t{ rRoPE,i N L]Nt vEnČ.S|.í'\. BUDÁP}is - IS MUNI

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Ch an dr a Talp ade M oh antg

FEMINISM WITHOUT BORDERS

s

Decolonizing Theory, practicing Solidarity

DUKE UNIVERSITY PRESS DURHAM & LONDON 2OO2

CE4b

t ,ťiíRÁRY {}F' ' ! t :b]LJ !. lNTWnr- !.t{ rRoPE,i NL]Nt vEnČ.S|.í'\.

BUDÁP}is]

Chandra Talpade Mohanty is professor of Women,s Studiesat FIamílton College'

Library of Congress CatalMohanry, chandra rr,o"olln*-tn-Publication

Data

Feminism without borders : decoJonizing theory,pracicing solidarity / Chandra f.lp.a. fufot"nti.p.cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.rsav o-8223-3oro_5 (cloth : alk. paper) _tsrw o-Bzz3-3ozr_o (pbk. ; alk. paper)L Feminism_Deu.lopingcounr. ies.

z. Women_Developingcounťries*Socialcondit ions.

I. Tit le.Hqr87o.9.r,a64 2ooj3o5.42_dczr

zoozorjz66

@ zoo3 Duke Unlua..i,y n."., All rights reserved

Printed in the United States ofAmerica on acid_free paper rc

Designed by Rebecca Giménez .Iypeset in Quadraat by Tseng

Informarion Systems, Inc. LibraryofCongress Cataloging-in-

Publ icat ion Data appear on the last pr inted page oIthis book.

,'J i'11.'

e;r i i ii' '

t f ,"

C O NTE NTS

Acknowledgments, vii

Introduction : Decolonization, AnticapitalistCritique, and Feminist Commitments, r

Part one. Deco|onizing Feminísm

2' cartographies of struggre: Third worrd women andthe politics of Feminism, 433. Whar's Home Gor to Do with It? (with Biddy Martin), g5+. Sisterhood, Coa,lition, and the politics of Experience, rJ6s. Genealogies of Community, Home, and Nation, r24

p ar t Tw o, D emy stifging Cap it ali sm6. Women Workers and the Politics oíSolidariry r39z. privatized Citizenship, Corporate Academies,and Feminist projects, r698. Race, Multiculturalism, and pedagogies of Dissent, r9o

p art Thr e e. Re o r ienting F emini sm-"?

rl. Ln,,'-, lt 9' "Under Western Eyes" Revisited: Feminist Solidarity

:! L-t' J through Anticapitalist Struggles, zzr

t l -*

i i J.C .

I 1. Under Wesrern Dyes: Feminisr Scholarship

' v r _ _qnd Colonial Discourses, rT

Notes, 253Bibliography, 275lndex, 295

ternal critique ic "Western" feminisms and the formulation ofautonomous sť concerns and strategies that are geographically, his-

CHAPTE

Under

Any discuWorld femi Ď

feminisms runstream (right

It is to the

women in theemployed in s

Femínist

ríol Discourses

of the intellecrual and political consrrucrion of .Third

must address itself to rwo simultaneous projects: the in_

two tasks are addressed simultaneously, Third Worldof marginalization or ghettoization from both main-and Western feminist discourses.

that I address myself here. What I wish to analvze is

World through the use of particular analytic categorieswritings on the subject that rake as rheir referent femi-

torically, and criltuially grounded. The first project is one ofdeconsrructingand dismantlin$; the second is one of building and consrructing. while theseprojects appear]to {e contradictory, the one working negativelyand the otherpositively,

specifically the {ro{uction of the ,,Third World woman" as a singular, mono_lithic subject in (Western) feminist texts. The definition ofcolonizationI wish to invoke

frere is a predominantly discursive one, focusing on a certainmode ofa ion and codification ofscholarship and knowledge about

nist interests as ihey have been articulated in the united states and westernEurope. If one ojf the tasks of formulating and understanding the locus ofThird World isms is delineating the way in which they resist and workagainst what I an] referring to as ,,Western feminist discourse,,, then an analy_sis of the discursi]ve consťruction of Third World women in Western feminismis an important qrsr step.

Clearly, neithlr Western íeminist discourse nor Western feminist politicalpractice is singul{r or homogeneous in its goals, interests, or analyses. How-ever, it is possibl{ to Úace a coherence of effects resulting from the implicit

assumption of ,,the West" (in all its complexities and contradictions) as rheprirrlary reíerent in theory arrcl praxis. My reference to ..Western feminism,, isby no means intended to imply that it is a monolith. Rather, I am attemptingto draw attention to trre similar ef[ects ofvarious textual strategies used bywriters trrat codifuothers as non-western and hence themserves as (implicitry)wesrern' It is in this sense that I use the term ,,western feminist.,, sim'ararguments can be made about middle-class, urban African or Asian schol_ars who write about their rurar or working-class sisters and assume their ownmiddle.class cultures at the norm ,nd .oái6, 'orking

class histories and cul-rures as other. Thus, wh'e this chapter focuses specifically on what I refer toas "western feminist" discourse on women in theThird world, the critiques Ioffer also pertain to Third worrd scholars who write about their own culturesand employ identical strategies.It ought to be of some politicar significance trrat the term ,,coronization,,

has come to denote avariety of phenomena in recent feminist and left writ-ings in general. From irexchangeinboth.."a*,io1'l1T:T::ff ;:ilTT.:ír:i:'.:1'ff ffi ;Anin ry77, Baran rg6z, and Gunder_F rankrg6T)to its use byfeministwomenoícolor in rlre United States to describe the appropriation oftheirexperiencesand struggres byhegemonicwhitewomen's movements (see especia'y)osephand Lewis r98r, Moraga ryg4, Moragaand Anzaldria r9gr, and Smith r9g3),colonization has been used to characterize everything from the most evident

:1.:"T.: "rjJ"Jff'l.nt*".chies

ro the production of a particutar culturalp ro b r e m a ti c ar i rs u s e a s ;;lTL'ffiI j,H:'l*m".; :H:::11*:ably impries a relation of structurar domination and a suppression-oftenviolent-of the heterogeneity of the subject(s) in question.

My concern about such writings derives from my own implication and in-vestment in contemporary debates in feminist theory and the urgent politi-cal necessity offorming strategic coaritions across crass, race, and nationalboundaries' The analyric principles discussed berow serve to distort wesr-ern ferninisr political pracrices and limit the possibirity of coaritions among(usuaily white) Western feminists, wo.king-.l".. feminists, and íeministsoícolor around the world. These limitationl .,. evident in the constructionof rhe (implicitly consensual) priority of issues around which apparently allwomen are expected to organize. The necessaryand integrar connection be-tween íeminist scholarship and feminist political practice and organizingde-r8 Feminism without Borders

Ij

termines the signifigance and status of western feminist writings on womenin theThird world, fgr feminisr scholarship, rike most other kinds ofscholar-ship, is not the merp production of knowredge about a certain subject. It isa directly political alnd discursive practice in rhar it is purposeful and ideo-logical. It is best s.f n

"s a mode of intervention into particular hegemonic

discourses {e.g., trapitional anthropology, sociology, and literarycriticism);it is a political praxis that counters and resists the totalizing imperative ofage-old ..legitimate'' and .,scientific'' bodies oíknowledge. Thus, feminist schol.arly practices lreadi{rS, writing, critiquing, erc.) are inscribed in relations ofpower-relations thft they counter, resist, oreven perhaps implicitly support.There can, ofcourse, be no apolitical scholarship.

The relationship perween "woman" (a cultural and ideological compositeother constructed t$rough diverse representational discourses-scientific,literary, juridical, fin$uistic, cinematic, etc.) and "women,, (real, material sub-jects oftheir collectii"e histories) is one ofthe central questions the practiceof feminist scholarsirip seeks to address. This connection between womenas historical subjectl and the representarion of woman produced by hege-monic discourses is 1iot a relation ofdirect identity or a relation oícorrespon-dence or simple impflicationp"ít is an arbitrary relation set up by particularcultures. I would likq to suggest that the feminist writings I analyze here dis-cursively colonize thf material and historical heterogeneities ofthe lives ofwomen in the Third Ý|orld, thereby producing/representing a composite, sin-gular "Third world {ornan"-an image that appears arbitrarily constructedbut nevertheless carrles with it the authorizing signature of western human-ist discourse\r"-/

I argue that assul,nptions of privilege and ethnocentric universality, onthe one hand, and inaldequate selÉconsciousness about the effect of Westernscholarship on the Thfrd world in the context ofa world system dominated bythewest, on the othed characterizeasizable extent of western feministworkon women in the Thirp world. An analysis of "sexual difference,, in the formof a cross-culturally singular, monolithic notion of patriarchy or male domi-nance leads to the cdnstruction of a similarly reductive and homogeneousnotion of what I call the "Third world difference"-that stable. ahistoricalsomething that appar{ndy oppresses most ifnot all the women in these coun_tries' And it is in the lroduction of this Third worrd difference rhar wesrernfeminisms appropriatf and coronize the constitutive comprexities that char-acterize the lives ofwoinen in these countries. It is in this process ofdiscursive

homogenization and systematization ofthe oppression ofwomen in theThirdworld that power is exercised in much of recent western feminist discourse,and this power needs to be defined and named.

