the - Shodhgangashodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/78036/5/... · 2018-07-08 · The marriage invitations are written at the time of 'betrothalt. Two copies of the marriage

CHAPTER I11

SOCIO-ECONOMIC A S P E C T S OF MARRIAGE R I T U A L S

In this chapter we discuss the different ritual

processes and the various socio-economic aspects involved in

marriages among the higher and the peasant castes selected

for the study.

3.1 The Evolution of Hindu Marriage

Marriage is one of the samskaras or sacraments of the

~indusl which is "taken as a social obligation rather than a

provision for an individual Is private pleasurel1. "

According to the Smritis, there are many forms of

marriage of which eight are traditionally recognised. They

are the Brahma, Daiva, Arsa, Prajapatya, Asura, Gandharva,

Rakshasa and PaisachaS3 The first four have been grouped

under approved (prasastha) form of marriages and the last

four come under disapproved (aprasastha) form of marriages.

Further, "the first four methods were regarded praiseworthy,

among which the first was the best ; the fifth and sixth were

tolerable and the last two were forbidden~l.~ These eight

forms of marriage are briefly described in their ascending

order as under.

In the Paisacha marriage the girl is "carried off by

force, or under false pretext . . . or against her will". 5

The Rakshasa marriage is characterised by the capture of the

girl by force 'without the consent of her father1 . 6 Further

in such marriages, girls were also taken away as war

bootiese7 Gandharva, on the other hand is Itthe marriage of

the desiring woman with a desiring man".* In otherwords, in

this form of marriage, consent of the parents of either party

was not required and this was just a 'meeting1 of the couple

'born of passion1. In the Asura form of marriage Itthe

husband after having paid money to the relations of the

bride and the bride herself, accepts her out of free will1'

and thus this marriage is a 'bit superior1 to Gandharva

marriage.10 This form of marriage is also considered as a

marriage by the 'sale of the bride for pecuniary

considerat ion1 (apathya vikraya) ll. The praj apatya is a

"vaguely defined form of marriage whose chief features appear

to be that its conditions were fixed, and the father gave

away the daughter on the distinct understanding that husband

and wife should perform their civil and religious duties

together".12 In the Arsa or the Irishi-liket method of

marriage, "the father of the bride received a pair of kine

for the purpose of sacrifice or facilitating the performance

of sacrifices requiring cow's milk". 13 This was

distinguished from the Asura marriage in the sense that the

g i f t o f f e r e d by t h e groom should be used on ly f o r s a c r i f i c e

and hence t h i s was n o t a b r i d e ' s p r i c e . Next comes t h e Daiva

form of marr iage where t h e g i r l is g iven Itduly decked wi th

ornaments t o a p r i e s t a s a g i f t o r a s a s a c r i f i c i a l f ee l t . 14

And f i n a l l y comes t h e p u r e s t form of Brahma marr iage where

l1the g i r l was g iven by t h e f a t h e r , w i th such ornaments a s he

could a f f o r d , t o a man of c h a r a c t e r and l e a r n i n g , whom he

i n v i t e d v o l u n t a r i l y and rece ived r e s p e c t i v e l y wi thout t a k i n g

anyth ing i n r e t u r n t 1 . 15

A t p r e s e n t , t h e Brahma and t h e Asura marr iages a r e

t h e on ly forms which a r e i n p r a c t i c e .

I n Tamil Nadu, however, t h e a n c i e n t form of marraige

was t h e Kalavu o r s e c r e t marr iage which was I1love marr iage

p u r e and s i m p l e t 1 . l6 T h i s t y p e o f m a r r i a g e i m p l i e d a

m a t r i a r c h a l s o c i e t y among t h e a n c i e n t Tamils. "The a n c i e n t

