The Art of Spaciousness A reflective journeythrough the
phenomenon of political power (version 1.5) Eduardo Rombauer van
den Bosch A dissertation submitted to the London Metropolitan
Universityin the requirement for the Masters degree of Reflective
Social Practice Supervisor: Allan Kaplan July 2015 2 Abstract
Inthisdissertation,Iexplorethepossibleeffectsofcombiningareflectivedevelopment
practice (the Art of the Invisible) with political activism (the
Art of the Impossible). My own journey in bridging these two fields
is described to illustrate how, when a practical wisdom is
builtfromthisencounter,abroaderunderstandingofpoliticallifemayemergeandbecome
embodiedonewhichreversesacommonsenseinwhichthereisnoemptyspacein
politics. Drawing on the legacy of Vaclav Havel and in dialogue
with other reflective practitioners from both fields, I argue that
politics can be faced as an open and fertile space for citizens to
create their own ways to participate in the destinies of humankind,
and to assume true responsibility
andthustonurtureadeepernotionofbelongingintheworld.Howisitpossibletobuild
another level of awareness, collectively, in the realm of political
action?
Myownparticipationinanew-bornpoliticalpartyandacommunityofpoliticalpracticeare
broughtforthtodemonstratehowthisunderstandingcanbeheldwithaphenomenological
quality of thinking, from which another way of seeing the world and
ourselves, in practice is to
befound:fromadeeperencounterwithourexperiences,politicalpractitionersmayembody
the virtues and attitudes of a radically different political
practice. One combination of the two fields of practice is
suggested in the holding of formative spaces, in which political
practitioners may gain abilities that enables them to embrace the
paradoxical
aspectsofthepoliticalrealm,andthustocollapsetheseeminglyunavoidablesplitbetween
theory and practice that diminishes their authenticity and
conviction.
Whenadelicatekindofpowerisfound,anever-renewedsenseofspaciousnessemerges,
fromwhicharadicallyopen,horizontalandmeaningfulwayofparticipatinginthebroader
destiny of humankind takes place. 3 Resumo
Nestadissertao,euexploroospossveisefeitosdacombinaodeumaprticareflexivade
desenvolvimentosocial(a"ArtedoInvisvel")comoativismopoltico(a"ArtedoImpossvel").
Minha prpria jornada para integrar esses dois campos descrita para
ilustrar como, quando uma sabedoria prtica construda a partir deste
encontro, uma compreenso ampliada da vida poltica pode surgir e
inverter o senso comum de que "em poltica no h espao vazio". A
partir do legado de Vaclav Havel e em dilogo com outros
profissionais e ativistas de ambos os campos, especialmente com a
lder Marina Silva, defendo que a poltica pode ser percebida como
umespaoabertoefrtilparaqueoscidadoscriemassuasprpriasformasdeexercerasua
responsabilidade, cultivando assim uma noo mais profunda de
pertencimento ao mundo. Como
quepossvelconstruirumoutronveldeconscincia,coletivamente,nombitodaao
poltica?
Minhaprpriaexperincianoprocessoquedorigemaumpartidopoltico(Rede
Sustentabilidade)enacriaodeumacomunidadedeprticaspolticastransformadoras
espelhada,parademonstrarcomooutramaneiradeveromundoeansmesmos,naprtica,
podesedesenvolverapartirdeumaabordagemfenomenolgicadepensamento.apartirdo
encontromaisprofundocomasexperinciasqueospraticantespolticospodemencarnaras
virtudes e atitudes de uma prtica poltica radicalmente diferente.
Uma combinao dos dois campos de atuao sugerida por meio de espaos
de formao, em
queospraticantespolticospodemdesenvolverhabilidadesquelhespermitamabraaros
aspectos paradoxais da vida poltica e, assim, superar a separao
aparentemente inevitvel entre
teoriaeprtica.Quandoumtipodepoderdelicadoencontrado,umsentidorenovadode
espacialidade(spaciousness)emerge,dandomargemaabordagensradicalmenteabertas,
horizontais e significativas de participao nos destinos da
humanidade. 4 Acknowledgments
Itisquiteamazingtorealizehowmuchthisdissertationistheoutcomeofjointefforts.Thereare
countlessnamesofpeersandfriendswhosupportedmeallthewayhere:fromsmallgesturesof
tolerance with my delays, absences and forgetfulness up to various
kinds of direct collaborations, this dissertation would not be
possible without each one who has supported me.Of course, I could
not go without mention some of them:First of all, I owe my deepest
gratitude to my tutors: Alan Kaplan, for his never-ending
disposition to
bringmefurther,andSueDavidoff,forsuchadedicatedsupportinpreparingmetodiveinthe
reflectivepractice.Additionally,IexpressmyprofoundgratitudetoDavidHarding,always
supportiveofmydemandingcuriosity.Withthisamazingteam,ourgrouphasnodoubtaboutthe
uniqueness of this journey, held with the greatest love and
dedication.
Ialsowanttoexpressmygratitudetoallmycolleagues,whohavebecomefriendsforlife.Our
great moments together provided for much learning and many good
memories.
Myspecialthankstomytwolife-longpartners:ClvisHenrique,whobroughtmestrengthtosee
the value of this work; and Henrique Santana, who always shows me
the world beyond the visible. I consider this dissertation another
step of a great walk with both of you.