In the context of the West's hegemonic position today_the context oíwhat Anouar Abdel-Malek (r9gr) calls a struggle ftrr ,,control over the orien_tation, regulation and decision of the process of world deveropment on thebasis of the advanced sector's monopoly of scientific knowledge and idealcreativity" (r45)-western feminist schorarship on theThird worrd must beseen and examined precisely in terms of its inscription in these particularrelations oípower and struggle. There is, it should be evident, no universalpatriarchar fiamework that this scholarship attempts to counter and resist_unless one posits an international male conspiracy or a monorithic, ahistori-cal power structure. There is, however, a particular world balance of powerwithin which anyanalysis ofcuiture, ideology, and socioeconomic conditionsnecessarily has to be siruated. Abder-Malekis useful here, again, in remindingus about the inherence ofpolitics in the discourses of,,culture,,:

contemporary imperialism is, in a real sense, a hegemonic imperialism,exercising to a maximum degree a rationa,zedviolence trr..n to a higherlevel than ever before_through fire and sword, but also through thl at-tempt to contror hearts and minds. For its content is defined by the com-bined action of the military-industrial complex and the hegemonic curturalcenters ofthe west, at ofthem founded on the advanced levels ofdever-opment attained by monopoly and finance capital, and supported by thebenefits oíboth the scientific and technological revolution and the secondindustrial revolurion itself. (r45_46)

western feminist schorarship cannot avoid the challenge of situating itselfand examining its role in such a global economic and political framework. 'bdo any less would be to ignore the complex interconnections beťween Firstand Third world economies and the profound effect of this on the lives ofwomen in arl countries. I do not question the descriptive and informativevalue

of most western feminist writings on women in the Third world. I also donot question the existence ofexcellent work that does not fall into the ana-lytic traps with which I am concerned. In fact, I dear with an example ofsuchwork later on' In the context of an overwherming silence about the experi-ence of women in these countries, as wet as the need to forge internationalIinks berween women's poritical struggles, such work is both pathbreakine2o Feminism without Borders

sidered in the conte[t oíthe global hegemony of Western scholarship - thatis, the production, publication, distribution, and consumption of informa-tion and ideas. Marpinal or not, this writing has political effects and impri-cations beyond the immediate feminist or disciplinary audience. one suchsignificant effect oflthe dominant "representations" of western feminism isits conflation with ilplerialism in the eyes ofparticular Third world women{ /Hence the urgent nfed to examine the politicar imprications of our analytiJ'strategies and principles.

My critique is dirfcted at three basic anarytic principres that are present in(western) feminist discourse on women in the Third world. since I focus pri-marily on theZed, P{ess Women in the Third World series, my commenrs onWestern feminist diš'course are circumscribed by my analysis of the texts inthis series\)fhis is a way of focusing my critique. However, even though I amdealingwith feminisis who identi$r themselves as culturallyor geographicallyfrom the West, whatil say about these presuppositions or implicit principlesholds foranyonewh{ uses these merhods, whetherThirdWorldwomen in thewest or Third worldiwomen in the Third worrd writing on these issues andpublishing in the w{st. Thus I am not making a culturalist argument abour

and absolutely esseltial. However, I want to draw attention here both to theexplanatory potentipl of particular analytic strategies employed by such writ-ing and to their pofitical effect in the contexr of the hegemony of westernscholarship. while feminist writing in the united states is still marginalized(except from the point of view of women of coror addressing privileged whitewomen), western feministwriting on women in theThird world must be con-

ethnocentrism; rathgr, I arn trying to uncover how ethnocentric universalismis produced in certailn analyses. As a matter of fact, my argument holds for

this move that is exercised in discourse.Thefirstanalytic I focus on is involved in the strategic loca-

vis.á.vis the context ofanalysis. The assumption

thing from kinship

any discourse that sefs up its own authoriar subjects as the implicit referent,that is, the yardstick py which to encode and represent cultural others. It is in

zr UnderWesterh Eyes

ological level, in the uncriticar way "proof" ofuniversalityand cross_culturarvalidity are provided. The third is a more specificalry poriticar presuppositionunderlying the methodorogies and the analytic strategies, that is, the moderof power and struggle they imply and suggest. I argue that as a result of thetwo modes - or, rather, frames _oíanalysis described above, a homogeneousnotion of the oppression of women as a group is assumed, which, in turn,produces the image of an "average Third worrd woman.,, This average Thirdworld woman leads an essentially truncated life based on her feminine gen-der (read: sexually constrained) and her being ,,Third World" (read: igno-rant' poor' uneducated, tradition-bound, domesdc, family-oriented, victim-ized' etc')' This, I suggest, is in contrast to the (implicit) self-representationof western women as educated, as modern, as having control over their ownbodies and sexuarities and the freedom to make their own decisions.

The distinction between western feminist representation ofwomen in theThird world and wesrern feminist self-presentation is a distinction of thesame order as that made by some Marxists between the ,,maintenance,,

func_tion of the housewife and the real ,,productive,,role

of wage labor, or thecharacterization by deveropmenralisrs of the Third worrd as being engagedin the lesser production of "raw materiars" in contrast to the ,,real,, produc-ttve activity oíthe First World. These distinctions are made on the basis of theprivíleging ofa particular group as the norm or referent' Men involved in wagelabor, First World producers, and, I suggest, Western feminists who some-times cast Third worid women in terms of "ourserves undressed,, (Rosardot98o), all construct themserves as the normative referent in such a binaryanalytic.

Women as a Categorg of Anatgsis; or,We AteAll Sísters in Struggle

The phrase "women as a categoryofanalysis,, refers to the crucial assump-tion that all women, across classes and cultures, are somehow sociaty con-stitured as a homogeneous group identified prior to the process ofanalysis.This is an assumption that characterizes much feminist discourse. The homo-geneity of women as a group is produced not on the basis of biologicar es-sentials but rather on the basis ofsecondary sociological and anthroporogicaluniversals. Thus, for instance, in any given piece of feminist analysis, *o_.nare characterized as a singular group on the basis ofa shared oppression. Whatbinds women together is a sociorogical notion of the .'sameness,, of their op-

22 Feminism without Borders

II

pression. It is alt this point that an elision takes place between ,,women" as adiscursivelyco{structed group and "women" as material subjects oftheirownhistory. Thus, tfre discursively consensual homogeneity of wornen as a groupis mistaken fol the historically specific material reality of groups of women.This results in an assumption of women as an always already constitqtedgroup, one tha{ has been labeled powerless, exploited, sexually harassed, andso on, by femiirist scientific, economic, regal, and sociological discourses.(Notice that this is quite similar to sexist discourse labelingwomen as weak,emotional, havlng math anxiety, etc.) This focus is not on uncovering the ma-terial and ideol{sical srcificities that constitute a parriculargroup ofwomenas "powerless" in a particular context. It is, rather, on finding a variety ofcasesof powerless s{oups of women to prove the general point that women as agroup are powlrless.

In this sectipn I focus on six specific ways in which ,,women,, as a cate-gory of analysislis used in western feminist discourse on women in the Thirdworld. Each of]these examples illustrates rhe consrruction of ,,Third worldwomen" as a h{mogeneous "powerless" group often located as implicit vic-tims ofparticulfr socioeconomic systems. I have chosen to deal with a varieryof writers-froin rran Hosken, who writes primarily about female genitalmutilation, to

liriters from the women in International Development (wrD)school, who write about the effect of development policies on Third worldwomen for bot$ western and Third world audiences. The similarity of as-sumptions abolt Third world women in all these texts forms the basis of mydiscussion. Thi{ is not to equate all the texts that I analyze, nor is it to equal-ize their strengt{rs and weaknesses. The authors I deal with write with varyingdegrees ofcare {nd complexity; however, the effect oftheir representation ofThird world wo{nen is a coherent one. In these texts women are defined as vic-tims of rnale vio[ence (Fran Hosken); as universal dependents (Beverly Lind-say and Maria cptrufelli); victims of the colonial process (Maria cutrufelli;;victims oíthe Aiab familial system (Iuliette Minces); victims of the Islamiccode (Patricia Ieferyl; and, finally, victims of the economic developmenr pro-cess (Beverley Lindsay and the lliberal] wro school). This mode of definingwomen primarili' in rerms of their object status (the way in which they areaffected or not affected bycertain institutions and systems) is what characrer-izes this particul{rform ofthe use of"women" as a categoryofanalysis. In thecontext of Westefn women writing/studyingwomen in theThird World, suchobjectification (ťpowever benevolently motivated) needs to be both named

23 Under #pstern Eyes

and challenged. As vaierie Amos and pratibha parmar argue quite eroquently,"Feminist theories which examine our cultural practices as ,feudal residues,or iabel us 'traditionar,' arso portray us as politically immature women whoneed to be versed and schooled in the ethos of western feminism. They needto be conrinually challenged,, (r9g4, ){

WOMEN AS VICTIMS OF MALE VIOLENCE

Fran Hosken, in writing about the relationship berween human rights andfemale genitar mut'ation in Africa and the Middle East, bases herwhole dis-cussion/condemnation of genitar mut'ation on one privileged premise: thatthe goar of this practice is to "mutilate the sexual pleasure and satisfactionof woman" (rg8r, rr). This, in turn, leads her to claim thatwoman,s sexualityis controlled, as is her reproductive potential. According to Hosken, ,,malesexual politics" in Africa and around theworrd shares ,,the same political goal:to assure female dependence and subservience by any and all means,, (r4).Physical viorence againstwomen (rape, sexual assault, excision, infibulation,etc') is thus carried out "with an astonishing consensus among men in theworld" (r4)' Here, women are defined consistentryas the victim ofmale con-trol-as rhe ,,sexually oppr"ss"d.,{N though it is true that the potential ofmale violence against women circumscribes and elucidates their sociar posi_tron to a certain extent, defining women as archetypal victims na.".a ,'rr.,ninto "objects-who-defend-themselves," men into ,.subjects-who-perpeftare-

violence," and (every) society into powerless (read: women) and powerful(read: men) groups of people. Male violence must be theorized and inter-preted within specific societies in,order both to understand it betterand toorganize effectively to change irlt'isterhood cannot be assumed on the basisofgender; it must be forged in concrere historical and poritical practice andanalysis.

WOMEN AS UNIVERSAL DEPENDENTS

Beverly Lindsay's conclusion to the book ComparatwePerspectiues of ThírdWorldWomen:Thelmpactof Race, Sex, ond Closs (r9g3) states that,,dependencyrelationships' based upon race' sex, and class, are beingperpetuated throughsocial' educational, and economic institutions. These are the linkages amongThird worrd women'" Here, as in other praces, Lindsay implies that Thirdworld women constitute an identifiabre group purely on the basis of shareddependencies' Ifshared dependencies were a' rhat was needed to bind Third

24 Feminism without Borders

Iworld women tlsetheras a group' theywould always be seen as an apolitical

':ou|:',| no sfbject status' Instead, if anything, ít is the common contextor porltrcar struqsre against class, race, gender, and imperiarist hierarchies

ilii .tt consiltl:re Third World women as a srrategic group ar this histori_car Juncture. Linlsay also states that linguistic and cultural differences exist

-lerweln Vietna{ese and black American women, but ,,both groups are vic-

::T: ::.i..'''..-| ť class'' (3o6). Again, black and Vietnamese women arecharacrerized by ltheir victim status.

