Page 1
The Beginning of the End The Decline of External Possessors in Old English 1
ABSTRACT
The loss of the DATIVE EXTERNAL POSSESSOR (DEP) as a productive construction in
English has been regarded as setting English apart from most European languages
While this claim can be disputed the loss of this construction in English needs an
explanation Both internal and external explanations have been suggested but we lack
a solid empirical base for evaluating them This article aims to supply the beginnings
of the empirical foundation necessary for further discussion of this topic by presenting
the results of a systematic corpus-based study of external possessors with body parts
playing the role of subject or (accusative) object in Early Old English This
investigation establishes that any explanation for the eventual loss of DEPs must be
compatible with the fact that the construction was already reduced at an early stage in
Old English compared with Gothic and although productive was more limited in its
range and use The varied with the INTERNAL POSSESSOR (IP) the unmarked
possessive construction Contact with Brythonic Celtic at an early stage provides a
possible explanation for this early decline
1 Introduction
11 External Possessor constructions
Present Day English has no construction parallel to that illustrated in (1) for German
(1) Die Mutter wusch dem Kind die Haare
the mother washed theDAT child theACC hairs
lsquothe mother washed the childrsquos hairrsquo (Haspelmath 1999 109 ex 1)
In this example dem Kind is the possessor of die Haare but instead of appearing
within the NP containing the possessum it is an NP at the sentence level marked with
2
dative case
Havers (1911) introduced the term DATIVUS SYMPATHETICUS ldquosympathetic dativerdquo
for such datives Much recent work has used the term EXTERNAL POSSESSOR
introduced by Vergnaud amp Zubizaretta (1992) which I will abbreviate as EP
Haspelmath (1999) gives this definition
In an external-possession construction a possessive modifier does not occur as a
dependent constituent of the modified NP but NP-externally as a constituent of
the clause
Haspelmath (1999 109)
Haspelmathrsquos focus was on constructions in which the possessor is in the dative case
or DATIVE EXTERNAL POSSESSORS which I abbreviate as DEPs DEPs are found in Old
English (OE)
(2) Gif thornu thornaeligt thornurhteon ne maeligge scearpa him thorna scancan
If you that carry-out not may scarify himDAT theACC legsACC
lsquoIf you cant accomplish that scarify his legsrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]4413489)
The loss of the DEP construction in English in favor of the ldquointernal possessorrdquo
(IP) has relevance to our understanding of syntactic change The two main contenders
as explanations for this development involve the role of the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction and contact with other languages
At present no empirical base adequate for evaluating these explanations is
available Vennemann (2002 212) comments that his impression is that the IP
construction is ldquorelatively rarerdquo in OE but notes the need for a more detailed
investigation No substantial progress has been made in this regard since the
publication of Vennemannrsquos article The main purpose of this paper is to improve the
3
empirical base for further study of the loss of productive EPs in English focusing
particularly on early OE
One reason why this empirical base is of theoretical importance is that there is a
school of thought that the OE texts significantly distort spoken OE in various respects
including the syntax of possession Vennemann (2002) includes the loss of EPs as one
of the examples of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo that he says arose in Middle English (ME) In a
similar vein Tristram (2004) sees a sudden typological change between written OE
and the ME writings Tristram like Vennemann explains these apparently sudden
changes as a result of the fact that OE writing was conservative dominated by an
Anglo-Saxon elite and did not represent the vernacular Similar views are expressed
in Schrijver (2014) By this view ordinary spoken English was significantly affected
in the course of its acquisition by non-native speakers especially Brythonic Celts
who greatly outnumbered the Germanic elite This vernacular English only appeared
in writing after the ldquoWest Saxon standardrdquo was destroyed by the Norman Invasion
If we believe that the syntax we find in Early Middle English (EME) texts is not a
direct development from the syntax of the late OE texts our accounts of the syntactic
changes that took place will differ substantially from accounts we give if we assume
that we are dealing with essentially different languages In particular we could not
assume as is standard in generative studies that the OE texts give us a good basis for
extrapolating a grammar of this period and positing changes that result in a grammar
that is reflected in the EME texts2 It is therefore crucial to examine the evidence for
the idea that certain constructions were suppressed in OE writing because they were
typical of Celtic rather than Germanic syntax
Each of these constructions must be examined individually and in depth This
paper will be restricted to IPs and DEPs I will pay particular attention to the evidence
4
bearing on the question of the suppression of IPs in OE particularly early OE texts
The empirical findings of the present investigation will not only be relevant to the
debate about ldquosubmergedrdquo Celtic syntax in OE and to the question of possible Celtic
influence more generally in the decline of EPs in English but will provide new data
relevant to future investigations of how EPs were lost in Middle English
12 Scope terminology and organisation
Landau (1999 3) summarises the ldquosurface phenomenonrdquo of what he (along with Lee-
Schoenfeld 2006) calls the POSSESSOR DATIVE CONSTRUCTION (PDC)
A dative phrase syntactically behaving like a normal dative argument of the verb
(by movement diagnostics and so on) is in fact associated with another argument
in the sentence interpreted as a possessor of that argument
The argument-like syntax of the dative in this construction sets it apart from
superficially similar ldquofree dativesrdquo such as the ldquoethical dativerdquo
There is substantial disagreement on the best syntactic treatment of EPs Landau
outlines the two basic approaches The first is exemplified by this clause in Koumlnigrsquos
(2001 971) cross-linguistic definition of EP constructions
(iii) Despite being coded as a core argument the possessor phrase is not licensed
by the argument frame of the verb itself
Payne amp Barshi give a similar definition (1999 3) The other major school of thought
is that the possessor dative is an argument of the verb (such as BENEFACTIVE)
The main focus of this paper will be on the range and frequency of the DEP at an
early stage in English in order to evaluate this question how accurate is the
impression expressed by various observers that the IP was at best unusual before
Middle English in those situations where a DEP could be used In order to address
this question it is not necessary or even helpful to take a stance on the status of the
5
dative element as an argument of the verb or how the dative case is licensed These
questions must be addressed in constructing a satisfying formal account of the
changes to English syntax which resulted in the loss of productive EPs At this point
when our understanding of the loss of the construction in English is based on
unsystematic use of examples and speculation about what is plausible a systematic
consideration of the ldquosurface phenomenardquo of the DEP in OE and how these compare
with what we can reconstruct for Germanic generally is essential before further
syntactic analysis can be fruitful I have couched the discussion in terms that will be
of relevance and use to linguists coming from a wide range of theoretical perspectives
in further explorations of causes for the loss of the DEP
The restrictions on DEPs vary across languages but one factor which is always
mentioned in discussions of DEPs is some notion of ldquoaffectednessrdquo For Haspelmath
(1999 111) the two most important characteristics of the ldquoEuropean EP prototyperdquo
are the use of dative case for the possessor and the ldquostrict affectedness condition ie
EPs are only possible if the possessor is thought of as being mentally affected by the
described situationrdquo3 Vergnaud amp Zubizaretta (1992 595) treat the dative possessor
in French as a complement of the verb which is rdquolsquoaffected by the action or state
referred tordquo and Landau (1999 3) notes that PDCs are not semantically equivalent to
their IP counterparts because they all imply that the possessor is somehow affected by
the action denoted by the verb [Landaursquos emphasis]4 The notion of affectedness plays
a central role in Lee-Schoenfeldrsquos (2006) analysis of possessor dative constructions in
German where it is observed (p 108) that the German PDC gets better as the
negative or positive effect is conveyed Vennemann who assumes that OE was
essentially like Modern German with regard to DEPs states that ldquothe dative is
obligatory for affected possessors in Germanrdquo and explains that a DEP in German
6
presents an action which happens to the possessor with respect to some body part
while an IP reports an event which happened to the body part (2002 208)
However it is not easy to define affectedness It is clear enough that the possessor
of an arm is affected when that arm is amputated but when we are talking about
rubbing someonersquos feet there is not likely to be a permanent change in the possessor
While the choice of a DEP rather than an IP may reflect the speakerwriterrsquos focus on
the effect the rubbing had on the person it is often impossible to prove a writerrsquos
attitude from a corpus study
Despite these problems it is a plausible working hypothesis that some sort of
affectedness would play an important role in the use of DEPs in early OE
Furthermore Vennemannrsquos (2002 212) remark about his impression of the rarity of
IPs in earlier OE refers specifically to affected possessors There is no disagreement
that IPs were used as a neutral possessive strategy in all stages in English and so
there is little point in recording the raw numbers of IPs and DEPS in early OE My
study was therefore designed to capture all DEPs but with IPs to collect only
examples where a DEP might reasonably be expected as a possibility as will be
explained in section 31
The current investigation was limited in several respects First it was restricted to
body parts and some secretions from the body such as blod ldquobloodrdquo Cross-
linguistically EPs are especially associated with inalienable possession and Payne amp
Barshi (1997) place body parts at the top of the hierarchy of accessibility of possessa
to external possession With this restriction we reduce the number of interacting
variables involved in trying to cover the six sub-types of sympathetic datives
distinguished by Haversrsquo (1911) pioneering work with the aim of arriving at a clear
picture of one type before moving on to further research with other types of possessa
7
A second restriction of the investigation concerns the (surface) grammatical
relation of the possessum Typologists have found that EP constructions are subject to
certain implicational hierarchies Haspelmathrsquos (1999 113-115) ldquoSyntactic Relations
Hierarchyrdquo states that universally direct objects are more favoured as the possessa of
EPs than intransitive subjects are with unaccusative subjects in a higher position on
the hierarchy than unergative ones An interesting question for the study of the loss of
DEPs in English is whether they disappeared according to this hierarchy A
complication here involves possessa which are the objects of prepositions
(3) ethonne hie him on ethaeligt nebb spaeligtton
when they himDAT in the face spat
lsquowhen they spat in his facersquo
(cocuraCP3626171700)
Examples like (3) are very common in OE but I excluded them from my main
investigation because it is clear that nominal phrases which are the objects of
prepositions differ from ldquobarerdquo nominal phrases in important respects5 For one thing
the constraints on the DEP were much less limited with prepositional object possessa
than they were with what I will call DIRECT ARGUMENTS namely nominative subjects
and accusative objects as will emerge from the discussion
This freer use of EPs of prepositional objects than with direct arguments is in line
with the finding by typologists that EPs are productive only with prepositional objects
in some languages According to Haspelmath (1999 113) the possessa which are
most likely to participate in EP constructions in Europe are in prepositional phrases
Languages which have EPs with body part objects of prepositions but not bare NPs
includes not only English (with its relics like stare X in the face look X in the eye)
and Dutch (Vandeweghe 1987) but also Norwegian Loslashdrup (2009) discusses a
8
construction in Norwegian found with ldquounergativerdquo verbs (intransitive verbs with
actor subjects)6
(4) Han traringkket henne paring foslashttene
he stepped her on feetDEF
lsquoHe stepped on her feetrsquo (Loslashdrup 2009 ex 13)
According to Loslashdrup the body part is always in a prepositional phrase The
prepositional constructions warrant a separate study and an important question for
future research on the loss of productive DEPs is whether they remained longest with
prepositional object possessa However the restriction of the systematic study to
direct arguments reduces the possible variables determining the use of IPs or EPs and
therefore gives us the clearest picture of a sub-system It also seems best in the first
systematic investigations to focus on the EP constructions which have not left a trace
in Present Day English namely where the body part plays the role of (surface) subject
or direct object
Neither Ahlgrenrsquos investigation of ldquonouns of possessionrdquo (ie inalienably
possessed nouns) in English nor Haversrsquo (1911) discussion of the sympathetic dative
systematically separates possessa which are prepositional objects from direct
arguments Their findings although extremely valuable therefore do not make some
distinctions which were important in OE grammar and obscure the patterns which
emerge from the more narrowly focused present investigation
The investigation thus covers only DEPs in which the body part is an accusative
object as in (2) or a nominative subject as in (5)
9
(5) thornaeligt him thornaeligt heafod wand foreth on etha flore
that himDAT the head went forth on the floor
lsquothat his head rolled onto the floorrsquo
Judith 111-12
I will use the abbreviations DEPDA ldquoDative External Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo
and IPDA ldquoInternal Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo for DEPs and IPs involving a
subject or object possessum The use of the category ldquosubjectrdquo here requires some
comment Some subjects such as the subjects of ldquounaccusativerdquo verbs are treated as
underlying objects in some frameworks One reason for using a ldquosurfaceyrdquo
classification of subjects defined by nominative case is that nominal phrases playing
these surface relations have particular distributional characteristics The typical
positioning of a subject early in the sentence may play a significant role in the
asymmetry in the relative frequency of DEPs with subjects and objects as discussed
below A further refinement of subjects into different types would in principle be
desirable in testing possible hypotheses about the decline of DEPs such as that they
declined following the Hierarchy of Grammatical Relations mentioned above but
examples are too few in number to make further subclassification illuminating
The definitions given above exclude ldquoimplicitrdquo possessors
(6) Hond up abraeligd Geata dryhten
Hand up raised Geatsrsquo lord
lsquothe lord of the Geats raised up his handrsquo
(cobeowul8025752108) (lines 2575-6)7
In this construction the subject is interpreted as the possessor of the body part8 It is
treated as a type of EP by some linguists eg Vergnaud and Zubizaretta (1992) but
excluded in definitions of EPs such as that of Koumlnig (2001 971) While the
10
connection between EPs and implicit possessor constructions is intriguing this
investigation with its focus on DEPs will not present systematic findings concerning
implicit possessors A thorough investigation of the loss of the DEP in ME should
also look into the temporal relationship of this change with the loss of implicit
possessors
The paper is organised as follows Section 2 looks at DEPDAs in Gothic as a
preliminary to establishing that early OE was already more restrictive in its use of this
construction than Common Germanic seems to have been Section 3 examines the
facts available about IPDAs and DEPDAs in early OE The methodology used is
explained in section 31 32 looks at OE poetry and in section 33 I examine early
OE prose looking at subjects in section 331 and objects in 332 and finishing with
an evaluation of possible Latin influence in 333 A preliminary evaluation of the
adequacy of the explanations which have been proposed for the loss of EPs in ME is
given in section 4 I summarise the main conclusions of this investigation and suggest
some avenues of further research in section 5
2 The affected IP not a Germanic construction
Some recent literature gives the impression that affected IPs were not a feature of
Common Germanic and were new to English at some stage Filppula (2008 30) refers
to the ldquoinnovative internal possessor typerdquo in OE while Vennemann (2002 208)
speaks of the DEP as ldquothe inherited constructionrdquo However Havers (1911 317)
concludes that the Indo-European language families generally showed an interchange
between the genitive and the dativus sympatheticus For example he shows (p 1) that
both constructions were used in Homeric Greek in what appear to be descriptions of
the same situation differing only in the attitude the writer is expressing towards the
event Haversrsquo discussion of the early Germanic languages shows that variation was
11
the normal state in all of them
Before turning to OE it is worthwhile to consider briefly the likely Common
Germanic situation A systematic comparison of all the earliest daughters of this
language is beyond the scope of this paper However I have carried out an
investigation of the gospels in Gothic the earliest Germanic language for which we
have extensive records to compare with the findings for early OE All other things
being equal it would be reasonable to assume that the syntax of Gothic reflects
Common Germanic syntax reasonably well
Of course all other things are not actually equal Our only extensive Gothic text is
a translation from Greek of the major part of the gospels and St Paulrsquos epistles Some
scholars have taken the view that little can be learned of Gothic syntax because it is
highly affected by the Greek exemplar However most recent scholarship on Gothic
syntax (eg Ferraresi 2005) has reached the conclusion that the Gothic text was no
slavish translation it is nothing like a word-for-word gloss Of most relevance here is
the fact that the Gothic treatment of possessed body parts frequently diverges from the
Greek It is therefore reasonable to expect that the Gothic translation can yield some
useful information on this area of syntax in the Common Germanic period
Examples (7) and (8) show that the Gothic does not blindly follow the Greek
original in the syntax of body parts In Biblical Greek the dative and genitive cases
had not yet undergone the syncretism found in Modern Greek and possessors of body
parts could appear in the genitive case or as possessive pronouns as well as in the
dative case In these examples the Gothic uses a DEP while the (presumed) Greek
original had a genitive9
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 2
2
dative case
Havers (1911) introduced the term DATIVUS SYMPATHETICUS ldquosympathetic dativerdquo
for such datives Much recent work has used the term EXTERNAL POSSESSOR
introduced by Vergnaud amp Zubizaretta (1992) which I will abbreviate as EP
Haspelmath (1999) gives this definition
In an external-possession construction a possessive modifier does not occur as a
dependent constituent of the modified NP but NP-externally as a constituent of
the clause
Haspelmath (1999 109)
Haspelmathrsquos focus was on constructions in which the possessor is in the dative case
or DATIVE EXTERNAL POSSESSORS which I abbreviate as DEPs DEPs are found in Old
English (OE)
(2) Gif thornu thornaeligt thornurhteon ne maeligge scearpa him thorna scancan
If you that carry-out not may scarify himDAT theACC legsACC
lsquoIf you cant accomplish that scarify his legsrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]4413489)
The loss of the DEP construction in English in favor of the ldquointernal possessorrdquo
(IP) has relevance to our understanding of syntactic change The two main contenders
as explanations for this development involve the role of the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction and contact with other languages
At present no empirical base adequate for evaluating these explanations is
available Vennemann (2002 212) comments that his impression is that the IP
construction is ldquorelatively rarerdquo in OE but notes the need for a more detailed
investigation No substantial progress has been made in this regard since the
publication of Vennemannrsquos article The main purpose of this paper is to improve the
3
empirical base for further study of the loss of productive EPs in English focusing
particularly on early OE
One reason why this empirical base is of theoretical importance is that there is a
school of thought that the OE texts significantly distort spoken OE in various respects
including the syntax of possession Vennemann (2002) includes the loss of EPs as one
of the examples of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo that he says arose in Middle English (ME) In a
similar vein Tristram (2004) sees a sudden typological change between written OE
and the ME writings Tristram like Vennemann explains these apparently sudden
changes as a result of the fact that OE writing was conservative dominated by an
Anglo-Saxon elite and did not represent the vernacular Similar views are expressed
in Schrijver (2014) By this view ordinary spoken English was significantly affected
in the course of its acquisition by non-native speakers especially Brythonic Celts
who greatly outnumbered the Germanic elite This vernacular English only appeared
in writing after the ldquoWest Saxon standardrdquo was destroyed by the Norman Invasion
If we believe that the syntax we find in Early Middle English (EME) texts is not a
direct development from the syntax of the late OE texts our accounts of the syntactic
changes that took place will differ substantially from accounts we give if we assume
that we are dealing with essentially different languages In particular we could not
assume as is standard in generative studies that the OE texts give us a good basis for
