“No compromise, no turning back on the kaayyoo is necessary … The chapter on colonialism is closing, and a vibrant Democratic Republic Oromiyaa is on the way to be brought forth.” - Ibsaa Guutama

Dhumarra Ga’a Kolonummaa Gaanfa Afrikaa

Ibsaa Guutama irraa* | Bitootessa 2013

Tigraway sirna malbulcha Habashaa keessatt miiltoo maadhaa turan. Erga mootummaa Zagu’ee as Amaarri, guggufannaa xixiqqoof malee, olhaantummaa qabatee jiraate. Sun Kaasa Marcaa, hoggana Tigraway bara 1872 Yohannis IV mootii mootota Itiyoophiyaa jedhe of muudeen gargar cite. Mootiin Tigray kun achi gahuuf mataa Amaaraa fi kanneen biras hedduu cire. Ergasiis akka isaan mataa olqabatanii hin laalle daa’imsiisee moo’e. Mootiin Shawaa Minilik fi mootiin Gojjam Taklahayimaanot olhantummaa saa hala duree malee fudhatanii turan. Hayyama saatiin biyyoota kibba saanii jiranitt duulanii qabachuun kan eegale. Empayerri Habashaa hoobbaatii duulota sanaati. Yohannis duula Matammaa irratt (1889) Sudanotaan qalame. Isa booda Minilik korma tokkicha mooraa Habashaa keessaa ta’ee gadi bahe Tigraway irratt haaloo bahatee sillimii jaarraa tokko fudhate keessa galche. Bara 1991 gadoo kuufatanii, koloneeffato isa dhumaa tahuun waanta ijaaruu gargaaran yeroo diigamu ragaa bahuuf deebi’an.

Minilik booda hogganummaa Amaaraan mootota afurtu aangott dhufe. Hunduu dorsisa fi shororkeessaan moo’an. Isaan keessaa waggoota shanan Xaaliyaanii dabalatee kan bara dheeraa (1916-1974) aangoo irra ture Tafarii Mokonin. Bakka saa kan bu’ee tuuta loltuu Darg jedhamu ture. Dargin akkuma kanneen isa dura shororkeessaan moo’e. Dargaggoon Oromoo fi Habashaa adda addatt ijaaramuun fincilanii gaara seenan. Habashaa keessaa Tigrawayi Eertraan ollummaan walii tumsaa turan. Dargiin hundatt Goolii Diimaa fi meeshaa hunda mancaasaan ibida roobse. Hoggansa Amaaraan kan fincilan jaarmaa “EPRP” jedhamu jalatt hiriiranii Dargii fi Tigroota gidduutt akka lamuu ol hin kaanett rukutaman. Isaan keessaa kan lola irratt booji’aman maxxannummaan ijaaaramanii dhaaba “Sochii Demokratawaa Saba Amaaraa” ta’an. Tigrawayi isaanii fi kan isaan fakkaatan qabatanii empayera dhunfatan.

Haaloo salphina kufaatii Yohaannis duuba gahee irratt dabalamee aariin Dargii irraa Tigraway qaban injifannoo saanii duuba akka hamaatt Amaara hube. Waraana isaan waggaa dhibba ijaaran diigee facaase. Bulcha biyyaa bakka furtuu taate hundaa isaan yaase Tigraway itt galche. Mirga sabummaa sabooti qabaachuu beekeefii afaan saaniitiin akka baratanii fi hojjetan irratt waliigale. Sana gurgudoon Amaaraa ammayyuu hin fudhanne. Hawwa Amaaraa alatt Tigraway walabummaa Eertraa raggaasisan. Akka isaan hin feenett jarmaa “Sochii Demokratawaa Saba Amaaraa” jedhaniin itt tolchan. Dudhaan, jaleen isa injifatamee sirna haaraan dhuunfatama ture, amma garuu hin taane.

Duulli Tigray jaarmaa cimaa ABUT (HWHT) jedhamuun gaggeeffamaa ture. Hogganooti saa kanneen qabsoo wareegammi guddaan itt bahe keessatt muuxannoo qaban turan. Hunda saaniirra hogganni saanii, Mallas Zeenaawwi nama abshaala, collee ayyaanlaallataa ture. ABUT humnoota Dargii boodaa hunda caalaa hidhannoo guddaa qaba ture. Seenanii ji’a tokko booda dhaabota Dargii lolaa turan, dhaabota ala turan isaaniin waldhabdee hin qabnee fi kanneen yerosuma akka ijaaraman jajjabeessan kan haammatu “Kora Nagaa fi Tasgabi” jedhamu waaman. Korichi Chartara Mootummaa Cehumsaa ijaaru tumee ka’e. Isaan dura ummatoota Habashaa hin ta’inii fi kolonoota hundaaf dhaabota boojuu irraa “Adda Warraaqaa Demokratawaa Ummatoota Itiyoophiyaa (ADWDUI)” yk “Ihadeg” jedhamu uumuun maqaa saatiin biyya bulchuu eegalan. Booda irratt heera empaayerri ittiin bulu kan mirgoota ummatootaa fi abba tokkootaa eegsisa jedhan baasanii Mootummaan Cehumsaa raawwate.

ABUT lolee mootummaa abbaa hirree aangoo irra ari’uun dhaabota saboota gara garaa walitt qabee chartara ittiin bulan irratt walii galuun; ADWUI boojuu ummatoota garagaraa akka walqixxeett ijaaruu; qophii fi meeshaa waraanaa kanneen biraa qaban caalu qabachuu; deggersa angota addunyaa dhihaa qabaachuu fi dhaabota kora irratt qooda fudhataniin akka warana empayera hundaa waloott fudhatamuun, seerawummaa yeroo argamsiiseefii ture. Itt hansee akka heera baaseett goloota aangoo malbulchaa dorgommeen qabachuu danda’an hayyamee galmeesse. Isa booda sagnata kennata ummatootaa ifaa godhe. Kanaan goloti murna Habashaa aangoo irraa konkolaatee “Hidhata Tokkummaa fi Demokrasii (Qinijjit)” jaarmaa jedhamu ijaarratan.

Qinijjit kennata bara 2005 keessa seenanii sagalee guddaa argachuun Wayyaanee baragsiisan. Garuu tooftaan harkaa bushooftee lolli hanga lubbuu deggertoota saanii baasuu fi barcuma argatan dhabsiisu gahe ture. Sanaan hogganoota hunda hidhaatt naquuf Mallas sababa argate. Mala uumeen jaarsoli inni ramade gidduu seenanii akka inni barbaadutt kan itt dabame aagii tufsiifachuun hidhaa yaa’e. Ergasii murnooti Amaaraan deggeraman fagooti ittfaman.

Kennati sun utuu qajeelaan xumurame ta’e kan moo’ate angoo empaayeraa irratt seerawummaa argata ture. Dorgommeen ture koloneeffatoo fi galtuu malee ummatoota humnaan qabaman kan laalu hin turre. Kennatichi finnaa empayeraa irratt Wayyaaneen seerawummaa akka hin arganne tolche. Kanaaf roorroon ilmoo nama irra gahu wagga waggaan dabalaa kan dhufe. Kennati itt haanee ganna shan duuba dhufes sana hin jijjiire, caalaattu empayericha keessatt demookrasiin abjuu ta’ee akka hafu mirkaneesse. Sababa kanaaf Wayyaaneen jajjabeessa angoota alaatt irkachuu malee deggersa qeyee argachuu hin dandeenye.