"" ftTtlltl, exainine sratemenrc such as ,,My analysis will srart by sraringthat all African {omen are politically and economically dependent,, (Curru_

111'-t :"tt' 13) ; "NPvertheless, eirher overtly or coverrly, pros titution is s till themain if not the orlly source ofwork for African wc

^lt ̂ Í:.:^.'. --i. "".^'.vr WUrÁlorArrlcanwomen'' (Cutrufcll i rg83, 3il,

:lj.Arncan WomÍn are dependent. Prostitution is the only *o.t ojuán-á.afrlll women a{ a group. Both sratemenrs are'lusrrative ofgeneralizarions

sprinkled liberalr/ through Maria cutrufelli's bookl4/omen ofAfico: Roois ofop-

:",:::_:": ,j,:.c:[:. *,ne book, cutrufelli is described as an rralian writer,socrologrst, Marxist, and feminist. Today, is it possibre to imagine writing abookentitled l4lo nlen of Europe:Roots oJoppression) I am not objecting to the useof universal g.oufing, for descriptive purposes. women from the continenr

::Africa .1

|: oi'.*tively characte.i".á

", ..women of Africa.,, It is when"women of Africai' becomes a homogeneous sociological grouping charac-teri1;d br commo{r dependencies or powerlessnŇ;;;;#;ilffi;

O."jl:*: arise-ul5 say roo little and roo much at rhe same dme.,. .t:tt

ls because descriptive gender differences are transformed into the

::j:'":::T":::1.: and women. women are consriruted as a group via de_pendency relations|rips vis-á.vis men, who are implicitly held responsible for

^T:^"j:t::t:r"rrinl.

when ..women of Africa,, ", "

g.oup (versus ,,men ofAfr_ica" as a group?)iare seen as a group preciserybecause theyare generalryde-pendentand oppres[ed, the analysis ofspecific historical dif.erences becomesimpossible, becaus{ reality is always apparenily strucured by divisions _ m<r

:::":::::":l:to j"':.ur.*r,"u,,L. *oo ,i. "tctims and the oppres_

::::Ť,n. socio]osical is substituted for the biological, in order, however,to create the same-la unity of women. Thus it is not the descriptive potential

-:t,t.:o* frerenc{ but the privileged positioning and explanarory poren_

jf ofsenleiaitrerdlce as the origin ofoppression thar I quesrion. In using

" :::.": ::::. :. .i: *

"'::1oy.on, ti,u..á g.oup of oppressed peoples) as acategorv of anarysis, putrufeti denies any hi, io.r."t .Áil;-. *;"#;25 Under Westefn Eyes

lI

Il

of women as subordinate, powerful' márginal, central' or otherwise' vis.á-visparticular social and power networks. women are taken as a unified ,,power-less" group prior to the analysis in question. Thus it is merely a matter ofspecifyir.rg the context after the fact. "women" are now placed in the contextof t|re íamily or in the workplace or within religious networks, almost as iíthese systems existed outside the relations ofwomen with other women. andwomen with men.

The problem with this anarytic strategy is that it assumes men and womenare already constituted as sexual-political subjects prior to their entry into thearena oísocial relations. only ifwe subscribe to this assumption is it possibleto undertake analysis that looks at the ..efFects'' oť kinship structures, colo-nialism, organizatio'of labor, and so on, on,,women,,, defined inadvanceas agroup. The crucial point that is forgotten is that women are produced throughthese very relations as well as being implicated in forming these rerations. AsMichelle Rosaldo argues, "[w]oman's prace in human social life is notin anydirect sense a product ofthe things she does (or even ress, a function ofwhar,biologically, she is) but the meaning her activities acquire through concretesocial interacrions" (r98o, 4oo). That women mother in a variety of societiesis not as significant as the value attached to mothering in these societies, Thedistinction between the act oímotlrering and the status attached to it is a vervimportant one-one that needs to be stated and analyzed contextually.

MARRIED woMEN As vicr lMs oF THE coLoNIAL pRocEss

In Claude Lévi.Strauss's theory of kinship structure as a system ofthe ex-change of women, what is significant is that exchange itself is not constitu_tive of the subordination of women; women are not subordinate because oftl.re fact of exchange but because of the modes of exchange instituted and thevalues attached to these modes. However, in discussing the marriage ritual ofthe Bemba, azambian matrilocar, matrilinear people, cutrufelli inwomen ofAjríco íocuses on the íact of the marital exchange of women before and afterwestern colonization, rather than the value attached to this exchange in thisparticular context. This leads to her definition of Bemba women as a coherentgroup affected in a particularway bycolonization. Here again, Bembawomenare constituted rather unilateraily as victims of the effects of western coloni-zation.

cutrufelli cites the marriage ritual of the Bemba as a multistage event"whereby a young man becomes incorporated into his wife,s fam;, --oup as

z6 Feminism without Borders

he takes up residemaintenance" (43).

Iationship variesonly after sheis sanctioned andmony is the moretive power, so thatwhile heavy penalty

asserts thatNowtheyoungman

for money. The imtion of tribal laws.structure ofthe triage contract)

relations, only an athat privileges an ifemale power relati

account ofwhetherall times.

groupwithin thetiation are constiBembawomen afterized by the íact oftorical and culturalattached to theirinitiation ceremonyalso to assume thattract, the situationwithin a given striage practice inofpower relations.prior to entry into

WOMEN AND F

tl,is sort ofanalysis

z7 Under

with them and gives his services in return íor food andis ritual extends over many years, and the sexual re-ing to the degree of the girl's physical maturity. It is

an initiation ceremony at puberťy that intercourseman acquires legal rights over her. This initiation cere_

nt act of the consecration of women's reproduc-abduction ofan uninitiated girl is ofno consequence,

is levied for the seducrion ofan initiated girl. Cutrufellin colonization has changed the whole marriage system.

entitled to take his wife away from her people in returnication is that Bemba women have now lost the protec-

problem here is that while it is possible to see how theitional marriage contract (versus the postcolonial mar-

women a certain amount of control over their maritalysis ofthe political significance ofthe actual practice

tiated girl over an uninitiated one, indicating a shift inas a result ofthis ceremony, can provide an accurateba women were indeed protected by tribal laws at

It is not possible, , to talk about Bemba women as a homogeneoustional marriage structure. Bemba women before the ini-within a different set of social relations compared toinitiation. To treat them as a unified group character-

r "exchange" between male kin is to deny the sociohis-ificities oftheir existence and the differential value

nge before and after their initiation. It is to treat thea ritual with no political implications or effects. It ismerely describing the structure of the marriage con-

women is exposed. Women as a group are positionedre, but no attempt is made to trace the effect of the mar-ituting women within an obviously changing network

women are assumed to be sexual-political subjectsip structures.

MILIAL SYSTEMS

Elizabeth Cowie (r , in another context, points out the implications ofshe emphasizes the specifically politicaÍ nature of

kinship structures thar must be analyzed as ideorogicar practices that desig-nate men and women as father, husband, wife, mother, sister, and so on,Thus,cowie suggests' women as women are not rocated within the family. Rather,it is in the family, as an effect of kinship structures, that women as womenare constructed, defined within and by the group. Thus, for instance, whenJuliette Minces (r98o) cites the patriarchal family as the basis for ,,an almostidenticai vision ofwomen" that Arab and Muslim societies have, she fails inrcthis very trap (see esp' z3). Not only is it problematical to speak of a vision ofwomen shared byArab and Musrim societies (i.e., overtwentydifferentcoun-tries) without addressing the particular historicar, material, and ideologicalpower structures that construct such images, but to speak ofthe patriarchalFamily or the tribal kinship structure as the origin of'the socioeconomic starusoíwomen is to assume again that women are sexual-political subjects priorto their entry into the íamily. So while, on ťhe one hand, women attain valueor status within the famiry, the assumption of a singular patriarchal kinshipsystem (common to all Arab and Musrim societies) is what apparentry struc-tures women as an oppressed group in these societies! This singular, coher_ent kinship system presumably infruences another separate and given entity,"women." Thus, all women, regardless of crass and culturar differences, areaffected by this system. Not only are all Arab and Muslim women seen to con_stitute a homogeneous oppressed group, but there is no discussion ofthespecific practices within the family that constitute women as mothers, wives,sisters, and so on. Arabs and Muslims, it appears, don,t change at all. Theirpatriarchal family is carried over from the times of the prophet Muhammad.They exist, as it were, outside history.

WOMEN AND RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGIES

A further example of the use of "women" as a category ofanalysis is foundin cross-culturai analyses that subscribe to a certain economic reductionismin describing the relationship berween the economy and factors such as poli-tics and ideology. Here, in reducing the level of comparison to the economicreiations between "developed and deveroping" countries, any specificity tothe question ofwomen is denied. Mina Modares (r9gr), in a cardful analysis ofwomen and shiism in Iran, focuses on this very problem when she criticizesfeminist writings that treat Islam as an ideorogy separate fiom and outsidesocial relations and practices, rather than as a discourse that includes rules foreconomic, social, and power relations within society. patricia Jeffery,s (r929)

z8 Feminism without Borders

otherwise inform

ideology a partial

tification for purdah

internalization bv PiHowever, the pri

Pirzada men havegives to Pirzada

By takinga specilarity and coherence

lmposeq on a sepa

is reached: Womentions within sociconceptions provide

a cross-cultural

Marnia Lazreg (t

reductionism iAfrica:

A ritual is esta

ofgender i

much of modern

womenfromthe

own interpretati

is to deprive womsumed under reliseen as evolving i

analysis of

While )effery'snotion of religion (

economic relations

\^/OMEN AND T

The best examtionism can bedevelopment.

opment on Thirdperspectives. At the

zg Under Wes Eyes

work on Pirzada women in purdah considers Islamic.anation for the status ofwomen in that it provides a jus-Here, Islamic ideology is reduced to a set of ideas whose

women contributes to the stability of the svstem.explanation for purdah is located in the control thateconomic resources and the personal securiťy purdah

version of Islam as the Islam, )efferyattributes a singu-it. Modares notes: .í .IslamicTheology'then becomesand given entity called 'women.' A further unification

ing all uomen), regardless of their differing posi-come to be affected or not affected bv Islam. Theseright ingredients for an unproblematic possibility of

ofwomen" (63).

makes a similar argument when she addresses thein scholarship on women in the Middle East and North

whereby the writer appeals to religion as the causejust as it is made the source of underdevelopment inion theory in an uncanny way, feminist discourse on

iddle East and North Africa mirrors that of theologians'ofwomen in Islam. The overall effect of this paradigm

of self-presence, of being, Because women are sub-presented in ťundamental terms, they are inevitably

nonhistorical time. They virtually have no history. Anyis therefore foreclosed. (87)

is does not quite succumb to this kind of unitarv

, it does collapse all ideological specificities intouniversalizes on the basis of this comparison.

