The Canadian Hispanic Day Parade, or how Latin American immigrants practise (sub)urban citizenship in Toronto

` [The Canadian Hispanic Day Parade] is a way of giving a blow to the government,of saying Latin Americans are doing ... something. The community is at a low leveland the government is not listening. But with the parade and the participationof local politicians, the government is forced to pay attention ... .They see thatthe parade is well organized and this goes against the ... negative images that thegovernment has about Latin Americans.''

Joe Nun¬ ez, president of the Canadian HispanicDay Parade Committee (interview 15 April 2003)

IntroductionThe margin has proven to be an unforeseen site of resistance where dominant valuesare both contested and redefined. This also holds true for the notion of citizenship. Thestruggles of marginalized groups have been included in the citizenship debate touncover the ambiguities and theoretical limitations of the concept while offering newprospects to expand the rights of those who are oppressed. As Kofman contends,` alternative spaces and forms of citizenship ... open the possibility for more participa-tory modes, and ... widen the frontiers of membership of the socio-cultural and politicalcommunities in question'' (1995, page 134). In spite of a rich body of work on the claimsmade by women (Kofman, 1995), gays and lesbians (Bell, 1995; Valentine, 1993), the aged(Fincher, 1998), and the disabled (Gleeson, 1998) among others, fewer studies haveapproached citizenship from the viewpoint of migrants. What kinds of rights doimmigrants expect from their host societies? How do they define belonging to theiradopted community? And how do they imagine citizenship in the country of settlement?

This is not to say that no research has been undertaken on citizenship in relationto flows of migration. On the contrary, a prolific literature has emerged addingnew conceptualizations to that of national forms of citizenship such as postnationalcitizenship (Soysal, 1994), cosmopolitan citizenship (Robbins, 1998), flexible citizenship

The Canadian Hispanic Day Parade, or how Latin Americanimmigrants practise (sub)urban citizenship in Toronto

Luisa Veronis}Department of Geography, University of Toronto, Sidney Smith Hall, 100 St George Street,Room 5047, Toronto, Ontario M5S 3G3, CanadaReceived 24 November 2004; in revised form 17 May 2005

Environment and Planning A 2006, volume 38, pages 1653 ^ 1671

Abstract. In this paper I explore immigrants' notions and practices of citizenship, and how thesecontribute to the citizenship debate. In order to achieve this, I examine Latin American immigrants'struggle for belonging in Toronto by looking at the Canadian Hispanic Day Parade. This multiculturalcelebration of ethnic diversity takes place in a marginalized suburban neighbourhood of the city, and Iargue that Latin Americans use it to affirm the existence of a Latin American identity and communityin Toronto. But, while the parade serves to contest dominant representations of immigrants, visibleminorities, and the disadvantaged, it also reveals how forms of community mobilization can internalizeneoliberal social relations and even promote a neoliberal agenda. The aim of the paper is to reflectupon the political potential of ethnic celebrations, as well as the constraints and complexities ofimmigrant citizenship practice within the contemporary context of Canadian multiculturalism andneoliberalism.

DOI:10.1068/a37413

}Address from Fall 2006: Department of Geography, University of Ottawa, Simard Hall Room 047,60 University, Ottawa, Ontario K1N 6N5, Canada

(Ong, 1999), and transnational citizenship (Baubock, 1994). However, Leitner andEhrkamp (2006) criticize these positions for being too normative and theoretical.They argue that it is time to take into account migrants' perspectives, with the beliefthat the citizenship debate can benefit from these. Thus, the aim of this paper is tocontribute to the emerging body of work exploring migrants' understandings andpractices of citizenship.

I do this by examining the experiences of Latin American migrants in Toronto. Thefocus is on one cultural celebration in particular, the Canadian Hispanic Day Parade(CHDP), to explore immigrants' notions and practices of citizenship within the contextof Canadian multiculturalism and neoliberalism. Latin Americans use a multiculturalcelebration of ethnic diversity held in a marginalized suburban neighbourhood ofToronto to affirm their identity and assert their membership within Canadian society.But, while the parade serves to contest dominant representations of immigrants, visibleminorities, and the disadvantaged, it also reveals how forms of community mobiliza-tion can internalize neoliberal social relations and even promote a neoliberal agenda.The aim of this paper is to theorize and map the contested nature of immigrantidentities, practices, and claims to belonging in Canada today. After a review ofthe literature on citizenship, public space, and public rituals, I provide a generaldescription of the Latin American population in Toronto, followed by backgroundinformation on Canada's policy of multiculturalism and neoliberal restructuring. Inthe second half of the paper, I examine the politics of the CHDP.

Citizenship, public space, and public ritualsIn the expanding literature on citizenship a useful distinction is made between formalcitizenshipöa legal status linking individuals to a nation-state and conferring certainrightsöand substantive citizenshipö` a more complex and expressive sense of citizen-ship defined by standing within a political community'' (Staeheli, 2003, page 97).Although in theory formal citizenship entails substantive citizenship, in practice sub-stantive rights constitute a site of contention for marginalized groups when negotiatingmembership in a community. For example, immigrants often gain formal citizenship inthe receiving nation but then struggle for recognition and equal rights to participatein the social, economic, cultural, and political spheres of the host society.

Recent studies on citizenship increasingly move beyond the literature favoringstate-centered perspectives (for example, Baubock, 1994; Kymlicka, 1995; Soysal,1994) to examine immigrants' claims to and enactments of citizenship. Ehrkamp andLeitner conceptualize citizenship as an active construction resulting from the interac-tions between state and civil society (2003, page 129). They argue, ` citizenship alsoneeds to be conceived of as a social practice that individuals engage in beyond thestate, through organizations of civil society and civic actions at different geographicscales'' (page 131). Scholars have begun studying immigrants' practices of citizenship ina variety of contexts. Pincetl (1994) examines the practices of illegal Latino immigrantsin the Los Angeles area. She argues that the political organizing among undocumentedLatino residents ` points to the need for rethinking notions of citizenship as well as theneed for reassessing political institutions'' (page 896). Rocco (1997) uses the conceptcultural citizenship' to indicate the significance of cultural practices for the issue ofcitizenship. In a study on Latinos in southeast Los Angeles, he explains that:

`These cultural practices reveal the basis of a community's claiming and developingthe social and cultural space within which members can and do affirm theircollective sense of identity, solidarity, and common historical experience, andeffectively challenge the dominant culture's interpretation of them as well as thenorms and practices that reproduce their subordinate status'' (page 114).