Mallas booddana, kan dhaaba saa caalaa, aangoo dhuunfaa saa cimfachuu irratt xiyyeeffate ture. Kanaaf jaallewwan saa gaafa xiiqii moggeessutt ka’e. Abba tokkoota dardara ta’an isa malee ABUT waliin hariiroo hin qabne ofitt naannessuu eegale. Sanaan karoora “bakka buusii” (matakaakaat plan) jedhu baase dhaaboti ADWUI jala jiranis sana akka hordofan godhe. Sun boojuu dhaabota ADWUI keessa jiran amanamummaa ABUT qaban karaarra maqsuuf gargaareen. Mallasaan ABUTn akkasitt laashessee hirree cimaan ADWUI sherersuutt ka’e. Imaammata baafateen nama Haayila Maaram Dassaaleny jedhamu Kibbaa fiddee itt haanaa saa godhe. Mallas akka tasaa du’e. Reeffisaa biyya faranjii dhufuu malee akki du’a saa, dhukkuba saa fi waldhaansa saa hin himamin hafe. Sun warra turee fi haaraa afaan bansiise.

Kanneen inni walitt qabe isa malee bulchuu danda’uu saanii ofitt hin amanne. Kanaaf bakka walgahan hundatt “hogganni keenya guddichi” (qiliwweeee Baha Fagoo) karoora nuu baaseen bulla jedhanii samanu. Yoo nyaatatt dhihaatan illee ekeraa saatiin nuu eebbisi jechuun kan hafu hin fakkaatu. Walgahii dhiheenya ABUT tolfate irratt angafooti dhiigaa fi dafqa saaniin olhantummaa Tigrawayi gaddhaaban imaammata bakkabuusiin gaggeeffaman. Kanaaf aangoon ABUT empaayerittii irratt dhuunfaan qabaataa ture gaaffii jala kan gale fakkaata. Sun olhaantummaa Tigraway hangam akka hubu bulee mullata.

Haa tahu malee hamma yoonaa fuulli hogganummaa badiisa gahee ilmaan Tigray turan. Sii’achi garuu akka karoora Mallasitt kanneen Tigraway hin taane of dura qabanii ofii duubatt deebi’uu kan murteeffatan fakkaata. Caasaa haraan isaan malee kan biraa gowwoomsuu hin dana’u. Hanga empayerri jirutt hariiroon Itiyoophiyaa fi kolonoota gidduu hin jijjiiramu. Mirga hiree ofii ofiin murteeffanaa sabootaa hojiirra olchuu qofatu sana jijjiira malee funaansa abbaa hirrootaa fi boojuu miti. Irra dibaan amma tolfame seerawummaa empayeraa fi haa tahu ADWUIf hammattiima Mallas jalati kennellee hin kennu. Garuu irra dibichi ‘armaataatt’ yoo geeddarame dubbiin adda ta’uu dandeessi ta’a.

Mallasaan abbaa hirree hin nakkaramne ta’uuf karaa tottolchee ture. Barcummi inni midhaasse eenyyufuu kan ta’u hin fakkaatu. Ammaaf ADWUIn akka gannoota digdamaan duraa, miseensota ABUTii amanamoo ta’aniin kan guutame miti. Sammu garboome kan qaban yoo hin taane, shororkeessaa fi sodaa jalqabaa sana keessa kan turan garri caaluu “matakaakaatiin” irratt tolfamee jira. Kanaaf maxxannooti angoo keessatt haa ta’u qabeenya irratt ugganii qooda saanii gaafachuun kan carraa argatan fakkaata. Sana akki itti furatan naannaa malbulchaa empayerittii qofa utuu hin ta’in kan Gaanfa Afrikaas tuquu dandaha. Dhaaboti miseensa ADWUI arfan raatessaa nama yk goolaa tokkoo jalatt fedhaa saanii bilisa malee hafuu hin danda’ani. Yeroon kan isaan ajaju seexaa fi dantaa saanii qofamoo, kan dhibantaa tokkoos akka dabalatu murteefatan gahee jira. Akka ofii fedhanitt miiltoo ta’uu yk ijoollee qeyee tahanii hafuu dha.

Amaarri bara Dargii kaasee jaarmaa sabheddu fakkeessaaf Itiyoophiyaa jedhaman isaan mataa itti ta’an afarsaa turan. Wayyaanee jalatt haalli Amaarummaan ijaaramuu dirqisiisee “Mallaa Amaaraa” kan jedhamu uummatani. Garuu ulaagaa Amaarummaa waan hanqateef odoo hin turin doome. Haa ta’u malee bulee Amaarummaan itt roorrifamuun it dhagahamaa dhufee, maqaa saaniin sabheddummaan kan ijaaraman akka irra ittisuus fedhaa saanii eegsisuus hindandeenye kan fudhatan fakkaata. Kanaaf dhaaba Amaarri qofaan dhimma saa ittiin hordofu “Moresh” (maqaa nama hamaa jala jiru ittiin waaman) jedhamu ijaarrataa jiru. Muuxannoo Tigraway jalatt argataniin rakkina ummattooti biraa abbaa hirroota halagaa jalatt qabaataa turan bulee ni qayyabatu ta’a. Rakkinni kan naannessee ilaaluuf gamnummaa fi ballinaan waa hubachuu ni gargaara. Akka ummata tokkooti mirga ofii eegsifachuuf yaalu taanaan, kan ollootaa saanis akkasumati kan ilaalan yoo ta’e qayyabannoo argachuu ni dandahu ta’a. Dhaaboti Habashaa sabhedduu jedhamanis hanga Amaarii isaan hin amannett tarsimoo hanga yoonaa abbaa hirrummaa qofaaf tolu keessa deebi’anii yaaduu haalli ni dirqisiisa ta’a.

ABOn tokkicha. Afur shan jedhanii kan qoosuu fedhan jiru. Muki udaanii/cuqun bubbuka jedhaniif hin urgaawuu. Jarri kaan “ABO Ciqun” jedhamuu irra hin taranii. Kaayyoon ABO isa dhugaa Republika Oromiyaa dhaabee iggiti itt gochuu dha. Republiki Oromiyaan dhaabbatu biyya hundi walqixxummaa, bilisummaa, obbolummaa fi demokratummaan keessa jiratu biyya

seerri olhantummaa keessatt qabu taha. Sii achi, Oromiyaa keessatt fanfanamuu yk itt rorrifamuun sanyii, amantee, saalaa, gosa yk sabummaa irratt hundaawe hin jiratu. Sun hundi kan dhugoomuu dandahu jaarmaa cimaa fedhaa hunda dura kaayyoo buusuuni. Jaarmaa cimaan waan jedhuu fi tolchuun ummata Oromiyaa fi miseensota saaf dhuga himaa fi amanamaa kan tahu. Tibbi qabsoo tibba mootummaa miti. Walabummaa Oromiyaatt gufuu kan ta’u hundi akka diinni ilaalamutt ilaalamuun waan hin olle.

Keessi ofii qaawwaa ta’uu baannan karaa hamtuun itt seentu hin jiratu. Kanaaf kan mana ofii qulqulleessanii qaawwaa hunda duuchuun durfannoo qabatuuf. Nageenya dhaabaa eeguun waan jireenyaa fi dua’aati. Waan halleefuu shaffisummaa murtii fi dudhammi daddaaqina hin qabne miira warraaqaa tahuun beekamuu qaba. Daagummaa, harkifatummaa fi haa bultu dubbiin addunyaa shaffisa ifa caaluun xuruuraa jiru keessatt akka bakka hin qabaanne beekuu dha. Ummati hamaa fi tolaa keessa jiru si’aawinaan hubachuu qaba. Akka ofbaree bitaa fi mirga saa dammaqee hubatu gochuun qooda warraaqaati. Ummata dammaqe qofatu mirga ofii beekee gaafachuu danda’a. Yoo danda’ame humnooti bilisummaa Oromiyaa hundi gamtaan bobba’uun kan biyyi hawwuf fedhamaadhas. Haa ta’u malee luuxxee galtuun tokko karaa itt cufe kan biraa keessaan akka hulluuqxee hin makamne hundinuu dura mana saanii qulqulleeffachuu qabu.