E DEVELOPMENT PROCESS

of universalization on the basis of economic reduc-in the liberal literature about women in international

ts of this school seek to examine the effect of devel-women, sometimes from self-designated feminist

least, there is an evident interest in and commitment

to lrnproviug the lives of-wonren in "developing" countries. scholars such asIrene Tinlcer and Michelle Bo Bramsen OgTz), Ester Boserup (r97o), and per_dita Husron (r97g) have alr written abour rhe effect of development policieson women in theThird worrdflAl fourwomen assume,,deveropment,,is syn-onymous with "economic development" or ,,economic progress.,, As in thecase of Minces's patriarchal family, Hosken's male sexual contror, and cutru-felli's western colonization, deveropment here becomes the alr-time equal-izer. women are afFected positively or negatively by economic developmentpolicies, and this is the basis for cross_cultural comparison.

For instance, Huston (1929) states that the purpose ofher study is to de-scribe the effect of the development process on the ,,family unit and its indi-vidual members" in Egypt, I(enya, Sudan, Tunisia, Sri Lanka, and Mexico. Shestates that the "probiems" and "needs" expressed by rurar and urban womenin these countries at centeraround education and training, workand wages,áccess to hea,Ith and otlrer services, political participation, and legal rights(ir6). Huston relates alr these "needs" to insensitive developmentpolicies tharexclr:de women as a group or category. For her, the solution is simple: im-plement improved deveropment poricies that emphasize training for womenfield-workers; use women trainees and women rural deveropment omcersiencourage women's cooperatives; and so on (rr9_zz). Here again, women areassumed to be a coherent group orcategoryprior to theirentryinto ,,the devel-opment process." Huston assumes that all Third world women have similarproblems and needs. Thus, they must have similar interests and goals. How-ever, the interests ofurban, middle-class, educated Egyptian housewives, totake only one instance, could surely not be seen as being the same as thoseof their uneducated, poor maids. Development policies do not affect bothgroups of women in the same way. practices that characterize women,s statusand roles vary according to crass. women are constituted as women throughthe complex interaction beťween class, culture, religion, and other ideologi.cal institutions and frameworks. They are not "women,, - a coherent group -solely on the basis ofa particurar economic system or poricy, such reductivecross-cultural comparisons resurt in the colonization of the specifics of dailyexrstence and the complexities of political interests that women of differentsocial classes and cultures represent and mobil ize.

It is revealing that for Huston, women in the Third world countries shewrites about have "needs" and "problems" but few ifanyhave ,,choices,,or thefreedom to act. This is an interesting representation of women in the Third

3a Feminism without Borders

World, one that is ificant in suggesting a latent self-presentation of West-ern women that bea looking at. She writes, *What surprised and movedme most as I l i to women in such very different cultural settings wasthe striking ity-whether theywere educated or illiterate, urban orrural-of their most ic values: the importance they assign to family, dig-nity, and service to " (rr5). Would Huston consider such values unusualforwomen in the

rween women based a generalized notion oftheir subordination. Insteadofanalytically ting the production ofwomen as socioeconomic po-litical groups withindefinition of the fem

rticular local contexts, this analytical moye limits thesubject to gender identity, completely bypassing so-

What is problemastable categoryofana

cial class and ethnicgender (sociological

are historically red

ical about this kind of use of ,,women,, as a group, as ais, is thatitassumes an ahistorical, universal unity be_

tities. What characterizes women as a group is their

women are exploited. Such simplistic formulationsve; they are also ineffectual in designing strategies to

not necessarily biologically, defined) over and aboveeverything else, indic ting a monolithic notion of sexual difference. Becausewomen are thus as a conerentgroup, sexual difference becomescoterminous with e subordination and power is automatically definedin binary terms: who have it (read: men) and peoplewho do not (read:women). Men exploit

combat oppressions. they do is reinforce binary divisions beťween menand women.

would an anaflsis that did not do this look like? Maria Mies,s work

]:i"t::rr... the stren8tlp of Wesrern feminisr work on women in the Third

l:rld :n., does nor af into rhe rraps discussed above. Mies,s study (r9gz)

of the lace-makers of lÝars:nt l r Tnr l io Óttáhh}6 }^ ̂ -^t. ' . ., India, attempB b analyze carefully a sub_stantial household ind{:stry in which "housewives,, produce lace doilies forconsumprion in the wcjrld market. Through a deta'ed anarysis of the struc-

::.::t,n.^1":. industril, producrion and reproduction relarions, rhe sexual

:t:rt:r ot labor, lrofifs and exploitation, and the overall consequences of

oennlng women as "nonworking housewives" and their work as .,reisure-

jtl"-lit]"t't" Mies delhonstrares rhe revers of exproiration in this industryrl1

'nr rmpac.r ofthis

lroducrion sysrem on rhe work and living condirions

:jj:::T:: involved i{ it. m aaaition, she is abre r o anatyze the,,ideology of

nance of a production system that contributes to the increasing pauperiza-tion ofwomen and keeps them totallyatomized and disorganized as workers.Mies's analysis shows the effect of a certain historicalry and curturaily specificmode ofpatriarchal organization, an organization constructed o'the basis oftlre definition oíthe lace-makers as nonworking housewives at familial, local,regional, statewide, and international levels. The intricacies and the effecrsof particular power networks not onry are emphasized but form the basis ofMies's analysis of how this particurar group ofwomen is situated at the centeroía hegemonic, exploitative world market.

Mies's study is a good example of what careful, politically íocused, localanalyses can accomplish. It ilrustrates how the category of women is con-structed in a variety ofpoliticar contexts that often exist simurtaneously andoverlaid on top ofone another. There is no easy generalization in the direc-tion oí,.women in India'' or ..women in the Third World,,; nor is there a re.duction ofthe politicar consrrucrion ofthe exploitation ofthe lace-makersto culrural explanations about the passivity or obedience that might charac,terize t,lrese wonen and tlreir situation. Finally, this mode oí local, politi.cal analysis, which generares rheorerical categories from within the situationand conrext being anaryzed, also suggests corresponding effective strategiesíor organizing against the exploitation faced by the lace-makers. Narsapurwomen are not mere victims of the production process, because they resist,challenge, and subvert the process at various junctures. Here is one instanceof how Mies delineates the connections between the housewife ideology, theself-consciousness of the lace-makers, and their interrelationships as con-tributir-rg to the rate't resistances srre perceives among the women:

The persistence oítlre housewife ideology, the self-perception oíthe lace-makers as petty commodity producers rather than as workers, is not onlyupheld by the structure ofthe industry as such but also by the deliberatepropagation and reinforcement ofreactionary patriarchal norms and insti_tutions. Thus, most of the lace-makers voiced the same opinion about therules of purdah and secrusion in their communities which were also propa-gated by the lace exporters. In particular; the Ifupu women said that theyhad never gone out of their houses, that women of their community couldnot do any other work than housework and lace work etc., but in spite ofthe fact rhar mosr of them stili subscribed fu'y to the patriarchar normsof the gosho women' there were arso contradictory elements in their con-

32 Feminisnt without Borders

sclousness.

were not res

work. And

of their

tion within varibe devised. Mies'sthere arerrow anditionl$/there isto the cultural

Methodologior,Women's

Western femivariety oftion oímale domithree such met

method. Thewear the veil, thewomen (Deardon

mented examplesversal fact. Fori

and Egypt all weartrol ofwomen is a uHoskenwrites, "Ranography, the beaare all violations of

33 Under Wes Eyes

who were able

Modígcwomen

fact that these

admitted that

said they wouogy, although

First, proofof

, although they looked down wtth contempt upon womenwork outside the house-like the untouchable Molo andwomen of other lower castes-they could not ignore the

were earning more money precisely because theyable housewives butworkers. At one discussion, theyevenwould be better ifthey could also go out and do cooliethey were asked whether they would be ready to come outand work-in one place in some sort of a factory_theydo that. This shows that the purdah and housewife ideol-ll fully internalized, already had some cracks, because it

has been con with several contradictory realities. (r57)

It is only by u ing the contradictions inherent in women's loca-structures that effective political action and challenges can

goes a longway toward offering such analysis. Whileing number of Western feminist writings in this tra-

Uniuersolísms;íon Ás o GlobalPhenomenon

t writings on women in the Third World subscribe ro aes to demonstrate the universal cross-cultural opera_

and female exploitation. I summarize and critiquebelow, moving from the simplest to the most complex.iversalism is provided through the use of an arithmetic

goes like this: the greater the number ofwomen whore universal is the sexual segregation and control of

975, 4- . Similarly, a large number of different, frag_a varieťy ofcountries also apparently add up to a uni-Muslim women ín Saudi Arabia, Iran, Pakistan, India'sort ofa veil, Hence, the argument goes, sexual con-

iversal fact in those countries (Deardon 19 75,7, ro). Franíorced prostitution, polygamy, genital mutilation, por-

g of girls and women, purdah (segregation of women)ic human rights" (r98r, r5). By equating purdah with

, unfortunately, aLarge block ofwriting that succumbs Íionism discussed earlier. I

I

rape' domestic violence, and forced prostitution, Hosken asserts that pur-dah's "sexual control" function is the primary explanation for its existence,whatever the context. Institutions ofpurdah are thus denied any curtural andhistorical specificity and contradictions, and potentiďly subversive aspectsare totally ruled out.