Tamils were no t t h e d o c i l e South Ind i ans of today . They were

a hardy , m a r t i a l people , who thought it a d i s g r a c e t o d i e

a n a t u r a l d e a t h , and always cou r t ed dea th i n t h e b a t t l e

f i e ld I t . l7 A s such , t h e r e was no b e t r a y a l of women and

disowning o f o f f - s p r i n g by men. On t h e o t h e r hand, t h e open

form o f Karpu m a r r i a g e was a l a t t e r deve lopmen t where

weddings were performed Itin p u b l i c be fo re w i tnes se s t1 . l8 Thi s

form, however, was cons idered a s an I tundes i rab le innovat ion t1

by t h e Tamils. Thus, a n c i e n t Tamil marr iages were no t

"enslaved by sacramental notions of marriage, Sati, child-

marriage, Purdah and other evil institutions of the Aryans of

the ~orth. vt20 These notions and ritual processes, however,

were developed only in Grihya Sutras during the early Aryan

period. ' 3.2 Ritual Processes in a Brahmin Marriage

Marriage is an important sacrament (samskara) that

has to be observed by a brahmin male after his initiation

(upanayanam or investiture with the sacred thread). 2 2

The custom of 'betrothal' (nischaya tamboolam) is

very important in a brahmin marriage where the fixation and

approval of the marriage takes place. This custom is found

to be unique to South ~ n d i a . ~ ~ The horoscopes of the boy and

the girl are compared to agree atleast in five or six

respects. 2 4 Once this is settled, and the marriage is

decided, the parties proceed to discuss the 'terms' of the

marriage which include gifts (seer) from the bride's side and

marriage expenses from the groom's side. 25 Further, the

important matter of dowry is also settled at this stage.

During mid-nineteenth century, the bridegroom's father had to

part with large sums of money as 'bride-pricet in order to

secure a suitable match for the groom. The bride-price

mainly consisted of jewellery and clothes for the bride apart

from marriage expenses. 2 6

The marriage invitations are written at the time of

'betrothalt. Two copies of the marriage invitations (or

agreement ! ) are made duly signed by the father or guardian

of either party and they are exchanged. This custom is still

prevalent nowadays. Once this is done, the two parties

generally abide by their word and the marriage takes place

without inconvenience. This is one of the reasons why this

custom is still followed even among the educated and

urbanised youth. This serves as an agreement and the groom's

kin do not generally break the alliance. The invitations are

written in the presence of a large number of friends and

relatives (ishta mitra bandhu).

On the evening of the day before the marriage, the

bridegroom is taken in a procession (janavasam) from the

temple, where the groom is given new clothes. 2 7 This

procession serves as an entertainment for the young bridal

pair. This procession also helps the viewers to subtly

verify the physical and mental character in the groom ; and

hence the marraige can be annulled even at this stage. At

the same time, it would be impossible for the bridegroom to

deny the girl in the presence of witnesses even if he is

tempted to do so. 2 8

On the day fixed for the ceremony, the bridegroom has

to perform certain invocatory services (vratham) and memorial

services to the ancestors to invoke their blessings

(nandhishraddham). The next important item in the ~amil

brahmin marriage is the kas iyatra i where the groom moves away

from the place of marriage pretending strict celebacy

(brahmacharya) when the bride's maternal uncle requests him

to come back and marry the bride. Garlands are then

exchanged given by the maternal uncles of both sides. 29 The

maternal uncles are then given new clothes as a mark of

respect (mariyadai) . In marriages that took place during the

mid-nineteenth century, the bridal pair exchange garlands

when they are carried on the shoulders of their uncles. This

serves as an entertainment for the young bridal pair. Small

balls of cooked rice mixed with lime and turmeric are waved

round the couple which are then scattered in all the four

directions to cast away the evil-effects of the eye. 3 0

The couple are brought to the place of marriage and

the ceremony begins that lasts for several hours. The

bridegroom is received with due honour and hospitality

(arghya) by the bride's father and presents him with perfumed

water and honey-curd-mixture (madhuparka). 31 The lineage

identities (gothrarns) are pronounced aloud so that marriage

within the same lineage (sagothram) is avoided.32 The seed

pan ceremony ( p a l i g a i ) then takes place where nine types of

grains soaked overnight in little new earthern pots are

worshipped. These pots should be watered for all the five

days of the marriage for, the extent of growth of these

plants signifies the longevity of marital life. 3 3 The

nuptial fire (agni) is then lit and the bridegroom offers

oblations to the fire while "the bride held the hand that

offered the oblationst'. 3 4 Then comes the important stage

'virgin-giving' (kanyadana), or the formal gift of the groom.