Koloneeffatoon gufatanii bitintiraa jiruu. Akka bakkatt hin deebine gochuu dha.. Kun yeroo hundi bahee anjaa qeyee fi sabgidduun kennutt dhimma bahuu qabu. ABO karaa irra ceesisanii fulduratt deemee akka didhaa hin bahanne duula guddaatu alaa manaa marsee dibbee itt dhahaa jira. Sun ta’ees wayyabi Oromoo danqaraa hunda irra qaarsisuuf harka itt hiixataa jiru. Kan sabicha jireenya abojjootaafii jiruun gahan kanneen walabummaa saaf dhaabbatan qofa. ABOn kallacha qabsoo bilisummaa fi ofiin bulummaa saanii akka ta’e tolchanii beeku. Kanaaf waci hundi kan qilleensa waliin darbu. Sabichi qabsoon saa dhaawataa ta’uu akka danda’u beeka. Sun dhafqaa fi dhiiga ilmaan saa guddaa gaafachuu danda’a. Hojiin hoggansaa kaayyoo fulduratt dhiibuu qofa utuu hin ta’in baasii saas yarsuu dha. Kanaaf cabaaluqa duubatt harkiftuuf gurra qeensuutt yeroo baduu hin qabui. Isaan kan bobba’an fedhaa ofiif jedhanii mirga sabummaa Oromoo irratt dhoofsisuufi.

Kanaaf xaxaa fedhaa ummataa irratt tolfamaa jiru hankaaksuuf sabboona hundi hiriiruu qaba. Qondaaloti ABO amma jiran ittiin maruu fi tiratuummaa qabachuu danda’u. Garuu kan dudhamaa fi garaa guutuun kaayyoo tissuutt bobba’uu saanii cicachuuf safuu gubbaa gad ilaalchisu qabu hin jiru. Ciqilaanii, gargaaraanii, gorsaanii, bor guyyaa biraati. Qabsoo bilisummaa fi guddinaatt iggiti tolchuuf bor ummatichi hogganoota jajjaboo haaraa ni baafata. Sun sana ta’ees ABOn hardha dhaabaa Oromoon qabu hunda caalaa isa jabaa dha. Qabsoo keessatt duubati deebi’uu fi fulduratt utaaluun, laafuu fi jaabaachuun waan jiru. ABOn hardha haala jabaatee fulduratt utaaluu dandeessisu keessa jira. Homtuu duubatt deebisuu hin danda’u. Injifannoon battala saa Oromiyaa keessatt deeffate yeroon gaarrenii fi sululoota Oromiyaa keessa naanna’ee dhangaa dhahu fagoo hin ta’u.

Haalli subgidduu qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoof mijjaawaa dha. Kaayyoo duubatt deebisanii wanti dhoofsisaniif hin jiru. Anjaa jiru qayyabatanii gam gochuun qooda qabsaawota Oromooti. Hacuuccaa fi balaan Oromiyaatt bu’aa jiru waan callisanii bira taran miti. Kan seexaa qabu iyya ummata Oromoo kan bilisummaa dhowwataman, kan guyyuu beela’aa oolanii bulan, dhukkuba ilmoon nama beeku hundaan qabamanii kanneen waldhaansa hin arganne fi kan gadooda saanii

addunyaan dhaggeeffachuu hanqatee fi guyyuu akka baalaa innaa darbu hundaa harca’a jiran tuffatee darbuu hin danda’u. Oromoon Oromiyaa hogganamuu qabu. Yeros qofa kan qabsoon saanii xiyyeeffannoo argatu. Yoo Waaq jedhe, boqonnaan kolonummaa cufamee Demokratik Republik Oromiyaa iftuun dhalachuuf karaa irra jirtii. Oromiyaa bilisi haa jiraattu!

Ulfinaa fi surraan dabaankufootaaf; walabummaa, walqixxummaa fi bilisummaan kan hafaniif; nagaa fi araarri Ayyaana abboolii fi ayyoliif haa tahu!

* Ibsaa Guutama miseensa dhaloota saganta ABO isa jalqabaa baasan keessaa tokkoo.

Source: Gubirmans Publishing

By Ibsaa Guutama* | March 2013

Tigrawayi were junior partners in the Ethiopian political system. Except for few glitches, the Amaaraa had the upper hand since the fall of Zaagu’ee dynasty. That was disrupted when Kaasaa Maraca, the leader of Tigray, came to power and anointed himself as Yohannis IV, King of Kings of Ethiopia. To reach there, this king of Tigray had severed so many heads of Amaara and others. He subjugated them forcing them on their knees such that they would never raise their heads again. The king of Shawaa, Minilik, and the king of Goojjam, Adaal, accepted his suzerainty unconditionally. It was with green light from him that they started the campaign to colonize countries to their south. The Habashaa Empire is the result of those campaigns. Yohannis was slain during the Matammaa campaign (1889) by the Sudanese. After that, Minilik came forward as the alpha bull in the Habashaa kraal. He retaliated against the Tigrawayi and sent them to slumber for a century. They returned in 1991 with vengeance to be the last of the colonizers and witness when what they had helped do was undone.

After Minilik, four rulers came to power under the leadership of Amaara subduing all opposition by sheer force. They all ruled with threat and terror. From among them, it was Tafarii Makonnin who ruled for a long period (1916-1974), including the five years of Italian occupation. A junta called the Darg replaced him. The Darg, like all its predecessors, ruled with terror. Oromo and Habashaa youth rebelled and took to the mountains under separate organizations. From the Habashaa, Tigrawayi were allied with Eritrea as neighbors should do. The Darg poured fire on all with red terror and weapons of mass destruction. Rebels under Amaara leadership, “EPRP,” were crushed between the Darg and Tigreans as not to pause any threat to them anymore. Those taken as captives from among them were organized into surrogates who later became “Amaara National Democratic Movement.” The Tigrawayi monopolized the empire through them and their likes.

Added to the grudge for humiliation after the fall of Yohannis, the anger Tigrawayi had on the Darg negatively affected the Amaara after the Wayyaanee victory. They dismantled and scattered the army Amaaraa built for a hundred years. They expelled Amaaraa individuals from key positions in the administration and replaced them by Tigrawayi. They recognized the right of nations to self-determination and agreed that they use their language for work and education. That was the right Amaara elites have not recognized to this day. The Tigrawayi accepted the independence of Eritrea against Amaaraa aspirations. They created an “Amaaraa” organization –

a reference they did not accept then. Traditionally, followers of the vanquished used to be integrated into the new formation, but not this time.

Tigray’s campaign was led by a strong organization called TPLF. Its leaders were those hardened by the struggle that demanded immense sacrifice. Of all of them, their leader, Mallas Zeenaawi, was a cleverer, active and canning opportunist. TPLF was heavily armed and stronger than any force in the post-Darg Empire. After a month of their arrival, they convened organizations that fought against the Darg, the Diaspora organizations that were not opposed to them, and individuals whom they encouraged to get organized at that very moment, to a “Conference for Peace and Stability.” The Conference ended after approving “The Charter,” and by it, the “Transitional Government” was formed. Prior to that, they started governing as the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). That was a collection of organizations formed with prisoners of war from different nationalities. Later, they proclaimed a constitution for administration of the empire that could safeguard rights of peoples and individuals – ending the transitional period.

TPLF’s chasing out the dictator and agreeing on a charter for governance with organizations from different nations; building the EPRDF with organizations of different nations from war captives as equals; having stronger fire power than the others; having powerful supporters from across the sea; and being accepted as the national army by participants of the Conference had given them temporary legitimacy to rule the empire. Next, they allowed opposition parties and registered them to compete for political power. They then scheduled for an open popular election. In preparation for that, parties of Habashaa groups, that had fallen from grace, formed an organization called the “Coalition of Unity and Democracy (CUD).”