MyeternalgratitudetoMarinaOliveira,whohassetthemilestonestothispath.Maythiswork
honour your generosity. My gratitude is extended to all her
partners from Fonte Institute, which has prepared the ground for
development practice, and this master programme, in Brazil.
Mywarmestgratitudetomypeersandfriends,whowalkedhand-in-handssocloselyinthefield
practice,andwhoneverhesitatedtoholdmefirmerwhenIneeded:AlexandraReschke,Larissa
Barros,MarcosWoortmann,RafaelPoubel,RangelMohedano.Witheachofyouthisjourneyfelt
more true and worthwhile. I am extremely thankful to my friends in
the Czech Republic, Ditta Dolejsiova and Petr Lebeda, and
especiallytotheincredibleteamoftheVaclavHavelLibrary,inthepersonofMartaSmolikova.
Your kind receptivity and support was determinant for this whole
work.
Iwouldliketothankallthosewhoinspiredandsupportedmyreflectivework:AmandaGambale,
AntonioBrennand,AntonioLino,AronBelinki,AlanDubner,BeatrizPedreira,CaioTendolini,
CndidoAzeredo,CarolRamalhete,CassioMartinho,DanielCara,DeniseCastro,DricaGuzzi,
Erich Baptista, Fernando Sapelli, Fbio Brotto and Denise Jayme, Gil
Scatena, Gisela and Mariana
Moreau,IgorOliveira,JosMoroni,LilianaSalvo,MarcelTaminato,MarinaandDavidFeffer,
MaristelaBernardo,MichellePrazeres,NecaSetubal,OliverHenman,OscarMotomura,Ricardo
Leal, Rogerio Godinho, Talita Montiel. This dissertation would not
be the same without the support of each of you. I would also like
to express my huge appreciation to all my fellows in Rede:
Alessandra Monteiro,
AndrLima,BazileuMargarido,EduardoReiner,GabrielaBatista,JooFrancisco,Leonardo
Secchi,LucasBrando,MarcelaMoraes,MarinaSilva,MurielSaragoussi,PedroIvo,Pedro
Piccolo,RafaelPoo,ShalonSouza,ToinhoAlves,ZGustavo-andsomanyotherswho
remained firm in the battle field. Thank you all for keeping up
courage, strength and wisdom. 5
Myappreciationisequallyextendedtoallmyfellowsinthecommunityoftransformativepolitical
practices, in the persons of Patricia Shaw, Ricardo Young, Izabella
Ceccato and Juliana Schneider: your presences enabled this
reflective journey to move further.
Mygratitudetothefinecontributionofmyproof-readers:BeteToriiandLouGold.Withyour
precious help my own thinking has gotten much sharper and clearer.
Tomyfamily:myfatherCarlos,motherPatriciaandsisterCristina,whogavemeunconditional
support, my warmest love and gratitude.This dissertation is
dedicated to my wife, Elisa Marie, my greatest teacher in all my
practices. 6 Table ofContents 1. The walls in our worlds
..................................................................................................
8 2. Flowing through the cracks.
........................................................................................
13 3. Meeting the Impossible
...............................................................................................
19 4. Seeing the Invisible
.....................................................................................................
25 5. Holding Emptiness
......................................................................................................
31 6. The Art of Spaciousness
.............................................................................................
37 Reference List
.................................................................................................................
44 7 So long as the notion of power is itself corrupted by a
romantic opposition with love, soul, goodness and beauty, power
will indeed corrupt, as the saying goes. The corruption begins not
in power, but in the ignorance about it James Hillman 8 "# $%&
'())* +, -./ '-/)0* Wouldnt it be much more fascinatingto
participate of the destiny of our common garden? Rubem Alves What
can a person who is truly concerned with the future of his or her
place, city, country and world do, when she realizes that there is
no way other than engaging, somehow, with the political sphere of
life?
Acommoncitizenwhochoosestoactpoliticallyonbehalfofacause,anidea,adeepcallofthe
Soul,alifecommitmentforcommongood,willinevitablyfaceacomplex,difficultandoften
exhaustingjourney.Politicalsystems,evendemocraticones,createwideandthickwalls
separatingrulersfromcitizens,theso-calledpowerfulfromthepowerless.Byavoidingthat
people may become aware of what really happens on the other side
and learn how to influence the core of decisions about their own
future, political systems become swallowed by their own internal
dynamics,andthusdenytheverylifethatthesearesupposedtoserve.VaclavHavel(1975)
named this destructive pattern of political systems as entropy1,
and has dedicated a great amount of his life energy to explore how
to overcome this destructive path: An ordinary human being, with a
personal conscience, personally answering for something to somebody
and personally and directly taking responsibility, seems to be
receding farther and farther from the realm of politics. (1992a)
Meanwhile, beyond the walls:
Politiciansseemtoturnintopuppetsthatonlylookhumanandmoveinagiant,rather
inhumantheatre;theyappeartobemerelycogsinahugemachine,objectsofamajor
civilizational automatism which has gotten out of control and for
which nobody is responsible. (1992a)
Wecanimaginehowamovementofenergyhappensinvisiblythroughthegearsofgovernmental
institutions,politicalparties,andinterestgroupscontrolledbyallsortsofintereststhatgoagainst
thecommonneedsoflife.Eventhoughweknowthatthebasicfuelofthisoperatingsystemisa
greedycombinationofhiddeninterests,liesandthemaintenanceofpeoplesignoranceand
alienation,wefindourselvespowerlesstowardstheappropriationofourcommongoods.Yetwe
know that a romantic answer is not effective to transform political
realms - we cant avoid the fact,
asoncesaidBertholdBrecht,thatitisfromournonpoliticalparticipationthatcomesthe
abandonedchild,therobber,andmostofall,corruptofficials,thelackeysofexploitative
corporations.