extrapolating a grammar of this period and positing changes that result in a grammar
that is reflected in the EME texts2 It is therefore crucial to examine the evidence for
the idea that certain constructions were suppressed in OE writing because they were
typical of Celtic rather than Germanic syntax
Each of these constructions must be examined individually and in depth This
paper will be restricted to IPs and DEPs I will pay particular attention to the evidence
4
bearing on the question of the suppression of IPs in OE particularly early OE texts
The empirical findings of the present investigation will not only be relevant to the
debate about ldquosubmergedrdquo Celtic syntax in OE and to the question of possible Celtic
influence more generally in the decline of EPs in English but will provide new data
relevant to future investigations of how EPs were lost in Middle English
12 Scope terminology and organisation
Landau (1999 3) summarises the ldquosurface phenomenonrdquo of what he (along with Lee-
Schoenfeld 2006) calls the POSSESSOR DATIVE CONSTRUCTION (PDC)
A dative phrase syntactically behaving like a normal dative argument of the verb
(by movement diagnostics and so on) is in fact associated with another argument
in the sentence interpreted as a possessor of that argument
The argument-like syntax of the dative in this construction sets it apart from
superficially similar ldquofree dativesrdquo such as the ldquoethical dativerdquo
There is substantial disagreement on the best syntactic treatment of EPs Landau
outlines the two basic approaches The first is exemplified by this clause in Koumlnigrsquos
(2001 971) cross-linguistic definition of EP constructions
(iii) Despite being coded as a core argument the possessor phrase is not licensed
by the argument frame of the verb itself
Payne amp Barshi give a similar definition (1999 3) The other major school of thought
is that the possessor dative is an argument of the verb (such as BENEFACTIVE)
The main focus of this paper will be on the range and frequency of the DEP at an
early stage in English in order to evaluate this question how accurate is the
impression expressed by various observers that the IP was at best unusual before
Middle English in those situations where a DEP could be used In order to address
this question it is not necessary or even helpful to take a stance on the status of the
5
dative element as an argument of the verb or how the dative case is licensed These
questions must be addressed in constructing a satisfying formal account of the
changes to English syntax which resulted in the loss of productive EPs At this point
when our understanding of the loss of the construction in English is based on
unsystematic use of examples and speculation about what is plausible a systematic
consideration of the ldquosurface phenomenardquo of the DEP in OE and how these compare
with what we can reconstruct for Germanic generally is essential before further
syntactic analysis can be fruitful I have couched the discussion in terms that will be
of relevance and use to linguists coming from a wide range of theoretical perspectives
in further explorations of causes for the loss of the DEP
The restrictions on DEPs vary across languages but one factor which is always
mentioned in discussions of DEPs is some notion of ldquoaffectednessrdquo For Haspelmath
(1999 111) the two most important characteristics of the ldquoEuropean EP prototyperdquo
are the use of dative case for the possessor and the ldquostrict affectedness condition ie
EPs are only possible if the possessor is thought of as being mentally affected by the
described situationrdquo3 Vergnaud amp Zubizaretta (1992 595) treat the dative possessor
in French as a complement of the verb which is rdquolsquoaffected by the action or state
referred tordquo and Landau (1999 3) notes that PDCs are not semantically equivalent to
their IP counterparts because they all imply that the possessor is somehow affected by
the action denoted by the verb [Landaursquos emphasis]4 The notion of affectedness plays
a central role in Lee-Schoenfeldrsquos (2006) analysis of possessor dative constructions in
German where it is observed (p 108) that the German PDC gets better as the
negative or positive effect is conveyed Vennemann who assumes that OE was
essentially like Modern German with regard to DEPs states that ldquothe dative is
obligatory for affected possessors in Germanrdquo and explains that a DEP in German
6
presents an action which happens to the possessor with respect to some body part
while an IP reports an event which happened to the body part (2002 208)
However it is not easy to define affectedness It is clear enough that the possessor
of an arm is affected when that arm is amputated but when we are talking about
rubbing someonersquos feet there is not likely to be a permanent change in the possessor
While the choice of a DEP rather than an IP may reflect the speakerwriterrsquos focus on
the effect the rubbing had on the person it is often impossible to prove a writerrsquos
attitude from a corpus study
Despite these problems it is a plausible working hypothesis that some sort of
affectedness would play an important role in the use of DEPs in early OE
Furthermore Vennemannrsquos (2002 212) remark about his impression of the rarity of
IPs in earlier OE refers specifically to affected possessors There is no disagreement
that IPs were used as a neutral possessive strategy in all stages in English and so
there is little point in recording the raw numbers of IPs and DEPS in early OE My
study was therefore designed to capture all DEPs but with IPs to collect only
examples where a DEP might reasonably be expected as a possibility as will be
explained in section 31
The current investigation was limited in several respects First it was restricted to
body parts and some secretions from the body such as blod ldquobloodrdquo Cross-
linguistically EPs are especially associated with inalienable possession and Payne amp
Barshi (1997) place body parts at the top of the hierarchy of accessibility of possessa
to external possession With this restriction we reduce the number of interacting
variables involved in trying to cover the six sub-types of sympathetic datives
distinguished by Haversrsquo (1911) pioneering work with the aim of arriving at a clear
picture of one type before moving on to further research with other types of possessa
7
A second restriction of the investigation concerns the (surface) grammatical
relation of the possessum Typologists have found that EP constructions are subject to
certain implicational hierarchies Haspelmathrsquos (1999 113-115) ldquoSyntactic Relations
Hierarchyrdquo states that universally direct objects are more favoured as the possessa of
EPs than intransitive subjects are with unaccusative subjects in a higher position on
the hierarchy than unergative ones An interesting question for the study of the loss of
DEPs in English is whether they disappeared according to this hierarchy A
complication here involves possessa which are the objects of prepositions
(3) ethonne hie him on ethaeligt nebb spaeligtton
when they himDAT in the face spat
lsquowhen they spat in his facersquo
(cocuraCP3626171700)
Examples like (3) are very common in OE but I excluded them from my main
investigation because it is clear that nominal phrases which are the objects of
prepositions differ from ldquobarerdquo nominal phrases in important respects5 For one thing
the constraints on the DEP were much less limited with prepositional object possessa
than they were with what I will call DIRECT ARGUMENTS namely nominative subjects
and accusative objects as will emerge from the discussion
This freer use of EPs of prepositional objects than with direct arguments is in line
with the finding by typologists that EPs are productive only with prepositional objects
in some languages According to Haspelmath (1999 113) the possessa which are
most likely to participate in EP constructions in Europe are in prepositional phrases
Languages which have EPs with body part objects of prepositions but not bare NPs
includes not only English (with its relics like stare X in the face look X in the eye)
and Dutch (Vandeweghe 1987) but also Norwegian Loslashdrup (2009) discusses a
8
construction in Norwegian found with ldquounergativerdquo verbs (intransitive verbs with
actor subjects)6
(4) Han traringkket henne paring foslashttene
he stepped her on feetDEF
lsquoHe stepped on her feetrsquo (Loslashdrup 2009 ex 13)
According to Loslashdrup the body part is always in a prepositional phrase The
prepositional constructions warrant a separate study and an important question for
future research on the loss of productive DEPs is whether they remained longest with
prepositional object possessa However the restriction of the systematic study to
direct arguments reduces the possible variables determining the use of IPs or EPs and
therefore gives us the clearest picture of a sub-system It also seems best in the first
systematic investigations to focus on the EP constructions which have not left a trace
in Present Day English namely where the body part plays the role of (surface) subject
or direct object
Neither Ahlgrenrsquos investigation of ldquonouns of possessionrdquo (ie inalienably
possessed nouns) in English nor Haversrsquo (1911) discussion of the sympathetic dative
systematically separates possessa which are prepositional objects from direct
arguments Their findings although extremely valuable therefore do not make some
distinctions which were important in OE grammar and obscure the patterns which
emerge from the more narrowly focused present investigation
The investigation thus covers only DEPs in which the body part is an accusative
object as in (2) or a nominative subject as in (5)
9
(5) thornaeligt him thornaeligt heafod wand foreth on etha flore
that himDAT the head went forth on the floor
lsquothat his head rolled onto the floorrsquo
Judith 111-12
I will use the abbreviations DEPDA ldquoDative External Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo
and IPDA ldquoInternal Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo for DEPs and IPs involving a
subject or object possessum The use of the category ldquosubjectrdquo here requires some
comment Some subjects such as the subjects of ldquounaccusativerdquo verbs are treated as
underlying objects in some frameworks One reason for using a ldquosurfaceyrdquo
classification of subjects defined by nominative case is that nominal phrases playing
these surface relations have particular distributional characteristics The typical
positioning of a subject early in the sentence may play a significant role in the
asymmetry in the relative frequency of DEPs with subjects and objects as discussed
below A further refinement of subjects into different types would in principle be
desirable in testing possible hypotheses about the decline of DEPs such as that they
declined following the Hierarchy of Grammatical Relations mentioned above but
examples are too few in number to make further subclassification illuminating
The definitions given above exclude ldquoimplicitrdquo possessors
(6) Hond up abraeligd Geata dryhten
Hand up raised Geatsrsquo lord
lsquothe lord of the Geats raised up his handrsquo
(cobeowul8025752108) (lines 2575-6)7
In this construction the subject is interpreted as the possessor of the body part8 It is
treated as a type of EP by some linguists eg Vergnaud and Zubizaretta (1992) but
excluded in definitions of EPs such as that of Koumlnig (2001 971) While the
10
connection between EPs and implicit possessor constructions is intriguing this
investigation with its focus on DEPs will not present systematic findings concerning
implicit possessors A thorough investigation of the loss of the DEP in ME should
also look into the temporal relationship of this change with the loss of implicit
possessors
The paper is organised as follows Section 2 looks at DEPDAs in Gothic as a
preliminary to establishing that early OE was already more restrictive in its use of this
construction than Common Germanic seems to have been Section 3 examines the
facts available about IPDAs and DEPDAs in early OE The methodology used is
explained in section 31 32 looks at OE poetry and in section 33 I examine early
OE prose looking at subjects in section 331 and objects in 332 and finishing with
an evaluation of possible Latin influence in 333 A preliminary evaluation of the
adequacy of the explanations which have been proposed for the loss of EPs in ME is
given in section 4 I summarise the main conclusions of this investigation and suggest
some avenues of further research in section 5
2 The affected IP not a Germanic construction
Some recent literature gives the impression that affected IPs were not a feature of
Common Germanic and were new to English at some stage Filppula (2008 30) refers
to the ldquoinnovative internal possessor typerdquo in OE while Vennemann (2002 208)
speaks of the DEP as ldquothe inherited constructionrdquo However Havers (1911 317)
concludes that the Indo-European language families generally showed an interchange
between the genitive and the dativus sympatheticus For example he shows (p 1) that
both constructions were used in Homeric Greek in what appear to be descriptions of
the same situation differing only in the attitude the writer is expressing towards the
event Haversrsquo discussion of the early Germanic languages shows that variation was
11
the normal state in all of them
Before turning to OE it is worthwhile to consider briefly the likely Common
Germanic situation A systematic comparison of all the earliest daughters of this
language is beyond the scope of this paper However I have carried out an
investigation of the gospels in Gothic the earliest Germanic language for which we
have extensive records to compare with the findings for early OE All other things
being equal it would be reasonable to assume that the syntax of Gothic reflects
Common Germanic syntax reasonably well
Of course all other things are not actually equal Our only extensive Gothic text is
a translation from Greek of the major part of the gospels and St Paulrsquos epistles Some
scholars have taken the view that little can be learned of Gothic syntax because it is
highly affected by the Greek exemplar However most recent scholarship on Gothic
syntax (eg Ferraresi 2005) has reached the conclusion that the Gothic text was no
slavish translation it is nothing like a word-for-word gloss Of most relevance here is
the fact that the Gothic treatment of possessed body parts frequently diverges from the
Greek It is therefore reasonable to expect that the Gothic translation can yield some
useful information on this area of syntax in the Common Germanic period
Examples (7) and (8) show that the Gothic does not blindly follow the Greek
original in the syntax of body parts In Biblical Greek the dative and genitive cases
had not yet undergone the syncretism found in Modern Greek and possessors of body
parts could appear in the genitive case or as possessive pronouns as well as in the
dative case In these examples the Gothic uses a DEP while the (presumed) Greek
original had a genitive9
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 3
3
empirical base for further study of the loss of productive EPs in English focusing
particularly on early OE
One reason why this empirical base is of theoretical importance is that there is a
school of thought that the OE texts significantly distort spoken OE in various respects
including the syntax of possession Vennemann (2002) includes the loss of EPs as one
of the examples of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo that he says arose in Middle English (ME) In a
similar vein Tristram (2004) sees a sudden typological change between written OE
and the ME writings Tristram like Vennemann explains these apparently sudden
changes as a result of the fact that OE writing was conservative dominated by an
Anglo-Saxon elite and did not represent the vernacular Similar views are expressed
in Schrijver (2014) By this view ordinary spoken English was significantly affected
in the course of its acquisition by non-native speakers especially Brythonic Celts
who greatly outnumbered the Germanic elite This vernacular English only appeared
in writing after the ldquoWest Saxon standardrdquo was destroyed by the Norman Invasion
If we believe that the syntax we find in Early Middle English (EME) texts is not a
direct development from the syntax of the late OE texts our accounts of the syntactic
changes that took place will differ substantially from accounts we give if we assume
that we are dealing with essentially different languages In particular we could not
assume as is standard in generative studies that the OE texts give us a good basis for
extrapolating a grammar of this period and positing changes that result in a grammar
that is reflected in the EME texts2 It is therefore crucial to examine the evidence for
the idea that certain constructions were suppressed in OE writing because they were
typical of Celtic rather than Germanic syntax
Each of these constructions must be examined individually and in depth This
paper will be restricted to IPs and DEPs I will pay particular attention to the evidence
4
bearing on the question of the suppression of IPs in OE particularly early OE texts
The empirical findings of the present investigation will not only be relevant to the
debate about ldquosubmergedrdquo Celtic syntax in OE and to the question of possible Celtic
influence more generally in the decline of EPs in English but will provide new data
relevant to future investigations of how EPs were lost in Middle English
12 Scope terminology and organisation
Landau (1999 3) summarises the ldquosurface phenomenonrdquo of what he (along with Lee-
Schoenfeld 2006) calls the POSSESSOR DATIVE CONSTRUCTION (PDC)
A dative phrase syntactically behaving like a normal dative argument of the verb
(by movement diagnostics and so on) is in fact associated with another argument
in the sentence interpreted as a possessor of that argument
The argument-like syntax of the dative in this construction sets it apart from
superficially similar ldquofree dativesrdquo such as the ldquoethical dativerdquo
There is substantial disagreement on the best syntactic treatment of EPs Landau
outlines the two basic approaches The first is exemplified by this clause in Koumlnigrsquos
(2001 971) cross-linguistic definition of EP constructions
(iii) Despite being coded as a core argument the possessor phrase is not licensed
by the argument frame of the verb itself
Payne amp Barshi give a similar definition (1999 3) The other major school of thought
is that the possessor dative is an argument of the verb (such as BENEFACTIVE)
The main focus of this paper will be on the range and frequency of the DEP at an
early stage in English in order to evaluate this question how accurate is the
impression expressed by various observers that the IP was at best unusual before
Middle English in those situations where a DEP could be used In order to address
this question it is not necessary or even helpful to take a stance on the status of the
5
dative element as an argument of the verb or how the dative case is licensed These
questions must be addressed in constructing a satisfying formal account of the
changes to English syntax which resulted in the loss of productive EPs At this point
when our understanding of the loss of the construction in English is based on
unsystematic use of examples and speculation about what is plausible a systematic
consideration of the ldquosurface phenomenardquo of the DEP in OE and how these compare
with what we can reconstruct for Germanic generally is essential before further
syntactic analysis can be fruitful I have couched the discussion in terms that will be
of relevance and use to linguists coming from a wide range of theoretical perspectives
in further explorations of causes for the loss of the DEP
The restrictions on DEPs vary across languages but one factor which is always
mentioned in discussions of DEPs is some notion of ldquoaffectednessrdquo For Haspelmath
(1999 111) the two most important characteristics of the ldquoEuropean EP prototyperdquo
are the use of dative case for the possessor and the ldquostrict affectedness condition ie
EPs are only possible if the possessor is thought of as being mentally affected by the
described situationrdquo3 Vergnaud amp Zubizaretta (1992 595) treat the dative possessor
in French as a complement of the verb which is rdquolsquoaffected by the action or state
referred tordquo and Landau (1999 3) notes that PDCs are not semantically equivalent to
their IP counterparts because they all imply that the possessor is somehow affected by
the action denoted by the verb [Landaursquos emphasis]4 The notion of affectedness plays
a central role in Lee-Schoenfeldrsquos (2006) analysis of possessor dative constructions in
German where it is observed (p 108) that the German PDC gets better as the
negative or positive effect is conveyed Vennemann who assumes that OE was
essentially like Modern German with regard to DEPs states that ldquothe dative is
obligatory for affected possessors in Germanrdquo and explains that a DEP in German
6
presents an action which happens to the possessor with respect to some body part
while an IP reports an event which happened to the body part (2002 208)
However it is not easy to define affectedness It is clear enough that the possessor
of an arm is affected when that arm is amputated but when we are talking about
rubbing someonersquos feet there is not likely to be a permanent change in the possessor
While the choice of a DEP rather than an IP may reflect the speakerwriterrsquos focus on
the effect the rubbing had on the person it is often impossible to prove a writerrsquos
attitude from a corpus study
Despite these problems it is a plausible working hypothesis that some sort of
affectedness would play an important role in the use of DEPs in early OE
Furthermore Vennemannrsquos (2002 212) remark about his impression of the rarity of
IPs in earlier OE refers specifically to affected possessors There is no disagreement
that IPs were used as a neutral possessive strategy in all stages in English and so
there is little point in recording the raw numbers of IPs and DEPS in early OE My
study was therefore designed to capture all DEPs but with IPs to collect only
examples where a DEP might reasonably be expected as a possibility as will be
explained in section 31
The current investigation was limited in several respects First it was restricted to
body parts and some secretions from the body such as blod ldquobloodrdquo Cross-
linguistically EPs are especially associated with inalienable possession and Payne amp
Barshi (1997) place body parts at the top of the hierarchy of accessibility of possessa
to external possession With this restriction we reduce the number of interacting
variables involved in trying to cover the six sub-types of sympathetic datives
distinguished by Haversrsquo (1911) pioneering work with the aim of arriving at a clear
picture of one type before moving on to further research with other types of possessa
7
A second restriction of the investigation concerns the (surface) grammatical