The CUD ran for election of 2005 and scared the Wayyaanee by amassing major ballots. But, defective tactics resulted in several deaths of CUD supporters and loss of seats won. With that, Mallas got the excuse to put all of their leaders behind bars. By tactics he devised, elders, whom he organized for the purpose, intervened. The elders cajoled the prisoners and made them to apologize. That was achieved in the manner he wanted, and they were released. Since then, groups supported by the Amaaraa were kept at bay.

Had that election been fairly concluded, the winner could have got the legitimacy to rule the empire. The competition for power was only the concern of the colonizers and their apologists, not the forcefully occupied peoples. That election failed to legitimize the Wayyaanee to lead the Habashaa Empire. That was why human rights abuses increased from year to year. The next election did not also make matters different – rather they proved that democracy would remain a dream in that empire. For this reason, TPLF administration lacked domestic support and had to depend on foreign encouragements.

In later days, Mallas started to focus on strengthening his individual power rather than that of his organization. For this reason, he started to marginalize those who were his comrades in arms. He surrounded himself with younger individuals who did not have loyalty to the TPLF, but himself. For that, he laid down the replacement plan (mattakaakaat) and told EPRDF member organizations to follow suit. That helped him to keep out of way EPRDF leaders who were captives and loyal to the TPLF. Mallas started to spin EPRDF with strong arms after paralyzing

the TPLF. Based on his policy, he brought a person called Hailemariam Dasaliny from the South and made him his deputy. Mallas died unexpectedly. Except for the coming home of his corpse, his death, illness and treatment were left untold. That left veterans and the new dumbfounded.

Those whom he had gathered around him did not believe that they could govern without him. For this reason, they swore that they would be guided by the policy laid down for them by their “great leader” (an echo from the Far East). It does not even seem they could eat their meals without praying for blessing from his Ghost. On the recent meeting of the TPLF, leaders, who established the supremacy of Tigrawayi by their sweat and blood, were sent off in accordance with the “mattakaakaat” policy. For this reason, it seems that the power monopoly of the TPLF over the empire is nearing to be challenged. How much that affects the supremacy of Tigray is going to be seen in the course of days.

So far the faces of all atrocities committed were of the children of Tigray. But, henceforth, it seems they have decided to remain behind and push non-Tigreans to the forefront. The new formation fools nobody except themselves. As far as the empire remains in tact, the relation of Ethiopia with its colonies cannot change. It will be only implementing the right of nations to national self-determination that can make the difference; not collections of dictators and captives. The present whitewashed power will not give legitimacy – be it for the empire or for TPLF – even to the small extent it had done under Mallas. But, if the whitewash turns concrete, matters may differ.

Mallas had facilitated the way to become the uncontested dictator pushing aside his organization. The throne he constructed does not seem to fit any other. This time, EPRDF is not filled with members loyal to the TPLF like twenty years ago. Except for those suffering from slave mentality, others, who followed them meekly for fear and terror in the initial stage, are no more there thanks to the “mattakaakaat” policy. For that reason, there is a possibility for surrogates to dare and ask for a share in power and wealth of the empire. The way they are going to resolve that issue could affect not only the political relations in the empire, but also that of the Horn. The four EPRDF member organizations can no more remain under the spell of one man or party without their free will. The time has come for them to decide whether it is only their conscience and interest, or that of a partner that can dictate them. They will either remain part of the imperial household or rivals with their own terms for partnership.

Starting from the Darg era, Amaara elites have been fanning multinational organizations based on the pretension of being Ethiopian, but led by them. Under the Wayyaanee, they were forced by circumstances to form an organization called the “Mallas Amaaraa.” But, it was short-lived because it failed to satisfy the Amaara standard. However, it seems they are starting to feel persecuted for being Amaara, and that no organization under the multinational name has been able to protect their national interest. As a result, they had decided to build one that could take care of Amaaraa interests, and named it “Moresh” (calling one in danger). With the experience they acquired under Tigrawayi, they may be able to realize the problems others had been facing under alien dictators. Difficulties help the reasonable to see things widely and wisely. If they are trying to safeguard their interest as a people and respect for those of others in the same manner, they may be more understood. Unless the Amaara trust them, Habashaa organizations that call

themselves multinational may be forced to rethink the good for dictatorship strategies they had been following so far.

There is only one OLF. There are those who want to mock at it being four or five. Titan arum will not change its scent because one says it is incense. Those others will not also escape being called OLF the “titan arum.” True OLF’s principal objective is to establish the independent Republic Oromiyaa and guarantee its well being. The independent Republic Oromiyaa shall be a country – where all will enjoy liberty, equality, fraternity, freedom to form association, and where the rule of law reigns supreme. There, there will be no discrimination or persecution based on race, creed, gender, tribe or nationality. All that will be realized only with a strong organization that puts the kaayyoo ahead of any other interests. A strong organization is expected to be true and honest to the people of Oromiyaa and its members – in its actions and utterances. The time of struggle is not the time of governance. Anyone who stands on the way should be dealt with like the enemy is dealt with.

If an organization is not loose from inside, there will be no way that evil could creep in. For this reason, cleansing one’s house and sealing all holes have priority. Guarding well-being of an organization is a matter of life and death. For all purposes, decisiveness and unwavering commitment to the cause are indispensable characters of a revolutionary. It must be realized that in a world where things move at the speed of light, leg-drugging and procrastination have no place. People should not be left in darkness from knowing what is going around in the world. It is the responsibility of revolutionaries to work for people’s awareness. They are only conscious people who know their rights and can demand for them. The wish of the people is for liberation forces to stand together, and that would have been the ideal one. However, all have to cleanse their homes so that infiltrators, whom one kept away, should not get a chance of getting in by using the other.

The colonizers have stumbled and are staggering. They should not be allowed to regain their balance. This is the time when all have to rally to take advantage of local and international situations. To derail OLF from moving forward and face the challenges, many internal and external campaigns are being conducted. That being so, the great majority of Oromo are stretching their hands to take it across all obstacles. It is only those who stand for its independence who could take the nation to a life of their dreams. The OLF they know is the vanguard of their struggle for freedom and independence. For this reason, all cacophony against it is to pass with the weather. The nation also understands that its struggle could be protracted. That may demand huge sweat and blood of their gallant daughters and sons. The work of the leadership is not only advancing the cause, but also minimizing the cost. Therefore, no time should be wasted listening to gibberish of reactionary elements. They are out there to compromise Oromo national rights for self interest.

For this reason, all nationalists have to rally and thwart any machination against national interests. The present OLF officeholders may be disoriented and sluggish. But, nobody has the moral high ground to question their commitment and devotion to the cause. Nudge them; help them; advice them; tomorrow is another day. Tomorrow, the nation will have new strong leaders to assure continuity of the struggle for liberation and development. That be as it may, still OLF is the strongest organization the Oromo have. In a struggle, there is always advancing and

retreating; getting strong and getting weak. Today, OLF is in advancing in a strong state. No one can turn it backwards. The time it reestablishes its headquarters in Oromiyaa and roar in all mountains and valleys will not be far off.

The international atmosphere is conducive for the Oromo national liberation struggle. No compromise, no turning back on the kaayyoo is necessary. It is up to Oromo activists to understand and grab it. Repressions and calamities that are befalling Oromiyaa are not something to be passed with silence. Anyone with conscience can never ignore the plight of people who are denied liberty, who every day go hungry, who suffer from diseases so far known to humans and get no treatment, and whose voice of agony the world has failed to listen to, and are dropping like autumn leaves every passing hour. The Oromo must be led from Oromiyaa. It is only then that their struggle gets attention. The chapter on colonialism is closing, and a vibrant Democratic Republic Oromiyaa is on the way to be brought forth – Waaqaa willing. Viva free Oromiyaa!

Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes; liberty equality and freedom for the living and nagaa and araaraa for the Ayyaanaa of our fore parents!

* Ibsaa Guutama is a member of the generation that drew the first Political program of the OLF.

Wikileaks on Tadesse Birru and early days of the OLF

(OPride) — The whistleblowing website WikiLeaks has just published 1,707,500 U.S. diplomatic and intelligence documents from 1973 to 1976. While most of the latest documents have already been declassified and were available through the National Archives, WikiLeaks has created a searchable online database for quick access.  Several of the 1.7 million cables sent from U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia offer interesting insights into the gathering of rebellion against the Ethiopian rulers of the time, the Derg. The telegrams cover a wide range of topics including the formation of Oromo and Tigrean Liberation Fronts, and the execution of Tadesse Birru (pictured above with Nelson Mandela). We have identified a few that deal with Oromo insurgency and earlier clandestine efforts to organize the Oromo Liberation Front in the center of the country. More than the details contained in the cables though, aside from an intriguing fact that American diplomats were keenly aware of the buildup of the rebellion, the files reveal how little has changed in Ethiopia, especially for the Oromo. For instance, the documents show that the only one-hour Afan Oromo radio broadcast in the country, starting then for the first time, was heavily censored and controlled. Amhara observers apparently told the Americans that the broadcast would increase Oromo self-awareness, tribal consciousness, as they called it, and ultimately “divide the country rather than to unite it.” While the coverage had expanded now, with a separate

Oromia Radio and Television station, there is still no independent media in Afan Oromo. The Voice of America radio was beginning to feel the wrath of authorities began pulling its broadcasts and alternated for more of  “Ethiopia Tikdem” programs, the official philosophy of Ethiopian socialism. What’s more, in mid-70s too, Oromo students actively protested against government repression and mobilized the Oromo peasantry during Zemecha — a national mass education campaign with a focus on establishing farmers unions.  While other ethnic groups were not immune then, according to these cables, many Oromo students were dismissed and imprisoned, a practice that has become all too familiar in the last two decades. Oromo leaders were arrested and executed under trumped up charges, another practice that continues to date (minus the executions).

While there was a widespread and multi-ethnic resistance against the status quo, which was then mantained by ethnic Amharas, the Americans remarked, an outbreak of any serious Oromo rebellion had a destabilizing impact for whole of Ethiopia. In one cable from 1970, the embassy official noted, “Any effective coalition of traditionally disparate Oromo groups (estimated 40 percent of population) would have significant impact on stability and future directions country.”  The Oromo struggle, which was then only a clandestine effort to forge a unified and pan-Oromo resistance, has since achieved remarkable heights. Today there are a plethora of organizations, in and outside of the country, even if weak and divided, that are fighting for Oromo rights. But the Oromo remain largely marginalized with no real political power in Ethiopia. We have extracted relevant excerpts from the cables as follows. Please note that, in all instances, we have updated the derogatory terms used to refer to Oromo. This includes Galla, Arusi, and Gallinga among others. The text below in ITALICS and Blockquotes (separated by ... for readability) is copied from the Wikileaks documents verbartim, unless otherwise noted .  List of Acronyms:EPMG - Ethiopian Provisional Military GovernmentIEG - Imperial Ethiopian GovernmentGSDR - Government of the Somali Democratic RepublicTFAI - French Territory of the Afars and IssasEmb Off - Embassy Official/sUSG – United States Government A detailed cable from January 1, 1970, one of the earliest from Addis Ababa in this series of Wikileaks trove, contained some interesting insights.Recent events have spurred re-emergence of ethnic, religious and regional demands for administrative reform and for more proportional sharing of country's economic and political benefits. Any effective coalition of

traditionally disparate Oromo groups (estimated 40 percent of population) would have significant impact on stability and future directions country. There indications Oromo middle class, mainly from Shoa and Wollega, attempting to organize and to link up in varying degrees with Muslim organization, military and police dissidents, and local "people's committees". This group supports demands of provincial elite and parliamentarians for removal "irresponsible" local government officials, labor issues such as minimum wage and the widespread desire for land reform (particularly redistribution issue)....Northerners tend view Lij Endalkachew as Amhara chauvinist and hardliner on political concessions for Eritrea as well as other non-Amhara areas. "He is no unifier". We would expect Zawde Begre-Salassie of Tigre (Yohannes IV) royal line is more acceptable, particularly to Eritreans and Tigreans. …Oromo elite, for example businessmen, parliamentarians and provincial town leaders, critical their current under-representation in cabinet and slow pace redressing balance exhibited in Endalkachew's appointments so far. (Addis 4374; a-85 & 80). 4. Fairly reliable sources report existence Oromo coordinating committee in Addis. Oromo society said be headed by member parliamentary staff and composed of Oromo civil servants, businessmen and landowners primarily from Shoa, Wollega and Kaffa, i.e., those in "buffer group" which shares in political, economic benefits. ... Reportedly Oromo society not in particularly close or formal communication with military committee(s). Extent Oromo participation and co-ordination with Muslim organization not clear at this time, see Addis 4424. Society does not have direct links with Oromo self-help organizations and perhaps with remnants Gen. Taddesse Biru's earlier coalition (see ref d). (We understand that after his recent escape from house arrest, Taddesse Biru was forgiven by emperor for role in 1966 revolt and is currently moving under loose control between Addis and his farm.)... Oromo society linked with people's committee in Jimma and similar "underground movements" in Shoa, Wollega, Bale, Sidamo etc. While these committees are said to be composed of various ethnic elements banded together for purpose forcing removal corrupt officials and larger, exploitive Shoan landlords like Ras Mesfin, Oromo members also tend view committees as vehicles for greater autonomy and complete removal Amhara lords from Oromo lands. Oromo leadership on committees drawn from middle class, such as U.S. educated Chamber of Commerce representative, Yegezu Oda in Jimma and progressive lawyer in Ambo, Ato Argew.…

According some Oromo politicians, Oromo landlords and "balabets", e.g., in Shoa, are willing redistribute lands to their brethren and are aligning in context land reform issues on ethnic rather than class basis. (Reportedly Ras Mesfin has been attempting instill fear of peasant revolt in Oromo land- lords and unite them with Amharas in opposing land redistribution. He and certain government officials in Shoa said be preaching line of chaos, bloody civil war and Somali invasion should IEG implement land reform "too quickly".)...Oromo leaders predict land reform in Christian Oromo highlands will not entail the bloodshed that they foresee in "newly conquered" territories, e.g., Sidamo, Bali, Arsi and Kaffa where landlords are mainly Amharas. (Also see Addis 4104, 3724, a-85 and 6127 ('73). Oromo leaders imply IEMF will support land distribution efforts and point out that large number officers and men are Christian Oromos and sympathetic minorities, e.g., gurage. They concerned about Territorial Army and emergency police (viewed as Amhara dominated) as well as expected opposition from Amhara landlords but claim they can muster forces of their own....Oromo leaders tend be wary of USG and feel it has long demonstrated support for Amhara rule. When pressed they point to alleged us help in suppressing 1960 coup attempt. (They also tend view us economic aid as prop for Amhara regime.) Some Oromo town leaders, balabets, parliamentarians and businessmen have asked reporting officer what USG response would be if emperor/Endalkachew requested urgent military assistance or show for force to help preserve Shoan Amhara/aristocratic pre- eminence in face of "Oromo threat." (Emb Off responded to sceptical questioners that USG has no intentions take sides in internal Ethiopian events or crises.)... Another cable entitled the South Heats Up, dated Wednesday December 24, 1975, show the diplomat’s confusion regarding some troubles in “Ethiopia’s deep south” at a time when the Derg was scoring some diplomatic success at the OAU and UN over Somalia.