A yoke is placed lightly on the bride's neck by the groom,

llsymbolizing his authority over her1'. 3 5 The girl is then

dressed up in a nine-yard saree that represents half a male's

dress (dhoti) and half a female's, symbolizing unity in

marital 1 i fe . 36 The father of the bride sits on the

vidhaikottai which is a box (made out of dry grass and

covered both sides with cow dung) for storing food grain

seeds and the bride sits on her father's lap. This signifies

transfer of prosperity in food economy from the bride's side

to that of the groom. The bridegroom then ties the sacred

thread (mangalyam or tali) round the neck of the bride given

by his eldest sister. The sacred thread is knotted thrice :

while the first knot is tied by the groom, his sister ties

the other two knots. 3 7 Both the mangalyam and the nine-yard

silk saree are presented by the groomts father. The sister-

in-law is then given some cash or gold as a mark of respect.

Then comes the acceptance of the bride in a rite called pani-

grahana or the 'hand-graspingt ceremony.

The bridegroom takes the hand of the bride and

repeats the vedic text 'I1 take thy hand in mine ; yearning

for happiness, I ask thee to live with me as thy husband till

both of us grow old . . . The way in which the

bridegroom holds the hand of the bride signifies the

forthcoming progeny. "If the man gripped the whole hand of

the girl including the thumb, he was to be rich in the off-

spring of both sexes ; if he desired only males he merely

held the thumb of the girl ; if he wanted daughters, he left

the thumb free and held the f i n g e r ~ ~ l . ~ ~

The Laja-Homa is then performed where the bride

offers fried grains given by her brother to the nuptial fire.

This is intended to release the girl from the bondage to

certain gods. 40 The brother of the bride, in turn, is given

a gold ring and new clothes by the groomls father as a mark

of respect (mariyadai). Next the bridal pair walk round the

fire (agni-parinayana or agni-pradakshina). This is followed

by mounting the millstone (asmarohana) where the bride

"resting her hands on the shoulders of the bridegroom treads

on a millstone with her right foot and is enjoined to be

faithful and steadfast like the stone ; to be untiring in

domestic duties, obedient to the commands of her husband,

determined and devoted in all she d ~ e s l l . ~ ~ A silver toe ring

(motti) is then placed on the second toe of the bride by her

maternal uncle's wife. The metti removes the ill-effects

(dosham) of treading the threshold by the daughter-in-law.

Further, this also represents prosperity.

The next important item is the seven-step ceremony

(saptapadi) where the bride and the groom take seven steps

before the fire, each step representing a particular blessing

namely, llfood, strength, wealth, happiness, progeny, cattle

and devotionn. 4 2 This ceremony, further, irrevocably seals

the union and this completes the major item of the marriage

ceremony. Other minor ceremonies are performed for the

general happiness and prosperity of the couple followed by

thanksgiving and blessing ceremonies. There was then the

'inevitablet feast which is "not essential to the ceremony

proper, but considering the expenses involved, the most

important feature of a marriagett. 4 3 Further, during this

feast, the wife should eat the remnants left by her husband

in order to absorb into her system her husbandls "forcible

magnetismt1 and thus to become "purer". 4 4

3.3 Ritual Processes in a Muthuraja Marriage

Muthuraja is a peasant caste found mainly in Trichy,

Tanjore and North Arcot districts of Tamil Nadu. According

to caste legends, they were originally employed by

Vijayanagar Kings to defend the frontiers of their kingdom.