relation of the possessum Typologists have found that EP constructions are subject to
certain implicational hierarchies Haspelmathrsquos (1999 113-115) ldquoSyntactic Relations
Hierarchyrdquo states that universally direct objects are more favoured as the possessa of
EPs than intransitive subjects are with unaccusative subjects in a higher position on
the hierarchy than unergative ones An interesting question for the study of the loss of
DEPs in English is whether they disappeared according to this hierarchy A
complication here involves possessa which are the objects of prepositions
(3) ethonne hie him on ethaeligt nebb spaeligtton
when they himDAT in the face spat
lsquowhen they spat in his facersquo
(cocuraCP3626171700)
Examples like (3) are very common in OE but I excluded them from my main
investigation because it is clear that nominal phrases which are the objects of
prepositions differ from ldquobarerdquo nominal phrases in important respects5 For one thing
the constraints on the DEP were much less limited with prepositional object possessa
than they were with what I will call DIRECT ARGUMENTS namely nominative subjects
and accusative objects as will emerge from the discussion
This freer use of EPs of prepositional objects than with direct arguments is in line
with the finding by typologists that EPs are productive only with prepositional objects
in some languages According to Haspelmath (1999 113) the possessa which are
most likely to participate in EP constructions in Europe are in prepositional phrases
Languages which have EPs with body part objects of prepositions but not bare NPs
includes not only English (with its relics like stare X in the face look X in the eye)
and Dutch (Vandeweghe 1987) but also Norwegian Loslashdrup (2009) discusses a
8
construction in Norwegian found with ldquounergativerdquo verbs (intransitive verbs with
actor subjects)6
(4) Han traringkket henne paring foslashttene
he stepped her on feetDEF
lsquoHe stepped on her feetrsquo (Loslashdrup 2009 ex 13)
According to Loslashdrup the body part is always in a prepositional phrase The
prepositional constructions warrant a separate study and an important question for
future research on the loss of productive DEPs is whether they remained longest with
prepositional object possessa However the restriction of the systematic study to
direct arguments reduces the possible variables determining the use of IPs or EPs and
therefore gives us the clearest picture of a sub-system It also seems best in the first
systematic investigations to focus on the EP constructions which have not left a trace
in Present Day English namely where the body part plays the role of (surface) subject
or direct object
Neither Ahlgrenrsquos investigation of ldquonouns of possessionrdquo (ie inalienably
possessed nouns) in English nor Haversrsquo (1911) discussion of the sympathetic dative
systematically separates possessa which are prepositional objects from direct
arguments Their findings although extremely valuable therefore do not make some
distinctions which were important in OE grammar and obscure the patterns which
emerge from the more narrowly focused present investigation
The investigation thus covers only DEPs in which the body part is an accusative
object as in (2) or a nominative subject as in (5)
9
(5) thornaeligt him thornaeligt heafod wand foreth on etha flore
that himDAT the head went forth on the floor
lsquothat his head rolled onto the floorrsquo
Judith 111-12
I will use the abbreviations DEPDA ldquoDative External Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo
and IPDA ldquoInternal Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo for DEPs and IPs involving a
subject or object possessum The use of the category ldquosubjectrdquo here requires some
comment Some subjects such as the subjects of ldquounaccusativerdquo verbs are treated as
underlying objects in some frameworks One reason for using a ldquosurfaceyrdquo
classification of subjects defined by nominative case is that nominal phrases playing
these surface relations have particular distributional characteristics The typical
positioning of a subject early in the sentence may play a significant role in the
asymmetry in the relative frequency of DEPs with subjects and objects as discussed
below A further refinement of subjects into different types would in principle be
desirable in testing possible hypotheses about the decline of DEPs such as that they
declined following the Hierarchy of Grammatical Relations mentioned above but
examples are too few in number to make further subclassification illuminating
The definitions given above exclude ldquoimplicitrdquo possessors
(6) Hond up abraeligd Geata dryhten
Hand up raised Geatsrsquo lord
lsquothe lord of the Geats raised up his handrsquo
(cobeowul8025752108) (lines 2575-6)7
In this construction the subject is interpreted as the possessor of the body part8 It is
treated as a type of EP by some linguists eg Vergnaud and Zubizaretta (1992) but
excluded in definitions of EPs such as that of Koumlnig (2001 971) While the
10
connection between EPs and implicit possessor constructions is intriguing this
investigation with its focus on DEPs will not present systematic findings concerning
implicit possessors A thorough investigation of the loss of the DEP in ME should
also look into the temporal relationship of this change with the loss of implicit
possessors
The paper is organised as follows Section 2 looks at DEPDAs in Gothic as a
preliminary to establishing that early OE was already more restrictive in its use of this
construction than Common Germanic seems to have been Section 3 examines the
facts available about IPDAs and DEPDAs in early OE The methodology used is
explained in section 31 32 looks at OE poetry and in section 33 I examine early
OE prose looking at subjects in section 331 and objects in 332 and finishing with
an evaluation of possible Latin influence in 333 A preliminary evaluation of the
adequacy of the explanations which have been proposed for the loss of EPs in ME is
given in section 4 I summarise the main conclusions of this investigation and suggest
some avenues of further research in section 5
2 The affected IP not a Germanic construction
Some recent literature gives the impression that affected IPs were not a feature of
Common Germanic and were new to English at some stage Filppula (2008 30) refers
to the ldquoinnovative internal possessor typerdquo in OE while Vennemann (2002 208)
speaks of the DEP as ldquothe inherited constructionrdquo However Havers (1911 317)
concludes that the Indo-European language families generally showed an interchange
between the genitive and the dativus sympatheticus For example he shows (p 1) that
both constructions were used in Homeric Greek in what appear to be descriptions of
the same situation differing only in the attitude the writer is expressing towards the
event Haversrsquo discussion of the early Germanic languages shows that variation was
11
the normal state in all of them
Before turning to OE it is worthwhile to consider briefly the likely Common
Germanic situation A systematic comparison of all the earliest daughters of this
language is beyond the scope of this paper However I have carried out an
investigation of the gospels in Gothic the earliest Germanic language for which we
have extensive records to compare with the findings for early OE All other things
being equal it would be reasonable to assume that the syntax of Gothic reflects
Common Germanic syntax reasonably well
Of course all other things are not actually equal Our only extensive Gothic text is
a translation from Greek of the major part of the gospels and St Paulrsquos epistles Some
scholars have taken the view that little can be learned of Gothic syntax because it is
highly affected by the Greek exemplar However most recent scholarship on Gothic
syntax (eg Ferraresi 2005) has reached the conclusion that the Gothic text was no
slavish translation it is nothing like a word-for-word gloss Of most relevance here is
the fact that the Gothic treatment of possessed body parts frequently diverges from the
Greek It is therefore reasonable to expect that the Gothic translation can yield some
useful information on this area of syntax in the Common Germanic period
Examples (7) and (8) show that the Gothic does not blindly follow the Greek
original in the syntax of body parts In Biblical Greek the dative and genitive cases
had not yet undergone the syncretism found in Modern Greek and possessors of body
parts could appear in the genitive case or as possessive pronouns as well as in the
dative case In these examples the Gothic uses a DEP while the (presumed) Greek
original had a genitive9
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 4
4
bearing on the question of the suppression of IPs in OE particularly early OE texts
The empirical findings of the present investigation will not only be relevant to the
debate about ldquosubmergedrdquo Celtic syntax in OE and to the question of possible Celtic
influence more generally in the decline of EPs in English but will provide new data
relevant to future investigations of how EPs were lost in Middle English
12 Scope terminology and organisation
Landau (1999 3) summarises the ldquosurface phenomenonrdquo of what he (along with Lee-
Schoenfeld 2006) calls the POSSESSOR DATIVE CONSTRUCTION (PDC)
A dative phrase syntactically behaving like a normal dative argument of the verb
(by movement diagnostics and so on) is in fact associated with another argument
in the sentence interpreted as a possessor of that argument
The argument-like syntax of the dative in this construction sets it apart from
superficially similar ldquofree dativesrdquo such as the ldquoethical dativerdquo
There is substantial disagreement on the best syntactic treatment of EPs Landau
outlines the two basic approaches The first is exemplified by this clause in Koumlnigrsquos
(2001 971) cross-linguistic definition of EP constructions
(iii) Despite being coded as a core argument the possessor phrase is not licensed
by the argument frame of the verb itself
Payne amp Barshi give a similar definition (1999 3) The other major school of thought
is that the possessor dative is an argument of the verb (such as BENEFACTIVE)
The main focus of this paper will be on the range and frequency of the DEP at an
early stage in English in order to evaluate this question how accurate is the
impression expressed by various observers that the IP was at best unusual before
Middle English in those situations where a DEP could be used In order to address
this question it is not necessary or even helpful to take a stance on the status of the
5
dative element as an argument of the verb or how the dative case is licensed These
questions must be addressed in constructing a satisfying formal account of the
changes to English syntax which resulted in the loss of productive EPs At this point
when our understanding of the loss of the construction in English is based on
unsystematic use of examples and speculation about what is plausible a systematic
consideration of the ldquosurface phenomenardquo of the DEP in OE and how these compare
with what we can reconstruct for Germanic generally is essential before further
syntactic analysis can be fruitful I have couched the discussion in terms that will be
of relevance and use to linguists coming from a wide range of theoretical perspectives
in further explorations of causes for the loss of the DEP
The restrictions on DEPs vary across languages but one factor which is always
mentioned in discussions of DEPs is some notion of ldquoaffectednessrdquo For Haspelmath
(1999 111) the two most important characteristics of the ldquoEuropean EP prototyperdquo
are the use of dative case for the possessor and the ldquostrict affectedness condition ie
EPs are only possible if the possessor is thought of as being mentally affected by the
described situationrdquo3 Vergnaud amp Zubizaretta (1992 595) treat the dative possessor
in French as a complement of the verb which is rdquolsquoaffected by the action or state
referred tordquo and Landau (1999 3) notes that PDCs are not semantically equivalent to
their IP counterparts because they all imply that the possessor is somehow affected by
the action denoted by the verb [Landaursquos emphasis]4 The notion of affectedness plays
a central role in Lee-Schoenfeldrsquos (2006) analysis of possessor dative constructions in
German where it is observed (p 108) that the German PDC gets better as the
negative or positive effect is conveyed Vennemann who assumes that OE was
essentially like Modern German with regard to DEPs states that ldquothe dative is
obligatory for affected possessors in Germanrdquo and explains that a DEP in German
6
presents an action which happens to the possessor with respect to some body part
while an IP reports an event which happened to the body part (2002 208)
However it is not easy to define affectedness It is clear enough that the possessor
of an arm is affected when that arm is amputated but when we are talking about
rubbing someonersquos feet there is not likely to be a permanent change in the possessor
While the choice of a DEP rather than an IP may reflect the speakerwriterrsquos focus on
the effect the rubbing had on the person it is often impossible to prove a writerrsquos
attitude from a corpus study
Despite these problems it is a plausible working hypothesis that some sort of
affectedness would play an important role in the use of DEPs in early OE
Furthermore Vennemannrsquos (2002 212) remark about his impression of the rarity of
IPs in earlier OE refers specifically to affected possessors There is no disagreement
that IPs were used as a neutral possessive strategy in all stages in English and so
there is little point in recording the raw numbers of IPs and DEPS in early OE My
study was therefore designed to capture all DEPs but with IPs to collect only
examples where a DEP might reasonably be expected as a possibility as will be
explained in section 31
The current investigation was limited in several respects First it was restricted to
body parts and some secretions from the body such as blod ldquobloodrdquo Cross-
linguistically EPs are especially associated with inalienable possession and Payne amp
Barshi (1997) place body parts at the top of the hierarchy of accessibility of possessa
to external possession With this restriction we reduce the number of interacting
variables involved in trying to cover the six sub-types of sympathetic datives
distinguished by Haversrsquo (1911) pioneering work with the aim of arriving at a clear
picture of one type before moving on to further research with other types of possessa
7
A second restriction of the investigation concerns the (surface) grammatical
relation of the possessum Typologists have found that EP constructions are subject to
certain implicational hierarchies Haspelmathrsquos (1999 113-115) ldquoSyntactic Relations
Hierarchyrdquo states that universally direct objects are more favoured as the possessa of
EPs than intransitive subjects are with unaccusative subjects in a higher position on
the hierarchy than unergative ones An interesting question for the study of the loss of
DEPs in English is whether they disappeared according to this hierarchy A
complication here involves possessa which are the objects of prepositions
(3) ethonne hie him on ethaeligt nebb spaeligtton
when they himDAT in the face spat
lsquowhen they spat in his facersquo
(cocuraCP3626171700)
Examples like (3) are very common in OE but I excluded them from my main
investigation because it is clear that nominal phrases which are the objects of
prepositions differ from ldquobarerdquo nominal phrases in important respects5 For one thing
the constraints on the DEP were much less limited with prepositional object possessa
than they were with what I will call DIRECT ARGUMENTS namely nominative subjects
and accusative objects as will emerge from the discussion
This freer use of EPs of prepositional objects than with direct arguments is in line
with the finding by typologists that EPs are productive only with prepositional objects
in some languages According to Haspelmath (1999 113) the possessa which are
most likely to participate in EP constructions in Europe are in prepositional phrases
Languages which have EPs with body part objects of prepositions but not bare NPs
includes not only English (with its relics like stare X in the face look X in the eye)
and Dutch (Vandeweghe 1987) but also Norwegian Loslashdrup (2009) discusses a
8
construction in Norwegian found with ldquounergativerdquo verbs (intransitive verbs with
actor subjects)6
(4) Han traringkket henne paring foslashttene
he stepped her on feetDEF
lsquoHe stepped on her feetrsquo (Loslashdrup 2009 ex 13)
According to Loslashdrup the body part is always in a prepositional phrase The
prepositional constructions warrant a separate study and an important question for
future research on the loss of productive DEPs is whether they remained longest with
prepositional object possessa However the restriction of the systematic study to
direct arguments reduces the possible variables determining the use of IPs or EPs and
therefore gives us the clearest picture of a sub-system It also seems best in the first
systematic investigations to focus on the EP constructions which have not left a trace
in Present Day English namely where the body part plays the role of (surface) subject
or direct object
Neither Ahlgrenrsquos investigation of ldquonouns of possessionrdquo (ie inalienably
possessed nouns) in English nor Haversrsquo (1911) discussion of the sympathetic dative
systematically separates possessa which are prepositional objects from direct
arguments Their findings although extremely valuable therefore do not make some
distinctions which were important in OE grammar and obscure the patterns which
emerge from the more narrowly focused present investigation
The investigation thus covers only DEPs in which the body part is an accusative
object as in (2) or a nominative subject as in (5)
9
(5) thornaeligt him thornaeligt heafod wand foreth on etha flore
that himDAT the head went forth on the floor
lsquothat his head rolled onto the floorrsquo
Judith 111-12
I will use the abbreviations DEPDA ldquoDative External Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo
and IPDA ldquoInternal Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo for DEPs and IPs involving a
subject or object possessum The use of the category ldquosubjectrdquo here requires some
comment Some subjects such as the subjects of ldquounaccusativerdquo verbs are treated as
underlying objects in some frameworks One reason for using a ldquosurfaceyrdquo
classification of subjects defined by nominative case is that nominal phrases playing
these surface relations have particular distributional characteristics The typical
positioning of a subject early in the sentence may play a significant role in the
asymmetry in the relative frequency of DEPs with subjects and objects as discussed
below A further refinement of subjects into different types would in principle be
desirable in testing possible hypotheses about the decline of DEPs such as that they
declined following the Hierarchy of Grammatical Relations mentioned above but
examples are too few in number to make further subclassification illuminating
The definitions given above exclude ldquoimplicitrdquo possessors
(6) Hond up abraeligd Geata dryhten
Hand up raised Geatsrsquo lord
lsquothe lord of the Geats raised up his handrsquo
(cobeowul8025752108) (lines 2575-6)7
In this construction the subject is interpreted as the possessor of the body part8 It is
treated as a type of EP by some linguists eg Vergnaud and Zubizaretta (1992) but
excluded in definitions of EPs such as that of Koumlnig (2001 971) While the
10
connection between EPs and implicit possessor constructions is intriguing this
investigation with its focus on DEPs will not present systematic findings concerning
implicit possessors A thorough investigation of the loss of the DEP in ME should
also look into the temporal relationship of this change with the loss of implicit
possessors
The paper is organised as follows Section 2 looks at DEPDAs in Gothic as a
preliminary to establishing that early OE was already more restrictive in its use of this
construction than Common Germanic seems to have been Section 3 examines the
facts available about IPDAs and DEPDAs in early OE The methodology used is
explained in section 31 32 looks at OE poetry and in section 33 I examine early
OE prose looking at subjects in section 331 and objects in 332 and finishing with
an evaluation of possible Latin influence in 333 A preliminary evaluation of the
adequacy of the explanations which have been proposed for the loss of EPs in ME is
given in section 4 I summarise the main conclusions of this investigation and suggest
some avenues of further research in section 5
2 The affected IP not a Germanic construction
Some recent literature gives the impression that affected IPs were not a feature of
Common Germanic and were new to English at some stage Filppula (2008 30) refers
to the ldquoinnovative internal possessor typerdquo in OE while Vennemann (2002 208)
speaks of the DEP as ldquothe inherited constructionrdquo However Havers (1911 317)
concludes that the Indo-European language families generally showed an interchange
between the genitive and the dativus sympatheticus For example he shows (p 1) that
both constructions were used in Homeric Greek in what appear to be descriptions of
the same situation differing only in the attitude the writer is expressing towards the
event Haversrsquo discussion of the early Germanic languages shows that variation was
11
the normal state in all of them
Before turning to OE it is worthwhile to consider briefly the likely Common
Germanic situation A systematic comparison of all the earliest daughters of this
language is beyond the scope of this paper However I have carried out an
investigation of the gospels in Gothic the earliest Germanic language for which we
have extensive records to compare with the findings for early OE All other things
being equal it would be reasonable to assume that the syntax of Gothic reflects
Common Germanic syntax reasonably well
Of course all other things are not actually equal Our only extensive Gothic text is
a translation from Greek of the major part of the gospels and St Paulrsquos epistles Some
scholars have taken the view that little can be learned of Gothic syntax because it is
highly affected by the Greek exemplar However most recent scholarship on Gothic
syntax (eg Ferraresi 2005) has reached the conclusion that the Gothic text was no
slavish translation it is nothing like a word-for-word gloss Of most relevance here is
the fact that the Gothic treatment of possessed body parts frequently diverges from the
Greek It is therefore reasonable to expect that the Gothic translation can yield some
useful information on this area of syntax in the Common Germanic period
Examples (7) and (8) show that the Gothic does not blindly follow the Greek
original in the syntax of body parts In Biblical Greek the dative and genitive cases
had not yet undergone the syncretism found in Modern Greek and possessors of body