1654 L Veronis

The affirmation of Latino cultures and identities represents an oppositional politicsthat, according to Rocco, will ` eventually lead to ... claims to full citizenship''(page 123).

Nagel and Staeheli (2004) further explore the relationship between citizenshipand identity, and how this relationship has changed in the context of globalization andtransnationalism. They conclude that ` the connections between citizenship and identityhave been radically transformed'' (page 4) by carefully highlighting the multiple possi-bilities and complex geographies involved in the development of immigrants' politicalidentities. Nagel and Staeheli also contribute to the literature recognizing that citizen-ship conceptions and practices involve intricate interconnections at multiple scales(Ehrkamp and Leitner, 2003; Staeheli and Cope, 1994; Yuval-Davis, 1999).

Notwithstanding, Holston and Appadurai believe that ` place remains fundamentalto the problems of membership in society and that cities ... are especially privilegedsites for considering the current renegotiations of citizenship'' (1999, page 3). Expand-ing research on the notion `urban citizenship' confirms the fact that ` cities remain thestrategic arena for the development of citizenship'' (page 2). There has been a growingconcern with the relationship between citizenship and cities, and with how variousgroups express differences in and through urban space to demand citizenship rights(Holston, 1999; Isin, 2000; Sandercock, 2003a). Isin and Siemiatycki's work (1999) onthe spatial struggles of immigrant groups such as Muslims in Toronto has beeninfluential in linking the acquisition of citizenship rights with the making of immigrantspaces in the city.

Within cities, public spaces represent the most contested sites of citizenship. Mitchell(1995) talks about the importance of public space in struggles for inclusion and theredefinition of citizenship. He argues that public spaces are:

` very importantly, spaces for representation. That is, public space is a place withinwhich a political movement can stake out the space that allows it to be seen. ...By claiming space in public, by creating public spaces, social groups themselvesbecome public'' (page 115, original emphasis).Mitchell discusses the role of public space for excluded and marginalized groups to

make claims to rights and as ` a place where the rights of citizenship [can] be expandedto the most disenfranchised'' (page 117). It is through such struggles that definitions ofthe `public', that is, citizenship, could be broadened ``to include, at least formally,women, people of color, and the propertyless'' (page 117). Today, immigrants areamong the many groups using public space to advance their struggles. Ehrkamp andLeitner (2003) explore the relationship between citizenship practices and public spaceby showing how migrants appropriate public spaces for political expression. ButMitchell also refers to the thesis of the `end of public space' (1995, pages 119 ^ 128).He discusses various theories about corporate and state strategies to control thefunctions of public space, and their implications for public space as a site ofunmediated political interaction. Mitchell suggests that oppositional movements nowalso have to struggle to maintain those spaces ` where they may be represented (or mayrepresent themselves) as legitimate parts of `the public' '' (page 127).

Research bridging geography and anthropology explains how collective behaviorheld in public space produces social and spatial boundaries with the goal to ` claimspace, make place and assert identity'' (Smith, 1995, page 142). Bahktin's (1984) workon the carnivalesque has been particularly influential in this field, leading scholars toinvestigate the contradictory and contested nature of public ritualsöespecially theirrole in simultaneously rejecting and reproducing the established order (for example,Cohen, 1982; Goheen, 1993). In his seminal work on the Notting Hill Carnival inLondon, Cohen (1982) argues that, because they are symbolic events, carnivals can

How Latin American immigrants practise (sub)urban citizenship in Toronto 1655

serve multiple interests and political agendas. In particular, he documents thepotentials of public rituals for articulating both dominant and opposed political for-mations. Marston (1989), in her research on Irish immigrants in 19th-century Lowell,Massachusetts, examines the conflicts between Irish factions on the form and contentof St Patrick's Day parades. She explains that these were not simple expressions ofIrish cultural tradition, but demonstrations of community power and solidaritydirected at both the Irish and the Yankee populations. In contemporary Toronto,Jackson (1992) discusses the multiple `maps of meaning' of the Caribana, an annualCaribbean street festival. He argues that the event needs to be contextualized withinCanada's official policy of multiculturalism in order to interpret the tensions between itscultural significance as a celebration of diversity and its political role as a critique tomulticulturalism. Both Marston and Jackson show that public rituals are contested sitesof representation where both intragroup and intergroup tensions become manifest.

The discussion on the CHDP, which Latin Americans organize in Toronto, buildson this work and elaborates on the contested nature of immigrant identities andcitizenship claims in Canada today. This case study distinguishes itself by looking atthe political potentials of ethnic celebrations as well as at the constraints and complex-ities of immigrant citizenship practices within the contemporary context of Canadianmulticulturalism and neoliberalism.

Latin American immigrants in TorontoBy `Latin American', I refer to migrants from Spanish-speaking countries in North,Central, and South America; this does not include migrants from the Caribbean ornon-Spanish-speaking nations in Latin America. According to the 2001 Census(Statistics Canada, 2001), the Latin American population in Canada is in the orderof 520 000. The largest concentration is in the Toronto Census Metropolitan Area, withjust over 150 000 Latin Americans. This group of migrants is relatively new in thehistory of Canadian immigration and encompasses over twenty different nationalities.Latin Americans are heterogeneous in terms of not only their national origins, but alsotheir ethnic ^ racial, cultural, socioeconomic, political, and religious backgrounds. Theirdiversity is related to their complex history of migration to Canada. Since the late1950s, there have been five main waves of Latin American migrants, which correspondto different times, reasons, and conditions of migration. Two major waves of politicalrefugees arrived in the mid-1970s and in the 1980s from South and Central America,respectively; since the mid-1990s, migrants from throughout Latin America have comemostly under the skilled worker category, and a smaller number have come under thefamily-reunification and refugee categories. In spite of their common language, LatinAmericans in Toronto do not form a united community. Significant divisions existwithin the group, principally along national lines; moreover, there are intragroupand intergroup conflicts and competition as a result of class, political, and ethnic ^racial differences. Finally, differences in the length of residence in Canada reinforceinequalities between various groups of Latin Americans.