…Ambushes, mining incidents and reported infiltrations from Somalia into Bale, Arsi, Hararghe and Sidamo, are confusing. Elements are variously described as Somali soldiers, disciplined well-armed "military" wearing uniforms without insignia; Bale and/or Oromo Liberation Front fighters; Oromo and/or Somali speakers using vernaculars not normally found in Ethiopia; Ethiopian irregulars or (officially by the Ethiopians) -- as bandits. Further developments will no doubt help us achieve a clearer understanding.”

...Outbreak any serious Oromo dissidence, finally, could have destabilizing impact elsewhere in Ethiopia. It could strain Amhara/Oromo cooperation, which has been central to the Derg's ability to date to contain Tigre dissidence in northern Ethiopia.…We note that Bale and Sidamo were theater of anti-Amhara insurgency in 1968, which was put down ruthlessly by then IEG. If current incidents spread, we would speculate that Derg might now look sufficiently embattled to tempt GSDR to launch further escalation. Risks to GSDR in helping rebels rekindle racial tensions conceivably appears acceptable in Mogadishu at present even if new insurrection fails catch on or peters out [...] In current circumstances calculation may be that opening yet another front -- Ogaden or wider -- would stretch already badly overtaxed EPMG military capabilities even further, with attendant advantages should GSDR opt to pursue its ambitions in TFAI.… A detailed cable from April 3, 1974 contained information about a growing call for reform in more than half of Ethiopia’s then 18 provinces.  It also had a passing reference to General Tadesse Birru’s escape from house arrest. Birru, a celebrated military general, was one of the founders of the OLF.  …Residents in provincial centers of at least eight of Ethiopia’s 14 provinces continue to press for removal/punishment of corrupt and inefficient government officials. In some cases, e.g. Arba Minch and Awassa, clashes with police resulted in deaths and injuries for demonstrators. We hear reports that local administration in number areas breaking down as officials remain absent their posts or are placed under house arrest by town residents. In Jima a people's committee is managing town with police cooperation.

...In three sessions this week parliamentarians from Kaffa, Arsi, Gamo Gofa and Illubabor in particular were outspoken in expressing criticism of local officials described as "arrogant mini-dictators." New minister of Interior, Dej. Zewde, promised to consult cabinet on these problems and to address them in cabinet's policy white paper, which is still under preparation. Deputies' complaints include embezzlement of public funds raised for self-help projects; granting of land which was taken by force from peasants (deputy from Gamo Gofa listed over 20,000 hectares in his province granted imperial favorites last year); police brutality in handling public demonstrations; IEG's indifference to drought-related suffering (see US info 01/1458); IEG retaliation to Oromo attacks in lake region....

While nature of local government varies in different areas, common theme running complaints now being voiced seems to be one of long-standing government irresponsibility and exploitation by local officials or urban and rural Inhabitants, particularly if they non-Shoan Amhara. (Report on local government structure and politics prepared in February '74 by John Cohen for aid/w is most comprehensive analysis available.) Demands for removal government officials primarily generated by and confined to town dwellers. As far as we aware, movement has not yet catalyzed traditionally submissive rural peasantry.…Recent "Oromo uprising" over land ownership issues has remained centered on rift valley lake area (Addis 3037). There are indications, however, that Oromo sub-groups attempting organize autonomy movements. We note that gen. Tadesse Biru, leader of 1966 "Oromo revolt", escaped house arrest last month. Oromo politicians also hinting to us that some type plans under preparation....

Six days later, a memo signed as Kissinger, originating from the State Department noted the difficulty of gathering information in Ethiopia but advised the local embassy to forward new information when it is available. The cable contained a series of questions including the following one that references Tadesse Birru: …We would appreciate additional reporting on ethnic, regional and religious cleavages within the military, particularly regarding the Oromos and the Tigrean- Eritrean majority within the air force. How close is the relationship of air force and student Tigreans and Eritreans? Is Endalkatchew viewed as anti-Eritrean? Would Zawde be more acceptable to Eritreans and Tigreans? What is the attitude of Tigrean-Eritrean military elements toward elf? What more is known about Tadesse Biru's escape?... In response, a cable sent around March 1975, dealt with the Arrest of Oromo Insurgent Leaders, mainly General Tadesse Biru and Col. Hailu Regassa. In the analysis that followed the report, the official commented, Tadesse’s capture was a major setback for Oromo struggle “as other potential Oromo leaders of his stature [were] few and far between.”

...Ethiopian media march 13 and 14 prominently feature arrest of BG Tadesse Biru and Lt. Col. Hailu Regassa with clutch of their "accomplices." men, taken by security forces "in cooperation with the public", are accused of opposing "Ethiopian popular movement" and attempting to incite rebellion.

According media, they are to be charged before special general court martial today (March 14). Prisoners (pictures displayed on TV and in press.)...Media report that rebels were taken in village of Curo Mako in Meta Robi district, Menegesha, Shoa province, "where they have been hiding for some time." According government spokesman, BG Tadesse and Lt. Col. Hailu attempted to incite rebellion on "tribal basis" to cover their true motives, which said be opposition to land reform. Deputy administrator of Meta Robi district reportedly was killed during shootout preceding arrest these men.…Department will recall that Tadesse Biru is storied Oromo leader long kept by ex-emperor in custody/house arrest for his rebellious past. Lt. Col. Hailu is highly educated soldier who had been assigned as vice-president of special General Court Martial now trying former officials. Press explains his dissidence by saying he was large landowner. Press also charges Hailu with theft of Eth $80,000 raised for drought relief, together with Maj. Abebe Gebre Mariam, who remains at large. Capture of Gen. Tadesse is sharp setback to Oromo dissidents, as other potential Oromo leaders of his stature few and far between. Conversely, it is quite a feather in EPMG's camp. We note that EPMG confident enough in appeal its land reform among Oromos to attempt use BG Tadesse Biru's putative opposition to it against him....

The same month, diplomats reported on the PMAC Trial and Execution of Oromo and other dissidents including General Tadesse and Meles Tekle, a Tigrean activist on whose tribute the late Ethiopian ruler, Legesse Zenawi, took his nom-de guerre, Meles.Media march 18-19 reported the execution of Hailu Regassa, Tadesse Biru, Alula Bekelle, Rezene Kidane, Meless Tekle and Giday Gebre-Wahid late march 18 in addis ababa.…According press, these men had been tried by a special military court. Latter condemned hailu regassa to the capital penalty and the rest to life imprisonment. This verdict was reviewed by PMAC, which directed, on the basis of the evidence and the crimes with which these men were charged, that all be executed....Hailu Regassa and Tadesse Biru were found guilty of "attempting to disrupt the ethiopian popular movement" and to oppose the nationalization of rural land. Department will recall (ref a) that these Oromo leaders were recently captured near Ambo....Alula bekelle, described as a hard-core supporter of the old order who had abused his office to his own benefit, was charged with plotting "to disrupt the popular movement." he resisted arrest last December 2 and "open fired

on security forces during which innocent blood was shed before he was captured" (ref b).