parts could appear in the genitive case or as possessive pronouns as well as in the
dative case In these examples the Gothic uses a DEP while the (presumed) Greek
original had a genitive9
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 5
5
dative element as an argument of the verb or how the dative case is licensed These
questions must be addressed in constructing a satisfying formal account of the
changes to English syntax which resulted in the loss of productive EPs At this point
when our understanding of the loss of the construction in English is based on
unsystematic use of examples and speculation about what is plausible a systematic
consideration of the ldquosurface phenomenardquo of the DEP in OE and how these compare
with what we can reconstruct for Germanic generally is essential before further
syntactic analysis can be fruitful I have couched the discussion in terms that will be
of relevance and use to linguists coming from a wide range of theoretical perspectives
in further explorations of causes for the loss of the DEP
The restrictions on DEPs vary across languages but one factor which is always
mentioned in discussions of DEPs is some notion of ldquoaffectednessrdquo For Haspelmath
(1999 111) the two most important characteristics of the ldquoEuropean EP prototyperdquo
are the use of dative case for the possessor and the ldquostrict affectedness condition ie
EPs are only possible if the possessor is thought of as being mentally affected by the
described situationrdquo3 Vergnaud amp Zubizaretta (1992 595) treat the dative possessor
in French as a complement of the verb which is rdquolsquoaffected by the action or state
referred tordquo and Landau (1999 3) notes that PDCs are not semantically equivalent to
their IP counterparts because they all imply that the possessor is somehow affected by
the action denoted by the verb [Landaursquos emphasis]4 The notion of affectedness plays
a central role in Lee-Schoenfeldrsquos (2006) analysis of possessor dative constructions in
German where it is observed (p 108) that the German PDC gets better as the
negative or positive effect is conveyed Vennemann who assumes that OE was
essentially like Modern German with regard to DEPs states that ldquothe dative is
obligatory for affected possessors in Germanrdquo and explains that a DEP in German
6
presents an action which happens to the possessor with respect to some body part
while an IP reports an event which happened to the body part (2002 208)
However it is not easy to define affectedness It is clear enough that the possessor
of an arm is affected when that arm is amputated but when we are talking about
rubbing someonersquos feet there is not likely to be a permanent change in the possessor
While the choice of a DEP rather than an IP may reflect the speakerwriterrsquos focus on
the effect the rubbing had on the person it is often impossible to prove a writerrsquos
attitude from a corpus study
Despite these problems it is a plausible working hypothesis that some sort of
affectedness would play an important role in the use of DEPs in early OE
Furthermore Vennemannrsquos (2002 212) remark about his impression of the rarity of
IPs in earlier OE refers specifically to affected possessors There is no disagreement
that IPs were used as a neutral possessive strategy in all stages in English and so
there is little point in recording the raw numbers of IPs and DEPS in early OE My
study was therefore designed to capture all DEPs but with IPs to collect only
examples where a DEP might reasonably be expected as a possibility as will be
explained in section 31
The current investigation was limited in several respects First it was restricted to
body parts and some secretions from the body such as blod ldquobloodrdquo Cross-
linguistically EPs are especially associated with inalienable possession and Payne amp
Barshi (1997) place body parts at the top of the hierarchy of accessibility of possessa
to external possession With this restriction we reduce the number of interacting
variables involved in trying to cover the six sub-types of sympathetic datives
distinguished by Haversrsquo (1911) pioneering work with the aim of arriving at a clear
picture of one type before moving on to further research with other types of possessa
7
A second restriction of the investigation concerns the (surface) grammatical
relation of the possessum Typologists have found that EP constructions are subject to
certain implicational hierarchies Haspelmathrsquos (1999 113-115) ldquoSyntactic Relations
Hierarchyrdquo states that universally direct objects are more favoured as the possessa of
EPs than intransitive subjects are with unaccusative subjects in a higher position on
the hierarchy than unergative ones An interesting question for the study of the loss of
DEPs in English is whether they disappeared according to this hierarchy A
complication here involves possessa which are the objects of prepositions
(3) ethonne hie him on ethaeligt nebb spaeligtton
when they himDAT in the face spat
lsquowhen they spat in his facersquo
(cocuraCP3626171700)
Examples like (3) are very common in OE but I excluded them from my main
investigation because it is clear that nominal phrases which are the objects of
prepositions differ from ldquobarerdquo nominal phrases in important respects5 For one thing
the constraints on the DEP were much less limited with prepositional object possessa
than they were with what I will call DIRECT ARGUMENTS namely nominative subjects
and accusative objects as will emerge from the discussion
This freer use of EPs of prepositional objects than with direct arguments is in line
with the finding by typologists that EPs are productive only with prepositional objects
in some languages According to Haspelmath (1999 113) the possessa which are
most likely to participate in EP constructions in Europe are in prepositional phrases
Languages which have EPs with body part objects of prepositions but not bare NPs
includes not only English (with its relics like stare X in the face look X in the eye)
and Dutch (Vandeweghe 1987) but also Norwegian Loslashdrup (2009) discusses a
8
construction in Norwegian found with ldquounergativerdquo verbs (intransitive verbs with
actor subjects)6
(4) Han traringkket henne paring foslashttene
he stepped her on feetDEF
lsquoHe stepped on her feetrsquo (Loslashdrup 2009 ex 13)
According to Loslashdrup the body part is always in a prepositional phrase The
prepositional constructions warrant a separate study and an important question for
future research on the loss of productive DEPs is whether they remained longest with
prepositional object possessa However the restriction of the systematic study to
direct arguments reduces the possible variables determining the use of IPs or EPs and
therefore gives us the clearest picture of a sub-system It also seems best in the first
systematic investigations to focus on the EP constructions which have not left a trace
in Present Day English namely where the body part plays the role of (surface) subject
or direct object
Neither Ahlgrenrsquos investigation of ldquonouns of possessionrdquo (ie inalienably
possessed nouns) in English nor Haversrsquo (1911) discussion of the sympathetic dative
systematically separates possessa which are prepositional objects from direct
arguments Their findings although extremely valuable therefore do not make some
distinctions which were important in OE grammar and obscure the patterns which
emerge from the more narrowly focused present investigation
The investigation thus covers only DEPs in which the body part is an accusative
object as in (2) or a nominative subject as in (5)
9
(5) thornaeligt him thornaeligt heafod wand foreth on etha flore
that himDAT the head went forth on the floor
lsquothat his head rolled onto the floorrsquo
Judith 111-12
I will use the abbreviations DEPDA ldquoDative External Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo
and IPDA ldquoInternal Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo for DEPs and IPs involving a
subject or object possessum The use of the category ldquosubjectrdquo here requires some
comment Some subjects such as the subjects of ldquounaccusativerdquo verbs are treated as
underlying objects in some frameworks One reason for using a ldquosurfaceyrdquo
classification of subjects defined by nominative case is that nominal phrases playing
these surface relations have particular distributional characteristics The typical
positioning of a subject early in the sentence may play a significant role in the
asymmetry in the relative frequency of DEPs with subjects and objects as discussed
below A further refinement of subjects into different types would in principle be
desirable in testing possible hypotheses about the decline of DEPs such as that they
declined following the Hierarchy of Grammatical Relations mentioned above but
examples are too few in number to make further subclassification illuminating
The definitions given above exclude ldquoimplicitrdquo possessors
(6) Hond up abraeligd Geata dryhten
Hand up raised Geatsrsquo lord
lsquothe lord of the Geats raised up his handrsquo
(cobeowul8025752108) (lines 2575-6)7
In this construction the subject is interpreted as the possessor of the body part8 It is
treated as a type of EP by some linguists eg Vergnaud and Zubizaretta (1992) but
excluded in definitions of EPs such as that of Koumlnig (2001 971) While the
10
connection between EPs and implicit possessor constructions is intriguing this
investigation with its focus on DEPs will not present systematic findings concerning
implicit possessors A thorough investigation of the loss of the DEP in ME should
also look into the temporal relationship of this change with the loss of implicit
possessors
The paper is organised as follows Section 2 looks at DEPDAs in Gothic as a
preliminary to establishing that early OE was already more restrictive in its use of this
construction than Common Germanic seems to have been Section 3 examines the
facts available about IPDAs and DEPDAs in early OE The methodology used is
explained in section 31 32 looks at OE poetry and in section 33 I examine early
OE prose looking at subjects in section 331 and objects in 332 and finishing with
an evaluation of possible Latin influence in 333 A preliminary evaluation of the
adequacy of the explanations which have been proposed for the loss of EPs in ME is
given in section 4 I summarise the main conclusions of this investigation and suggest
some avenues of further research in section 5
2 The affected IP not a Germanic construction
Some recent literature gives the impression that affected IPs were not a feature of
Common Germanic and were new to English at some stage Filppula (2008 30) refers
to the ldquoinnovative internal possessor typerdquo in OE while Vennemann (2002 208)
speaks of the DEP as ldquothe inherited constructionrdquo However Havers (1911 317)
concludes that the Indo-European language families generally showed an interchange
between the genitive and the dativus sympatheticus For example he shows (p 1) that
both constructions were used in Homeric Greek in what appear to be descriptions of
the same situation differing only in the attitude the writer is expressing towards the
event Haversrsquo discussion of the early Germanic languages shows that variation was
11
the normal state in all of them
Before turning to OE it is worthwhile to consider briefly the likely Common
Germanic situation A systematic comparison of all the earliest daughters of this
language is beyond the scope of this paper However I have carried out an
investigation of the gospels in Gothic the earliest Germanic language for which we
have extensive records to compare with the findings for early OE All other things
being equal it would be reasonable to assume that the syntax of Gothic reflects
Common Germanic syntax reasonably well
Of course all other things are not actually equal Our only extensive Gothic text is
a translation from Greek of the major part of the gospels and St Paulrsquos epistles Some
scholars have taken the view that little can be learned of Gothic syntax because it is
highly affected by the Greek exemplar However most recent scholarship on Gothic
syntax (eg Ferraresi 2005) has reached the conclusion that the Gothic text was no
slavish translation it is nothing like a word-for-word gloss Of most relevance here is
the fact that the Gothic treatment of possessed body parts frequently diverges from the
Greek It is therefore reasonable to expect that the Gothic translation can yield some
useful information on this area of syntax in the Common Germanic period
Examples (7) and (8) show that the Gothic does not blindly follow the Greek
original in the syntax of body parts In Biblical Greek the dative and genitive cases
had not yet undergone the syncretism found in Modern Greek and possessors of body
parts could appear in the genitive case or as possessive pronouns as well as in the
dative case In these examples the Gothic uses a DEP while the (presumed) Greek
original had a genitive9
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 6
6
presents an action which happens to the possessor with respect to some body part
while an IP reports an event which happened to the body part (2002 208)
However it is not easy to define affectedness It is clear enough that the possessor
of an arm is affected when that arm is amputated but when we are talking about
rubbing someonersquos feet there is not likely to be a permanent change in the possessor
While the choice of a DEP rather than an IP may reflect the speakerwriterrsquos focus on
the effect the rubbing had on the person it is often impossible to prove a writerrsquos
attitude from a corpus study
Despite these problems it is a plausible working hypothesis that some sort of
affectedness would play an important role in the use of DEPs in early OE
Furthermore Vennemannrsquos (2002 212) remark about his impression of the rarity of
IPs in earlier OE refers specifically to affected possessors There is no disagreement
that IPs were used as a neutral possessive strategy in all stages in English and so
there is little point in recording the raw numbers of IPs and DEPS in early OE My
study was therefore designed to capture all DEPs but with IPs to collect only
examples where a DEP might reasonably be expected as a possibility as will be
explained in section 31
The current investigation was limited in several respects First it was restricted to
body parts and some secretions from the body such as blod ldquobloodrdquo Cross-
linguistically EPs are especially associated with inalienable possession and Payne amp
Barshi (1997) place body parts at the top of the hierarchy of accessibility of possessa
to external possession With this restriction we reduce the number of interacting
variables involved in trying to cover the six sub-types of sympathetic datives
distinguished by Haversrsquo (1911) pioneering work with the aim of arriving at a clear
picture of one type before moving on to further research with other types of possessa
7
A second restriction of the investigation concerns the (surface) grammatical
relation of the possessum Typologists have found that EP constructions are subject to
certain implicational hierarchies Haspelmathrsquos (1999 113-115) ldquoSyntactic Relations
Hierarchyrdquo states that universally direct objects are more favoured as the possessa of
EPs than intransitive subjects are with unaccusative subjects in a higher position on
the hierarchy than unergative ones An interesting question for the study of the loss of
DEPs in English is whether they disappeared according to this hierarchy A
complication here involves possessa which are the objects of prepositions
(3) ethonne hie him on ethaeligt nebb spaeligtton
when they himDAT in the face spat
lsquowhen they spat in his facersquo
(cocuraCP3626171700)
Examples like (3) are very common in OE but I excluded them from my main
investigation because it is clear that nominal phrases which are the objects of
prepositions differ from ldquobarerdquo nominal phrases in important respects5 For one thing
the constraints on the DEP were much less limited with prepositional object possessa
than they were with what I will call DIRECT ARGUMENTS namely nominative subjects
and accusative objects as will emerge from the discussion
This freer use of EPs of prepositional objects than with direct arguments is in line
with the finding by typologists that EPs are productive only with prepositional objects
in some languages According to Haspelmath (1999 113) the possessa which are
most likely to participate in EP constructions in Europe are in prepositional phrases
Languages which have EPs with body part objects of prepositions but not bare NPs
includes not only English (with its relics like stare X in the face look X in the eye)
and Dutch (Vandeweghe 1987) but also Norwegian Loslashdrup (2009) discusses a
8
construction in Norwegian found with ldquounergativerdquo verbs (intransitive verbs with
actor subjects)6
(4) Han traringkket henne paring foslashttene
he stepped her on feetDEF
lsquoHe stepped on her feetrsquo (Loslashdrup 2009 ex 13)
According to Loslashdrup the body part is always in a prepositional phrase The
prepositional constructions warrant a separate study and an important question for
future research on the loss of productive DEPs is whether they remained longest with
prepositional object possessa However the restriction of the systematic study to
direct arguments reduces the possible variables determining the use of IPs or EPs and
therefore gives us the clearest picture of a sub-system It also seems best in the first
systematic investigations to focus on the EP constructions which have not left a trace
in Present Day English namely where the body part plays the role of (surface) subject
or direct object
Neither Ahlgrenrsquos investigation of ldquonouns of possessionrdquo (ie inalienably
possessed nouns) in English nor Haversrsquo (1911) discussion of the sympathetic dative
systematically separates possessa which are prepositional objects from direct
arguments Their findings although extremely valuable therefore do not make some
distinctions which were important in OE grammar and obscure the patterns which
emerge from the more narrowly focused present investigation
The investigation thus covers only DEPs in which the body part is an accusative
object as in (2) or a nominative subject as in (5)
9
(5) thornaeligt him thornaeligt heafod wand foreth on etha flore
that himDAT the head went forth on the floor
lsquothat his head rolled onto the floorrsquo
Judith 111-12
I will use the abbreviations DEPDA ldquoDative External Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo
and IPDA ldquoInternal Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo for DEPs and IPs involving a
subject or object possessum The use of the category ldquosubjectrdquo here requires some
comment Some subjects such as the subjects of ldquounaccusativerdquo verbs are treated as
underlying objects in some frameworks One reason for using a ldquosurfaceyrdquo
classification of subjects defined by nominative case is that nominal phrases playing
these surface relations have particular distributional characteristics The typical
positioning of a subject early in the sentence may play a significant role in the
asymmetry in the relative frequency of DEPs with subjects and objects as discussed
below A further refinement of subjects into different types would in principle be
desirable in testing possible hypotheses about the decline of DEPs such as that they
declined following the Hierarchy of Grammatical Relations mentioned above but
examples are too few in number to make further subclassification illuminating
The definitions given above exclude ldquoimplicitrdquo possessors
(6) Hond up abraeligd Geata dryhten
Hand up raised Geatsrsquo lord
lsquothe lord of the Geats raised up his handrsquo
(cobeowul8025752108) (lines 2575-6)7
In this construction the subject is interpreted as the possessor of the body part8 It is
treated as a type of EP by some linguists eg Vergnaud and Zubizaretta (1992) but
excluded in definitions of EPs such as that of Koumlnig (2001 971) While the
10
connection between EPs and implicit possessor constructions is intriguing this
investigation with its focus on DEPs will not present systematic findings concerning
implicit possessors A thorough investigation of the loss of the DEP in ME should
also look into the temporal relationship of this change with the loss of implicit
possessors
The paper is organised as follows Section 2 looks at DEPDAs in Gothic as a
preliminary to establishing that early OE was already more restrictive in its use of this
construction than Common Germanic seems to have been Section 3 examines the
facts available about IPDAs and DEPDAs in early OE The methodology used is
explained in section 31 32 looks at OE poetry and in section 33 I examine early
OE prose looking at subjects in section 331 and objects in 332 and finishing with
an evaluation of possible Latin influence in 333 A preliminary evaluation of the
adequacy of the explanations which have been proposed for the loss of EPs in ME is
given in section 4 I summarise the main conclusions of this investigation and suggest
some avenues of further research in section 5
2 The affected IP not a Germanic construction
Some recent literature gives the impression that affected IPs were not a feature of
Common Germanic and were new to English at some stage Filppula (2008 30) refers
to the ldquoinnovative internal possessor typerdquo in OE while Vennemann (2002 208)
speaks of the DEP as ldquothe inherited constructionrdquo However Havers (1911 317)
concludes that the Indo-European language families generally showed an interchange
between the genitive and the dativus sympatheticus For example he shows (p 1) that
both constructions were used in Homeric Greek in what appear to be descriptions of
the same situation differing only in the attitude the writer is expressing towards the
event Haversrsquo discussion of the early Germanic languages shows that variation was
11
the normal state in all of them
Before turning to OE it is worthwhile to consider briefly the likely Common
Germanic situation A systematic comparison of all the earliest daughters of this
language is beyond the scope of this paper However I have carried out an
investigation of the gospels in Gothic the earliest Germanic language for which we
have extensive records to compare with the findings for early OE All other things
being equal it would be reasonable to assume that the syntax of Gothic reflects
Common Germanic syntax reasonably well
Of course all other things are not actually equal Our only extensive Gothic text is
a translation from Greek of the major part of the gospels and St Paulrsquos epistles Some
scholars have taken the view that little can be learned of Gothic syntax because it is
highly affected by the Greek exemplar However most recent scholarship on Gothic
syntax (eg Ferraresi 2005) has reached the conclusion that the Gothic text was no
slavish translation it is nothing like a word-for-word gloss Of most relevance here is
the fact that the Gothic treatment of possessed body parts frequently diverges from the