With regard to their spatial distribution, Latin Americans in Toronto are dis-persed throughout the city with no significant clusters. Nonetheless, the highestconcentration of Latin Americans is in Toronto's northwestern suburbs, an areaknown as the `western immigrant corridor' and commonly referred to as `Jane andFinch' after a major intersection. Many disadvantaged immigrants with limited hous-ing options settle there because of the prevalence of lower income, social and publichousing. Official reports (Ornstein, 2000) show that Latin Americans find themselvesin a relatively disadvantaged socioeconomic position when compared with traditionalimmigrants and Canadians at large. Combined, Latin Americans' diversity, lack of

1656 L Veronis

unity, and disadvantaged position slow down their process of integration into Canadiansociety. In particular, the group has not yet achieved formal participation and repre-sentation. But the situation is slowly changing as Latin Americans have developedvarious spatial strategies in their struggle for belonging; the CHDP is one among them.

This paper is based on the findings of a larger project on the social and politicalparticipation of Latin American migrants in Toronto since the early 1990s. Ethno-graphic fieldwork was carried out from 2001 to 2003 using qualitative researchmethods, including in-depth interviews with sixty-five key informants and participantobservation in leading organizations within the Latin American community. Inaddition, local Spanish-speaking ethnic media were consulted and community eventswere attended on a regular basis. With regard to the CHDP, five members of theorganizing committee were interviewed as well as one candidate for Miss Hispanidad,a beauty pageant contest that was part of the parade. I attended the 2002 editionof the CHDP and was invited to several functions related to the organization of theevent. Data were also collected through the examination of secondary sources suchas the CHDP website (http://www.chdp.ca), newsletter, and promotional packages forsponsors.

Multiculturalism and neoliberalism in immigrant CanadaAn overview of the main features of Canadian multiculturalism and neoliberalism, andof their points of intersection, is essential because of their central role in the analysis ofthe meanings and purposes of the CHDP. Multiculturalism became Canada's officialpolicy in 1971, with the initial goal being to ease French ^English tensions; stress wasthus put on multiculturalism in a bilingual framework to recognize French and Englishas Canada's `founding nations' (Sandercock, 2003b). Multiculturalism rapidly evolvedto acknowledge and celebrate Canada's increasingly diverse groups and their contribu-tions to national development (Hiebert et al, 2003). The adoption of multiculturalismled to the provision of extensive services for the settlement and integration of immi-grants (Hiebert et al, 2003) and resources for the preservation of diverse culturesthrough cultural festivals in public spaces and language programs (Sandercock,2003b). The core principles of multiculturalismörespect for cultural diversity, equality,and antidiscriminationöwere legally consolidated with The Multicultural Act of Canadain 1988 (Ministry of Supply and Services, 1990). Since its inception, multiculturalism hasserved as a national framework for government policy to accommodate diverse culturesand for discourses on the construction of Canadian society (Mahtani, 2002).

Different groupsöAboriginals, French-speaking Quebecois, immigrants, people ofcolor, and womenöhave addressed a number of criticisms to Canadian multicultural-ism, especially with regard to the displacement of indigenous groups, ethnicity as aprimary identification for `visible minorities', the gendering of multicultural images,and institutional racism (Creese, 2005). In particular, critics have demonstrated thecontradictions between multicultural discourses of inclusion and material practices ofexclusion: emphasis is put on the celebration of the cultural diversity of ethnic groupsover the recognition of their equality of rights (Bannerji, 2000; Kobayashi, 1999). Thetension between the principles of diversity and equality tends to differentiate groupsalong ethnic lines and to create competition, rather than to give the members ofminorities the right to equality with members of the two charter groups of Englishand French ancestry. These two groups still dominate Canadian society and institu-tions, and multiculturalism has not been successful in providing minority groups withequal access to power and representation (Siemiatycki and Saloojee, 2002).

The arrival of more conservative federal and provincial governments in the1990s exacerbated the inequities of multiculturalism through the endorsement of

How Latin American immigrants practise (sub)urban citizenship in Toronto 1657

neoliberal ideologies that are now prevalent in many Western democracies (Brennerand Theodore, 2002). Neoliberalism consists of a set of economic and social ideologies,policies, and regimes, and the organization of such governments can take many differ-ent forms (Keil, 2002). In Canada, conservative governments brought a liberalizationof capital (free-trade agreements, privatization, etc), a reorganization of state institu-tions, and reductions in social service provision (Mitchell, 2004a). Although no formalchanges have been attempted to the Multicultural Act, critics feel that multiculturalismis under attack (Hiebert et al, 2003, page 9; see Mitchell, 2004b). Evidence for this liesin the substantial reductions made to heritage programs and to immigrant services(Sadiq, 2004). Notwithstanding, the government has been promoting increased immi-gration within its neoliberal agenda as a solution to Canada's demographic andeconomic illsölow fertility rates, an aging population, and need for skilled workers(Hiebert et al, 2003, page 9). Changes brought to Canadian immigration policy in the1990s reflect this discourse as immigrants are now selected on the basis of theirlevels of education, professional experience, and knowledge of Canadian official lan-guages. Moreover, all political parties support immigration for the following reasons:politicians' awareness of the importance of electors, especially in urban areas thatusually are multicultural; and the presence of a network of advocacy groups andnongovernmental organizations serving and representing immigrants (Hiebert et al,2003, page 19).