" In a person's life, as we know, there is a moment when the
complexity of structure begins suddenly to decline and his path
turns in the direction of entropy. This is the moment when he, too,
succumbs to the general law of the universe: the moment of death.
Somewhere at the bottom of every political authority which has
chosen the path to entropy (and would like to treat the individual
as a computer into which any program can be fed with the assurance
that he will carry it out), there lies hidden the death principle.,
says Vaclav Havel (1975) 9
Thefewwho,withtheauthenticdesiretoservethecommongood,aredeterminedandstrong
enough to succeed in occupying some chunks of space in formal
politics, can sometimes reverse or
diminishsomeofthesedestructivethreads.Hopefully,theiractionswillcreatefieldsthatgrowin
time,andtheirleadershipcapacitywillallowthemtoopenspacesforactivecitizenstoengagein
behalfofthelivingimpulsesinsociety.However,whiletheseactorslearnhowtooccupythese
spaces, other forces also learn how to handle them on behalf of
their particular interests. And this is how, even when leaders are
not corrupted, they are usually constrained, contained, controlled,
so that they do not threaten the hegemonic forces.
Thissituationbecomescriticalwhenwerealizethatthewholeplanetisgoinginadestructive
direction, already at critical speed, and the political responses
are far from enough. The increasing use of dirty energy and
avoidance of clean solutions, the deepening of social inequality,
all sorts of
intoleranceanddestructionofancientcultures,theprivatizationofwater,theirresponsible
productionandconsumptionoffood,andthewholechemicalindustryprofitingfromthediseases
producedbyitseffects,theforestsbeingdestroyed,warsbeingsponsoredbyweaponindustries,
hypocrisymaintainingthenarcoticindustry,slaveandsemi-slaveworkdumpingeconomies
worldwide, climate changes all this brings an exponential increase
to this scenario.
Theperverseconcentrationofwealthandpowerincreasesthecapacityofthesehiddenforcesto
transformpoliticalsystemsintomachinesthatproducedecisionsandallocatecommonresources
for their own benefit. And these ruling forces become able to do
good deeds that a few succeed to implement to be used as a kind of
cover excuse to legitimize their bad deeds. What has been said here
has been denounced over and over in many different ways, ever since
Thomas Hobbes wrote(1651) his Leviathan: an ever-increasing control
of our destinies in the hands of a few who operate, through the
state, the economy and our cultural lives.
However,importantstudiesindicatethattheemergenceoftheso-callednetworksocietyhas
pushedhumankindtotheedgeorintoatransitionstatethatmayaffectstructurallythiswhole
scenario.Therevolutionofcommunicationtechnologiesandthecommonthreatsthatimpel
humankind to realize itself as a community (such as climate
change), combined, are pushing forth a
globalizedworldthatinfluencesallspheresofhumanlife.InthatwhichManuelCastells(2009)
hasnamedspacesofflownewformsofspatialarrangementsthatallowdistant,synchronous,
real-timeinteractionsanunimaginablerangeofopportunitiesforcitizenshipparticipationhas
beenlaunchedtowardsourfuture,andtheoldstructuresofgovernancedonotseemcapableof
absorbing what is being suggested in this new context.
MoisesNam(2013,p.243)arguesthatasweepingwaveofinnovationsisbuilding,onethat
promises to change the world as much as the technological
revolutions of the last two decades did. It will not be top-down,
orderly, or quick, the product of summits or meetings, but messy,
sprawling,
andinfitsandstarts.Yetitisinevitable.Drivenbythetransformationintheacquisition,use,and
retention of power, humanity must, and will, find new ways of
governing itself. Precisely, the end of
theefficacyofoldstructuresofpoweriscausedbytheinabilityofthecentrestocopewiththe
profusion of actors who became able to influence their decisions.
Fromthebordersofthesociety(Silva,2013),awiderangeofnewmodesofactionemerges,
organizedarounddifferentthemesandcausessuchastransparency,theraisingofecological
andorganiceconomy,horizontalandcooperativemovementsandorganizations,opensource
technologies the examples are endless. People are finding other
kinds of activism as expressions of other developmental
perspectives. New ways of influencing the public sphere are being
invented everyday, now less biased by ideological utopias, but
perhaps driven by the desire to generate real solutions that may
inform different pathways for the whole paradigm to be changed. In
the network society, a new, highly interactive and horizontal
culture enables the rapid formation of the so-called democratic
cells (Box 1824, 2015), spaces in which bridges between peripheries
andcentresarebuiltwithinnovativeapproachesthatreinventourwaysofparticipatinginthe
10 society. Meanwhile, the old structures of governance and the
values that sustain them seem to be
incheck.Isthistheendoftheformsofpowerthatwehaveknown?Possiblyyes,becausethe
increasingcomplexityofthescenarioseemstoodynamictobecontrolledbythesameold
centralizedstructuresofgovernanceandtheemergenceofNewPowers(Heimans,2014)
provesirreversible.Yes,wecanforeseeamajorstructuralshiftcomingbut,asbothNamand
Castells emphasise, this shift is not necessarily for the good.