Greek It is therefore reasonable to expect that the Gothic translation can yield some
useful information on this area of syntax in the Common Germanic period
Examples (7) and (8) show that the Gothic does not blindly follow the Greek
original in the syntax of body parts In Biblical Greek the dative and genitive cases
had not yet undergone the syncretism found in Modern Greek and possessors of body
parts could appear in the genitive case or as possessive pronouns as well as in the
dative case In these examples the Gothic uses a DEP while the (presumed) Greek
original had a genitive9
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 7
7
A second restriction of the investigation concerns the (surface) grammatical
relation of the possessum Typologists have found that EP constructions are subject to
certain implicational hierarchies Haspelmathrsquos (1999 113-115) ldquoSyntactic Relations
Hierarchyrdquo states that universally direct objects are more favoured as the possessa of
EPs than intransitive subjects are with unaccusative subjects in a higher position on
the hierarchy than unergative ones An interesting question for the study of the loss of
DEPs in English is whether they disappeared according to this hierarchy A
complication here involves possessa which are the objects of prepositions
(3) ethonne hie him on ethaeligt nebb spaeligtton
when they himDAT in the face spat
lsquowhen they spat in his facersquo
(cocuraCP3626171700)
Examples like (3) are very common in OE but I excluded them from my main
investigation because it is clear that nominal phrases which are the objects of
prepositions differ from ldquobarerdquo nominal phrases in important respects5 For one thing
the constraints on the DEP were much less limited with prepositional object possessa
than they were with what I will call DIRECT ARGUMENTS namely nominative subjects
and accusative objects as will emerge from the discussion
This freer use of EPs of prepositional objects than with direct arguments is in line
with the finding by typologists that EPs are productive only with prepositional objects
in some languages According to Haspelmath (1999 113) the possessa which are
most likely to participate in EP constructions in Europe are in prepositional phrases
Languages which have EPs with body part objects of prepositions but not bare NPs
includes not only English (with its relics like stare X in the face look X in the eye)
and Dutch (Vandeweghe 1987) but also Norwegian Loslashdrup (2009) discusses a
8
construction in Norwegian found with ldquounergativerdquo verbs (intransitive verbs with
actor subjects)6
(4) Han traringkket henne paring foslashttene
he stepped her on feetDEF
lsquoHe stepped on her feetrsquo (Loslashdrup 2009 ex 13)
According to Loslashdrup the body part is always in a prepositional phrase The
prepositional constructions warrant a separate study and an important question for
future research on the loss of productive DEPs is whether they remained longest with
prepositional object possessa However the restriction of the systematic study to
direct arguments reduces the possible variables determining the use of IPs or EPs and
therefore gives us the clearest picture of a sub-system It also seems best in the first
systematic investigations to focus on the EP constructions which have not left a trace
in Present Day English namely where the body part plays the role of (surface) subject
or direct object
Neither Ahlgrenrsquos investigation of ldquonouns of possessionrdquo (ie inalienably
possessed nouns) in English nor Haversrsquo (1911) discussion of the sympathetic dative
systematically separates possessa which are prepositional objects from direct
arguments Their findings although extremely valuable therefore do not make some
distinctions which were important in OE grammar and obscure the patterns which
emerge from the more narrowly focused present investigation
The investigation thus covers only DEPs in which the body part is an accusative
object as in (2) or a nominative subject as in (5)
9
(5) thornaeligt him thornaeligt heafod wand foreth on etha flore
that himDAT the head went forth on the floor
lsquothat his head rolled onto the floorrsquo
Judith 111-12
I will use the abbreviations DEPDA ldquoDative External Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo
and IPDA ldquoInternal Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo for DEPs and IPs involving a
subject or object possessum The use of the category ldquosubjectrdquo here requires some
comment Some subjects such as the subjects of ldquounaccusativerdquo verbs are treated as
underlying objects in some frameworks One reason for using a ldquosurfaceyrdquo
classification of subjects defined by nominative case is that nominal phrases playing
these surface relations have particular distributional characteristics The typical
positioning of a subject early in the sentence may play a significant role in the
asymmetry in the relative frequency of DEPs with subjects and objects as discussed
below A further refinement of subjects into different types would in principle be
desirable in testing possible hypotheses about the decline of DEPs such as that they
declined following the Hierarchy of Grammatical Relations mentioned above but
examples are too few in number to make further subclassification illuminating
The definitions given above exclude ldquoimplicitrdquo possessors
(6) Hond up abraeligd Geata dryhten
Hand up raised Geatsrsquo lord
lsquothe lord of the Geats raised up his handrsquo
(cobeowul8025752108) (lines 2575-6)7
In this construction the subject is interpreted as the possessor of the body part8 It is
treated as a type of EP by some linguists eg Vergnaud and Zubizaretta (1992) but
excluded in definitions of EPs such as that of Koumlnig (2001 971) While the
10
connection between EPs and implicit possessor constructions is intriguing this
investigation with its focus on DEPs will not present systematic findings concerning
implicit possessors A thorough investigation of the loss of the DEP in ME should
also look into the temporal relationship of this change with the loss of implicit
possessors
The paper is organised as follows Section 2 looks at DEPDAs in Gothic as a
preliminary to establishing that early OE was already more restrictive in its use of this
construction than Common Germanic seems to have been Section 3 examines the
facts available about IPDAs and DEPDAs in early OE The methodology used is
explained in section 31 32 looks at OE poetry and in section 33 I examine early
OE prose looking at subjects in section 331 and objects in 332 and finishing with
an evaluation of possible Latin influence in 333 A preliminary evaluation of the
adequacy of the explanations which have been proposed for the loss of EPs in ME is
given in section 4 I summarise the main conclusions of this investigation and suggest
some avenues of further research in section 5
2 The affected IP not a Germanic construction
Some recent literature gives the impression that affected IPs were not a feature of
Common Germanic and were new to English at some stage Filppula (2008 30) refers
to the ldquoinnovative internal possessor typerdquo in OE while Vennemann (2002 208)
speaks of the DEP as ldquothe inherited constructionrdquo However Havers (1911 317)
concludes that the Indo-European language families generally showed an interchange
between the genitive and the dativus sympatheticus For example he shows (p 1) that
both constructions were used in Homeric Greek in what appear to be descriptions of
the same situation differing only in the attitude the writer is expressing towards the
event Haversrsquo discussion of the early Germanic languages shows that variation was
11
the normal state in all of them
Before turning to OE it is worthwhile to consider briefly the likely Common
Germanic situation A systematic comparison of all the earliest daughters of this
language is beyond the scope of this paper However I have carried out an
investigation of the gospels in Gothic the earliest Germanic language for which we
have extensive records to compare with the findings for early OE All other things
being equal it would be reasonable to assume that the syntax of Gothic reflects
Common Germanic syntax reasonably well
Of course all other things are not actually equal Our only extensive Gothic text is
a translation from Greek of the major part of the gospels and St Paulrsquos epistles Some
scholars have taken the view that little can be learned of Gothic syntax because it is
highly affected by the Greek exemplar However most recent scholarship on Gothic
syntax (eg Ferraresi 2005) has reached the conclusion that the Gothic text was no
slavish translation it is nothing like a word-for-word gloss Of most relevance here is
the fact that the Gothic treatment of possessed body parts frequently diverges from the
Greek It is therefore reasonable to expect that the Gothic translation can yield some
useful information on this area of syntax in the Common Germanic period
Examples (7) and (8) show that the Gothic does not blindly follow the Greek
original in the syntax of body parts In Biblical Greek the dative and genitive cases
had not yet undergone the syncretism found in Modern Greek and possessors of body
parts could appear in the genitive case or as possessive pronouns as well as in the
dative case In these examples the Gothic uses a DEP while the (presumed) Greek
original had a genitive9
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 8
8
construction in Norwegian found with ldquounergativerdquo verbs (intransitive verbs with
actor subjects)6
(4) Han traringkket henne paring foslashttene
he stepped her on feetDEF
lsquoHe stepped on her feetrsquo (Loslashdrup 2009 ex 13)
According to Loslashdrup the body part is always in a prepositional phrase The
prepositional constructions warrant a separate study and an important question for
future research on the loss of productive DEPs is whether they remained longest with
prepositional object possessa However the restriction of the systematic study to
direct arguments reduces the possible variables determining the use of IPs or EPs and
therefore gives us the clearest picture of a sub-system It also seems best in the first
systematic investigations to focus on the EP constructions which have not left a trace
in Present Day English namely where the body part plays the role of (surface) subject
or direct object
Neither Ahlgrenrsquos investigation of ldquonouns of possessionrdquo (ie inalienably
possessed nouns) in English nor Haversrsquo (1911) discussion of the sympathetic dative
systematically separates possessa which are prepositional objects from direct
arguments Their findings although extremely valuable therefore do not make some
distinctions which were important in OE grammar and obscure the patterns which
emerge from the more narrowly focused present investigation
The investigation thus covers only DEPs in which the body part is an accusative
object as in (2) or a nominative subject as in (5)
9
(5) thornaeligt him thornaeligt heafod wand foreth on etha flore
that himDAT the head went forth on the floor
lsquothat his head rolled onto the floorrsquo
Judith 111-12
I will use the abbreviations DEPDA ldquoDative External Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo
and IPDA ldquoInternal Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo for DEPs and IPs involving a
subject or object possessum The use of the category ldquosubjectrdquo here requires some
comment Some subjects such as the subjects of ldquounaccusativerdquo verbs are treated as
underlying objects in some frameworks One reason for using a ldquosurfaceyrdquo
classification of subjects defined by nominative case is that nominal phrases playing
these surface relations have particular distributional characteristics The typical
positioning of a subject early in the sentence may play a significant role in the
asymmetry in the relative frequency of DEPs with subjects and objects as discussed
below A further refinement of subjects into different types would in principle be
desirable in testing possible hypotheses about the decline of DEPs such as that they
declined following the Hierarchy of Grammatical Relations mentioned above but
examples are too few in number to make further subclassification illuminating
The definitions given above exclude ldquoimplicitrdquo possessors
(6) Hond up abraeligd Geata dryhten
Hand up raised Geatsrsquo lord
lsquothe lord of the Geats raised up his handrsquo
(cobeowul8025752108) (lines 2575-6)7
In this construction the subject is interpreted as the possessor of the body part8 It is
treated as a type of EP by some linguists eg Vergnaud and Zubizaretta (1992) but
excluded in definitions of EPs such as that of Koumlnig (2001 971) While the
10
connection between EPs and implicit possessor constructions is intriguing this
investigation with its focus on DEPs will not present systematic findings concerning
implicit possessors A thorough investigation of the loss of the DEP in ME should
also look into the temporal relationship of this change with the loss of implicit
possessors
The paper is organised as follows Section 2 looks at DEPDAs in Gothic as a
preliminary to establishing that early OE was already more restrictive in its use of this
construction than Common Germanic seems to have been Section 3 examines the
facts available about IPDAs and DEPDAs in early OE The methodology used is
explained in section 31 32 looks at OE poetry and in section 33 I examine early
OE prose looking at subjects in section 331 and objects in 332 and finishing with
an evaluation of possible Latin influence in 333 A preliminary evaluation of the
adequacy of the explanations which have been proposed for the loss of EPs in ME is
given in section 4 I summarise the main conclusions of this investigation and suggest
some avenues of further research in section 5
2 The affected IP not a Germanic construction
Some recent literature gives the impression that affected IPs were not a feature of
Common Germanic and were new to English at some stage Filppula (2008 30) refers
to the ldquoinnovative internal possessor typerdquo in OE while Vennemann (2002 208)
speaks of the DEP as ldquothe inherited constructionrdquo However Havers (1911 317)
concludes that the Indo-European language families generally showed an interchange
between the genitive and the dativus sympatheticus For example he shows (p 1) that
both constructions were used in Homeric Greek in what appear to be descriptions of
the same situation differing only in the attitude the writer is expressing towards the
event Haversrsquo discussion of the early Germanic languages shows that variation was
11
the normal state in all of them
Before turning to OE it is worthwhile to consider briefly the likely Common
Germanic situation A systematic comparison of all the earliest daughters of this
language is beyond the scope of this paper However I have carried out an
investigation of the gospels in Gothic the earliest Germanic language for which we
have extensive records to compare with the findings for early OE All other things
being equal it would be reasonable to assume that the syntax of Gothic reflects
Common Germanic syntax reasonably well
Of course all other things are not actually equal Our only extensive Gothic text is
a translation from Greek of the major part of the gospels and St Paulrsquos epistles Some
scholars have taken the view that little can be learned of Gothic syntax because it is
highly affected by the Greek exemplar However most recent scholarship on Gothic
syntax (eg Ferraresi 2005) has reached the conclusion that the Gothic text was no
slavish translation it is nothing like a word-for-word gloss Of most relevance here is
the fact that the Gothic treatment of possessed body parts frequently diverges from the
Greek It is therefore reasonable to expect that the Gothic translation can yield some
useful information on this area of syntax in the Common Germanic period
Examples (7) and (8) show that the Gothic does not blindly follow the Greek
original in the syntax of body parts In Biblical Greek the dative and genitive cases
had not yet undergone the syncretism found in Modern Greek and possessors of body
parts could appear in the genitive case or as possessive pronouns as well as in the
dative case In these examples the Gothic uses a DEP while the (presumed) Greek
original had a genitive9
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 9
9
(5) thornaeligt him thornaeligt heafod wand foreth on etha flore
that himDAT the head went forth on the floor
lsquothat his head rolled onto the floorrsquo
Judith 111-12
I will use the abbreviations DEPDA ldquoDative External Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo
and IPDA ldquoInternal Possessor of Direct Argumentrdquo for DEPs and IPs involving a
subject or object possessum The use of the category ldquosubjectrdquo here requires some
comment Some subjects such as the subjects of ldquounaccusativerdquo verbs are treated as
underlying objects in some frameworks One reason for using a ldquosurfaceyrdquo
classification of subjects defined by nominative case is that nominal phrases playing
these surface relations have particular distributional characteristics The typical
positioning of a subject early in the sentence may play a significant role in the
asymmetry in the relative frequency of DEPs with subjects and objects as discussed
below A further refinement of subjects into different types would in principle be
desirable in testing possible hypotheses about the decline of DEPs such as that they
declined following the Hierarchy of Grammatical Relations mentioned above but
examples are too few in number to make further subclassification illuminating
The definitions given above exclude ldquoimplicitrdquo possessors
(6) Hond up abraeligd Geata dryhten
Hand up raised Geatsrsquo lord
lsquothe lord of the Geats raised up his handrsquo
(cobeowul8025752108) (lines 2575-6)7
In this construction the subject is interpreted as the possessor of the body part8 It is
treated as a type of EP by some linguists eg Vergnaud and Zubizaretta (1992) but
excluded in definitions of EPs such as that of Koumlnig (2001 971) While the
10
connection between EPs and implicit possessor constructions is intriguing this
investigation with its focus on DEPs will not present systematic findings concerning
implicit possessors A thorough investigation of the loss of the DEP in ME should
also look into the temporal relationship of this change with the loss of implicit
possessors
The paper is organised as follows Section 2 looks at DEPDAs in Gothic as a
preliminary to establishing that early OE was already more restrictive in its use of this
construction than Common Germanic seems to have been Section 3 examines the
facts available about IPDAs and DEPDAs in early OE The methodology used is
explained in section 31 32 looks at OE poetry and in section 33 I examine early
OE prose looking at subjects in section 331 and objects in 332 and finishing with
an evaluation of possible Latin influence in 333 A preliminary evaluation of the
adequacy of the explanations which have been proposed for the loss of EPs in ME is
given in section 4 I summarise the main conclusions of this investigation and suggest
some avenues of further research in section 5
2 The affected IP not a Germanic construction
Some recent literature gives the impression that affected IPs were not a feature of
Common Germanic and were new to English at some stage Filppula (2008 30) refers
to the ldquoinnovative internal possessor typerdquo in OE while Vennemann (2002 208)
speaks of the DEP as ldquothe inherited constructionrdquo However Havers (1911 317)
concludes that the Indo-European language families generally showed an interchange
between the genitive and the dativus sympatheticus For example he shows (p 1) that
both constructions were used in Homeric Greek in what appear to be descriptions of
the same situation differing only in the attitude the writer is expressing towards the
event Haversrsquo discussion of the early Germanic languages shows that variation was
11
the normal state in all of them
Before turning to OE it is worthwhile to consider briefly the likely Common
Germanic situation A systematic comparison of all the earliest daughters of this
language is beyond the scope of this paper However I have carried out an
investigation of the gospels in Gothic the earliest Germanic language for which we
have extensive records to compare with the findings for early OE All other things
being equal it would be reasonable to assume that the syntax of Gothic reflects
Common Germanic syntax reasonably well
Of course all other things are not actually equal Our only extensive Gothic text is
a translation from Greek of the major part of the gospels and St Paulrsquos epistles Some
scholars have taken the view that little can be learned of Gothic syntax because it is
highly affected by the Greek exemplar However most recent scholarship on Gothic
syntax (eg Ferraresi 2005) has reached the conclusion that the Gothic text was no
slavish translation it is nothing like a word-for-word gloss Of most relevance here is
the fact that the Gothic treatment of possessed body parts frequently diverges from the
Greek It is therefore reasonable to expect that the Gothic translation can yield some
useful information on this area of syntax in the Common Germanic period
Examples (7) and (8) show that the Gothic does not blindly follow the Greek
original in the syntax of body parts In Biblical Greek the dative and genitive cases
had not yet undergone the syncretism found in Modern Greek and possessors of body
parts could appear in the genitive case or as possessive pronouns as well as in the
dative case In these examples the Gothic uses a DEP while the (presumed) Greek
original had a genitive9
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 10
10
connection between EPs and implicit possessor constructions is intriguing this
investigation with its focus on DEPs will not present systematic findings concerning
implicit possessors A thorough investigation of the loss of the DEP in ME should
also look into the temporal relationship of this change with the loss of implicit
possessors
The paper is organised as follows Section 2 looks at DEPDAs in Gothic as a
preliminary to establishing that early OE was already more restrictive in its use of this
construction than Common Germanic seems to have been Section 3 examines the
facts available about IPDAs and DEPDAs in early OE The methodology used is
explained in section 31 32 looks at OE poetry and in section 33 I examine early
OE prose looking at subjects in section 331 and objects in 332 and finishing with
an evaluation of possible Latin influence in 333 A preliminary evaluation of the
adequacy of the explanations which have been proposed for the loss of EPs in ME is
given in section 4 I summarise the main conclusions of this investigation and suggest
some avenues of further research in section 5
2 The affected IP not a Germanic construction
Some recent literature gives the impression that affected IPs were not a feature of
Common Germanic and were new to English at some stage Filppula (2008 30) refers
to the ldquoinnovative internal possessor typerdquo in OE while Vennemann (2002 208)