Much has been written on how neoliberal policies undermine the social rights ofcitizenship (Brodie, 2002; Siltanen, 2002). Here, I wish to point to a specific impactof restructuring that has deeply affected the capacity of immigrants, visible minorities,and the poor to voice their concerns in Canada. In addition to the dismantling of corefunding, the government has more recently begun to dictate how the nonprofit sectorshall spend its resources (IMPACS, 2003; Kobayashi, 1999, page 35). This processrepresents a serious threat to the work of advocacy groups traditionally carried outin the name of those at the margins of society (Miller, 1998). Neoliberal restructuringthus adds to the inequities of multiculturalism by generating systemic barriers thatfurther marginalize and silence Canada's disadvantaged groups (Ilcan and Basok,2004). For immigrants, this means fewer opportunities for integration and for fullparticipation. In such a context, cultural celebrations that, under multiculturalism,stood as expressions of ethnic diversity are now strategically used by visible minoritiesto make their voices heard: ethnic festivals have become political stages where groupsmake claims to belonging. But what are the political potentials of such multiculturalcelebrations in Canada today?

In his paper on emerging forms of socialization under neoliberalism, Gough (2002)examines the role of `top-down mobilization of poor communities'. He explains that,since the early 1990s, communities in Britain have been organized through state-sponsored poverty programs to address issues of economic and social reproduction(housing, employment, education, crime, the environment, etc). These programs oftenconsist of voluntary neighborhood initiatives with business playing a substantial role inresourcing (Gough, 2002, page 417). Gough argues that, in contrast to oppositionalmovements against neoliberalism, these forms of community mobilization fosterconservative social relations, promote rightist forms of communitarianism in ethnicminority groups, and further the class aims of neoliberalism (pages 417 ^ 418).According to him, these initiatives internalize neoliberal social relations and oftendeepen social divisions. In what follows, I examine the extent to which the CHDPcorresponds to a form of top-down community mobilization. In this case, I arguethat a multicultural celebration is used to mobilize a diverse and disadvantagedcommunity and to promote a neoliberal agenda.

1658 L Veronis

The Canadian Hispanic Day ParadeThe CHDP is the revival of an annual festivity called the `Multicultural Festival' thatwas held in the Jane and Finch area from 1987 to 1992 (CHDP, 2003). The initiative torevive the event in the form of the CHDP came from a local city councilor, Peter LiPreti (Ward 8 York West), and from a number of Latin American entrepreneursaware of the growing number of Latin Americans residing in the area. Joe Nun¬ ez,president of the CHDP in 2003, explained that Latin Americans' desire to hold theirown parade stems from the fact that Caribbean groups in Toronto organize theCaribana, one of the largest parades of its kind in the world, and from the existenceof Latin American ethnic parades in US cities such as New York (Nun¬ ez, 15 April2003). The first CHDP took place in September 2001, and since then it has become anannual celebration of increasing popularity attracting Latin Americans across Torontoand southwestern Ontario (Mary Crabbe, 11 April 2003). According to the organizers,more than 30 000 and possibly up to 50 000 people attended the event in 2002 (CHDP,2003). The parade also includes a number of other festivities: the CHDP Festival, whichconsists of live entertainment, folklore, music, dance, and traditional Latin Americanfood; and Miss Hispanidad.

CHDP organizersThe CHDP needs to be understood in light of the organizers' diverse motivations and,more generally, Latin Americans' diverse interests. The organization of the parade isthe responsibility of the CHDP Committee:

` a registered non-profit organization whose main objective is to promote and sharethe cultural heritage of the Latin American people residing in the City of Toronto''(CHDP, 2003).

The members of the committee work on a volunteer basis and depend on the partici-pation of numerous volunteers. The original core consists of city councilor Li Preti andseveral Latin American entrepreneurs. Li Preti sat on the committee in the initial years2001 and 2002. Although he no longer is an active member, he maintains a strongconnection with CHDP and contributes to it financially and materially. His constitu-ency office has become the headquarters of the organization of the parade and hefacilitates the interactions of the CHDP with various city services. According toMary Crabbe, CHDP secretary, the parade would not be possible without Li Preti'sassistance (Crabbe, 11 April 2003). Every year, the councilor participates in the paradeand gives public speeches at various CHDP functions. Sometimes, other politiciansaccompany him. In 2002, Judy Sgro, the federal MP of the area, participated in theparade and gave speeches as well. Moreover, political presence is manifest in the formof letters of endorsement by city councilor Li Preti, then Mayor of Toronto MelLastman, and then Premier of Ontario Ernie Eves, published in the CHDP officialmagazine (CHDP, 2002). It seems that politicians' primary motivation to participate insuch events is to attract electors. But their involvement in CHDP can also be seen asa form of top-down community mobilization. The celebration of cultural diversitydepoliticizes problems such as cutbacks, lack of affordable housing, unemployment,etc, while promoting a sense of community and self-reliance for neighbourhoodimprovementöan idea that is further explored below.

Latin American entrepreneurs represent the other major interest groups involved inthe CHDPöboth directly as organizers and indirectly as sponsors. In contrast to otherethnic groups in Toronto, Latin American entrepreneurship is restricted by the group'slack of resources. One of the aims of the CHDP is to provide Latin Americanbusinesses with opportunities to promote themselves by supporting the event throughvarious sponsorship packages. The organizers also approach large corporations and

How Latin American immigrants practise (sub)urban citizenship in Toronto 1659

especially local businesses. The Jane and Finch Mall, for example, has been amongthe most important sponsors of the CHDP. Business sponsorship is indispensableto the CHDP because along with fundraising it represents its main source of funding.The CHDP operates with a small budget: in 2002 its expenses came to Can $88 000 ^$89 000 (Nun¬ ez, 15 April 2003), which is modest compared with the budget of over$1 million for the Caribana (Jackson, 1992). The CHDP receives only $2000 in govern-ment funds from the city (Crabbe, 11 April 2003) in contrast to the $280 000 fundingfor the Caribana from all levels of government (Jackson, 1992). But whereas theorigins of the Caribana are closely associated with the founding years of Canadianmulticulturalism (Jackson, 1992), CHDP exemplifies a multicultural event emergingwithin a neoliberal context. This explains the dependence of the CHDP on businessresources as in the cases of top-down community mobilization discussed by Gough(2002).