In both these examples, the problem is not in asserting that the practice ofwearing a veil is widespread. This assertion can be made on the basis ofnum-bers' It is a descriptive generarization. However, it is the analytic reap fromthe practice ofve'ing to an assertion ofits general significance in control-lingwomen that must be questioned. While there may be a physicď similarityin the veils worn by women in saudi Arabia and Iran, tte specific meaningattached to this practice varies according to the cultural and ideological con-text. In addition, the symbolic space occupied by the practice ofpurdah maybe similar in certain contexts, but this does not automaticaily indicate thatthe practices themserves have identical significance in the social realm. Forexample, as is welr known, Iranian middre-crass women veiled themservesduring the ry7g revorution to indicate solidariry with their

".il.a, *"-.r.r"r-

class sisters, wh'e in contemp oraryrran,mandatorylslamic laws dictate thatall Iranian women wear veils. whire in both these instances, similar reasonsmight be offered for the veil (opposition to the shah and western curturalcolonization in the first case and the true Isramization of Iran in the second),the concrete meanings attached to Iranian women wearing the veil are crearlydifferent in both historicar contexts. In the first case, wearing the veil is bothan oppositionar and a revolutionary gesture on the part oflranian middre-class women; in the second case, it is a coercive, institutional mandate (seeThbari r98o for deta'ed discussion). It is on the basis ofsuch con,.", ,p..ifi.differentiated analysis that effective poriticar strategies can be generated. Toassume that the mere practice ofveilingwomen in a numberofMuslim coun-tries indicates the universal oppression ofwomen through sexuar segregationnot only is analytically reductive but also proves quite useless when it comesto the elaboration ofoppositional political strategy.

second, concepts such as reproduction, the sexual division ofrabor, thefamily, marriage, household, patriarchy, and so or, "r.

on.n ur.;;il;;,their specification in rocal cultura.r and historical conrexrs. a;;*i;;J;.these conceprs in providing expranations for women,s ,"m.ii;;iJ":;;entlyassuming their universal applicabiliry. For insrance, n;ir r,;r'r'ui.to refer to "the" sexuar division oflabor when the content ofthis division

34 Feminism without Borders

changes radicďly

iuncture totial assignation of

i,.:,r. quite dififerenti

, ". lio" of labor: tasks on the basis

j.a claiq1 such 4slíviii3 l4r8le numberof

i;.i: just a descriptive

ti'",,Often the mereofthe oppression

, fusion betweenpotential of thesituations maycannot be treatedholds indence and feminist

stence of 4 9,9x1ral. ďrjgion gllabor is taken tq be proofwomen in various societies. This. results from a con-

collapsing:togetier,of the de.p.lptiu" j,opl"o"rory

of the sexual:division of labor. Superfigiďysimitardifferent; historicďy specific errplanations and

instance, the rise offemalerheaded house-might be construed as a sign ofgreatindepen-

thelhssumption being.t aťrhis increase has to

mepca'ffiiichmigqpat fusg be seen as inďcating thatmore:decisioÍI-making power; is.concentrated amongl

be made forthe rise offemale=headed families'Ínong

dowithwomen to le;singlgparents, with'anincrQasing number oflesbian mothers,households in Latinwomen are

:1 , the poorest strata, l:1, Asimilarargument

lrl;\nization' of poverty.

ii.iri,$male,headed, {ciurri.i rise cannot be,discu

ij.i, black and Chicanalé:l ' i i: twepn thia onÁ tha l

pen in,the U:riged Statesi The positive conelarion be.p:'i: twcen this and the le

;..,!j,class women in the,ofpovertyamongwomen ofcolorandwhiteworking-

States has now even acquired.a name: the femi-whiláit is.possibleto stagqthat there is a rise in

i i norcan it be r,;* T[gmeaniirg

sim'arry, the existence of a sexuar division of labor in most contexrs can_not be suf'cient expranation for the universar subjugation of women in theworkforce. Thar the sexuar division of labor does indicate a devaluation ofwomen's work must be shown through analysis ofparticularlocal contexts.Inaddition' devaluation ofwomen murt "tro

u" rrro*n through careful analysis.In otrrer words, the "seaqar division of 'abor,,

and ,,women,, are not commen_surate anaryticar categories. concepts such as the sexual divisio' oflabor canbe useful only if the

Eldhom, Harris, ""rt;[n! ij)]lTTTt:local'

contextual analvses (seeversaty appiicabre, the ...urt*t ho.'"J;i"T1'", :::T:ffi f :ildaily material practices ofwomen in the-third world can create a farse sense ofthe commonalityofoppressions, interests, and struggles l.*..n rna r.ong

il.ffi:,i.l}-llv' Bevond sisterhood rhere are sril racism, colonialism, and

Finally, somewriteoranarysis with rhe

";l:,::Jff :H::::::::."s a superordinare caresory

orher words, empirical studies of gender orJ"n"rrton of this category. In

analytica.l org^ni)ationof.cross-cultural work.'rences are confused with the

o f th e b o ok -N

ot,,,', C,It,,, an d G en d e r (.,.J ;; ::.o.'í,Iffi : jť.';J :;illustrates this point. Brown suggests that nature:culture and female:male aresuperordinate categories that organ.ize and locate resser categories (such aswild:domesric and biology;technology) *itiin tir.i. logic. These caregories

ilffi :1 irlii."x:::: :Y"'"' the universe or a svs rem o,..0 -tion ofany pa.,r.u,"..,

ton ts totally independent ofthe universal substantia-

thancrarigrth.r.n..";l'"roo,i'":;"Jil::ffi11?:#:H:"T:11.,,:,":rnate organization categories, Nature, culture andGender construes the univer_sality of this equarion to lie at the lever or..nfi.i.rr truth, which can be in-vesrigared through fierdwork. Thus, rhe u."rJt.r. of rhe narure:culrure ;:female:ma.le paradigm as a universal mode ofthetion within anvparti"curar sociohistoricar sr.r.-t::::.1#]l"rffffiX;

universalism is assumed on the basis orth. ,.au.tion ofthe nature:curture ;:female:mare anarytic categor.ies ro a demand for empiricar proof of its exis_tence in different culturnrateria]realities,"'o.n.:o:.'..,""".:;;.;Í:o;:il,ilil.T.:ilT::j''*"women" is lost. Feministwork that blurs this distinction (which is, interest_ingly enough' often present in certain west..n r.n'rnr.r.,serf-representation)

36 Feminism without Borders

eventually ends ui constructing monorithic images of ,,Third world women,,by ignoring the lomplex and mobile relationships between their historicarmateriality on thé level of specific oppressions and political choices, on theone hand, and thiir general discursive representations, on the other.

. ]o:urr"rizf: I have discussed three methodological moves identifiabre

rn femlnrst (and fther

academic) cross-cultural work that seeks to uncovera uilversalty in

{omen's subordinate position in society. The next and Íinal

::":" pu's tog$ther the previous ones, arrempring to outline the politicar

:::::::t.:. ir$:t.it srraregies in rhe conrexr of wesrern feminist writing

on women in thelhird world. These arguments are not against generalizationas mucnas theYar1 forcareíul, historicalIy specificgeneralizations responsive

:: :::ť* :::'':r: Nor do these arguments deny the necessity of forming

strategic.political identities and affinities. Thus, while Indian women of dif_terent rellglons, ctstes, and crasses might forge a poritical unity on the basisoÍ organ'rng agai|st police brutality toward women (see Kishwarand Vanitarg84), any anarysis ofpolice brutarity must be contextual. strategic coalitionsrnar co.nstruct opl0sitional political identities for themselves are based on

::,n..."u*.'o: ani Provisional unities, but the analysis oťthese group iden-

trtres cannot be baied on universalistic, ahistorical categories.j

I

iThe Subject(s) of power

_ tn:-r*:t:n rerr1rns to my earlier discussion of the inherently political na_

:::::l tinist sciolarshiP and attempts to clarifv my point about the pos-

slDlllty of detectingi a colonialist move in the case of a hegemonic connec_tion beťween the Fiist and Third Worlds in scholarship' The nine texts in Zed

:l:::_:*"..n in tt]eThird World series thar r have discussedflfocused on rhe

rollowng common ireas

in examiningwomen's ,,status,, within various soci-eues,: religion' family/kinship structures, the legar system, the sexuar divisionot t1oo.] education,land, finally, political resistance. A large number of West-ern remlnrsrwritingi on women in theThird worrd focus on these themes. of

::-::: ::: t.d texts

]have varying emphas es. For instance, rwo of rhe s rudies,

:::t:t:' Ketwn: womln oJPolatine (Bendt and Downing r98z) andwewitl smash

]].11,'.''on' Indían.Woien inStrugg|e (omvedt r98o), focus explicitly on female

:tlton:l.tno loliticpl involvement, while The House of obedience: Women in Arab

-:,1"0 ,lt":::

ln8"] deals with Arab women,s legal, religious, and familialstatus' In addition,

{ach text evidences avarietyofmethodorogies and de-I

37 Under Westeln Eyes

grees ot care in maki.g ge'eralizations. rnterestingly enough, r-rowever, al-

'nost all the texts assume "women" as a categoryof analysis in the manner

designated above.clearly this is an analytical strategy that is neither rimited to these zed