speaks of the DEP as ldquothe inherited constructionrdquo However Havers (1911 317)
concludes that the Indo-European language families generally showed an interchange
between the genitive and the dativus sympatheticus For example he shows (p 1) that
both constructions were used in Homeric Greek in what appear to be descriptions of
the same situation differing only in the attitude the writer is expressing towards the
event Haversrsquo discussion of the early Germanic languages shows that variation was
11
the normal state in all of them
Before turning to OE it is worthwhile to consider briefly the likely Common
Germanic situation A systematic comparison of all the earliest daughters of this
language is beyond the scope of this paper However I have carried out an
investigation of the gospels in Gothic the earliest Germanic language for which we
have extensive records to compare with the findings for early OE All other things
being equal it would be reasonable to assume that the syntax of Gothic reflects
Common Germanic syntax reasonably well
Of course all other things are not actually equal Our only extensive Gothic text is
a translation from Greek of the major part of the gospels and St Paulrsquos epistles Some
scholars have taken the view that little can be learned of Gothic syntax because it is
highly affected by the Greek exemplar However most recent scholarship on Gothic
syntax (eg Ferraresi 2005) has reached the conclusion that the Gothic text was no
slavish translation it is nothing like a word-for-word gloss Of most relevance here is
the fact that the Gothic treatment of possessed body parts frequently diverges from the
Greek It is therefore reasonable to expect that the Gothic translation can yield some
useful information on this area of syntax in the Common Germanic period
Examples (7) and (8) show that the Gothic does not blindly follow the Greek
original in the syntax of body parts In Biblical Greek the dative and genitive cases
had not yet undergone the syncretism found in Modern Greek and possessors of body
parts could appear in the genitive case or as possessive pronouns as well as in the
dative case In these examples the Gothic uses a DEP while the (presumed) Greek
original had a genitive9
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 11
11
the normal state in all of them
Before turning to OE it is worthwhile to consider briefly the likely Common
Germanic situation A systematic comparison of all the earliest daughters of this
language is beyond the scope of this paper However I have carried out an
investigation of the gospels in Gothic the earliest Germanic language for which we
have extensive records to compare with the findings for early OE All other things
being equal it would be reasonable to assume that the syntax of Gothic reflects
Common Germanic syntax reasonably well
Of course all other things are not actually equal Our only extensive Gothic text is
a translation from Greek of the major part of the gospels and St Paulrsquos epistles Some
scholars have taken the view that little can be learned of Gothic syntax because it is
highly affected by the Greek exemplar However most recent scholarship on Gothic
syntax (eg Ferraresi 2005) has reached the conclusion that the Gothic text was no
slavish translation it is nothing like a word-for-word gloss Of most relevance here is
the fact that the Gothic treatment of possessed body parts frequently diverges from the
Greek It is therefore reasonable to expect that the Gothic translation can yield some
useful information on this area of syntax in the Common Germanic period
Examples (7) and (8) show that the Gothic does not blindly follow the Greek
original in the syntax of body parts In Biblical Greek the dative and genitive cases
had not yet undergone the syncretism found in Modern Greek and possessors of body
parts could appear in the genitive case or as possessive pronouns as well as in the
dative case In these examples the Gothic uses a DEP while the (presumed) Greek
original had a genitive9
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 12
12
(7) sa izei uslauk augona thornamma
thatMASCNOMSG who MASCNOMSG opened eyes theMASCDATSG
blindin
blindMASCDATSG
lsquohe who opened the blind manrsquos eyesrsquo
Gk οὗτος ὁ ἀνοίξας τοὺς ὀφθαλmicroοὺς τοῦ τυφλοῦ
this the having-opened theACCPL eyes ACCPL theGEN blindGEN
John 1137
(8) ithorn Seimon Paitrus hellip afmaimait imma auso taihswo
Then Simon Peter severed pro3SGDAT earACC right
lsquoThen Simon Peterhellipcut off his right earrsquo
Gk καὶ ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον τὸ δεξιόν
and cut-off pro3SGGEN the ear the right
John 1810
Harbert (2007 166) notes that the DEP is not used in Gothic (or early Germanic
languages generally) ldquoin cases when only the meronym not the holonym is affected
by the actionrdquo That is when the body part (the meronym) has been affected but this
does not affect the possessor (the holonym) an IP is the only construction which is
found as in ushafjands augona seina ldquoraising eyes hisrdquo at Luke 620
While Harbert only indicates that the DEP is not found when there is no effect on
the holonym it would be easy to jump to the conclusion that this means that the IP
was not used in Gothic with affected possessors In fact however sentences with a
highly affected IP are not rare
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 13
13
(9) usluknoda thornan munthorns is suns
opened then mouthNOMSG his immediately
lsquohis mouth was unlocked immediatelyrsquo
Luke 164
Example (9) contrasts with (7) where a dative is used for a similar beneficial effect
on the possessor The Gothic of (9) is like the Greek in using an IP but as has been
established by examples like (7) and (8) the Gothic translator was not unwilling to
depart from the Greek in its treatment of the possessors of body parts It seems that an
IP was an acceptable alternative in Gothic to a DEP even when the holonym was
substantially affected
This does not mean that the translation was not affected in any way by the syntax
of the original Havers (1911 257-267) notes that the prenominal or postnominal
position of a genitive in the Greek seems to affect the choice of an IP or DEP with
the postnominal genitive usually remaining genitive in the Gothic So it is entirely
possible that Greek influence resulted in more IPs than would have been natural in
Gothic The important point however is that both IPs and DEPs were grammatical
since the Gothic did not always follow the Greek in the use of an IP
We cannot be certain of exactly what the situation was in Common Germanic but
it seems reasonable to conclude that while only IPDAs were used for unaffected
possessors IPDAs and DEPDAs were both possible with possessors who were
affected either adversely or beneficially We find variation not only in Gothic but
also in other early Germanic languages Havers (1911 295) notes (p 295) the
variation between IP and DEP in the same line of the Old Saxon Heliand
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 14
14
(10) thar uuerethat miacutena hendi gebundana faethmos uuerethat mi
there become my hands bound arms become pro1SGDAT
thar gefastnod
there fastened
lsquomy hands will be bound there my arms will be fetteredrsquo
Heliand 3526-7 (cited from Behaghel 1958 authorrsquos translation)
With this background we can turn to the investigation of early OE
3 Early Old English
31 Methodology
For this investigation I relied primarily on CorpusSearch queries applied to selected
texts of the York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of OE (Taylor Warner Pintzuk amp Beths
2003 henceforth YCOE) and Pintzuk amp Plugrsquos (2001) York Poetry Corpus I
supplemented the York Poetry Corpus with my own examination of Judith (Griffith
1997 edition) Andreas (Krapp 1932 3-51) and Genesis (Krapp 1931 1-87)
For the electronic searches I compiled a list of (variant forms of) more than 80
words for body parts consulting the Thesaurus of Old English (Roberts et al 2000)
and running lexicon searches on the texts in YCOE10 My corpus searches fell into
two basic types those for IPs and those for DEPs The DEP searches were
straightforward the search queries looked for body parts coded either as subjects or
objects combined with an element in the dative case11 After a culling of examples in
which the dative could not be interpreted as the possessor of the body part these
searches yielded all examples of DEPDAs
Searching appropriately for IPs was more complicated An initial investigation that
collected examples of direct argument body parts showed that whenever a text
contained a significant number of examples of body parts playing the role of direct
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 15
15
arguments the number of IPs was very large compared with DEPs For example I
found 72 examples of IPs with body part objects in my Early West Saxon (EWS)
texts compared with only 14 examples of DEPs with such objects These raw
numbers are not very illuminating since it is well known that the use of EPs in
languages which have them is always subject to limitations not imposed on IPs If we
want to assess the extent of the competition between IPs and DEPs we can expect to
learn the most from a comparison of examples of the two types in contexts where the
more limited construction (the DEP) is found It is a reasonable hypothesis that DEPs
would only be found when an effect on the possessor was being conveyed My initial
search for DEPs confirmed that these were nearly completely restricted to verbs than
could be expected to report an adverse effect such as stingan ldquoto stabrdquo Vennemann
(2002) and others have furthermore assumed that an IP would at best be unusual in
such situations In order to test this assumption I compiled a list of ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo
for use in my searches for IPDAs which made it possible to compare variation
between DEPDAs and IPDAs with these verbs
I also wanted to see what verbs the DEPDAs were found with and to see whether
DEPDAs were favored over IPDAs with these verbs For this I compiled a list of
ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs that is verbs found in the corpus with IPDAs of body
parts A decision had to be made here about verbs which meant ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo
The semantic range of these verbs is so great and the number of examples that would
contain them so large that including them in this list would render the results of little
use for purposes of comparison Therefore I excluded these verbs from my list
However the inclusion of participles occurring with DEPs of subjects ensured that
most examples of DEPDAs with these verbs were in fact captured by the list The few
examples of DEPDAs not captured by either list were of course collected in my
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 16
16
original searches for DEPDAs and are discussed individually below
To summarize the searches for subject and object body parts in sentences which
also contained a dative collected all examples of DEPDAs The searches for IPDAs
and DEPDAs with ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs gave a picture of variation with such verbs and
the searches for IPDAs using the ldquoexternal possessorrdquo verbs gave a way of examining
the use of IPDAs with verbs that also appeared with DEPDAs Combined with the
examination of the ldquobebecomerdquo sentences it also gave a way of confirming that the
external possessor verbs were very nearly a proper subset of the affecting verbs
32 The evidence from the poetry
The bulk of OE poetry is found in four manuscripts dating from around 1000 in the
late OE period12 Although it is often assumed that some of these poems are of early
composition the confidence which scholars once had in being able to distinguish
early from late poetry no longer exists as discussed by Fulk Cain and Anderson
(2003) Despite this uncertainty it is reasonable to assume that at least some of the
linguistic conventions of poetry represent older features of the language In particular
despite the lack of a consensus on the early composition of Beowulf there is no doubt
that this poem has linguistic features which make it unusual such as the low
frequency of definite determiners13 I will therefore consider the evidence available
from the poetry before turning to the early prose and will discuss the situation in
Beowulf before looking at the other poetry
Havers (1911 274) comments that the sympathetic dative is represented with a
large number of examples in Beowulf and Ahlgren (1946 sect129) states that ldquoin
Beowulf constructions with the Dativus Sympatheticus are far more numerous than
such with the poss adjrdquo However as Mitchell observes (1985 sect306) the ldquonoun of
possessionrdquo is most often governed by a preposition in OE DEPs are very common
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 17
17
with prepositional phrases in Beowulf and in other poetry With the direct arguments
though we find only a small number of examples in which the body part is a direct
argument of the verb and the possessor is expressed either as a dative or a
genitivepossessive More commonly the possessor is implicit as in (6) above
I have found only one clear example of a DEP with an accusative body part object
in Beowulf14
(11) ac him hildegrap heortan wylmas banhus gebraeligc
but himDAT hostilegrip heartrsquos beats body crushed
lsquobut (my) hostile grip crushed his body the beating of his heartrsquo
(cobeowul7825012045) (lines 2507-8)
With body part subjects the situation is more complicated I found three examples
which might be construed as DEPs15
(12) a hwaeligthornre him sio swiethre swaethe weardade hand on Hiorte
however himDAT the right trackACC guarded hand in Heorot
lsquohowever his right hand remained behind (lit ldquoguarded the trackrdquo in Heorotrsquo
(cobeowul6520961708) (lines 2098-9)
b thornaeligr unc hwile waeligs hand gemaeligne
there usDAT while was hand together
lsquothere we had hand-together for a whilersquo
(cobeowul6621351741) (line 2137)
c hyre syethethan waeligs aeligfter beahethege breost geweorethod
herDATGEN later was after ring-giving breast adorned
lsquoher breast was adorned after the ring-givingrsquo
(cobeowul6721721775) (lines 2175-6)
(12a) is the clearest example of a DEPs of a subject body part (12b) is probably to be
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 18
18
discarded as an example of this construction The note on this line in Mitchell amp
Robinsonrsquos (1999) edition suggests the translation ldquothere for a while it was hand to
hand for the two of usrdquo Hand gemaeligne is probably best treated as a sort of compound
with the dative as belonging to one of the various types of ldquofreerdquo datives found in OE
which expressed involvement in the action but not possession16 In (12c) we have the
form hyre which was ambiguously dative or genitive in OE An interpretation that
this is a possessive pronoun which was separated from its possessor is possible given
the freedom to separate elements of the nominal phrase in OE especially in poetry
However editors of Beowulf usually treat this form as dative in this line if they
comment on it at all and so it seems best to treat this as a DEP in which the possessor
of the body part can be seen as beneficially affected
It can also be noted that there are examples in which an EP of a body part object of
preposition is juxtaposed with what I have treated as implicit possessors as in him on
eaxle weareth syndolh sweotol seonowe onsprongun burston banlocan ldquoa lasting
wound was clear on his shoulder (lit ldquohim on shoulderrdquo) sinews sprang apart joints
burstrdquo at lines 816-19 This interpretation is in accordance with the parsing of the
York Poetry Corpus but an alternative interpretation of the dative him as applying to
the bare NP subjects seonowe and banlocan is certainly possible which would
increase the number of DEPDAs
There are not enough examples of direct argument body parts with expressed
possessors in Beowulf to draw many conclusions However given the small number
of examples of expressed possessors of direct arguments in Beowulf the existence of
even one example of a highly affected IPDA is significant17
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 19
19
(13) ac sio hand gebarn modiges mannes
but the hand burned braveGEN manGEN
lsquoBut the hand of the brave man burned (ie was burnt)rsquo
Beowulf ll2697-8
It is also of interest to note that the one clear example of a beneficially affected
possessor uses an IP rather than a DEP18
(14) beaduscruda betst thornaeligt mine breost wereeth
battle-garment best which myACC breast protects
lsquothe best battle-garment which protects my breastrsquo
(cobeowul16452376) (line 253)
These examples are important in showing that the use of IPs with affected possessors
was not a late development as has sometimes been assumed
The remaining poetry fleshes out the meagre findings for Beowulf I found only
seven examples of DEPs of direct object body parts In each case the effect on the
possessor is negative usually drastically
(15) thornaeligt heo healfne forcearf thornone sweoran him
that she halfACC cut theACC neck himDAT
lsquothat she cut his neck half way throughrsquo
Judith 105-6
I found six examples of IPs with possessors of body part objects including the
examples in (16)
(16)a thorne thornaeligt wif feoeth and thornin heafod tredeeth
thee the woman hates and thy head treads
lsquothe woman will hate you will tread on your headrsquo
Genesis A 912
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 20
20
b ond ic sumra fet forbraeligc bealosearwum
and I someGENPL feet destroyed snaresDAT
lsquoand I destroyed the feet of some with snaresrsquo
(cocynew1264681356)
The example from Genesis A and another in lines 2491-2 of that poem are of
particular interest because of the traditional assumption that the religious poems of the
Junius manuscript are early (but see discussion above)
With subject body parts I found six examples of DEPs In one example the DEP
does not convey any effect on the possessor but is merely part of a description
(17) Is him thornaeligt heafod hindan grene
Is himDAT the head behind green
lsquothe back of his head is greenrsquo
(cophoeni102293197)
This example is very similar to a sentence presented in Bolkestein (2001) in his
analysis of dative possessors as experiencers in Latin
(18) rostra his et praelonga crura rubent
beaks 3PLDAT and long legs arered
lsquoTheir beaks and long leg are redrsquo
(Plin NH 10129 as cited as Bolkestein 2001 ex 22)
Bolkestein comments that he would have expected a genitive rather than a dative in
this sentence but does not attempt an explanation Examples in which the possessor of
a subject body part is not affected as in (17) are so infrequent that it is difficult to
know what to make of them but it is worth noting that Haspelmath (1999 113) places
stative verbs at the bottom of the hierarchy of types of situations where DEPs are
found It is also of interest to note that if we had expanded the words for inalienable
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 21
21
possessa to included words meaning ldquomind spiritrdquo etc we would have found several
examples of a DEP in the poetry as in him waeligs leoht sefa ldquohis heartmind was joyfulrdquo
(lit ldquohim was light mindrdquo) at Andreas 1255 With these ldquomindrdquo word examples
positive as well as negative states of mind appear with a dative What is most
important here is not how to analyse such uses with states and changes of state but to
note that a preliminary search with ldquomindrdquo words on prose texts (both earlier and
later) suggests that no clear examples of this sort are to be found in the prose
indicating a decline of the dative in the period when it was still a highly functional
case
With my remaining five externally possessed body part subjects the possessor is
negatively affected by an action as in (5) and (19)
(19) Sint me leoethu tolocen
Are meDAT limbs dislocated
lsquomy limbs are dislocatedrsquo
Andreas 1404
IPs are also found in some instances in which the possessor is clearly affected
(20) Calde gethornrungen waeligron mine fet
coldINST pinched were my feet
lsquomy feet were pinched with coldrsquo
(coexeter1438119)
I found six such examples in the poems other than Beowulf IPs are therefore not
demonstrably less common than DEPs in similar situations of adverse effect
To summarise the evidence of the poetry expressed possessors are not common
with direct body part objects Importantly there is one example each of a beneficially
and a negatively affected IP even in Beowulf usually regarded as enshrining archaic
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 22
22
syntax and highly adversely affected IPs appear in the other poetry The poetry does
not support the idea of a period when the IP was not used with affected possessors
33 The Evidence from the early prose
In this section I consider prose of ninth century or earlier composition It is not until
the revival of learning in the late ninth century in Wessex that texts are lengthy
enough to yield sufficient examples for drawing conclusions about the treatment of
possessors of body parts in prose Because the number of examples from manuscripts
belonging to this period is still rather small I have added some texts which can be
assumed to have been composed in this period but are only found in copies made in a
later period
Before discussing the results I will briefly describe the texts For EWS I used the
YCOE files which are based on manuscripts identified by Campbell (1959 sect16) and
Bately (1980 xxxix) as being generally accepted as representing the EWS dialect19
These manuscripts contain the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ASC) Orosius and Alfredrsquos
translation of the Cura Pastoralis (CP) The investigation of ASC was limited to the
EWS portion referred to here as ASC(A)20 I have used citations from YCOE which
are based on Plummerrsquos edition but have cross-checked these with Batelyrsquos more
reliable 1986 edition
The collection of medicinal recipes known as Baldrsquos Leechbook probably has EWS
origins Nokes (2004 74) thinks that King Alfred the Greatrsquos court was involved in
the compilation of the original text of the Leechbook However no one disputes Kerrsquos
(1957 item 264) judgment that the manuscript probably written at the West Saxon
capital of Winchester is from about half a century later
The laws of King Alfred are found in the same manuscript as ASC(A) but are
dated by Ker (1957 item 39) as mid-tenth century They are especially valuable as
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 23
23
examples of original prose that is not translated from Latin
Gregoryrsquos Dialogues was translated from Latin by Bishop Werferth of Worcester
sometime between the early 870s and early 890s (Yerkes 1982 9) Unfortunately this
translation is found today only in manuscripts copied a century or more later the
Cambridge Corpus Christi College manuscript 322 containing Werferthrsquos version
belongs to the second half of the eleventh century (Ker 1957 item 60)21