Most Latin Americans on the organizing committee have lived in Canada forsignificant amounts of time and are relatively well established compared with CHDPvolunteers and participantsöand to a lesser extent with Latin American and otherresidents of Jane and Finchöwho tend to be newcomers and more disadvantaged.Joe Nun¬ ez, CHDP president, came to Canada as a child with his family from Ecuadorin 1973. Ana Azulay, CHDP treasurer, came as an independent immigrant in 1974;although from Spain, she identifies with the Latin American community in Toronto.Both Nun¬ ez and Azulay own small businesses outside of the Jane and Finch area;this was also the case of Connie Caruso, CHDP's former president. Mayela Romero,CHDP director, is a university student; she arrived with her mother as a refugeefrom Nicaragua when she was a child in 1988. The CHDP Committee is not justcomposed of Latin Americans: city councilor Li Preti and a number of his staff areCanadians of Italian background. Mary Crabbe, CHDP secretary, is Canadian andworks at a Jane and Finch nongovernmental organization; she has lived in the areasince 1968.

Most CHDP volunteers are Jane and Finch residentsöLatin Americans and non-Latin Americansöincluding a significant portion of youth. In terms of the participants,a variety of Latin American cultural associations representing various nationalitiesare in charge of decorating the floats for the parade. Finally, both Latin Americanand non-Latin American dance and music bands perform at the CHDP Festival. Thus,to sum up, there is a diversity of interests involved in the organization of the parade,suggesting that the CHDP is a stage for multiple identities and political agendas.

CHDP location and claims to suburban public spaceIn addition to being the only Latin American parade in Canada, the CHDP distin-guishes itself by its unusual location: it is held on Jane Street in the heart of the westernimmigrant corridor. Latin Americans in Toronto organize a variety of multiculturalcelebrations, most of which are held in the city's central spaces: the cultural festival`Ritmo y Color' takes place at the Harbourfront Centre, a favored locationfor ethnocultural events at Toronto's revitalized waterfront; Hispanic Fiesta, LatinAmericans' oldest and most popular celebration in Toronto, fills Mel LastmanSquare in North York, which in spite of its suburban location consists of a prominentcivic plaza; and a variety of smaller festivals are organized at various downtownlocations in vogue.

The route of a parade is filled with politics and symbolism (Goheen, 1993; Jackson,1992). In the case of the CHDP, the choice of its location rather than its routerepresents a political claim (figure 1). Whereas most parades and Latin Americanevents are held in downtown Toronto, the CHDP takes place in a suburban and

1660 L Veronis

low-income area with significant numbers of visible minorities and disadvantagedgroups: over 60% of the population are immigrants and 20% of the residents arenewcomers (arrived in 1996 ^ 2001); incomes are significantly lower than the cityaverage; and a higher percentage of households are renters compared with thecity (http://app.toronto.ca/wards/jsp/wards.jsp). These data confirm recent findings byofficial reports on the increasing suburbanization of immigrants and poverty inToronto (UWGT, 2004). Moreover, Jane and Finch is experiencing significant disin-vestment from the state. Cutbacks have led to service reductions, the closure ofrecreational spaces, and the implementation of user fees for certain programs (Cityof Toronto, 2003). Finally, the neighbourhood suffers from negative stereotypes andmedia images that stigmatize it as one of Canada's worse ghettos.

The location of the CHDP takes on particular significance when examined in lightof Mitchell's (1995) discussion on the end of public space', and specifically in light ofhis reference to two strategies to limit political expression in public spaces: the creationof `festive spaces' and `public spaces of spectacle' that encourage consumption, espe-cially in downtown redevelopment areas; and the privatization of suburban publicspaces (see Davis, 1990). CHDP organizers challenge these strategies by intentionallyholding the parade in this suburban neighborhood. Their aim is ` to give somethingback to the community'' (Mayela Romero, 31 January 2003) of Jane and Finch regard-less of the fact that the area is removed from the hype and fashion of Toronto's core.

Traditionally, street performances take place in the inner city, where the urbanlandscape and high densities are suitable for public events. CHDP organizers takea risk as the streetscape of Jane Streetöa busy six-lane thoroughfare without side-walks, low densities, fac° ades removed from the street, and strip mallsöis an exampleof privatized suburban public space that prevents spontaneous social encounters

Major arteries

GTA

Toronto central business district

Jane and Finch

Finch Finch

Jane

WilsonDanforth

Victoria

Park

Wilson

Jane

Bloor

Lakeshore

Start

End

DownsviewArena

Yonge

N

Figure 1. Location and route of the Canadian Hispanic Day Parade in the Greater Toronto Area(GTA).

How Latin American immigrants practise (sub)urban citizenship in Toronto 1661

(figure 2). The choice of the location of the CHDP makes Jane Street into a democraticpublic space for representation and participation; the parade enables marginalizedgroups to appropriate this suburban public space and to make claims to belonging.And, for a few hours, the CHDP transforms Jane Street into a recreational spaceopen to all and ` gives entertainment to a community that has few entertainmentopportunities'' (Crabbe, 11 April 2003).

The politics of the CHDPI now turn to the objectives of the CHDP starting with its mission statement:

`The Canadian Hispanic Day Parade (CHDP) Committee ... has been created topreserve vital intergenerational links and to share with all Canadians, our culture,language, typical food and sense of celebration, thus uniting our communities''(CHDP, 2003).

Albeit akin to multicultural events celebrating ethnic diversity, the CHDP usesCanadian multiculturalism as a tool for several political purposes: it allows LatinAmericans in Toronto to reaffirm their identity as a community; it challenges main-stream representations of immigrants, visible minorities, and disadvantaged groups;and it serves as a practice of Canadian citizenship to lay claims of belonging.

The CHDP and the formation of a Latin American communityThe first aim of the CHDP is to construct a united community by celebrating LatinAmerican diversity in Toronto. The organizers wish to see all twenty-one Latin Americancountries involved in the parade and ideally each should be represented with its own float(Crabbe, 11 April 2003). In 2001 eighteen countries participated in the parade, and fifteenwere represented in 2002. The floats are allegorical and symbolize national differences.They are decorated with each country's national symbols (flags, images of national heroes,etc) and participants dressed in traditional costume perform folkloric dances under thesound of traditional music (figure 3). Nun¬ ez explained that:

Figure 2. The Canadian Hispanic Day Parade (2003) proceeding on Jane Street (source: http://www.chdp.ca/).