Press publications nor symptomatic of zed, press publications in general.However' each of the texts in question assumes that ,,women,, have a coherentgroup identity within the different cultures discussed, prior to their entry intosocial relations. Thus Gail omvedt can talk about ,,Indian women,,while re_ferring to a particular group ofwomen in the state of Maharashtra; cutrufellican discuss "women of Africa," and Minces can talk about ,,Arab women,,-all as iíthese groups oíwomen have some sort ofobvious cultural coherence,distinct from men in these societies. The ,,status,, or ,,position,, of women isassumed to be serf-evident because women as an already constituted groupare placed within religious, economic, familial, and legar structures. How-ever, this focus whereby women are seen as a coherent group across con-texts' regardless of class or ethnicity, structures the world in ultimately bi_nary, dichotomous terms, wherewomen are always seen in opposition to men,patriarchy is always necessarily mare dominance, and the religious, legal, eco-nomic, and familial sysrems are implicitlyassumed to be const.u.t.d by,,,.n.Thus, both men and women are always apparently constituted whole popula-tions, and relations of dominance and exploitation are also posited in termsoíwlrole peoples -wholes coming into exploitative relations. It is only whenmen and women are seen as different categories or groups possessing differ-ent already constituted categories ofexperience, cognition, and interests asgroups rhar such a simplistic dichotomy is possible.

what does trris impry about the structure and functioning of power rela-tiorrs? The setting up of the commonality oíThird World women,s strugglesacross classes and cultures against a general notion ofoppression (root.aprimarily in the group in power-i.e., men) necessitates the assumption ofwhat Michel Foucault (r9go, r35-45) calls the ,,juridico-discursive,,

modelof power, the principal fearures of which are ,,a negative relation,, (limit andiack), ar.r "insistence on the rule" (il,hich forms a binary system ), a,,cycle ofprohibition," the "logic of censorship,,, and a ,,uniformity,,

of the apparatusfunctioning at different levels. Feminist discourse on the Third world thar as-sumes a homogeneous category_ or group _ called women necessarily oper_ates through the setting up oforiginary power divisions. power relations arestructured in terms of a unilateral and undifferentiated source ofpower and a

38 Feminism without Borders

I

lcumulative reacrion tp lower. opposition is a generalized phenomenon cre-ated as a response to lpower-which, in turn, is possessed by certain groupsofpeople. I

IThe major problerir with such a definition of power is that it locks all revo-

lutionary struggles i{rto binarl structures_possessing power versus beingpowerless. Women ajre powerless, unified groups. If the struggle for a justsoclety ls seen in terms of the move from powerressness to power for womenas a group' and this js the implication in feminist discourse that structuressexual difference in terms of the division between the sexes, then the newsociety would be strufrurally identical to the existing organization of powerrelations, constitutinf itself as a simple inversion of what exists. If relationsof domination and e*proitation are defined in rerms of binary divisions-g:oups that dominat{ and groups that are dominated_then surely the im_plication is that rhe a{cession to power of women as a group is sufficient todismantle the existin$ organization of relations. But women as a group arenor ln some sense esspntially superior or infalrible. The crux of the problemlies in that initiat ass{mption oíwomen as a homogeneous group or cate-Bory ("the oppressed"f , a familiar assumption in western radical and liberalfeminisms.l: I

, - lwnat happens wheh this assumption of ,,women as an oppressed group,,is situated in the coniext of western feminist writing about Third worrdwomenT It is here thai I locate the colonialist move. By contrasting the rep-resenratron of womenl in the Third worrd with what I referred to earlier aswestern feminisms' se[f-presentation in the same context, we see howwest-ern feminists alone be ome the true "subjects,,of this counterhistory. Thirdworld women, in contrf st, never rise above the debilitating generality of their"object" status.

geneous category to

a8aÍn' women are constituted as a coherent group not on the basis of ..natu.ral" qualities or needs but on the basis ofthe sociological ,.unity,, oftheir rolein domestic production and wage labor (see Haraway r9g5, esp. 76). In otherwords, Western feminist discourse, by assuming women as a coherent, al_ready co'srituted group that is placecl in ki 'ship, legal, and other structures,defines Third worrd women as subjects outside social rerations, instead oflooki'g at the way women are constituted through these very structures.

Legal, economic, religious, and familial stnomena ro be judged bvwestern srandards. t, t. ;:.'#::Jfro..nrl.Xllii-sality comes into pray. when these structures are defined as ,,underdeveloped,,or "developing" and women are placed within them, an impricit image of the"average Third world woman" is produced. This is the transformation of the(implicitly western) "oppressed woman" into the "oppressed Third worldwomán.'' While the Category of Koppressed woman,,is generated through anexclusive íocus on gender difference, ..the oppressed Third World woman,,categoryhas an additionar attribute- the ,,Third worrd difference.,,TheThirdworld difference includes a paternalistic attitude toward women in the Thirdworld'1a since discussions of the various themes I identified earlier (kinship,education, religion, etc.) are conducted in the context ofthe relative ,,under-developnrent'' oí the Third World (a move tlrat constitutes nothing less thantu'justifiabry confusing development with the separate path taken by the westin its development, as well as ignoring the directionality ofthe power relation_ship berween trre First and Third worrds), Third world women as a group orCategory aÍe automatically and necessarily defined as religious 1,..a, not i,o.gressive), family-oriented (read: traditional), legally unsophisticated (read:theyare still not conscious of their lights), iltiterate (read: ignorant), domes_tic (read: backward), and sometimes revolutionary (read: their country is ina state of war; they must fightl). This is how the ,,Third World difference,,isproduced.

When the category of ,,sexually oppressed women,, is located within par-ticular systems in the Third world that are defined on a scale that is normedthrough Eurocentric assumpdons, nor onlyareThird world women defined ina particular way prior to their entry into social reratrons, but, since no connec_ťtons are made between First and Tlrird World power shifts, the assumption is

:.lltr:::.0 that the Third world jusr has nor evolved ro rhe exrenr thar the west

'as. r nrs mode of feminist analysis, by homogenizing and systematizing theexperiences of different groups oFwomen in these countries, erases at mar-40 Feminism without Borders

ginal and resistant

groups. Resistance

has argued, can beconceptualization is

produce almages such as theobedientwife, and sosetting in modon ain defining, coding,

typically authorizing

contemporary thinkersrida (r97+),Iulia l(riEdward Said (rgZ8), hmorphism and ethnocelematic that repeatedlyFeminist theorists suchand Helene Cixous (rsence of woofall these thinkersinterests that underlie thwhereby, as a valuablesality, Culture, Disisecondary and derivatithe second (minority)edness, insanity, devia(Spanos r984). In otherEast" are defined as

4r Under Western E

or as peripheral, that (Western) man/humanism

tics of ethnic and reli marginal organizations in Third World women,sthus be defined only as cumulatively reactive, not assomething inherent i the operation of power. If power, as Michel Foucault

tood only in the context of resistance,ro this mis_analyticallyand strategicallyproblematical. It Iimitstheoretical analysis as as reinforces Western cultural imperialism. For inthe context of a Firs

perpetrate and sustai

set of universal images of the Third World woman,woman, the powerful mother, the chaste virgin, the

. These images exist in universal, ahistorical splendor,ist discourse that exercises a very specific power

third World balance of poweq feminist analyses thatthe hegemony of the idea ofthe superiority oíthe West

I maintaining existing First/Third World connections.suggest some disconcerting simi,larities beťween ,nJ**TJnature of such Western íeminist writings on women lhe authorizing signature ofthe projectofhumanism I

and experiences.rs It is significant that none ofthePress series focuses on lesbian politics or the poli_

a Western ideological and political project that in_

texts I reviewed in the

To conclude, let me

in the Third World andin general*humanism

volves the necessary rec tperation ofthe,,East" and ,,Woman,, as others. ManyincludingMichel Foucault (r97g, rggo), Jacques Der_(r98o), Gilles Deleuzeand Felix Gua ttari g977), and: written at length about the underlying anthropo-trism that constitute a hegemonic humanistic prob_onfirms and legitimates (Western) man's centrality.s Lucelrigaray (r98r), Sarah Kofman lsee Bergrggzj,

have also written about the recuperation ",,á ^u-within Western humanism. The focus of the work

be stated simply as an uncoyering of the politicalbinary logic of humanistic discourse and ideology,puts ir, "the first (majoriry) term (Identiry Univer-

Truťh, Sanity, }ustice, etc.), which is, in fact.(a construction), is privileged over and colonizes

(difference, temporality, anarchy, error, interest_, etc.), which is, in fact, primary and originative,,rds, it is only insofar as,,woman1women,, and,,the

can represent him/itself as the center. It is not the center that determines theperiphery, but the periphery that, in its boundedness, determines the center.Just as feminists such as l(risteva and cixous deconstruct the ratent anthropo_morphism in western discourse, I have suggested a paralrer strategy in this inuncovering a latent erpocentrism in particular feminist writing$on womenin rheThird world{

As discussed earlier, a comparison beťween Western feminist self:presentation and western feminist representadon of women in the Thirdworld yierds significant results. universal images of the Third world woman(the veiled woman' chaste virgin, etc.), images consťructed from adding the"Third world difference" to ,,sexual difference,,, are predicated upon (andhence obviously bring into sharper focus) assumptions aboutwesternwomenas secular, liberated, and having control over their own lives. This is not tosuggest that western women are secular, liberated, and in control of theirown lives. I am referring to a discursive selÉpresentation, not necessarily tomaterial reality. If this were material reality, there would be no need for po_litical movements in the wesr. similarly, only from the vantage point of thewest is it possibre ro define the Third world as underdeveroped and economi_cally dependent. wirhout the overdetermined discourse that creates the Thirdworld, there would be no (singurar and priv'eged) First worrd. without the"Third world woman," the particurar serf-presentation of western womenmentioned abovewourd be problematical. I am suggesting, then, that the oneenables and susrains the other. This is not to say that the signature of westerníeminist writings on theThird World has the same authorityas the project oíwestern humanism' However, in the context of the hegemonyof thewesternscholarly estabrishment in the production and dissemination of texts, and inthe conrext of the legitimating imperative of humanistic and scientific dis-course, trre definition of "the Third worrd woman', as a monolith might welltie into the largereconomic and ideorogical praxis of .,disinterested,, scientificinquiry and pluralism that are the surface manifestations ofa latent economic

r "nd cultural coronization of the "non-western,,world. It is time to rnove be-

I t:"0 the M.arx who found it possible to say: they cannot represent themselves;

I they must be represenred.