They were also given the titles Palaiyakkarar and

Ambalakkarar. "The caste is usually esteemed by others as

low one. Most of its members are poor even when they have

left the profession of talaiyari (heriditary watchmen) and

taken to agriculture. They eat in the houses of most other

castes and are not trammelled by many restriction^".^^

Muthurajas having left their heriditary occupations

now took to agriculture. A very few of them worked under

brahmin agriculturists as supervisors in the early twentieth

century. However, in course of time, they acquired ownership

over the lands sold by brahmins (who left for the cities) and

acquired status parity with other peasant castes. 4 6 Ritually

speaking, in the Tamil country, the muthurajas stand below

the dominant peasant castes of vellalar and above the mainly

labouring castes of pallar, paraiyar and chakkiliyar.

Parisam is an important occasion in muthura j a

marriages. 4 7 On the day of the occasion, the bridegroom's

parents visit the bride's place and the horoscopes of the

bridal pair are If they agree well with either

seven or eleven respects, the bridegroom's kin revisit the

bride's place taking with them a seer of seven plates

consisting of different kinds of fruits, flowers and dress

material for the girl and above all the parisappanam or the

bride-price. This amount consits of either Rs. 1.25 or the

same amount in multiples of tens of rupees (ie Rs. 11.25, Rs.

21.25 and so on) . Whatever be the amount, the bride's

parents accept only Rs. 1.25 and return the remaining sum.

The seer is exchanged by the maternal uncles and the 'terms'

of marriage are then discussed. The amount of seer that the

bride's side pays depends on the number of sovereigns of gold

kept by the groom's family.

The marriage rituals then begin in earnest. The

bride is dressed in the saree given at the time of parisam.

The groom is also well dressed in new clothes and visits the

temple. The marriage is then conducted by a Telugu Brahmin

priest who is called panchangakkarar (the almanac reader).

The bridal pair offer boiled rice cakes to the gods in front

of the nuptial fire (agni). The next important item is tying

the sacred thread (tali). The sister of the groom gives him

the tali who ties it round the bride's neck. Then comes the

fire-circumambulation (agni-pradakshina) where the bride and

the groom walk round the nuptial fire three times with the

ends of their nuptial garments tied together. This completes

the marriage ritual.

The bridal pair are then made to sit on the dias and

a feast is served to them. The wife should eat the remnants

left by her husbande4' Maternal uncles are then given new

clothes as a mark of respect (mariyadai). The girl's brother

also receives a ring from the groom's family.

Additional minor ceremonies such as nagavalli and

pallankuzhi are later preformed which are intended mainly for

entertainment.

The married partners are then conducted to their

respective homes and are separated from each other for about

three months. After this period , they are again summoned to

the same place of marriage and the marriage is resanctified.

The tali or the sacred thread is replaced by a new one by the

groom. This function is an important occasion for, only

after this the marriage is consummated. This rite is called

maru or marumagzhchi. The groom then receives new clothes

and a gold ring from the bride's party. It is only at this

stage that any little demands made by the groom are fulfilled

by his in-laws. The gap of these three months after the

marriage is basically to judge the real character and

chastity of the marriage partners. 5 0

3 4 Bocio-economic Aspects of Marriage Rituals

Thus South Indian marriages are characterised by

certain crucial social principles and most parts of the

rituals are socially significant in some way or the other.

For instance, the part played by the closest kinsmen is very

important. Thus in a brahmin marriage, while the maternal

uncle is engaged during the malaimatral (exchange of

garlands) ceremony, the sister-in-law is significantly

responsible for tying the mangalyam. The brother of the

bride is engaged in the ceremony of Laja-Homa while the

maternal uncle's wife puts on the metti on the bride's toe.

Further many other older relatives and kinsmen are engaged in

the thanksgiving, blessing and entertaining ceremonies.

Similarly the marriage rituals of the peasant castes are also

characterised by the necessary involvement of kinsmen engaged

in one ritual or the other.