...The other three individuals were found responsible for the bomb explosions at city hall and Wabe Shebelle hotel last December 2 (cf ref c) "in which three innocent persons were killed and ten others seriously injured." they and their accomplices, who are still at large, were also held accountable for the December 2 bomb explosion at bole airport's fuel depot (ref d), "acts of terrorism which were meant to disrupt the Ethiopian popular movement and to create confusion among the people of Addis Ababa."…. Another cable, from August 1975, entitled Disturbances in the Countryside summarized the brewing of early resistance against the Derg in Eritrea, Tigray, Begemedir, Gojjam, Wollo, Wollega and Shoa. The diplomat concluded, while there were at least two concurrent efforts to organize the Tigrean Liberation Front, the disruptions coming from Eritrea posed the most lethal threat to the Derg....Wollega -- according to two reports believed reliable, Dej. Dereje Makonnen is leading a dissident group near Fincha, which forced the evacuation of Zemetcha students from that area. Zemetcha students have reportedly been forced (for the second time) to evacuate Shambu Awraja because of local resistance to them. Unconfirmed reports place another dissident group in Ghimbi Awraja of western Wollega.…Shoa -- the Biru brothers continue to operate in the Manz area of northern Shoa. EPMG forces may have suffered as many as 100 casualties in their efforts to dislodge the Birus and have apparently decided to ignore them for the time being. The dissident group in the Tegulet-Bulga area of eastern Shoa reportedly continues to operate in spite of the capture and execution of several of its leaders. A recent issue of Addis Zemen indicated that Asrat Getaneh, apparently the leader of the group, remains at large. Embassy has reports of fighting in Gurage country near Butajira, southeastern Shoa....While we are unaware of the nature of the fighting, Ethiopian media in recent weeks continue to report that large number of insurgents, now totaling over 1,000 have rallied to the government side. Government controlled media have also indicated that there had been fighting in the Wolisso (Chion) area of western Shoa, two hours west of Addis Ababa by road. (This is an Oromo-inhabited area where General Tadesse Biru operated prior to his capture and execution.)...

Hararghe -- embassy has unconfirmed reports of a Somali Liberation Front

and an Ogaden Liberation Front operating in Hararghe, and one report of an "Oromo army" (see Addis 9732). Hararghe is one of the only provinces where outlaw/dissident groups have specifically targeted foreigners, including a recent attack on the US navy team operating there. A UNDP team which was confronted by Somali nomads carrying enfield rifles lends credence to reports we have been hearing for five or six months now that Somalia received a large shipment of lee enfields (from Italy, the story goes) which it has been distributing among ethnic Somali nomads in the Ogaden encouraging them to take action against Ethiopian authorities there....Bale -- a Bale Liberation Front has been reported in existence for some ten years and although we have heard reports of scattered lawlessness (including the killing of a police officer in northern Bale recently), we are uncertain to whom to attribute these acts. The Zemetcha students have been very active in Bale, including organizing peasants against the Derg....Arsi -- Zemetcha students have been hyperactive in parts of Arsi, especially in the capital, Assela, where they organized three 150-member "red guard" units and in southern Arsi near Koffele. A student campaigner from Koffele indicated that some 80 Zemetcha students remain in jail in Koffele for killing a soldier. Embassy officers have witnessed Zemetcha-led peasants stopping traffic along the main road there.…

After analyzing similar early resistance in other provinces, the cable summarized these “disturbances” as follows:

Although there are problems of one sort or another in all 14 provinces of Ethiopia, only the Eritrean insurgents and the Afar appear to pose any serious threat to the Derg. Gov. resources have consequently been concentrated in these areas, leaving many of the other areas to revert to local control. Since the other dissident groups are generally localized and lack adequate resources and coordination, they pose almost no threat to the Derg except insofar as it attempts to implement land reform in those areas. The leaders of these dissident groups are generally old order figures whose ox is being gored by land reform and the Derg's other socialist policies. The tribal warfare in Ethiopia is traditional and frequently ignored by the central govt. except when it affects outsiders. The tribal clashes have been exacerbated in some areas by Zematchoch (particularly Oromo students) and by the fact that the tribes themselves probably perceive the central govt. as exerting less control in their areas.

A follow up cable from May 1975 reported general calm and improvement of security in Illubabor, Wollega, and Kaffa provinces:   

...Kaffa province, especially around the Jimma region, had previously experienced rather severe disorders (see reftels) but these were resolved in early May. Apparently the chief administrator had given the Zematchoch Carte blanche to implement Ethiopian socialism, which they then used to expropriate animals and equipment from the balabats. This resulted in conflict between the Zemetcha and the peasants on one side and the police and landlords (mostly Amhara) on the other....After several clashes, which involved loss of (30 peasants killed) and property the government finally restored order by sending the Zemetcha troublemakers (about 85) to Addis and returning other students to their posts in the countryside. The chief administrator, whom most observers blame for instigating the strife, has not been allowed to return to the province for the past two months. It is also widely rumored that the chief administrator was attempting to organize the Oromos into some form of Oromo liberation front. Two weeks prior to arrival of reporting officers Oromo and Amhara secondary students in Jimma clashed with some students being severely beaten....A missionary source that knows the ex-awraja governor personally stated that he and 400 men are situated on a mountaintop near Shewa Gemira and are in opposition to the government. The airfield has reportedly been plowed up and SIM missionaries have been withdrawn from the area. Radio broadcasts in Afaan Oromo are very popular in all three provinces. Some observers (Amhara) fear that these broadcasts could result in increased tribal consciousness, which will tend to divide the country rather than to unite it.

Wikileaks files on the Oromo movement under the leadership of Gen.Tadesse Biru & Col. Hailu Regassa Published on April 8, 2013.Facebook Twitter Email Delicious Digg Google Stumbleupon Reddit Yahoo Blogger

Wikileaks, which has bee shaking the  global security, diplomatic  and economic establishments, by acquiring and publicly releasing highly secretive US cables, have recently released a new batch containing   1,707,500 diplomatic documents from 1973 to 1976.  Among these documents  found seven files containing information that shows what US diplomatic and intelligence services knew about General Tasesse Birru’s   effort to launch armed struggle during this period. Although documents from earlier years are yet to be released, there are signs that the US government has been following the ‘storied’ General  with  keen interest since his early days. Aside shading more light on the last years of this founding father of the  Oromo movement, the files also  tells us quite a bit about how the US government perceived the movement at the time. Fon innstance, the judged that the “capture of Gen. Tadesse is sharp setback to Oromo dissidents, as other potential Oromo leaders of his stature few and far between“. Set back , it was. But the movement bounced back because the cold blooded murder of Tadesse produced thousands of gallant fighters  who picked arms, propelling the movement forward.

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PROVINCIAL DISTURBANCES CONTINUE

1974 April 3,

While nature of local government varies in different areas, common theme running complaints now being voiced seems to be one of long-standing government irresponsibility and exploitation by local officials or urban and rural inhabitants  particularly if they non-shoan amhara. (report on local government structure and politics prepared in February ’74 by John Cohen for aid/w is most comprehensive analysis available.) Demands for removal government officials primarily generated by and confined to town dwellers. As far as we aware, movement has not yet catalyzed traditionally submissive rural peasantry. Recent “Oromo uprising” over land ownership issues

has remained centered on rift valley lake area (Addis 3037). There are indications, however, that Oromo sub-groups attempting organize autonomy movements. We note that Gen. Tadesse Biru, leader of 1966 “Oromo revolt”, escaped house arrest last month. Gall politicians also hinting to us that some type plans under preparation.

REPORTING ON INTERNAL ETHIOPIAN SITUATION

1974 April 9,

We would appreciate additional reporting on ethnic, regional and religious cleavages within the military, particularly regarding the Oromos and the Tigrean- Eritrean majority within the air force. How close is the relationship of air force and student Tigreans and Eritreans? Is Endalkatchew viewed as anti-Eritrean? Would Zawde be more acceptable to Eritreans and Tigreans? What is the attitude of Tigrean-eritrean military elements toward elf? What more is known about Tadesse Biru’s escape?

FRAGMENTS FROM THE COUNTRYSIDE

1975 March 5

Ethiopian Herald reported that Major Abebe Gebre Marian and Lt. Col. Hailu Regassa, vice chairman of the general court martial, have fled with eth$80,000 proceeds from sale of Ethiopian Tikdem buttons. Various independent sources report that both officers, who are Oromo staff members on “dirg,” have taken money and large store of weapons from Holleta military academy and joined General Tadesse Biru’s dissident group near Ginche in northern Shoa.