42 Feminism without Borders

CHAPTER \4/ O

Cartographies Struggle:ThtrdWorld

Women and Politics of Femínism

The US and the

powerful count

in the world

are the most

but only r/8 of

African people

population.

population.

also r/8 of the world's

ofthat, r/4 is

r/z of the world's is Asian.r/z ofthat is Chi

There are zz in the middle east.Most people in ttre

ivorra are yelrow, Black, Brown, Iroor, Female, Non-christian

' and do not spe{k English.By the year zooo thf zo hrgest cities in the world w'r have one thing in common

none ofthem will be in Europe none in the United Stares.-Audre Lorde, Ianirary r, r9g9

^__t_:"tt:,rnrs essallwith Audre Lorde,s words as a tribute ro her courage in

conslstenfly engaginfi the very institutionar power structures that define and

:T",*.*r::. rhe livef of Third World women.l The poem atso has deep per_so11' s':n'hc1nce forme: Lorde read itas part oíhercommencementremarks

:,_:::"tn College, wfere I used ro reach, in May r9g9. Her words provide

a poerrc cartography pf the historical and poriticar locarion of Third worrdpeoptesand documen[ the urgencyofourpredicament in a Eurocentricworld.Loroe's.language suggests with a precise force and poignancy the contours of

'r:^.-:-.ll-. o:.ufl

lorv, a world that is definable only in relational rerms, aword traversed with i]ntersecting lines of power and resistance, a world that

l

ť.t it i

liT'ál

f,

\I

tIl{\L*

beginning of the ťwenty-first century, to ask the question: Howwould ..Underwestern Eyes"-the Third world inside and outsioe the west-be exproredand analyzed armost two decades rater? what do I consider to be the urgentrheorerical and methodological questions f""ir1g-"

"o-paradve feminist poli_tics at this moment in hrstory?Given the apparent and continuing life of ,,Under Western Eyes,, and myown travels rhrough transnarional feminl.t r.t ot"..t l,.,;;;""_:: i:" .wi tlr a s u mma.y o"í th. ..n tral arguments

", .. u,li:H,:l'.1tril::::

",i.,::tualizing rhem in intellectual, political, and insraccounr on rhis dir.".r;;;';i"lllil:lll, rnstirurionar rerms. Basing my

ated in a number oro,*lil I.describe ways the essay has been .e"d andlitu-

gage with some useful.,tttn'' often overlapping, scholarly discourses. I en-

*i:m:Ínr'."1==:,T#;i,i:1í,'l"11::T:: j:ff #iil':tomakevisiblesome"'il"il.":,.l'iJ,:*:Í::':"'*infeministtiil;;.writing.

-4|v LlrLoLĎ ltlt oDscuťe or ambiguous in my earlier

I.look, first, to see horso.Whatarethe";:í":Jj*:ff [:::Ti".j.j[.j*fi::'ff :'JlT:beginning of the rwenry-first century.) tlor t r* the possibirities of feministcross-currurar work developed and shifted? what is the inte'ectual, poriticar,and institutionar context that informs my ou/n .t iR, "na

new commitmenrsar rhe time of this wriring? What "",.ron., of r"not".ty and political iden-tif ication have changed since r9g6? wI", r,". ..-ained the same? I wish tobegin a dialogue between trre inrentions, effects, and poritical choices thatunderwrote ,,Under Werto d ay. I h o p e i t p rovok.l"i j5 " J'. nTÍ ;::'ffi, ", "T

jffi ::#xTand collective projects in feminist studies.

Reuisiting,,IJ nder Western Eges,,

DECOLONIZING F

I wrore,, under wes re;T;J : i]J:n:;:';il,ii.t"u..,,,n". "r,,wesr_

il*T1T;:.*:ffi: on rhird worrd women via the discursive coroni_

th e p ower- kn o.'"o;;ť.::T;*'T':.".1 jj]iÍ'iT;j ::;T:ffJ.T,,:.::;through Eurocenrric' farsery universrli"ing *;;;aotogi.. rhar serve rhe nar-

222 Ferninism without tsorders

row self-interest of feminism. As well, I thought it crucial to high-Iight the connectio{r beťween íeminist scholarship and feminist political

:rtl:t"i:C while dlawing a*ention to the need ro examine the ,,politicar

implications of our stretegies and principles." I also wanted to chartthe location of femiirist scholarship within a global poritical and economicframework dominatfd by the ,,First Wp1ld.,+

My most simlre {oal

was to make clear that cross-cultural feminist work

::::,::::::tive tolthe micropolitics of conrext, subjectivity, and struggle,

1wďl "' ,:

:|" mac|ololitics ofglobal economic

"ná poriti""r

';;;;;:::::r:r ].0*.::..F

Maria Mies,s study of the lacemakers of Narsapuras a

l^:::ir"",t:n of hoiv to do this kind ofmultilayered, contexrual anatysis ro

::::it':.1: the parriiutar is ofren universally significant_without using rhe

universal to erase the larticular, or positing "n

unbriage"ble gulfbetween thJ

To r:rTr' Implicit iir this anallsis was rhe use of historical marerialism asa basic framework,

"ira " a.nnition of material reality in both its locar and

micro-,aswel las s lo lhr l svsremin, l i --^^;^-^ r-- .--- , . ,,:,:.: ] as we' as gtopar, systemic dimensions. I argued at that time for theoennrrron and recognition ofthe Third world not just through oppression but

l1l_ .:"an::toricallcomplexities and th.

-"ny srruggles ro change rhese

oppressions' Thus I arpued for grounded, particularized analyses linked with

Itjt: t:: tto^o:t, e{onomic and potiticat frameworks. t drew inspirationfrom a vision ofíemiriist solidarity across borders, although it is this vision

lill[:":ned invisible ro many readers. rn a perceptive anatysis of myargument of this politics of location, sylvia walby (zooo) recognizes and re_fines the relarion berwf en difference and equatity orwnich I speak. sre ar"ws

:1t,: t*::r:t t:,rh] need for a shared frame of reference among Wesrern,

posrcolonral, Third wdrld feminists in order to decide what counts as differ_ence. she asserts, quite insightfully, that

I

Mohanty and postcolonial feminists are often interpreted as ar-guing only for sifact, Mohanty is

knowledges in popularisations of their work. Inming, via a complex and subtle argument, that she

is right and that white Western feminism is not merely different,but wrong. In is she assumes a common question, a common setofconcepts and, ultwith whitewith her. She is not tenť to leave white Western feminism as a siťuatedknowledge, le with its local and partial perspective. Not a bit of

ately the possibiliry of, a common political projectShe hopes ro argue white feminism inro

"gr".ing

223 "UnderWester Eyes" Revisited

it ' This is a claim to a more universar truth. And she hopes to accornplishthis by the power of argument. (r99)

Walby's reading oíthe essay challenges others to engage my notion of a com.mon feminisr political project, which critiques rhe effects of western femi-nist scholarship on women in the Third world, but within a framework ofillŤ.j:"Ti:::T.

values. My insistence on tr'. specificityof difference isrrre various .","_"":::::?;",r.Ti:T""::. o'**nces within

"no ".on,er aliz atio n, n or was r priv'eging rhe ro car "".ltt:t ffi:il:i,H::jii;commonalities, or the discursive over the material.

I did not write ,,Under Western fy"r,, ".

,oregaritarianandnoncoronizingcross_cu,,".f ::iTil;:i."'.Tili::*?"wesrern" and "Third worrd" feminism trr;; oppositionar ways that therewourd be no possibirity of solidarity u"r*.", *".,ern and Third world femi-

;::::;TiH: :*:" how the essav has been read and ut'ized.6 r have won-

ping,heinte,,ectua,JrT,!:T::JJi:ff1:ff iil:lT,:;:ff:im*the shifts that have affected i., .""ding;;:; wouta .ta.iry ťhe intentions andclaims of the essay.

,"J,jl;,)ity;rrvas writin' in solidarity with the critics of Eurocenrric

s u m p ti o n s.', o.oj..,.Ill Tt}: Í';;:;';:1::ffí Íffiffi i:* ;:particular in relation ro rhe univers"t_" S"ti.ii

'ruminating rhe universar. Mv concerns ..", #jfi:T::1i:T'fl"':ffi:embraced and identified with rhis uni"...rir",

;iffi fffi il;T*:"'""of colorand.n"",*lÍ1TiTiijl,:T;ffiff:

;lT:i[*ť"',:.'J3:1d!!:::lffi :ffi "i'',il:iT::ffi ;',::*1:colonizing, ,.lf-rnr....ltders'

I believed in a larger feminist proje., ,n"* ,n.scholarstrip and in the #:":: :"t

emerging in much influential feminist

My n ew ty.o u n o,...ilil'ff :,ilTillllllill;. u s,."a.* i. i n _stitution a'rso deepry affected my writing ,, -**',r...

I was determined romake an intervention in this space in *a.. ,o .World, immigrant, and other margin",,,.o *"ljÍi'lj ;:l} ffJllTthemselves erased or misrepresented within the dominant Euro-American

224 Feminismwithout.Borders

:;ť,Ť; FTl:;r;": :i,:':J ;,TT::: : j: T Li::il,,,'. j ;:.*:I"^y:::ranl

women scholars, as was done at rhe internarional con_:*i.:

I helped frganize,

,,Common Differences: Third World Women and

feminisl-l1sp".fiu." (frb1a, Illinois, r9g3). This conference allowed forthe possibilitt ofJa decolonized, cross.boí*. **,n',, community and ce-

T.n,.o.l. me ti{. belief that ..common

differences,, can form the basis oťdeep.solidarity, "t,la

th"r w. have to ,r.uggr. ,o achieve this in the face of un-equal power r"latjons among feminists.There have alslg been many effects_personal and professional_in my

:riti:g this essa{ These effe*s ."ng. f.o- being cast as rhe ,,nondudful

*:r,^"."1.::wrrite feminists to beiig ,;;, a mentor for rhird worrd/

:::i::::::merj scholars; from beinginvited ro address feminisr audiencesar va'ous academib venues, to being told I should focus on *y ro.t in

"r.tychildhood educatifn and not dabble in ,,feminisr rheory.,, practicing active

:lT^t" tras its lfrice as well as irs rewards. Suffice it to say, however, rhat

:.:";;.::,*rr.t. "fa onty deep satisfacrion in having written ,.Under West_

' l

- . t attilute somr pf thr re"dings and misundersrandings ofthe essay to the

:::-01.": rise of pfstmodernism in the U.S. academy in the past rhree de-

:il::.Ot,n::Sh Ihlve nevercalled mysetfa,,posrmodernisr,,,some reflecri<;non why my ideas hade been assimilated under this label is imporranr.T In fact,o''e reason to revisi{ "under western Eyes,, at this time is my desire to poinrto this postmoderni{t appropriation.8 I am misread when I am interpreted as

T:::::::, all forins of seneralizarion and as arguing for difference overcommonalities. Thislmisreading occurs in the comodernist ai,.ou.,. |,r,l. hbels as*tot^Ii"in,,,;dí[::ffff:,'J,T:

emphasizes onry the lmutability and construJtedness of identities and socialstructures.