1662 L Veronis

`Latin American people themselves are learning about the diversity of their owncommunity. They see things that are characteristics of some regions, be it the food,the clothing or the dancing; there are a lot of similarities but also a lot of smalldifferences that distinguish one group from another, and this diversity shows duringthe CHDP event'' (Nun¬ ez, 15 April 2003).As a multicultural celebration, the parade displays the richness of Latin American

identities, cultures, and traditions. While national differences are valorized, accent isalso put on the existence of similarities to promote the formation of a shared LatinAmerican identity in Toronto. The organizers justified the importance of unity byreferring to the existence of tensions and conflicts among Latin Americans. Nun¬ ezexplained that he felt that he could ` do something ... to unite the [Latin American]community, because there is a lot of envy... they are not united'' (Nun¬ ez, 15 April2003). His motivation is to do ` something to make them more united as well as tolook united''. The existence of internal divisions tends to weaken Latin Americans'claims to belonging; thus the building of a united community is essential to enhancetheir voice within Canadian society. The CHDP serves as a positive representation ofLatin American unity in Toronto.

City councilor Li Preti said that, when he initiated the idea of the parade, he was insearch of a ` common denominator or identifier'' (Li Preti, 6 December 2002) aroundwhich Latin Americans could be united. Li Preti thinks that the parade plays asignificant role in promoting Latin American unity; it is a way

` to display the best there is in the [Latin American] community, and this is not onlyin terms of music, dancing, food ... . But rather, the best of what the communityhas in terms of sharing emotions, identity... and the fact of working together at thesame time. This teaches the community about itself; about ways it can worktogether, with the message that union is strength.''

Nun¬ ez elaborated on this issue:`The idea was to do a project of professional quality to give a good image of thecommunity to the eyes of all the other communities. To do something that is ... well

Figure 3. Canadian Hispanic Day Parade float representing Colombia (source: http://www.chdp.ca/).

How Latin American immigrants practise (sub)urban citizenship in Toronto 1663

done ... and to show to others that [Latin Americans] are united and that we can dosomething good together. Also to make Latin Americans proud of our originsölike I am Latin American and I am proud to be from Peru, or Ecuador, orEl Salvador; but also to show to others that we are proud of being LatinAmericans'' (Nun¬ ez, 15 April 2003).The organizers of the CHDP insisted on the importance of unity for Latin

Americans in several ways. In the 2002 official magazine of the event, Connie Caruso,then CHDP president, gave the following message:

` In 2001, we were very successful in demonstrating to all the communities that[Latin Americans] are and will continue to be united. ...Dear friends, remember that unity is strength'' (CHDP, 2002, page 5, translatedfrom Spanish).During a press conference in May 2003, attended by interested sponsors and

cultural groups wishing to participate in the parade, the organizers emphasized theneed for Latin Americans to unite and support their community to improve its positionwithin Canadian society. Moreover, the CHDP promotes Latin American unity inpractice by working with a variety of groupsöLatin American and non-Latin Amer-icanöfor Latin Americans' development in Canada. One example is the involvementof Latin American businesses as sponsors. Nun¬ ez explained that:

` the sponsorship of these businesses is for the community as a whole, not only forthe parade. By having all the businesses, they are giving support to the community:they give support to the businesses themselves; and the businesses give supportto the community by contributing through their sponsorship. We [the CHDPCommittee] want to give support and we want to do something [for the community]''(Nun¬ ez, 15 April 2003).Furthermore, CHDP invests in Latin American and non-Latin American youth:

the organizers encourage local youth to participate in the parade as volunteers; theyprovide young Latin American women with the opportunity to compete in the beautypageant contest; and they invite many music and dance groups to perform at theCHDP Festival. In particular, the organizers wish to:

` value local groups by inviting those that are based in the Jane and Finch area. Forexample, we [CHDP organizers] plan to have a local dance group of children. Theywill participate in the media event, press release, that will take place this spring.The participants will get an honorarium and this is a way for us to help people withtheir careers'' (Crabbe, 11 April 2003).

Finally, the CHDP invests directly in Latin American youth through a scholarshipfund for students in financial need and through internship possibilities at Li Preti'sconstituency office. These various initiatives undertaken by the organizing committeerepresent strategies to promote Latin Americans' social citizenship in Canada.

The CHDP is a multicultural event celebrating Latin Americans' diverse culturesand identities, but with the goal to promote a sense of community. Latin Americansuse multiculturalism to overcome internal group tensions and to mobilize for a greaterengagement in their struggle for belonging. In this process, they reaffirm the presenceof a Latin American identity and community in Toronto. Nevertheless, the CHDPis mostly the organizers' product and other factions of Latin Americansönotablycommunity workers affiliated with the Hispanic Development Council, an umbrellaorganization representing agencies serving Latin American immigrants in Torontoöare critical of the event. In their eyes, the parade represents a populist strategy by localpoliticians to promote their political agenda rather than a form of resistance to makeclaims to recognition and to oppose the material inequities of neoliberal restructuring.Moreover, the focus of the CHDP on Latin American businesses and on youth can be

1664 L Veronis

linked to the neoliberal aims of top-down community mobilization. Gough notes thatBritish poverty programs often include forms of youth disciplining, ranging frompolicing to parental control (2002, page 418). The CHDP represents a softer formof youth control through community involvement. Thus, while providing opportunitiesto businesses and disadvantaged youth, the event promotes values such as self-help,volunteering, and individual `responsibilization' that are at the core of neoliberalideologies of citizenship (Ilcan and Basok, 2004).

The CHDP as a challenge to dominant representations of immigrantsThe CHDP aims to attract not only Latin Americans, but also other groups andespecially the diverse population of Jane and Finch. The organizers stressed that theparade is a multicultural event for the ` whole community'' (Crabbe, 11 April 2003) andits location at Jane and Finch plays an important role in making the event inclusiveand accessible to disadvantaged groups. On the day of the event, most local residentswatch the parade from the balconies of high-rise buildings (of social and publichousing); many also line up along Jane Street and follow the event to the DownsviewArena, where the CHDP Festival takes place. The parade defies the suburban design ofJane Street and transforms it into a political space where the Jane and Finch commu-nity can represent itself and make itself visible through the creation of its own images.