DISSIDENCE GROWS

1975 March 10,

Usually reliable diplomatic source reports three recent raids by Oromo dissidents loyal to Oromo leader Tadesse Biru. The first occurred in Ginche near Ambo (see para 12 reftel), the second near Fitche on the Gondar road and the third was a theft of dynamite and exploding caps from a quarry near Debre Berhan. 2. Diplomatic source and well-informed Afar leader both report destruction of highway bridge at Mahal Meda in menz. Bridge was reportedly blown by dissident sons of Ras Biru. 3. Both sources report that biru brothers have joined Dej. Berhane Meskal wolde-selassie (who is married to the niece of Asrate Kassa). The afar source believes Berhane is now in lasta (wollo province) and is gathering a sizeable force. Diplomatic source understands that Berhane Meskal’s Amhara group may be preparing to link with those supporting Tadesse Biru in opposing the PMAC.

ARREST OF OROMO INSURGENT LEADERS

March 14,  1975

Ethiopian media march 13 and 14 prominently feature arrest of B/G Tadesse Biru and Lt. Col. Hailu Regassa with clutch of their “accomplices.” men, taken by security forces “in cooperation with the public”, are accused of opposing “Ethiopian Popular Movement” and attempting to incite rebellion. According media, they are to be charged before special general court martial today (March 14). Prisoners (pictures displayed on tv and in press)

Media report that rebels were taken in village of Curo Mako in Meta Robi district, Menegesha, Shoa province, “where they have been hiding for some time.” according government spokesman, B/G Tadesse and Lt. Col. Hailu attempted incite rebellion on “tribal basis” to cover their true motives, which said be opposition to land reform. Deputy administrator of Meta Robi district reportedly was killed during shootout preceding arrest these men.

Comment: department will recall that Tadesse Biru is storied Oromo leader long kept by ex-emperor in custody/house arrest for his rebellious past. Lt. Col. Hailu is highly educated soldier who had been assigned as vice-president of special general court martial now trying former officials. Press explains his dissidence by saying he was large landowner. Press also charges Hailu with theft of eth$80,000 raised for drought relief, together with Maj. Abebe Gebre Mariam, who remains at large. Capture of Gen. Tadesse is sharp setback to Oromo dissidents, as other potential Oromo leaders of his stature few and far between. Conversely, it is quite a feather in EPMG’s cap. We note that EPMG confident enough in appeal its land reform among Oromos to attempt use B/G Tadesse Biru’s putative opposition to it against him.

PMAC TRIES AND EXECUTES REBELS

1975 March 19,

Media march 18-19 report the execution of Hailu Regassa, Tadesse Biru, Alula Bekelle, Rezene Kidane, Meless Tekle and Giday Gebre-wahid late march 18 in Addis Ababa.

2. According press, these men had been tried by a special military court. Latter condemned Hailu Regassa to the capital penalty and the rest to life imprisonment. This verdict was reviewed by PMAC which directed, on the basis of the evidence and the crimes with which these men were charged, that all be executed.

3. Hailu Regassa and Tadesse Biru were found guilty of “attempting to disrupt the Ethiopian popular movement” and to oppose the nationalization of rural land. Department will recall (ref a) that these Oromo leaders were recently captured near ambo.

STUDENT PROBLEMS IN ADDIS ABABA

1975 March 21

Fairly reliable source with access to radical circles told emboff that three Tigres charged with Addis bombings and executed with general Tadesse Biru and Col. Hailu Regassa (addis 3233) were important student leaders, including editor of university publication “struggle.” source believes three were guilty of bombings and were turned in by teacher at Teferi Makonnen school who formerly collaborated with them during early days of revolution. Source also believes that adverse student reaction could well result because of these executions.

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NB: For a family account of the revolt led by Gen Tadesse and Col Hailu Regassa, how they were caught and who betrayed them, you can watch these three part interview of Col Hailu’s mother. She repeatedly asserts that the two leaders were betrayed by General Jagama Kello

Wikileaks files on the evolution of the OD

Excerpts from two   Wikileaks files, one from the US embassy in Asmara  and the other from Addis Ababa contain some insightful information about  what recently evolved into the latest   faction,  the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF). It shades light on who  finances the project and also reveals a prior  existence of  a well established direct channel of communication between the leadership of ODF and TPLF. In Meles’  own word “ All Lencho had to do was contact him — and “he knows how to do that.” It appears that the only difference between then and now is that the then mediating  elders have now evolved into negotiating leaders. Of course Meles is dead, yet the continuation of this project indicates that  those channels are still open.  But its not clear whether the rival TPLF factions  and leaders competing to takeover have the incentive and political clout to continue this game.

Moreover, although they can  cover the overhead cost, its doubtful that countries like Germany, Netherlands and Norway have sufficient  leverage, economic or political, against the regime  to ensure enforcement of any agreement. In fact,  these countries are known for abandoning initiatives or taking sides  with the winner if and when the belligerents  resort to flexing their muscle. One best example is their role in  persuading the Tamil Tigers to enter into negotiation with the Sri Lankan government in 2002 , only to turn blind eye or even provide tacit support to the regime when it began the scorch earth offensive in 2006. The negotiation and ceasefire deceived the Tigers’  to lower their guard, exposing  the once highly secretive command structures, leading to  decimation of  one of the best organized and efficient  insurgency in the world. Hence, instead of ushering peace and freedom, the ‘negotiation’  resulted in complete reversal of the Tamil people’s struggle after 25 years of  momentous march towards liberty.

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MELES ON INTERNAL SITUATION

( Filed by  Vicky Huddleston, Chargé d’Affaires, US Embassy  Addis Ababa)

January 11,  2006

Meles lamented that he thought he had struck a deal with OLF leader Lencho in Bonn in which the OLF would respect the constitution, give up violence and become a peaceful political competitor of the EPRDF. However, when violence erupted and the EPRDF looked weak, the OLF had gone back on the agreement and called for insurrection. Nevertheless, differences between the government and OLF were not irreconcilable. Meles confirmed that he remained open to renewing the discussion. All Lencho had to do was contact him — and “he knows how to do that.“

Lencho Leta’s Stalled Initiative

( Filed by Ambassador Roland K. McMullen from the US embassy Asmara)  

November 5, 2008

Respected Oromo exile Lencho Leta, along with Dima Nego and other elders, was scheduled to travel to Addis in October for talks with Ethiopian officials. The initiative of Oslo-based Lencho Leta is reportedly supported by the Netherlands, Norway, and Germany. Daawud claimed the postponed talks were not reconciliation negotiations approved by the OLF, but were merely to be discussions about establishing “cglgural institctcons.” The OLF’s political director is Lencho Leta’s brother.

Civil resistance – an effective strategy to remove the Woyanne junta in Ethiopia

The fastest way to remove the brutal tribal junta in Ethiopia is through civil resistance. Civil resistance is an internationally accepted form of struggle against dictatorship. Therefore, Woyanne cannot define it as terrorism.

Key definitions:

Non-violent Sabotage: It is a disruption of the functioning of government and make “a country ungovernable.” Sabotage is anything that makes the country ungovernable by “removing the authority of the ruler.”

High-value Target (HVT): It is social, political or economic target the dictatorship requires for the successful accomplishment of its repression. The highly publicized loss or black-out of high-value targets can seriously degrade, destabilize and disintegrate his pillars of support.

Ethiopians can organize themselves locally and carry out an effective civil resistance campaign by sabotaging the Woyanne junta’s pillars of power, such as blockading roads, disabling communication lines, and sabotaging Woyanne-owned business enterprises.

Who will replace the Woyanne junta when it falls down because of civil resistance? The answer is: Transitional Government. It is imperative for patriotic Ethiopians to come together and start the process of creating a transitional government.