Regardless of which kind of political system and governance models
are to come, we can have at least one certainty: No citizenship, no
Democracy, said Havel (no date, p. 6). Active citizenship is
theonlywaytoreversetheentropyofapoliticalsystem2.Ifdemocraticcellsremainmarginal,
distantfromwhatmostpeopleareexperiencingintheirrealities,activecitizenswillneverreally
influencemajordecisions.Theproblemhereis,asCastellsdemonstrates,thatemerging
movementstendtospliteasily,duetoanindividualisticandatomizedtraitoftheirorganisational
cultures.
Abroadervisionofcitizenshipisneededinordertobondtheemergingbutalsoscatteringforces
into an actual capability. This means that a deep and wide shift in
the very understanding of political
practicebyallofus,citizens,musthappen.Inourday-to-day,despiteallthenewpossibilitiesof
action,wearestillconditionedbyakindofthinkingthatunderminesourcapacitytoactmore
broadlyandeffectively.Whenwordssuchaspower,politician,andpoliticalareusedwitha
pejorative connotation, a negative image of politics is formed in
our imagination, and voil! - the wall is formed. A deep change is
necessary in our whole way of thinking about political life. There
is a nobility to be rooted in our very understanding of politics,
rescuing its real meaning of Service from our deep sense of
reality.
Poweristobeunderstoodnotascommonsenseinducesustounderstandthecapacityto
makeotherpeopledowhatwewant.Thiscommonsense,inthisperspective,ispowerover,
based on manipulation and control; it is not true politics, but
politicking. Power is inherent in the
veryexistenceofpoliticalcommunitiessaysHannahArendt(1972,p.151),anditspringsup
whenever people get together and act in concert, but it derives its
legitimacy from the initial getting
togetherratherthanfromanyactionthatthenmayfollow.Soithasnothingtodowithviolence,
force, nor property. In this sense, it is the capacity of people to
act together for the common good; it
ispowerwith.Inthisvision,attheheartofpoliticsistheactionofconversation;theencounters
between different human beings with their individual worldviews,
interests, social backgrounds, etc.
butwhoarticulatenewactstospeaktheirintentionsandwhobecomeresponsibleforkeeping
commitmentstogether.Whencitizensfindtheirinherentpower,theworldisaffectedin
unpredictable ways. Modernity by opening an abyss between thought
and action (Arendt, 2005, cited in Hayek 2014, - 69) combined with
traces of other authoritarian cultures that still live in us3, has
eroded human
solidarityandallspontaneousformsoflivingtogether,andpushesustowardscorruptionofthis
nobility of politics. Additionally, because the nature of politics
requires us to count on other, an other
whowecannotchoose,whoisdifferentfromus,andwithwhomwedontknowhowtorelate
properly. The wall just like the world is not just out there: it is
between I and the other who belongs to other ideologies, other
movements, other organisations, and other narratives of life.
2
Thewaysinwhichcitizensattitudesinfluencethepublicspherehasbeenwidelydiscussedinsidepoliticalscience,
under the theme of Civic Culture (Renno, 1998, pp 85), which
recognizes how a democratic political culture requires a structural
shift on the day-by-day life of citizens. However, as Renno
indicates (1998, pp. 86-89) the traditional science recognizes its
limitation in regards to cope with the immense complexity of
variables that informs this relationship. 3 In his classical work
of Brazilian historiography, Srgio de Holanda (1995) demonstrates
the origins of one of the most authoritarian political cultural
traces of Brazil: the cordiality. The fear of loneliness, he
argues, is the ground for a mask in
whichnorealfeelingsarebroughtforthwhenthesemaybesomehowconfrontingtheother.Thispatternengendersa
kind of superficiality in which even the most tyrannical attitudes
can be convened as noble gestures. 11
Inthefaceofthiswall,thenwecaneasilygettotheconclusionthatitisbettertocomebackto
smallthings,toourownlives,toourownwork,inthesafespacewherewemeetthosewhoare
more like us or even better, our loneliness. And this is truly a
valid choice as well, because small is beautiful indeed, and there
will never be major changes if we dont bring them to our own
small-scale practices: we will not bring happiness to the world
without happiness in our own lives. But this
choicehasadeepimplication:thisattitudeispreciselywhattheentropicforcesmostexpectfrom
us, and we know (even if unconsciously) that we are responsible for
our acquiescence. There must be another way! one may choose to
think instead. Our initial question impels us to act precisely when
we no longer can avoid facing our responsibility. Well then, how
are we to assume our real power as citizens, not succumbing into
hopelessness in the face of the wall? What kind of
practicecanemancipateusfromthismachine-likeparadigm?Howcanthegapbetweenthis
deeper understanding and the limiting realities of practice be
fulfilled? This dissertation is about the
searchforapracticalwisdomorphronesis- 4
whichcombinespoliticalactivismwithareflective journey of a becoming
development practitioner.