Further, members of other castes also render their

services in marriages. For instance, the washerman, the

barber, the panda1 maker etc. are some of the other caste

people engaged in a marriage. 51 Further, the nadaswaram or

mangalavadhyam is a must in the South Indian marriages

(especially brahmins). In pre-independence days, a player is

engaged for four or five consecutive days. In fact, certain

entertaining items such as nalangu are observed to engage the

player to play to the tunes sung by the ladies.52 It is only

at this occasion that their expert skills could be

appreciated by the viewers.

Infact, the preference for cross-cousin marriages in

South India is justified to a large extent by the presence of

closest kinsmen such as the maternal uncle in marriages.

For, this, as a result, may lead to long term marital

negotiations within the kin group. For instance, such

proposals of marriages from the sister of the groom is

observed among the muthuraja. Further, this is also one of

the reasons why marriages in South India are mostly

isogamous. 5 3

Further, there are sociological and economic reasons

behind such marriages. Firstly, marriages within the kin

group reduces the risk of the spread of inheritable or

communicable diseases. Secondly, property would be

conserved within the kin group. The peasant castes, however,

have an additional benefit from these marriages : The

talaivars (leaders) of muthuraja in the village act as a sort

of 'quasi-employment exchanges'. These leaders supply

agricultural labour from their own kinsmen to the landlords

in the village. Thus labour supply is extended within the kin

group. This, therefore, constitutes the most important

economic aspect in marriage transactions. 54

These relationships, on the other hand, bring about

greater variations in the demographic parameters regarding

marriage among different castes. For instance, among cross-

cousin marriages of brahmin castes, the age at marriage of

the bride was twelve years or below while that of the boy was

between fifteen and twenty. 5 5

Further, the dowry or seer given to the brides in

marriages serves a different purpose among the brahmins and

the peasant castes. For instance, a peasant caste bride is

provided with agricultural tools and implements apart from

other necessary items, which she could use when she goes to

work in the fields. The idea, in otherwords, is to make the

bride leconomically secure or independent'. Such economic

independence is not, however, considered necessary among the

brahmin brides where they are only conditioned to run a

household than to support their families. As a result, her

seer continues for about a year after her marriage, where she

is equipped with all the necessary items to run her

household. 56 The increasing economic status of brahmin women

through education and employment is, infact, a later

development.

3.5 Some Remarks on Change and Transition

In the recent years, marital transactions underwent a

great deal of change though the ritual part of the marriage

remained almost the same. For instance, certain changes have

taken place in brahmin marriages. Firstly, the marriage

itself is restricted from a flve day function to a two day

affair. Secondly, some educated youths in the metropolitan

areas do not prefer the marriage processions (Janavasam).

However, in urban orthodox towns and rural areas, this is

celebrated with much vigour and interest. In the rural areas

especially, the 'extravaganza' on the occasion is much more

si~jnificant.~~ There is an increase of invitees that include

more friends than relatives. Moreover, marriages take place

in choultries thereby making the expenditure on food and

accomodation very high. Grand receptions are held on the

evening of the marriage which are now increasingly coming

into vogue. Not a single upper caste brahmin marriage is

witnessed nowadays without a videotape recording of the

marriage. This has now become such a necessary part in

marriages that it has to be discussed as one of the 'terms'

of the marriage at the time of betrothal.58 Such items

naturally inflate the expenses and the economic burden on the

bride's family is thus increased manifold. 59 Above all,

'dowryt is now being demanded in cash by the groom's family

in almost every Tamil brahmin marriage. 6 0 Further, this is

found to be higher especially among the educated and well

placed youth. 61

However, among the peasant castes, we find a dramatic

transition from bride-price to dowry where the groom's family

instead of giving jewellery to the bride, now demand jewels

from the bride's side.62 The reason for this may be due to

the sanskritisation of upper castes such as the brahmins in

matters regarding marriages. Not surprisingly, the payment

of bride-price in the form of jewellery among muthurajas is

transformed into a mere ritual. Further, in many marriages,

we find a borrowed jewel being kept as parisam. Sometimes a

single piece of jewellery belonging to the head of the

household is rotated for three or four marriages within the

same household. Women borrow jewellery, moreover, when they

go to witness a marriage function. However, fortunately, the

other important factors such as education and occupational

status of the groom have not contributed significantly to the

transition.