My searches for DEPDAs in these texts found a total of 62 DEPDAs (31 of objects
and 31 of subjects) These results are not meaningful without a comparison with
IPDAs Tables 1 and 2 below in which the manuscripts dating close to their time of
composition are kept separate from those contained in later manuscripts present the
results of my comparisons of DEPDAs and IPDAs with ldquoexternal possessorrdquo and
ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs respectively These two types of verbs do not completely cover all
examples of DEPs of subjects as discussed above my searches for DEPs of subjects
yielded six examples that the ldquoexternal subjectrdquo list did not capture containing forms
of ldquoberdquo or ldquobecomerdquo in active sentences However an initial perusal of these tables
before we move on to discuss the results for objects and subjects in more detail is
enough to establish two things
First the results confirm a strong association between DEPDAs and affecting
verbs in these prose texts Adding columns 3 and 7 in Table 1 we get 56 DEPDAs
Table 2 indicates that 55 of these involve my ldquoaffectingrdquo verbs Even if it were the
case (as it is not) that none of the six examples not represented in either table involved
a strong effect it would still be true that a very substantial majority of the examples
involved such an effect
Second certain affecting verbs must particularly favor DEPDAs This is
particularly apparent with DEPs of subjects Table 1 shows that of the 32 examples of
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 24
24
Text IP Obj DEP Obj
Total Ext V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEP Subj
Total Ext V Subj
EWS MS cura 1 3 4 cura 2 2 4 oros 1 9 10 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 3 14 17 Total EWS 2 6 8
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 3 5 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 6 3 9 GD 3 2 5
Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
10 17 27 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 13 31 44
Grand Total 7 25 32
Table 1 Internal and External Possessors with External Possessor Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
Text IP Obj DEP Obj Total Aff V Obj
Text IP Subj
DEPSubjTotal Aff V Subj
EWS MSS cura 8 3 11 cura 5 2 7 oros 3 9 12 oros 0 4 4 ASC 1 2 3 ASC 0 0 0 Total EWS 12 14 26 Total EWS 5 6 11
9thC Composition later MS Leechbook 2 2 3 Leechbook 1 16 17
GD 13 3 16 GD 3 2 5 Alfred Laws
2 11 13 Alfred Laws
1 1 2
Total later MSS
17 16 32 Total later MSS
5 19 24
Grand Total 29 30 58
Grand Total 10 25 35
Table 2 Internal and External Possessors with Highly Affecting Verbs in Texts of 9th Century Composition
possessed body part subjects the possessor was a DEP in 25 In other words it seems
that if a verb appears with a DEP at all it favors DEPs over IPs In contrast we see
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 25
25
from Table 2 that the possessor is a DEP only a bit more than half the time with the
body part subjects of affecting verbs Although a DEPDA almost always involved an
affected possessor an affected possessor was often not a DEP
Let us turn now to a closer inspection of objects and subjects
331 Object possessa
The examples of (21) and (22) are representative for EWS and the later manuscripts
of ninth century origin respectively
(21)a Her Offa Miercna cyning het AEligthornelbryhte rex thornaeligt heafod
Here Offa Merciansrsquo king ordered AthelbertDAT king the head
of aslean
off strike
lsquoIn this year Offa king of the Mercians ordered King Athelbertrsquos head struck
offrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7921585)
b thorna heton thorna consulas Hasterbale thornaeligt heafod ofaceorfan
then ordered the consuls HasterbalDAT the head cut-off
lsquoThen the consuls ordered Hasterbalrsquos head to be cut offrsquo
(coorosiuOr_410105342190)
c ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eye darkens
(cocuraCP54512255)
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 26
26
(22) a teoh him thorna loccas
pull himDAT theACC locksACC
lsquopull his hairrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]16262331
b Gif mon oethrum thornaeligt neb ofaslea
If one otherDAT the nose strikeoff
lsquoIf someone strikes off anotherrsquos nosersquo
(colawafLawAf_148163)
camp him thornaeligt heafod sythornthornan of aceorf
and himDAT the head afterwards off cut
lsquoand then cut off his headrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]1319832564
My searches only revealed one example of an externally possessed object in which
the effect on the possessor is not clearly adverse
(23) a amp ethonne sceal mon thornam men hellip thorna handa amp
and then shall one theDAT manDAT theACC handsACC and
thorna fet gnidan swiethe amp thornyn
theACC feetACC rub smartly and squeeze
lsquoand the you shall rub smartly and squeeze the mans hands and feet
(colaeceLch_II_[2]3172179)
It is impossible to know whether the writer used a DEP here because the ldquosmartrdquo
squeezing could be expected to cause pain It is clear enough though that even if the
DEP was occasionally used when a beneficial effect (or no effect) was in the writerrsquos
mind the association between adversely affected possessors and DEPs with objects is
unmistakablemdashof the 30 DEPs of objects listed in Table 2 example (19) is the only
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 27
27
one where any question arises With the exception of gnidan ldquorubrdquo the ldquoExternal
Possessor Verbsrdquo of Table 2 found with possessed objects turn out to be on the
ldquoaffecting verbsrdquo list also22 While this is not particularly surprising the frequency of
IPs with exactly the same types of effects may be So in the same texts yielding
examples (21a-c) and (22 a-c) we also find (24a-c) and (25a-c)
(24) a amp his eagan astungon
and his eyes stabbed
lsquoand stabbed out his eyesrsquo
(cochronA-1ChronA_[Plummer]7971597)23
b hie het gebindan amp hellip mid aeligxsum heora heafda of aceorfan
them ordered bind and with axes their heads off cut
lsquoHe ordered them to be bound and helliptheir heads to be cut off with axesrsquo
(coorosiuOr_234018766)
c ahefegiaeth hira heortan etha byrethenna ethaeligs forhwirfdan gewunan
oppress their heartsACC the burdens theGEN perverseGEN habits
lsquothe burdens of the perverse habits oppress their heartsrsquo
(cocuraCP116712432)
(25) a ne ahwaeligr his lichoman wanige
nor anywhere his body weaken
lsquonor anywhere weaken his body
(colaeceLch_II_[1]72131949)
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 28
28
b Gif monnes ceacan mon forsliheth thornaeligt hie beoeth forode
If manrsquos jaws one strikes that they are broken
lsquoIf someone strikes a mans jaws so violently that they are broken
(colawafLawAf_150167)
c amp asloh thornaeligs deacones heafod of
and struck theGEN deaconGEN head off
lsquoand struck the deaconrsquos head offrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]24293244351)
The ldquoobjectsrdquo columns of Tables 1 and 2 indicate that although there was a good deal
of individual variation in the texts the EWS texts and the texts of EWS composition
found in later manuscripts give us the same overall picture First with the affecting
verbs the frequency of IPs and DEPs is roughly the same Second a small number of
verbs yield a disproportionate number of DEPs Table 1 shows 31 DEPs with these
verbs and only 13 IPs suggesting that if a verb used a DEP at all it favoured DEPs
over IPs In fact we find that DEPs were nearly but not quite categorical in
descriptions of beheadings and other amputations Since most (but not all) of our
examples come from texts which are associated with Latin originals this raises the
question of whether the IPs might not be due to Latin influence This question will be
addressed below but first we will turn to our subject possessa
332 Subject possessa
Things are more complicated with subjects as discussed above As with objects
DEPs are mostly limited to reports of situations in which the possessor is adversely
affected
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 29
29
(26) a thorna for thornaeligm ciele him gescruncan ealle thorna aeligdra
then for the cold himDAT shrank all theNOM veinsNOM
lsquoThen because of the cold all his veins shrankrsquo
(coorosiuOr_3968251333)
b ETHonne etham lareowum aethistriaeth ethaeligs modes eagan
when theDAT teacherDATPL darken theGEN mindGEN eyes
when the teachersrsquo mindrsquos eyes darken
(cocuraCP54512255)
(27) a amp him se maga micla thornindethorn
and himDAT the stomach greatly swells
lsquoand his stomach swells greatlyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]51123104)
b amp him bieth micge geolu
and him DAT is urine yellow
lsquoand his urine is yellowrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[1]42121433)
c Gif men sie se earm mid Honda mid ealle of acorfen
If manDAT beOPT the arm with hand with all off cut
lsquoIf a manrsquos arm with the hand and all below cut is offrsquo
(colawafLawAf_166193)
d amp him waeligron gebundene thorna fet amp thorna handa
and himDAT were bound the feet and the hands
lsquoHis hands and feet were boundrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_3_[C]2222533079)
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 30
30
Example (27b) was captured in my searches for DEPs but not by either verb list since
it involves a form of ldquoberdquo in a sentence which is not passive Although it is not on the
ldquoaffected listrdquo the negative effect is clearmdashthe overly yellow urine is a symptom of
disease Four of the six examples not represented in the tables are like this However
I found one example in which a DEP is used where the effect on the possessor was
clearly positive in a description of a monkrsquos return to life after dying
(28) thorna sonahellip him waeligron thorna limu cwiciende amp faeliggre
then immediately him were the limbs alive and fair
lsquothen immediately his limbs became alive and fairrsquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]37317154753)
In another example from the same text the possessor is not clearly affected hire waeligs
aweaxen swa aheardod hyd swylce olfendan on thornam earmum amp on thornam cneowum
ldquoher skin had grown as hard as a camelrsquos on the arms and the kneesrdquo
(cogregdCGDPref_and_4_[C]1728724243) As discussed for the poetry it appears
that DEPs with verbs of being and becoming may have had a wider range but with
body parts at least their use with other than negatively affected possessors was
unusual As with objects IPs of subjects are in variation with DEPs in the same texts
(29) a Sien hira eagan aethistrode ethaeligt hi ne geseon
beOPT their eyes darkened that they not see
lsquoMay their eyes be darkened so that they do not seersquo
(cocuraCP1298118)
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 31
31
b amp his micgge bieth blodread swilce hio blodig sie
and his urine is blood-red as it bloody is
lsquoand his urine is blood red as though it is bloodyrsquo
(colaeceLch_II_[2]171132362)
c Gif monnes sconca bieth ofaslegen wieth ethaeligt cneou
If manGEN leg is struckoff with the knee
lsquoIf a manrsquos leg is struck off at the kneersquo
(colawafLawAf_172204)
Example (29b) was naturally not captured by my lists but I noted seven such
examples of ldquoberdquo describing a symptom using an IP of a subject in the Leechbook
alone Although this variation especially in the native prose of Alfredrsquos laws shows
that IPs were possible with body part subjects even when the effect on the possessor
was negative and severe a comparison of the results for subjects with those for
objects in Tables 1 and 2 reveals an interesting asymmetry While DEPs and IPs were
nearly equally common overall with objects with body part subjects the preference
for DEPs is unmistakable
It is possible to suggest a reason based on information structure for the greater
relative frequency of DEPs with subjects Body parts are usually not as topical as their
possessors The DEP gave a writer a way of positioning the possessor in a more
topical position by encoding it as a dative NP at the sentence level while at the same
time shifting the body part subject to a position later in the sentence more suitable for
new information So for example if an IP had been used in (17b) the resulting string
would be amp his micge bieth geolu Although this string is perfectly grammatical (cf
29b) the use of the DEP both positions the more topical information him and the new
information micge in more usual spots for new and old information In contrast
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 32
32
substituting a DEP for an IP with an object possessum would not usually have such an
effect So example (25c) would come out as amp asloh thornaeligm deacone thornaeligt heafod of or
possibly amp thornaeligm deacone asloh thornaeligt heafod of Since objects like thornaeligt heafod are
already in a position suitable for new information (late in the sentence) little is gained
in terms of discourse organization
It is particularly interesting to note the subjectobject asymmetry in the Leechbook
Since this text is a rich source of body parts it is disappointing to find that the
possessor of a body part playing the role of object was usually not named In keeping
with the impersonal and clinical nature of the handbook the ldquoleechrdquo was usually
given an instruction such as ldquocut the legrdquo rather than ldquocut his legrdquo or ldquocut him the
legrdquo24 The difference with the possessed subjects which are usually in descriptions of
symptoms is striking Presumably the DEP is highly favored here because the
emphasis is on what is happening to the patient rather than on the treatment
Various factors may have favored one construction over the other but both
DEPDAs and IPDAs were in clearly variation in the texts and any idea that IPDAs
were rare or unusual before EME has no basis in the texts It has been suggested
however that IPs in OE texts might be due to the influence of Latin We turn now to a
consideration of the evidence for this position
333 Latin Influence
Since the majority of our examples from the prose texts are from texts translated from
or at least based on Latin originals we need to consider whether the use of DEPs and
IPs in these texts might have been influenced by the Latin the scribes were translating
Ahlgren (1946 211) expressed the belief that the use of the ldquopossessive adjectiverdquo
(=IP) instead of the dativus sympatheticus was ldquowas most probably promoted
[Ahlgrenrsquos emphasis] by the influence of the language of the Church which was
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 33
33
largely modelled on Latin usagesrdquo Vennemann (2002 212) expresses his opinion that
Ahlgren is possibly right about this at least in some instances However the examples
that Ahlgren produces to show that the OE normally followed the Latin construction
come entirely from Biblical translations especially from interlinear glosses A more
systematic comparison of the OE translations with the Latin originals than this is
needed since OE writers especially likely to stay as close as possible to Latin syntax
in translating the Vulgate Bible see for example Taylor (2008) for an interesting case
study of different translation effects in Biblical and other translations
I have compared the Latin original when available with all the IPs and DEPs
found in this investigation other than those found in the Leechbook which was
compiled from too many sources to make it practical to track the originals down
None of the translations studied in this investigation are translations of the Bible
although my results contain some biblical quotations which may indeed be directly
affected by the Latin A difference in translation style may partially account for the
fact that that IPs were proportionally more frequent in CP while DEPs were dominant
in the Orosius The translation of Orosius is a very free one Entire sections of the
Latin text have been omitted and new observations inserted by the translator along
with substantial rewording of the sections where the essential story has been
preserved25 Bately (1988 126-7) stresses that despite the closeness of the translation
in CP it is not a slavish one
The possibility of a translation style which was different from a more native style
seems at first glance to be strengthened by a comparison of Alfredrsquos laws with its
frequent use of DEPs with his translation of CP However this difference is more
likely due to the fact that the Laws describe more drastic effects where a DEP is more
expected than any of the CP examples The very different subject matter of CP
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 34
34
which is a manual for priests similarly provides fewer opportunities for expressing
affected possessors of body parts than does the Orosius in which descriptions of
battles and decapitations are common
It furthermore seems that translations effects although they may have played some
role were not strong with the possessive constructions In even fairly close
translations the translator clearly was capable of substituting a DEP for an IP or
unexpressed possessor in the Latin One of the three DEPs with object parts in CP
replaces an IP in the Latin26
(30) amp him ethone stiethan suiran forbraeligce
and himDAT theACCSGMASC stiff neck brokeOPT
lsquoand (that he) broke his stiff neckrsquo
(cocuraCP3322931499)
The Latin has rigida colla victorum lsquo(the) stiff necks(acc) victors(gen)rsquo Even in the
more Latinate Gregoryrsquos Dialogues we find considerable divergence from the
possessive constructions used in the Latin original
To sum up the choice of an IP or a DEP may have been influenced in some
individual examples by translation effects However in the texts under consideration
this gives all appearances of being a matter of choosing one idiomatic option over
another rather than a distortion of English syntax or normal usage and the fact that
IPs are found in poetry confirms that both options were native The subjectobject
asymmetry is inconsistent with the idea that Latin was responsible for all IPs Finally
some DEPs were used in the Vulgar Latin originals a fact which suggests that scribes
would have no reason to consider IPs DEPs inappropriate in their translations
4 Decline of the EP preliminary observations
A thorough evaluation of the reasons why the EP was lost as a productive
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 35
35
construction must await a systematic examination of the facts of late OE and ME
However the findings of the present investigation into early OE have implications for
any account of how the construction finally disappeared Here it is important to
distinguish between possible reasons for the initial decline of the construction and
accounts of later changes to the grammar which made EPs not only unusual but
impossible except in fixed phrases
The most important finding is that the DEPDA was on the decline well before the
EME period DEPDAs were in variation with IPDAs in the earliest records and at no
time was an IP of a body part rare even in the situations that favored an EP The
evidence from the poetry suggests a reduction in the range of the DEPDA from
Common Germanic With body parts the small number of relevant poetic examples
makes a meaningful comparison with the early prose difficult However preliminary
research into the ldquomindrdquo words strongly suggests a further contraction of the range of
the DEPDA fairly early in English it is at best unusual in the earliest extensive prose
with these words contrasting with its frequent use in poetry This early contraction of
the DEPDA is problematic for two explanations that have been suggested for the loss
of EPs The first favored by Ahlgren (1946) is that this was due to the loss of the
dativeaccusative distinction The second proposal is McWhorterrsquos (2002) suggestion
that Scandinavian speakers shifting to English simplified the grammar by dispensing
with EPs
Both explanations take as their starting point the assumption of an abrupt change in
the EME period We have seen that with direct arguments at least the change in EME
must not have been as sudden as is sometimes assumed since the decline of DEPDAs
seems to have started much earlier Space does not allow for an extensive discussion
of the situation in later OE but some observations can be made here
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 36
36
DEPDAs had clearly contracted by the late OE period even in texts where the
dativeaccusative distinction is well maintained for example in AEliglfricrsquos writings of
the end of the tenth century The large size of the AEliglfrician corpus makes clear
AEliglfricrsquos preference for IPDAs even when the possessor was very severely affected
(31) THORNa het se haeligthornena cynincg his heafod ofaslean
then ordered the heathen king his head off-strike
lsquothen the heathen king order his head to be struck offrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Oswald]1625472)
However the DEPDA is not entirely lacking in AEliglfricrsquos works Of the 56 examples I
collected of possessed body part objects of affecting verbs three had a DEP
Examples (31) and (32) illustrate variation by this author
(32) and mid anum swencge slogon him of thornaeligt heafod
and with one blow struck himDAT off the head
lsquoand with one blow struck off his headrsquo
(coaeliveAEligLS_[Edmund]1237036)
Both examples come from a single manuscript which is close to AEliglfric both in time
and dialect and can be taken as good evidence for AEliglfricrsquos own usage Combining the
AEliglfrician texts with some other Late West Saxon (LWS) texts I found a total of five
DEPs with body part objects and six with body part subjects all involving actions
with drastic effect on the possessor It seems likely that the most drastically affected
possessors were the last bastions of DEPDAs although confirmation of this
suggestion must await a systematic examination of late OE and early ME It is clear
however that DEPDAs were significantly reduced by later OE
The impression of a sudden reduction in EPs in EME is at least partially due to the
fact that it is still easy enough to find DEPs with prepositional objects in LWS texts
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 37
37
However closer examination of the examples suggests that these DEPs were largely
lexically-governed Nearly half of the LWS examples involve the verb cuman
ldquocomerdquo as in THORNis com thorna to earan thornam aeligethelborenan cnihte ldquothis came then to the
ears of the high-born youthrdquo at coaeliveAEligLS[Lucy]572202 Most of the examples
involve only a small number of verbs and a limited set of body parts compared with
IPs where the range of verbs and body parts is much larger
It appears then that there was no abrupt halt to a highly productive construction in
EME but rather a more gradual decline before the end of the OE period Neither case
marking collapse nor Scandinavian influence can explain this the dativeaccusative
system was still quite healthy at this time and the texts in question come from the area
least affected by Scandinavian settlement Furthermore EME examples like (33) and