4 Phronesis, in Aristotles terms, is an intellectual virtue that
is reasoned, and capable of action with regard to things that
aregoodorbadforman,accordingtoFlyvbjerg,(2003),itconcernsvaluesandgoesbeyondanalytical,scientific
knowledge (episteme) and technical knowledge or know how (techne)
and it involves judgements and decisions made in the manner of a
virtuoso social actor. 12 It is possible to imagine thousands of
tiny, inconspicuous, everyday decisions whose common denominator is
precisely the spirit and ethos of a politics that is aware of the
global threat to the human race,and which does not support general
consumer resignationbut rather seeks to awaken a deeper interest in
the state of the world and rally the will to confront the threats
hanging over it. Above all, however, it is possible to imagine
thatthrough the agencyof thousands of properly chosen, carefully
combined, and well-timedpublic actions, the positive local climate
in a country - that is, a climate of solidarity, creativity,
cooperation, tolerance and deepening civic responsibility is
slowly, inconspicuously, but steadily strengthened. What is at
issue here is not a set of dogmas, postulates and ideological
theses, but a political style, a political atmosphere, the inner
spirit of politics. Vaclav Havel Wroclaw University - 1992 13 1#
2)-'+,3 4%/-.3% 4%& 5/(56*# The river does not want to achieve,
but stay wide and deep. Guimares Rosa In the year 1998, in the deep
Amazon, a political group was elected in the state of Acre,
breaking
decadesofaseriesofcorruptandviolentgovernments.DisciplesoftheAmazonianmartyrChico
MendesbroughtforthwhatIfoundarevolutionaryideaofFlorestania,whichmightbetranslated
intoEnglishasForestshipamixingofForestandCitizenship.TheFlorestaniaconcept
embracedthecommunityofthelandandforestincludingsettlers,indigenouspeoplesandthe
multiple other-than-human members of the states ecosystem, not only
as beneficiaries, but also as active participants of their whole
development.
Drivenbythisveryideaandbymyadmirationforoneoftherepresentativesofthisgroup,the
Senator (and then Minister) Marina Silva, I arrived in Acre after
their first re-election, as a member
oftheirstrategicplanningteam.ThroughoutthevariousmeetingsIwasfacilitating,itamazedme
how one voice would influence some of their most relevant choices
through the cracks of the formal structure: it was Toinho Alves,
regarded as a mentor of this political group from its beginning,
and creator of the concept of Florestania. Toinho had become
critical of the contradictions of that very
government,andchosetokeepactiveoutside,intheborderland.Themessageofhisspeeches
andwritings,illustratedwithwisdomstoriesofthepeopleandotherformsoflifeintheforest,
stakedaclaimfortheirgovernmentscoherence;standingforthesamehorizontal,ecologicaland
open approach to power that made me admire Marina Silvas political
style.
YearslaterIwouldlearnfromToinhoastorythatillustratedtheirkindofpoliticalpractice,which
valued the citizens participation from the borders: in the
indigenous cultures the Cacique (the Chief)
holdssocialresponsibilitiesatthecentreofthetribe,whilethePaj(thehealer,orshaman)has
another political role: he perceives the subtle dynamics of the
spiritual world, and keeps constantly
attentivetothelifedeepintheforest,soheisabletotranslatetotheCaciquewhatishappening
beyond the reach of his sight. In the practical wisdom of those
small traditional societies, the centre
isawareofitstendencytooverlookimportantthings,andremainsawaketothebreathoflife
coming from the peripheries (Alves, 2014).
Iconsiderthisancestralwisdomaguidancetounderstandthevitalimportanceofthedynamics
betweenthecentresandbordersasapivotpointforourquest.Inmoderncivilization,centresof
powerareformedascohering,gravitationallociofhegemoniccontrol.Assuch,theybecome
resistant to influences coming from the border regions, filled with
what seems strange, chaotic and less reliable ideas originated
outside of that cosy world created by the centre. So hegemonic
forces will tolerate their existence, and even use them on their
own behalf when possible, as long as they do not reach a
threatening level of political influence.
VaclavHavel(1991,2007)has,throughouthisjourney,indicatedasimilarvisionhowitcanbe
possibletoreverseapoliticalsystemsentropyfromthebordersandhowtransformativeapower
centrecanbecomewhenitholdsanopenattitudetowardtheborders.Asacharismaticyoung
dramatist and activist living under a totalitarian regime, and even
though he was part of a very small
group,Havelengagedtoreversecitizenspassivitybycommunicatingdirectlywiththecentreof
that authoritarian regime, with such a persuasive ability that it
became impossible to ignore him. He himself became a centre of new
power - from a dissenting group to jail, then to presidency, and to
14
aninternationalpoliticalsuperstarstatus,Havelkeptanunfailingsensitivitytowhatwas
happening at the borders, clearly standing for the most advanced
issues of his time, in a constant effort to reverse the
machine-like political culture of modernity.