Thus in a higher caste as well as a peasant caste, we

observe a clear transition from bride-price to dowry and also

in the magnitude of transfers. This is, in turn, due to

many sociological and economic factors. There is also a

demand in every type of marriage in some form or the other.

In order to avoid this, some youths prefer inter-caste

marriages. This, however affects the family level

relationships sometimes and neither the parents of the groom

nor those of the bride were satisfied. While the groom's

parents felt 'cheated out' of the right to dowry, the bride's

parents felt no relief either for fear of breaking down of

'religious endogamyt. 63 Thus a great deal of disturbance is

created either way in the group endogamy.

Notes

Kapadia (1966), p. 168. Van Gennep (1960) classified the

rituals of marriage into separation, transition and

incorporation as the rites of Dassaqe and the individual

should live through these rites. For more information

on the study of rituals in relation to social

structures, see Gupta (1974). Also for a sociological

approach of marriage, see Mandelbaum (1970).

Srivastava (1986), p. 49.

Gour (1973)) p. 182 and Kane (1941).

Pandey (1969)) p.159. For a descriptive account of

these eight forms of marriage, see Pandey (1969),

Chatterjee (1974) and Gour (1973).

Gour (1973) , p. 182.

Ibid, pp. 182-3.

Pandey (1969), p. 160.

Gour (1973), p. 183.

Pandey (1969), p. 162.

Ibid, p. 164. The system of bride-price or sulka is

associated with this form of marriage. Although Karve

(1953), p. 132 pointed out that dowry is practised among

the higher castes and bride-price among the poor castes,

we find the practice of bride-price even in the poorer

families of upper castes upto the middle of nineteenth

century. See Swaminatha Iyer (1950).

11. Gour (1973), p. 194.

12. Ibid, p. 183. Pandey (1969) suggests that at present

this form of marriage is the best suited for the youth,

for, here the groom comes forward to ask for the girl

and the decision depends entirely on the educated youth.

Indeed, even in the times of smritis, we find many

marriages arranged between the grown-up men and women

who often chose their life partners. The child

marriages and early marriages were only a later

development that took place for reasons such as

attainment of religious merits, to preserve the idea of

chastity, disappearance of intellectual education and

above all, to check inter-caste marriages. See for

instance, Jayal (1966), pp. 46 - 9. Infact, the number

of child marriages that took place during 1930's is

quite alarming. For instance, we find that "nearly one

girl in 100 girls of less than one year of age is

married". See Gandhi (1942) . Unfortunately, even as recent as 1988, we notice some traces of child marriages

in India. See for instance, Junior Vikatan, dated 3rd

February, 1985.

13. Gour (1973), p. 183.

14. Ibid.

15. Pandey (1969), p. 169. We still find many uppercaste

families in India who strictly follow this custom in

every sense. For instance, the Anavil Brahmins of

Gujarat give their daughters in marriage without

claiming any reciprocal prestations. See Veen (1972).

Thomas (1964), p. 30.

Ibid.

Ibid, p. 31.

Ibid.

Ibid.

The Grihya Sutras deal in detail with the rules of

conduct to be observed and ceremonies to be performed by

an Indo-Aryan (brahmin) householder. See Thomas (1964),

p . 61.

Traditionally, marriage is essential for women because

it is the only sacrament that can be performed for her.

On the other hand, a man has to undergo several

sacraments during his life time which begin with the

'laying of the foetus and end with the cremation of his

body1. See Kapadia (1966), p. 168.

Jagadisa Ayyar (1982), p. 43.

A detailed account of the ten aspects of a horoscope to

be considered for marriages is given in Jagadisa Ayyar

(1982), p.43.

Prior to the introduction of horoscopes, when astrology

was not well developed in the Grihya Sutra period, the

girl is usually selected or 'picked by lot'. She is

asked to pick up one out of four balls made of earth

from different places : from a sacrificial alter, from a

field, from a lump of cow dung and from a cemetery. If

the girl picks any of the first three, she would be

accepted, but if she picked the last she is rejected.