Indeed, the second purpose of the CHDP is to challenge dominant representationsof Latin Americans and other immigrants, visible minorities, and marginalized groupswhich tend to be portrayed as second-class citizens of Canada. The organizersexplained that their goal is ` to break the bad image of Latin American countriesthat people have, as well as the bad image of the community here [in Jane and Finch]''(Crabbe, 11 April 2003). The CHDP Committee makes an effort to valorize both LatinAmericans and the Jane and Finch population, and by extension disadvantaged groupsin general.

CHDP contests the negative stereotypes that depict Latin Americans as poor,uneducated, corrupted, lazy, and violent. Nun¬ ez stated that:

`The idea was to do a project of professional quality to give a good image of the[Latin American] community to the eyes of all the other communities. To dosomething that is nice, well done, united and professional, and to show to othersthat we are united and that we can do something good together'' (Nun¬ ez, 15 April2003).

The organizers make a particular effort to be professional and achieved a certaindegree of professionalism through the principles of transparency and accountability(Crabbe, 11 April 2003). The CHDP Committee is careful about ` not getting dirty''(that is, avoiding problems of fraud or corruption) and managed to ``get rid of thepeople interested in benefiting from the project for their own interests'' (Ana Azulay,26 May 2003). The problem is that Latin American organizations engaged in commu-nity work often need to deal with the conflicts and competition that divide LatinAmericans. The strategy of the CHDP to avoid these problems has been transparency:their financial books are public and they are clean' (Crabbe, 11 April 2003) in spiteof their limited budget. Professionalism, transparency, and accountability helped theorganizers to gain the trust of sponsors, politicians, city services, and other groups.Interestingly, though, the organizers build an image of the CHDP and of LatinAmericans based on neoliberal notions of accountability and transparency in orderto fit the `responsible' and entrepreneurial' models of citizenship promoted inneoliberal discourses (Brodie, 2002; Ilcan and Basok, 2004).

The CHDP also produces positive images of the Jane and Finch neighbourhood byholding the event in the area, thus challenging the stereotypes that affect immigrants,

How Latin American immigrants practise (sub)urban citizenship in Toronto 1665

minority groups, and the disadvantaged in general. The mainstream media and popularimagination tend to portray these groups negatively by associating them with drugaddiction, violence, and crime, or by representing them as undeserving poor. Theseimages, combined with the fact that these groups are forced to live in Toronto's lowestincome neighbourhoods because of the lack of affordable housing (Murdie andTeixeira, 2003), further stigmatize them (UWGT, 2002; 2004). But the CHDP showsto Canadian society that marginalized groups are able to organize multicultural cele-brations of similar quality to events held in Toronto's centre. The organizers feel thatthe parade has positively impacted on the Jane and Finch community by stimulatingpeople to ` clean up'' the neighbourhood (Nun¬ ez, 15 April 2003). According to Nun¬ ez,the physical image of the area has been improving; he gives as an example the majorrenovations that the Jane and Finch Mall underwent to attract more customers fromthe area and even beyond.

The CHDP thus challenges the ways that multiculturalism represents people,cultures, and places at the margin of Canadian society. Latin Americans use amulticultural celebration to create positive images of themselves and other disadvan-taged groups. But, in this process, they portray themselves as the kind of responsible,active, trustworthy, and professional citizens endorsed in neoliberal discourses.

The CHDP as a practice of Canadian citizenshipFinally, the CHDP also serves to promote Latin Americans' perspective on what itmeans to belong to Canadian society. Although the parade centres on Latin Americanculture, the message of the CHDP is based on and reproduces Canadian values,especially multiculturalismöthe reason why the event is called the Canadian HispanicDay Parade (Azulay, 26 May 2003). The CHDP valorizes inclusion by encouraging theparticipation of many groups, whether Latin American or not. The organizersexplained that they wish ``to be more open now to include more groups and to broadenthe event, to have more people involved'' (Crabbe, 11 April 2003). Evidence forthis is the participation of non-Latin American volunteers and especially non-LatinAmerican groups performing at the CHDP Festival. Moreover, the CHDP reachesout to a diverse audience. In addition to the Jane and Finch residents attending theevent:

`A lot of people bring along their friends from different ethnic origins and races toshow them what Latin American culture is about. There is all kinds of food, thereis music, dance, song and folklore and this is a way of showing and teaching toother ethnic groups and races the diversity of Latin American culture'' (Nun¬ ez,15 April 2003).But the aim of the parade is not only to make Latin Americans and Jane and Finch

residents aware of their own diversity, but also to bring Canadian society to face withthe country's multicultural reality. Crabbe thinks that the CHDP:

` also has a meaning for the larger Canadian culture to show that Latin Americanscan come together, overcome their differences, and work together on something;it is a model for Canadian culture. Through the event, Latin Americans are alsobringing their culture and sharing it with all. This brings more to them as LatinAmericans as wellösince they are all different. They share the food, the music, andthe cultureöin that they are sharing more. For example, there are booths with foodfrom all countries, Salvadorian, Peruvian, Colombian, etc; and even the dialectsare different. The event has the impact of being a brain opening for all'' (Crabbe,11 April 2003).

The event brings together multiple forms of difference, including Latin Americans'diverse cultures and identities, as well as the diversity of the Jane and Finch population.

1666 L Veronis

In other words, CHDP celebrates cultural diversity not only as discourse, but also inpractice. And to this extent it represents an act or a practice of Canadian citizenship.