Whenonehasthechancetocomefromthebordersintoapoliticalsystem,onefindsavery
complexwebofmanycentres,whichhavetheirownborders,formedbyothercentreswhichare
also borders of other centres, and so on. Beyond appearances and
formalities, the political fields do
notcorrespondstrictlytostaticforms:agroupthathaslittlepowercanbecomesuddenlyakey
actorforarelevantchoice;apoliticalinstancethatnowispowerfulmaysoonnotevenexist;a
leader who is today is an attractor of hope can become tomorrow a
symbol of the past. It is in the nature of politics to be unstable
and uncertain, like a swamp. Borders and centres are formed in the
midstofthiswebofuncertainty,inafundamentallyrelationalprocessinwhichacentrecannot
effectivelyactwithoutcarryingalongitsborderssincetheinteractionwithbordersiswhat
constitutes every centre. (Kaplan, 1997)
Ofcourse,thiscomplexanddynamicunderstandingcontrastswiththehegemonicmentalitythat
prevails in the political arena. In politics, there is no empty
space - this is the only law of politics
thisisthecovenantedtruththatjustifiesthekindofpracticeofthosewhoseenowayotherthan
doingbusinessasusual.Butthisbeliefis,perhaps,whatthenewinfinitenewspacesoffloware
potentially putting on check.
* * * * * * * * * * * Ive been experiencing this paradigmatic
contrast since my early days of promoting youth activism.
AsIorganizedvariousforums,networksandcoursesthatintentionallymixedNGOsandpolitical
partiesfortheco-creationofpublicpolicies,Ilearnedhowpartygroupsmanipulatedthose
conversations - by defining who would be the last one to speak,
grabbing someone elses ideas as if they were their own, hiding
relevant information, etc. Young politicians were taught how to
control
theirenvironment,andhowtomanipulatethosearoundthemtolegitimatetheirpositioninthe
centre. From the moment I began realizing how authoritarianism is
built in practice as a political culture, I began an activism
aiming to reverse this intergenerational thread. I believed in the
shared exercise of power as a solution for political changes, and
searched for all possible means to discover how to
transformpoliticalpractices.Isoughtguidancefromagroupofelders,internationallyengagedin
nurturing civil society networks, and the facilitation practice was
presented to me as a professional
paththatcouldallowmetoengageinattemptingtogeneratenewformsofpoliticalculturewhile
moving inside and outside different action fields.
ThisbeginningofaprofessionaljourneyhappenedwhileapoliticalforcewasemerginginBrazil,
thefirstonetoreachpowerwithastrongsocialbasis.Aseriesofinnovationsandparticipatory
instanceswerebeingintroducedingovernmentalprocesses,whichincreasinglydemanded
professionals capable of holding space for new forms of
conversation and dialogue with citizens. A
newandwidefieldofpossibilitieswasjustaheadofme,inside,outsideandonthebordersof
governments from municipal to national levels, in a joint effort to
Democratize Democracy5 (Santos,
2007).Mywayofcollaboratingwastoofferfacilitationasameanstosupporttheattitudinal
5 Democratize Democracy has been one of the main mottoes to
frame the impulse of participatory public policies in Brazil,
fromaleftpoliticalperspective.BoaventuraSouzaSantos(2007)framesthisideaundertheconceptoftwo
democracies,whichproposesthatacitizen-orientedandculturalperspectiveisanecessaryresponsetoahegemonic
andutilitarianvisionofdemocracyasameremechanismofgovernance.Participatorybudgeting(Oramento
Participativo) and National Conferences would be the practical
milestones of this political vision. 15
changesrequiredtothedevelopmentofamorehorizontalandcollaborativepoliticalculture
(Rombauer, 2003).
Duringmorethantenyearsmymainworkwastofacilitatemajordialogues:attheministryof
Cultureintegratingadiverserangeofactorsintosupportingaradicallynewconceptofpublic
policies; with an environmental conference involving hundreds of
thousands of children who would choose priorities for actions,
starting in their schools up to a charter to be presented to the
Brazilian President; conversations between judges, policemen and
prisoners to define common principles for
thejusticesystem;inter-ministerialmeetingsnegotiatinghighlycomplexmatters.Iwasina
privilegedpositiontoexperiencewhatthissharedpowerreallymeansandwhathappenswhen
thepoliticalsystemisreceptivetoinfluencefromitsborders:collectivechallengeswerebeing
resolved integrating the long and short term perspectives, and
participants enhanced their capacity
toinfluenceeachotherpositively.Asthesedialogicalfieldsofactionexpanded,itwasasifour
societysvitalneedsandcreativeimpulsesgainedlifeandbreathednewvitalitythroughthe
structure of governance. Along the way, I designed an innovation
that would take these participatory spaces a step further in which
citizens could engage more directly from their own spaces, either
localities or thematic fields,
bycreatingtheirownfreeconference(Rombauer,2009).Nowpeopleathomesorschoolsor
even prisons could bring these discussions into their lives and
bring their lives into the discussions.
Therangeofparticipantswasdiversified;thecostperpersonwasdramaticallyreduced;andthe
qualityoftheproposalsincreased(Derivi,2011).SoIstartedtoarticulatetheideatobetakento
another level:every free conference could dialogue with conferences
in other areas, and thus to
becomeamulti-thematicreflectiveandpropositionalspace.Thiswasasolutionforanother
problem I was working with inside the Strategic Planning
Department: new horizontal (inter-agency
andinterdisciplinary)programmeswerefailingduetointernalcompetitionandentrenched
bureaucracy in the governmental structure.