See Gour (1973), p.182.

26. See Swaminatha Iyer (1950). However, bride-price in the

form of cash and jewellery was also prevalent among the

Telugu brahmin castes. We find that elderly men (mostly

widowers) from rich economic background married young

girls of below ten years of age for religious merits

giving large sums of cash to the bride's father. For

instance, as many as 1034 Brahmin sulka marriages were

recorded in the ordinary tracts of the Vizagapatnam

District during 1880ts, giving an average of three

hundred and forty four, for a year. Of these, "ninety

nine girls were married at the age of five years, forty

four at four, thirty six at three, s l x at two, and three

at the age of one ;- the babies in the last instance

carrying a price of from three hundred and fifty to four

hundred rupees a head. Strange, as it may sound,

Baruains are sometimes struck for children in the

womb...". See Apparao (1909), preface, emphasis mine.

Moreover, this type of marriages prevailed mostly in the

polygynous societies. See Thomas (1964), p. 76.

27. The word Januhu means son-in-law in ~arathi language and

vasam means movement : the procession of a son-in-law

is thus called Janavasam. This ritual might have

originated from the times of Maratha Rule of parts of

Tamil country during 17th and 18th century.

28. Jagadisa Ayyar (1982), p. 63.

29. The part played by maternal uncles in South Indian

marriages is very important. For instance, in a Telugu

brahmin marriage, the maternal uncle carries the bride

in a grain basket to the place of marriage. The

presence of maternal uncles in peasant caste marriages

is also important. See Dumont (1986).

30. Jagadisa Ayyar (1982)) p. 2.

31. In ancient times, the arghya is not complete without the

sacrifice of the cow in honour of the guest. See Gour

(1973), p. 184. In certain other communities, the blood

of the slaughtered cow is scattered round the bridal

pair to cast off the evil effects. See Jagadisa Ayyar

(1982), p.2. This custom is still prevalent among the

lower castes of Telangana region in Andhra Pradesh where

they kill a goat on auspicious occasions and mix its

blood with cooked rice and scatter them on their fields.

This ceremony is called the p o l i . For a more or less

similar account of this custom, see Oppert (1972).

In spite of the fact that restriction on sagothra

marriages are removed by many acts such as the ~ i n d u

Marriage Disabilities Removal Act, sagothra marriages

are still not prevalent even today. See Kapadia (1966),

pp. 129 - 30. For instance, during the marriage of one of our

informants, the sprouts grew to plants of four inches

tall and she is blessed by her elders that she should

lead a long and peaceful married life.

Thomas (1964), p. 66.

Gour, (1973)) p. 184. Further, a gold chain is placed on

the yoke for luck and prosperity.

The rigidity regarding the women's right to property

from the times of Manu that "women are devoid of

(control of) senses and they are no participators (in

property)I1 was later relaxed only on the basis of the

fact that "man without his wife is incomplete and only

half to himself11. See Tirumalai (1981), p. 391.

A Telugu proberb says, 'the sister-in-law is half a

husband1. We find many families where the sisters-in-law

try to show their authority over the newly wedded brides.

Thomas, (1964), p. 66.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Gour, ( 1 9 7 3 ) , p, 185.

42. Ibid.

43. Thomas, (1964), p. 67.

44. For a detailed description of this see ~agadisa Ayyar,

(1982), p. 59.

45. Thurston (1909), Vol. V, pp. 127-8.

46. We recollect from our field data that a very affluent

muthuraja landlord acquired his land only through this

way. However, his ownership of lands and authority did

not teach him any sophistication. For, even though he

built a house that cost him 8 lakh of rupees, his family

still lives in a thatched roof in front of the house.

The unoccupied house is maintained only as a sign of his

'prestige1 and lemulationl of the other brahmin

landlords in the village. For a more graphic

description of the socio-economic changes in the

muthuraja community, see Yanagisawa (1983), pp. 141-55.