Besides the presence and support of local politicians, sponsors, and city servicessuch as the police, it is not clear what impact CHDP has on Canadian society. Theevent is advertised and covered in local Spanish-speaking media; but, in contrast tothe Caribana, there is no mention of it in mainstream media. Yet the organizers hopethat CHDP will give visibility and voice to immigrants and disadvantaged groups withregard to the Canadian government. According to Nun¬ ez:

` the parade is a way of giving a blow to the government, of saying Latin Americansare doing ... something. The community is at a low level and the government is notlistening. But with the parade and the participation of local politicians, the govern-ment is forced ... to take them into consideration. They see that the parade is wellorganized and this goes against the ... negative images that the government hasabout Latin Americansöthat they are lazy, that they do not work, that they arenot doing this or thatöbecause there is discrimination and racism ... against theLatin American community.With the parade, we can educate the society and the government about LatinAmericans. They can show that `we are Latin Americans' and there areLatin Americans who are lawyers, or doctors, or other professionals and busi-nessmen. These help break the negative images about Latin Americans. Andthis opens up opportunities for more immigration from Latin America ... as wellas opportunities for employment here.It is a way of erasing racism; the community is suffering from racism anddiscrimination, be it in terms of access to education, for employment ... .Thegovernment is maintaining [Latin Americans] ... in these conditions ... . If one isa bit darker, if one is ... [aboriginal], or from any minority, the governmentmaintains the conditions ... of these groups: they are only seen working in jobssuch as cleaning. The government says that they do not need schools'' (Nun¬ ez,15 April 2003).The CHDP is not so much a critique to Canada's official policies and structures

of integration as it is a representation of immigrants' understandings and practices ofCanadian citizenship and multiculturalism. The use of a multicultural celebration andthe appropriation of public space in a marginalized suburban neighbourhood ofToronto enable Latin Americans and other disadvantaged groups to assert their mem-bership as part of the Canadian polity and to lay claims to full and equal citizenshiprights.

ConclusionThe examination of the Canadian Hispanic Day Parade in Toronto contributes tocurrent efforts to present immigrants' voices and practices of citizenship. Moreover,this investigation underscores the role of public space and of the street as a space forimmigrants' struggles: their collective claims to urban space are linked to their claimsand practices of belonging. The use of public space is central to the cultural politics ofLatin American migrants in Toronto because of their social and spatial invisibility. Thiscase also adds to the debate on the `end of public space' (Mitchell, 1995) by revealingthe strategies of a marginalized migrant group to reclaim the suburban street as a spacefor contestation, representation, and participation. Thus, even more than a practice ofurban citizenship, the CHDP reveals new possibilities for a `suburban citizenship', (1)

(1) I owe this insight to Patricia Ehrkamp.

How Latin American immigrants practise (sub)urban citizenship in Toronto 1667

as growing numbers of immigrants and disadvantaged groups are pushed to themetropolitan periphery.

The experiences of Latin Americans in Toronto show that immigrants' strugglesfor citizenship are informed by local forces and processes: Latin Americans' notionsand practices of citizenship are shaped by Canada's policy of multiculturalism andneoliberal ideologies. In contrast to the Caribana, which grapples with the contra-dictions of Canadian multiculturalismöthat is, the celebration of cultural diversityversus the equality of rights of ethnic groups (Jackson, 1992)öthe CHDP does notopenly question multiculturalism as official policy. Rather, it challenges negativerepresentations of immigrants produced in dominant discourses of multiculturalism.Paradoxically, CHDP organizers play the `ethnic card' and use a commodified (neo-liberal) version of multiculturalism to assert the existence of a Latin Americancommunity in Toronto. They also use commodified images of Latin American identitiesand cultures to contest dominant representations of immigrants, visible minorities, anddisadvantaged groups. Finally, as an act of Canadian citizenship and multiculturalismin practice, the parade serves to legitimize Latin Americans' and immigrants' place asfull and equal citizens within the Canadian polity.

The CHDP demonstrates immigrants' ability to organize an event of good qualitywith only little government funding. This presents a sharp contrast to the Caribana,whose supporters complain about the low levels of government funding (about onethird of the $1 million budget of the event) on the grounds of its significance in thecontext of Canadian multiculturalism (Jackson, 1992). In this case, the CHDP organ-izers use a multicultural celebration as an opportunity to depict Latin Americans andmarginalized groups as resourceful, professional, and contributing citizens that fit theneoliberal models of citizenship. Moreover, the CHDP presents other aspects resem-bling the kinds of top-down community mobilization under neoliberalism discussed byGough (2002): these are the organizers' concern with the participation of businessesand youth, and the fact that the event contributes to the physical revitalization of theJane and Finch neighbourhood. The CHDP promotes values such as volunteering,community self-help, and individual `responsibilization', which serve a neoliberal agendaof reduced social service provision and cutbacks to urban infrastructure.

This multicultural celebration reveals the complexities and constraints of citizen-ship practice for immigrants in Canada today: the parade simultaneously challengesand reproduces dominant conceptions of multiculturalism and citizenship. The role ofneoliberalism, however, is somewhat more ambiguous and seems related to the involve-ment of a diversity of identities and interests in the event. More specifically, the imagesand claims produced through the CHDP reflect the political agenda of those whodominate its organization. Criticisms to the parade by other Latin American groupssuggest that the CHDP has yet to achieve its goals of unity and inclusivity, andhighlight how attempts at asserting unity and belonging may yield division and contra-diction. Notwithstanding, Cohen (1982) and Marston (1989) show that the form andcontent of public rituals change over time depending on the groups involved, theaudience intended, as well as the broader context. The CHDP is a relatively recentphenomenon whose present purpose is to serve as a strategy of community mobiliza-tion and contestation to lay claims to belonging. In the future, both its form andcontent could change to include and express the voices of other factions of LatinAmericans. But, for now, the CHDP leads us to reflect upon the issue of diversity,multiculturalism, and neoliberalism, and points out the need to investigate further thepossibilities, constraints, and contradictions that emerge as immigrants seek to createspaces for their practice of citizenship in contemporary cities.

1668 L Veronis

Acknowledgements. I thank Susan Ruddick for her feedback on my initial ideas and later drafts.I am grateful to Helga Leitner and Patricia Ehrkamp for inviting me to contribute to this issue andfor their comments at various stages of the writing process. The three anonymous reviewersprovided constructive criticisms that helped revise the paper. My special thanks go to MagdaBiesiada for her assistance in preparing the map. Above all, I thank the organizers of the CanadianHispanic Day Parade for their time and dedication. Finally, I wish to acknowledge the financialsupport of the Department of Geography at the University of Toronto for my doctorate research.

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