However,eventhoughmuchinterestwasdeclaredforthisinnovation,adeeperin-action
elaboration could not be presented to the responsible department.
Over the few years that followed,
Iwitnessedthepowerfulinertiaoftheoldwaysofdoingpolitics:ministerialpositionswerebeing
"horse-traded"; negotiations included forms of corruption; a
retrograde developmental agenda full of
giantpublicworkscontractsbecamestronger;innovativecultural,educational,energy,andsocial
policieswerebeingbypassed;allinfavourofthesameoldpoliticsthatmeantmaintainingthe
dominance of established interests. I concluded that truly
participatory spaces were becoming mere
factoidswithoutrealcapacitiesofinfluence.Aspoliciesandpracticesdriftedinincreasingly
conservativeandlessinnovativedirections,Isearchedforanotherstancethatrequiredanew
concept of development and participation, and, indeed, a new
concept of politics.
SomeyearslaterIwouldfindmyselfinaleadershiproleofanindependent,horizontalandopen
citizensmovement.TheMovMarina6
wasbasedontheideaofanewwayofdoingpolitics:a
pioneering,spontaneous,internet-organizedandwithhundredsofautonomouslocalandthematic
groups;andallitsstrategieswereco-createdandgroundedoninitiativescomingfromthose
multiplespaces.Thismovementbecameacentrepieceofa2010presidentialcampaign,and
becausetheleadershipstyleofourcandidate,MarinaSilva,wasalsodeeplyopenandnon-hierarchical,
it was natural for a strong bond to form; a field of trust-based
action and exchange was established, in which information and
creative ideas could move from the borders to the centre, and from
the centre back to the borders, with relative ease.
6
MovMarinastandsforMovimentoMarinaSilva,createdin2007byanindependentgroupofcitizens(Machado,
2007)whichbelievedthatthesymbolicroleofMarinaSilvacouldhaveapedagogicaleffectintothepoliticalscenarioif
brought forth as a candidate. 16
Myrolewasbasicallytomonitorandmaintainavitalopennessatthatcentreofpower,sothat
actorsintheborderscouldperceivethemselvesas,andtrulybe,co-creatorsinourmovement.
Indeed, a surprising stream of creative actions emerged from those
cooperative forms and actually
influencedthecorestrategyofthecampaign.(IwasgladwhenToinhoappearedfromthe
borderlands, as if our Paj, bringing powerful insights from the
field.).
The2010presidentialcampaigncarriedusintoagreatcontradiction.Theoutstandingresult7
caused Marina Silva to be perceived as a serious political player
and attracted many new forces to
hercause.But,frommyperspectiveandmyunderstandingofourmovementsnewwayofdoing
politics,wefacedaninternaldefeat.Thedifferingoperatingstylesofsomeofthekeyactorswho
gathered around our candidate clashed with ours. There was not
enough trust, and a whole series of undermining internal conflicts
reduced the capability of our campaign as a whole.
Thisfragmentationincreasedaftertheelection,whenanewnonpartisanmovement(thenew
politics)wascreatedaimingtoexpandandconsolidatethefieldofpoliticalenergythathad
emergedfromthepresidentialcampaign(Borges,2011).Althoughthevisionofcreatinganew
politicsremainedasacentralidea(IDS,2011),theleadingapproachwasnotopen-centred,and
many of us from the earlier Movmarina stage did not know how to
relate with this new structure of power. For us, although the
vision being carried on was clearly an evolution of our
discussions, its
practicedidnotexemplifywhatweunderstoodasthenewpoliticsnordiditshowanyinterestin
groundingthenewphaseinthelessonsofouraccumulatedexperience(DAngelo,2012).SoI
stoodintheborderoftheborder,whereIcouldfindtheopennessandauthenticity,andmore
meaningful ways of acting. Along the years, as the new politics
movement faced an identity crisis (how to be effective without any
real space to act inside the political system?), it also seemed
that, in the group around Marina,
ourdifferenceswerebeingslowlyintegrated,andweseemtogainmaturity.Itwasbecoming
clearerthatthenewpoliticsshouldnotignoretheoldstructures,andthenewandtheoldwere
complementary.Sothen,atthebeginningof2013,adecisionwastakenofsettingupanew
politicalinstitutionbasedontheideaofaradicalopennesstopeoplesprotagonism,through
horizontalandsharedwaysofpower.RedeSustentabilidade(Rede)wasbeingconceivedto
becomeanon-partypartystandingfornewandindependentcitizenshippowers,andforthe
development of a qualified and participatory platform for
sustainable development.
Afterourpartyfailedtobesanctionedintimeforthefollowingelections,Redekeptactive
informally, and joined a forming alliance of parties for the
electoral campaign. Marina Silva became
thevice-presidentialcandidatetogetherwiththepresidentialcandidateEduardoCampos,an
extremelyskilledleaderbelongingtothetraditionalpolitics,whothuswasembracingthemain
visionandproposalsofRede.Histragicdeath8
forcedthereturnofMarinaSilvatothecentreof presidential elections.