47. For a detailed account of marriage prestations in rural

Tamil Nadu see Tambiah (1973) and Dumont (1986).

4 8 . This custom might have originated from the brahmins as a

result of sanskritisation.

49. As noted earlier, this custom is also prevalent among

the brahmins. One of the reasons for the wife to eat

after her husband is an interesting one, where the sons

fearing that their mothers do not feed their young wives

properly, leave some food purposefully on the plates or

leaves, to be consumed by their wives. � his practice

was observed at times when the mothers-in-law tortured

and humiliated their daughters-in-law for trivial

reasons.

50. A more or less similar trend is observed among the

peasant castes of pramalai kallars. We see that there

is a possibility of breaking the alliance until the

birth of the' first child. This gap is considered as an

'initialt 'uncertain phase' and a sort of 'trial'

marriage. See Dumont (1986), p.217. The point we would

like to mention is that unlike in the brahmin castes,

among certain peasant castes, there is the possibility

of a trial marriage in some way or the other.

51. In a traditional framework of patron-client

relationships, this symbolised the organic symbiosis in

the economic universe. See Sivakumar and Sivakumar

(1979).

52. ~agadisa Ayyar (1982), pp. 41 & 61. In many villages in

Tamil Nadu, the players of nadaswaram belong either to

the barber caste or devadasi caste (Isai vellalar),

thereby constituting a part of the patron-client nexus.

53. Srinivas (1984)~ p.54.

54 . For a more graphic description of this type of kinfolk

exchanges in labour supply, see Sivakumar and Sivakumar

(forthcoming)

55. According to the Dharma Sutras, the father should give

his daughter in marriage while she is still a nagnika,

before her attaining puberty. On the other hand, the

groom could be twenty years or more of age. See Kapadia

(1966), p. 139. The nagnika, however, could be "a naked

girl of six or seven playing in the dust" or "a young

adolescent of sweet sixteen", the definition of which

was not very clear. See Thomas (1964), p . 68.

56. For instance, the following is the seer given to one of our brahmin informants in the first year of her marriage. .............................................................

Month Seer from the Seer from the bride's side groom's side .............................................................

Chittirai Dress material for the N i 1 (April) bride and the groom.

Adi (June)

Furniture, a silver tumbler and dress material for the bride and the groom

Purattasi Dolls and dress (September) material for the bride.

Nil

Nil

Aippasi Dress material and a Dress material (October) diamond ring for the for the bride

groom plus dress (usually a material for all those silk saree) who visit the bride's place from the groom's family to witness the occasion.

Karthigai Brass lamps and dress Dress material ( December) material for the bride for the bride

along with some money to purchase oil for the lamps

Tai (January)

Utensils (usually brass) for the bride and dress material for the bride and the groom.

Dress material for the bride

57. For instance, in one of our field villages, a marriage

took place depicting textravaganzat in every sense

Panda1 experts to decorate the marriage dias,

cosmetologists to ttmake-uplt the bridal couple and above

all, music concerts for entertainment, were some of the

'signs1 of grandieur.

58. For a critical assessment of the present day upper caste

marriages, see Srinivas (1984), pp. 15 & 27 and Gupta

(1974).

59. As a result of the incapability of the parents to

provide huge dowries, the bride is harassed and

sometimes even burnt to death. See for instance, the

dowry harassment in some North Indian marriages by

Bordewich (1988), pp. 35-40, Krishnamurthy (1984), pp.

1-5 and Sharma (1984) , pp. 62-73. Also see the Indian

Express dated 24th May, 1987.

60. The payment of cash in South Indian brahmin marriages is

intended to buy dress material (usually a two-piece

suit) for the boy. Nowadays this amount is supplemented

by an equal or more amounts of cash towards texpensest

(this is an entirely new demand) by the groom's party.

This amount in the lower middle class brahmin families

is fixed at Rs. 5000 as the data on one of our

informants show. This is infact considered only