(34) are problematic for both explanations
(33) amp thornrengde thorne man thornaeligrinne ethat him braeligcon alle thorne limes
and crushed the man therein that him brokePL all the limbs
lsquoand crushed the man in it so that all his limbs brokersquo
(CMPETERB55444) (113727)
(34) amp all himm waeligrenn fet amp thorneos Tobollenn amp toblawenn
and all him were feet and thighs puffedup and swollen
lsquoand his feet and thighs were all puffed up and swollenrsquo
(CMORMI2802293)
These DEPDAs come from twelfth century texts in which the accusativedative
distinction has been entirely lost More examples can be found in other EME texts
categorised in Allen (2008) and (2006) as ldquocase impoverishedrdquo A thorough
investigation of possessors of body parts in the EME period has not yet been carried
out but my preliminary findings indicate that no correlation between DEPDAs and
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 38
38
the presence or not of a distinct dative case in this period can be established It is true
that examples are not common in the case impoverished texts but they are no more
common in the ldquocase richrdquo texts This is not what we would expect if the loss of these
constructions resulted directly from the loss of the dativeaccusative distinction It
should be noted also that the small number of EPs in the EME texts may result not
just from further reduction in their use but also from the different subject matter of
these texts It is only by comparing the relative frequency of EPs and IPs in similar
situations that we can judge how reduced the use of EPs was in EME and no
systematic comparison has been carried out as yet
The lack of a correlation between DEPs and dialect areas is also highly
problematic for McWhorterrsquos (2002) Scandinavian explanation By that hypothesis
examples like (34) from the Ormulum an autograph manuscript by an author with a
Scandinavian surname in a highly Scandanavianized area are unexpected
A more promising approach to the loss of EPs in English is to look at the role of
Celtic speakers shifting to English The fact that Breton lacks EP constructions
(Koumlnig amp Haspelmath 1998 and Haspelmath 1999) lends support to the view that EPs
were not a feature of Insular Celtic and so this is an area where Celtic speakers might
have imposed their syntactic habits as argued by Vennemann (2001) Filppula (2008
30-40) and Hickey (2012) among others
It is plausible that the Celtic population of England affected English grammar in
the process of language shift The traditional view that Celtic could not have affected
OE materially because of the paucity of Celtic loan words is no longer considered
tenable by most scholars It is furthermore now generally accepted that although we
cannot be certain of the numbers of Celts remaining in England after the Anglo-Saxon
invasion those numbers were substantial As noted by Lutz (2009) Grimmer (2007)
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 39
39
argues for a significant population of Celts in Inersquos kingdom of Wessex on the basis
that this kingrsquos laws (promulgated between c688 and c693) specify a special (lower)
wergild for Britons
What exactly would the effect of Celtic contact on possessor constructions have
been Lutz (2009) follows Thomason amp Kaufman (1988) in assuming imperfect
language learning as the cause of ldquosubstratum effectsrdquo However there is no reason to
assume that the Celts learning English failed to learn the DEP or in terms of Van
Coetsem (2000) imposed their IP-only grammar on the English they were learning
One plausible scenario is that the Celts shifting to English learned the DEP
construction but reserved it for its most central uses with highly affected possessors
of direct arguments and in prepositional phrases generally If these Celts had a
significant effect on Old English this more restricted use would have spread through
the population
What is of primary importance to students of diachronic English syntax here is that
the possessor constructions give no evidence for the suppression of ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo in
OE texts We are justified taking the grammar that can be constructed from late OE
texts as our starting point in seeking an account of the loss of EPs in ME The
appearance of a rather Celtic flavor in these constructions in the OE texts should not
in fact come as a surprise Even if we assume that a Germanic elite suppressed some
ldquoCeltic syntaxrdquo there is no reason to assume that IPs were stigmatized because they
had always been a part of the language even with highly affected possessors A
difference in the relative frequency of DEPs and IPs in ldquoCeltic Englishrdquo and
ldquoGermanic Englishrdquo is not likely to have been the subject of conscious correction27
A final observation is that if we focus only on how English lost productive EP
constructions we are in danger of losing sight of the fact that no Germanic language
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 40
40
has simply retained the old use of the DEP It seems that the distinction between the
IP and EP constructions has sharpened in German for example In earlier Germanic
and OE the DEPDA may have focused on the affectedness of the possessor but the
IPDA did not convey a lack of effect Havers (1911) also repeatedly notes that in
many early languages the dativus sympatheticus was strongly favored with
pronominal possessors while the genitive was more common with nominal
possessors This sort of variation is gone from languages like modern German where
the use of the dative is required to convey affectedness of the whole without regard to
topicality of the possessor This sharpening of the distinction between the IP and the
DEP in German seems to have been a general development of the ldquonuclearrdquo Indo-
European languages while in the more peripheral European languages of Indo-
European descent the DEP declined or was lost Koumlnig amp Haspelmath (1998) and
Haspelmath (1999) show that EP constructions can be regarded as an areal feature of
European languages independent of genetic relationships since non-Indo-European
languages in the ldquocorerdquo European area have adopted this typically Indo-European
construction As Haspelmath (1999 116) comments ldquothe languages displaying the
dative EP construction form a contiguous area in the center and south of Europerdquo The
European languages which lack DEPs are not in the nucleus of the European
Sprachbund It is unsurprising a peripheral language like English should fail to
participate in a general strengthening of a distinction between two constructions
particularly when the ldquoall purposerdquo variant (the IP) was already gaining ground on the
ldquospecial purposerdquo DEP in a period before this continental strengthening began
Systematic investigations into the history of EPs in Germanic languages generally
looking at changes to the nature of the variation that they all inherited are needed
These investigation must distinguish among other things direct argument from
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 41
41
prepositional object possessa
5 Conclusions
The following conclusions emerge from this investigation
1 Variation between DEPs and IPs in essentially the same situations was not an
innovation of OE but an inheritance from Indo-European and Germanic It does
appear that there was an innovative restriction of the range of DEPs to negative
effects in the case of direct argument body parts early in OE
2 The relatively high frequency of IPs even at the oldest attested stage of English
means that the scene was set for the eventual loss of the EP well before either the loss
of the dativeaccusative distinction or contact with Scandinavian languages could
have triggered their decline Preliminary investigation of EME texts suggests that
DEPs were equally rare in case rich and case impoverished dialects and in dialects
more and less influenced by Scandinavian contact This disappearance of EPs in ME
does not seem to have been abrupt although more research is needed
3 It is not unlikely although not provable that contact with Insular Celtic favoured
the use of IPs at an early stage initiating the progressive restriction of the DEP as a
marked construction
4 The findings concerning negative effects with accusative body parts do not apply to
body part objects of prepositions The loss of EPs in English both with direct
arguments and with prepositional phrases awaits a systematic investigation to
supplement the valuable observations of earlier scholars
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 42
42
REFERENCES
Ahlgren Arthur 1946 On the use of the definite article with lsquonouns of possessionrsquo in
English Uppsala Appelbergs boktryckeriaktiebolag
Allen Cynthia 2008 Genitives in early English Typology and evidence Oxford
Oxford University Press
Allen Cynthia L 2006 Case syncretism and word order change In Ans van
Kemenade amp Bettelou Los (eds) Handbook of the history of English 201-23
Oxford Blackwell
Amos Ashley Crandell Angus Cameron amp Antonette DiPaolo Healey 2008
Dictionary of Old English A to G online Toronto Dictionary of Old English
Project
Amos Ashley Crandell 1980 Linguistic means of determining the dates of Old
English literary texts Cambridge Massachusetts The medieval academy of
America
Bately Janet (ed) 1986 The Anglo-Saxon chronicle A collaborative edition Volume
3 MS A Cambridge D S Brewer
Bately Janet (ed) 1980 The Old English Orosius (Early English Text Society
Supplementary Series 6) London Oxford University Press
Bately Janet M 1988 Old English prose before and during the reign of Alfred
Anglo-Saxon England 17 93-138
Behaghel Otto (1958) Heliand und Genesis Herausgegeben von Otto Behagehel 7
Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka Tuumlbingen Max Niemeyer
Bolkestein A Machtelt 2001 Possessors and experiencers in Classical Latin In
Baron Iregravene Herslund Michael amp Soslashrensen Finn (eds) Dimensions of
possession 269-83 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia John Benjamins
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 43
43
Campbell Alistair 1959 Old English grammar Oxford Clarendon Press
Crisma Paola 2011 The emergence of the definite article in English In Sleeman
Antonia Petronella amp Perridon Harry (eds) The noun phrase in Romance and
Germanic Structure variation and change 175-92 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia
John Benjamins Pub Co
Ferraresi Gisella 2005 Word order and phrase structure in Gothic Leuven
Dudley MA Peeters
Filppula Markku 2008 The linguistic outcomes of the early contact In Filppula
Marrku Juhani Klemola amp Heli Paulasto English and Celtic in contact 24-
132 New York Routledge
Fulk R D Christopher M Cain amp Rachel S Anderson 2003 A history of Old
English literature Malden MA Blackwell
Griffith Mark (ed) 1997 Judith Exeter University of Exeter Press
Grimmer Martin 2007 Britons in Early Wessex The evidence of the Law Code of
Ine In Nick Higham (ed) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England 102-14
Manchester Boydell Press
Harbert Wayne 2007 The Germanic languages Cambridge Cambridge University
Press
Haspelmath Martin 1999 External possession in a European areal perspective In
Doris L Payne amp Immanuel Barshi (eds) External possession 109-35
Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Havers Wilhelm 1911 Untersuchungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen
Sprachen Strassburg Karl J Truumlbner
Hickey Raymond 2012 English and the Celtic hypothesis In Terttu Nevalainen amp
Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds) The Oxford handbook of the history of
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 44
44
English 497-507 Oxford Oxford University Press
Ker Neil R 1957 Catalogue of manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford
Clarendon Press
Koumlnig Ekkehard 2001 Internal and external possessors In Martin Haspelmath
Ekkehard Koumlnig Wulf Oesterreicher amp Wolfgan Raible (eds) Language
typology and language universals vol 2 970-8 Berlin amp New York Walter
de Gruyter
Koumlnig Ekkehard amp Martin Haspelmath 1998 Les constuctions aacute possesseur externe
dans les langues dEurope In Jack Feuillet (ed) Actance et valence dans les
langues de lEurope 525-606 Berlin amp New York Mouton de Gruyter
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1931 The Junius manuscript (The Anglo-Saxon poetic
records 1) New York Columbia University Press
Krapp George Philip (ed) 1932 The Vercelli book (The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records
2) London Routledge amp Kegan Paul
Landau Idan 1999 Possessor raising and the structure of VP Lingua 107 1-37
Lee-Schoenfeld Vera 2006 German possessor datives raised and affected Journal
of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 9 101-42
Loslashdrup Helge 2009 Looking possessor raising in the mouth Norwegian possessor
raising with unergatives Paper presented at LFG2009 httpcsli-
publicationsstanfordedu
Lutz Angelika 2009 Celtic influence on Old English and West Germanic English
Language and Linguistics 13 227-49
McWhorter John 2002 What happened to English Diachronica 19 217-72
Migne Jacques Paul (ed) 1849 Sancti Gregorii Papae I (Cognomento Magni) opera
omnia (Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca universalis integra
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 45
45
uniformis commoda oeconomica ecclesiasticorum vol 77) Paris Petit-
Moutrouge
Migne Jacques Paul 1857 Patrologiae cursus completus sive Bibliotheca
universalis integra uniformis commoda oeconomica omnium sspatrum
doctorum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum vol 31 Paris Petit-Moutrouge
Mitchell Bruce 1985 Old English syntax Oxford Clarendon Press
Mitchell Bruce Robinson Fred C amp Webster Leslie 1998 Beowulf An edition
with relevant shorter texts Malden MA Blackwell Publishers
Nokes Richard Scott 2004 The several compilers of Balds Leechbook Anglo-Saxon
England 33 51-76
Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel 1999 External possession what where how
and why In Payne Doris L amp Barshi Immanuel (eds) External possession
3-29 Amsterdam amp Philadelphia Benjamins
Pintzuk Susan amp Leendert Plug 2001 The York-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old
English Poetry Distributed by the Oxford Text Archive
Plummer Charles (ed) 1989 Two of the Saxon chronicles parallel Oxford
Clarendon Press
Roberts Jane Annette Christian Kay amp Lynne Grundy 2000 A thesaurus of Old
English 2nd edn 2 vols (Costerus NS 131-132) Amsterdam amp Atlanta
Rodophi
Schrijver Peter 2014 Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages
New York amp London Routledge
Sweet Henry (ed) 1885 The oldest English texts (Early English Text Society 83)
London Oxford University Press
Taylor Ann 2008 Contact effects of translation Distinguishing two kinds of
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 46
46
influence in Old English Language Variation and Change 20 341-65
Taylor Ann Anthony Warner Susan Pintzuk amp Frank Beths 2003 The York-
Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose Distributed by the
Oxford Text Archive
Thomason Sarah amp Terrence Kaufman 1988 Language contact creolization and
genetic linguistics University of California Press
Tristram Hildegard 2004 Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or what was spoken
Old English like Studia Anglica Posnaninsia 40 87-110
Van Coetsem Frans 2000 A general and unified theory of the transmission process in
language contact (Monographien zur Sprachwissenschaft 19) Heidelberg
Winter
Vandeweghe W (1987) The possessive dative in Dutch syntactic reanalysis and
predicate formation In Auwera Johan van der amp Louis Goossens (eds) Ins
and outs of predication 137-51 Dordrecht Foris
Vennemann Theo 2002 On the rise of lsquoCelticrsquo syntax in Middle English In Peter J
Lucas amp Angela M Lucas (eds) Middle English from tongue to text Selected
papers from the Third International Conference on Middle English Language
and Text held at Dublin Ireland 1-4 July 1999 203-234 Bern Peter Lang
Vergnaud Jean-Roger amp Maria Luisa Zubizaretta 1992 The definite determiner and
the inalienable construction in French and English Linguistic Inquiry 23 595-
652
Yerkes David 1982 Syntax and style in Old English Binghamton New York
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
1 Thanks to ltsnipgt for comments on a previous draft of this paper Any shortcomings
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 47
47
are my own
2 This is of course an oversimplification There is no single grammar of a period but
only the grammars of individual speakers By ldquothe grammarrdquo of a period I mean rules
held in common by the speech community
3 Haspelmath goes on to note (p 113) that ldquothe affectedness condition is not equally
strong in all languages and it has been conventionalized in various ways by different
languagesrdquo Although a corpus search cannot give us a complete picture of what role
ldquoaffectednessrdquo played in early Old English it is nevertheless informative
4 Landau points out problems with defining ldquoaffectednessrdquo in section 523 However
he comments in footnote 1 ldquounless otherwise mentioned PDC is always associated
with an affectedness implication for PDrdquo
5 Crisma similarly (2011 104) excludes complements of prepositions from her
investigation into the frequency of determiners with count nouns in Old English
6 Loslashdrup stresses that the Norwegian construction is not a DEP and argues for an
analysis in which a non-thematic possessor is treated as a core argument of the verb
He uses the common term POSSESSOR RAISING for the construction although his
Lexical Functional treatment does not involve actual movement of the possessor
7 I have cited the examples from Beowulf as they appear in the York corpus but as it
can be rather difficult to locate an example from these citations I have also provided
the exact line number
8 In this example the body part lacks a determiner but examples with determiners are
found in the same text
9 As discussed by Ferraresi (2005 2) and the electronic Wulfila Project
(httpwwwwulfilabe) we do not know what Greek text Bishop Wulfila used
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 48
48
Nevertheless the corpus is large enough that it is reasonable to expect that we should
be able to get a good picture of consistent divergences from the Greek that was most
likely to have been in Wulfilarsquos Greek original
10 I included heorte ldquoheartrdquo even when it referred to the soul or mind rather than the
body but not mod or hyge both of which mean ldquomindrdquo but never refer to a physical
body part I included words for the whole body also but did not count examples of
IPs in which the body in question was a corpse or the body part (eg a saintrsquos head)
belonged to a corpse and the possessor was clearly not capable of being affected and
so only one of the constructions under consideration (the IP) would be expected My
searches yielded no examples of DEPs with these types
11 A slight complication involved the small number of examples of what Ahlgren
(1946 sect130) as the ldquoblendedrdquo construction in which both a dative at sentence level
and an IP appear I have counted these examples as DEPs
12 Unfortunately those few poems which are undoubtedly early such contain no
examples of relevance
13 Amos (1980 124) concludes that it is impossible to determine whether this feature
represents one poetrsquos idiosyncrasy or a reflection of forms which represented the
usage of an early period
14 The restriction to accusative objects rules out examples such as thornaeligt him hildegrap
hrethornre ne mihte eorres inwitfeng aldre gescethornethan ldquothat the battle-grip of irersquos
malicious grasp could not harm his breast his liferdquo at 1446-7 Both hrethornre ldquobreastrdquo
and aldre ldquoliferdquo are in the dative case as objects of gescethornethan ldquoharmrdquo
15 We might add thornaeligt him for swenge swat aeligdrum sprong foreth at line 2966 with the
translation ldquoso that because of the blow his blood spurted from his veinsrdquo but a
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 49
49
translation ldquospurted from him from his veinsrdquo is probably better
16 I am indebted to Wim Van der Wurrf (pc) for the observation that Dutch has a
noun handgemeen which means ldquoscufflerdquo
17 At lines 2080 and 2651-2 we have IPs describing very drastic situations in leofes
mannes lic eall forswealg ldquodear manrsquos body (he) completely devouredrdquo and thornaeligt
minne lichaman hellipgled faeligethmie ldquothat fire embrace my bodyrdquo Here we are dealing
with an entire body rather than part of it so I did not include the example in my
figures I excluded also excluded onbraeligd thorna bealohydighelliprecedes muthornan ldquo(he) tore
open then the mouth of the hallrdquo at (723-4) because the possessor is not animate so
no dative would be expected
18 This example was not found in my systematic searches since it does not involve
either a dative or an affecting verb but I noted it in my reading
19 These are cochronAo23psd coorosiuo2psd coprefcurao2psd cocurao2psd
and cocuraCpsd I have excluded the Old English versions of Boethius and works
traditionally associated with King Alfred but only found in manuscripts from
substantially later periods
20 This ends with the annal for 924 in Plummerrsquos (1962 [1892-1899]) edition
21 A revised version not studied here is found in a manuscript from earlier in the
eleventh century See Yerkes (1982) for a discussion of the difference in the syntax of
the two versions His discussion of possessives in sections sectsect4-5 indicates no
systematic differences in the use of DEPs in the two versions
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually
Page 50
50
22 Gnidan is also found with an IP in the Leechbook in smire amp gnid ealne thorninne
lichoman mid ldquosmear and rub all your body with itrdquo at
(colaeceLch_II_[1]81112023)
23 It should be noted that this example is coordinated with (10a) in a single sentence
This makes possible an analysis in which the coordination is between his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon rather than between thornaeligm papan his tungon
forcurfon and his eagan astungon in which case the dative would apply to both
conjuncts My search with the affecting verbs only turned up three examples in the
ASC(A) Because of its subject matter this text therefore cannot give us a good idea
of the variation between IPs and DEPs in original Early West Saxon prose
24 Note that I am excluding from my study examples with the very common
expression (for)laeligtan X(dat) blod ldquolet X bloodrdquo This expression is probably better
treated as a ditransitive construction than as a DEP
25 For the Latin version of the Orosius I have consulted Migne (1857)
26 For the Latin I have used Migne (1849)
27 This is not to rule out the possible role of suppression in the timing of the
appearance of other constructions such as periphrastic do considered one of the most
convincing examples of Celtic influence by Filppula (2008) and others Each case
must be treated individually