The sudden increase of vote intentions she attracted provoked a
jeopardizing response: the campaign of the president running for
re-election intensively defamed her, her family
andmainallieswithanoverwhelmingcampaignoflies.Awaveofconfusionandangerwas
created, and corroborated to push our population even farther away
from politics.9
Withallmeansofpropagandausedtodamageherimagebeforethepopulation,MarinaSilva
became perceived as an unprepared and reactionary leader. And, in
such a dramatic situation, our
7 Marina Silva gathered 20 million votes far beyond the
predictions of pollsters. 8 Eduardo Campos has died on a tragic
airplane crash, nearly a month after the beginning of the electoral
campaign. #
Asaresult,themostconservativecongresseverinourhistorywaselected,andalong-termseriesofretrocessions,
including some harming basic human rights articles of our
Constitution, is now at stage; and waves of street protests and the
lowest popularity of a president in the history of Brazilian
democracy are indications of a natural response against this
practice. 17
campaignwas(again)notabletointegrateitselfinternally,neithertoresistexternallythe
destructive campaign machine of the ruling forces. What practical
wisdom may we discover here? * * * * * * * * * * *
Wemustbearinmindthatsomeofthegreatestpoliticalconquestsofhumankind,liketheendof
slavery,universalsuffrageandhumanrights,emergedfromthemarginsandfacedfierce
resistance. Small groups with a deep call, many times isolated,
start at the border areas where it is easier to hold a true
intention together. Setbacks are part of any struggle, from which
new learning
andresiliencecanbebuilt.Thecapacityofinfluencingwidercirclesgrowsasmarginalpositions
gain expression and support, up to the point where there is a
breakthrough into mainstream political
awareness.Hereiswheregreatpoliticalleadersmakeadifference:theirpersonalcharismatic
authorityholdsthevision,integratedifferences,andmotivateawiderangeofactorstobringtheir
best to the cause.
Nowadays,manycausesemergefromtheborderstryingtousetheemergentnetworking
opportunitiestospreadtheirmessagesandsinkdeeperrootsinsociety.Ahugemosaicisbeing
drawn and only history will show its final form. But there do seem
to be some foundational features:
widespreadandinclusiveInternetallowinglarge-scaleparticipationtoincreaseexponentially;the
so-calleddemocraticcellsbuildingbridgesofnewrelationsbetweencitizensandpublic
authorities;andageneralreceptivenesstoinnovation.Thecommonkeywordsofthenewpolitics
usually stress openness -- Open Government, Open Data, Open
Democracy.
RedeSustentabilidade(2015)isjustatinypartofthismajormosaic,andyetitstandsfora
historicalshiftthatnootherpoliticalpartyinthecountryisdeclaring:anintegrationoftheseliving
democraticcellsintoasustainablefuture,basedonamorecomplexunderstandingofourreality,
whichencompassesdifferentlevelsofsustainability.Itclearlydoesnotaimtoseizepowerinthe
traditionalhegemonicterms,buttoallowaconsistentbodyofideasandpeopletofindpositions
insidethesystem,whileatthesametimeholdingstrongcooperationflowsthroughcentresand
borders(Garcia,2013),thusallowingtheirtransformativeenergytogeneratetransformative
synergiesthroughoutthepoliticalarena.Arewegoingtosucceed?Willtherebeanothermore
efficient political group that can better serve their
transformative potential? We dont know. What I can highlight from
this whole experience, following Arendts and Havels earlier
diagnosis, is that we are all immersed in a fragmented and divided
world: the openness we strive for is not yet embodied in attitudes,
in relationships, in our political culture and without this deeper
shift, all of our activism falls into a black hole. Any honest
reflection will bring us to the understanding that no answers can
emerge from this or that group, from outstanding leaders or from
models or universal solutions. Stronger forces than our fragmenting
patterns are to be found.
Thisiswherepracticalwisdomistobediscovered:inlearninghowtoact,tothink,tobeinthese
spaces of flux with a simultaneous capacity to transform our own
culture that still induces so much
ofourthinkingandfeelinganddoingintoacolonized,exploitativeandutilitarianapproachtolife.
Bridging this gap from the visible level of action to the invisible
level of our culture requires a kind of knowledge rarely (if at
all) found in books, in their languages that speak about our world.
Practical wisdom goes deeper, it speaks out of the way we live in
the world; it is invisibly being woven by many hands from inside
the realm of action, responding to our need of understanding and
narrating our realities with ideas that speak directly to our
selves in practice.
Ifthereisapracticalwisdomtobefound,wemustsearchthroughtheconfoundingandobscure
realm of our political experiences, further into the invisible. 18
The more sensitive a person is to all the dangersthat threaten him,
the better able he is to defend against them.For that matter, I
have always thought that feeling emptyand losing touch with the
meaning of life arein essence only a challenge to seek new things
to fill one's life,a new meaning for one's existence and one's
work. Isn't it the moment of most profound doubtthat gives birth to
new certainties?Perhaps hopelessness is the very soilthat nourished
human hope;perhaps one could never find sense in lifewithout first
experiencing its absurdity. Vaclav Havel Salzburg Festival 1990 19
7# 8&&4+,3 4%& 9:;-**+&&+,3 4%& 9,?+*+