, 1..: I did draw o.f fou.ault ro outline an analysis ofpower/knowledge,but I also dreÝv on An{ur Abdel Malek to ,ho' th. ai,..tionality and material

'Í::: ::" larticula{jmperial power structure. I drerv too on Maria Miesro argue for the need lfor a materialist analysis that linked everyday life andlocal gendered conteits and ideologie. .o í. t"|., nansnational political

:"0,:::::i. structurles and ideologies or."pioi'... What is interesring forme rs to see how and

ivhf ,,difference,,

has b..n .mbr"..d over ,,common_l

i225 "Under West{rn Eyes" Revisited

i

aliry," and I realize thatmywritingreaves open this possib'ity. In 19g6 Iwrotemainly to challenge the farse universality of Eurocentric discourses and wasperhaps not suffi ciently critical ofthevalorization ofdifference over common-ality in posrmodernist discourse.e Now I find myserfwanting to reemphasizethe connections between local and universal. In r986 my priority was on diÉference' but now r want to recapture and reiterate its futer meaning, whichwas arways there, and that is its connection to the universal. In other words,this discussion allows rne to reemphasize the way thatdifferences are neverjust "differences." In knowing differences and particularities, we can berrersee the connections and commonalities because no borderor boundaryis evercomplete or rigidly determining. The challenge is to see how differences allowus to exprain the connections and bordercror.ing, betterand more accurately,how specifying difference allows us to theorize universal concerns more fully.It is this intel]ectual move ťhat allows for my concern for women of differenrcommunities and identities to build coalitions and solidarities across borders.So what has cr.ranged and what remains the same for me? what are theurgent inreilectual and poiitical questions for feminist scholarship and orga_nizing at this time in history? First, let me say that the terms ,,w.estern,,

and"Third worrd" retain a poritical a.rd .*planatory varue in a world that appro-p.ates and assi'rirates multicurturalism and ,,difference,,through commodi_fication and consumption. However, these are not the only terms r wouldchoose to use now. With the United States, the European Community, andlapan as the nodes ofcapitarist power in the early twenty-first century, the in-creasing proliferation oíThird and pourtlr Worl js within the national bordersoftheseverycounrries, as well as rhe risingvisibil ityand struggres forsover_eignty by First Nations/indigenous p.opl". ,.ou.rd the world, ,,Western,,

and"Third worid" explain much ress than the categorizations ,,North/south,,or"One-Third/Two_Thirds Worlds.,,

"North/sourh" is used to distinguish between aftuenr, privileged nationsand cornmunities, and economica.'yand poritica'y marginalized nations andcommunities, as is "western/non-western,,,while these terms are meant toloosely distinguislr the northern and souťhern hemispheres, affiuent and mar-ginal nations and communities obviously do not rine up neatly within thrsgeograplrical íranre. Andtinguish berween the ,,ha

yet' as a political designation that attempts to dis-

r i ti ca r var u e an "*"-pr" ourT;lX.j]i ;l1filX HT #[ffi::ffi;a metaphorical rather than geographical distinction, where ,,North,, refers tozz6 Feminism without,Borders

i

the pathways of tralrsnational capitar and ',south,, to the marginalized poorof theworld regarďpss of geographical distinction.1o

I.find the tangu{Se of *One-Third World,, versus ,,Two_Thirds World,,

:-. ,"t"oo::.d bl Grirstavo Esreva and Madhu Suri prakash (r998) particu_

ll,.tt,ll"-r"t: especiafty in conjunction with ,,Third WorldlSouth; ,,,d ,,r,rr,yvoro/North." Thesp terms represent what Esteva and prakash call sociar mi_

::::l:::::""cial thajorities_caresories based on the quality of life led bypeopres and commuhities in both the North and the south.ll The advantage of

l.li,lTrd{*"-rhiris world in relarion to rerms tike ,,Wesrern/Third World,,

::" :'^:":it"uth" ii that they move away from misleading geographical andideological binarisnr]s.

11 t:"rt:g on qFatity of rife as the criteria for distinguishing berrveen

socrar mrnoriries anf majorities, "one-Third/Two-Thirds worlds,, draws ar-renrl.n to the contiiuities as well as the discontinuities berween rhe havesand have-nots withifi the boundaries ofnarions and between nadons and

:::::i""": communiries. This designation also highlighrs the fluidity and

:::,:,::qj:t"] t:"f' that situate communiries orpeopre as sociar maiort-ues/mrno.ties in disParate form. "one-Thirdirwo-Thirds,' is a nonessential_

:sr car:C::lzarion, b1 it incorporates an analysis ofpower and agency thatis crucial. yet what it ]ntisr", is a history of colonization that the terms wesr_ern/Third World drall attention ro.As the above ternfinological discussion serves to illustrate, we are st'lworking with a verl illlrecise and inadequate anarytical language. All we canrave access to at givep moments is the anarytical language that most clearlyapproximates the featirres of the worrd as we understand it. This distinction

oerween one-Third/T{vo-Thirds worrd and, ar rimes, First worrd/North andThird world/south is [h.

hngu"g. I choose to use now Because in fact our

l::::::: :. tmprecise,l I hesitate ro have any language become sraric. My ownt1:tu.rt.

1 r0tO needls to be open ro refinemenr and inquiry_but nor to in-stitutionalization.

,,, t.tn"tl I want to r1flec on an imporranr issue not addressed in ,,Under

Western ťyes'': the qufstion of native or indigenous struggles. Radhika Mo-

::::::":j:',ruue of rnlr work (reeg) brings this ro our arrenrion. She pointsuurrneorfferencesbetv eena,,multicultural,,understandingofnation(preva-

l::jr^::T *i,.1|uyfr; and a call for a ,,bicutrurar,, undersranding of na_

::on * the part of indjBenous people in Áotearoa/New Zea|and,.She arguesthat my notion of a colnr

I mon context of struggle suggests logical alliances

227 ,,Under Westefn Eyes,, Revisited

anlollg tlre various blacl< wotlretr: Maori, Asiarr, PaciÍic Islarrder. However,Maori women see multiculturalism-all iances withAsianwomen-as under-mining indigenous righrs and biculturalism and prefer to allythemserves withPakeha (white, Anglo-Celtic people lMohanram 1999, 9z_96]).I agree rhar the distinction between bicurturalism and multiculturarismdoes pose a practical problem oforganizing and alliance bu'ding, and thatthe particular history and situation of uaoJ feminists cannot be subsumedwitlrin the analysis I offer so íar. Native or indigenous women,s struggles,which do not íollow a postcolonial trajectory based on the inclusions and ex.clusions ofprocesses ofcapitalist, racist, heterosexist, and nationalist domi_nation' cannot be addressed easily under the purview ofcategories such as"Western" and ,,Third World.,,12 But they become visible and even central tothe defi nitio' of one-Third/Two-Thirds worlds because indige'ous claimsfor sovereignty, their lifeways and environmentar and spiritual practices, situ-are them as centrar to the definition of ,,social majority,, (Two_Thirds worrd).while a mere shift in conceptual terms is not a complete response to Mohan-ram's critique, I think it crarifies and addresses the limitations of my earrieruse oí ..Western'' and ..1.hird World.,, Interestingly enough, while I wouldhave identified myselfas both western and Third worrd-in a'mycomplexi-ties -. in the context of ,,Under Western Eyes,,, in this new frame, I am clearlylocated within the one-Third world. Then again, no.", as in my earlier writ-i'g' I straddle borh categories. I am of the Two-Thirds world in the one-Third World. I am clearly a part of the social mirleges; however, my political choices, srruggles, ;:Til:T;:Ti[:il::me alongside the Two-Thirds world. rtrus, t am for the Two-Thirds worrd,but with the privileges of the one-Third world. I speak as a person situatedin the one-Thirds worrd, but from the space and vision o{, and in solidaritywith, communiries in struggle in the Two-Thirds World.

UNDER AND (tNsrDE) wEsrDRN EyEs:AT THE TURN OF THE CENTURYThere have been a number of shifts in the politicar and economic land-scapes oínations and communities of people in the last two decades. Theintellectual maps of disciprines and areas of studyin the u.s. academyhaveshifted as well during trris time. The advent

".rd in.titutionar visibilityofpost_colonial studies for instance is a relatively recent phenomenon-as is thesimurraneous rolrback of the gains

-"a.

jy race and ethnic studies depart-zz9 Feminismwithout.Borders

ments-in the r97os pnd r98os. women's srudies is nowawell-established field

::.::Y:t" "ver eighthundred degree-granring progra*.

"nd d.p.rtrn.nt,

in the U.S, 13 Feminist theory and feminist movements across na_..";; ;;,ffi;;:::.::".:lr:'visibflitr.oftransnarional women,s struggles and movemenrs,

1::ťj:" '' o".jlo' the United Nations *ola .onr"iJ';;; ffi#Jjover the last ťwo d

l::T'':"''' aird lolitically, the declining power of selÉgovernance

:::1'::.,"'.'Pooter nations is matched by the rising significance of Íans-rrd'Llollal rnstltutloÍis such as the World Trade organization and governingbodies such as the buronean l lninn h^r l^ *^-4:-Uuuršs sucn as ffle Puropean Union, not to mendon the for.profit co.por"l

llll^]|jf:orld'f larsest economies, fifry-one happen to be corporarions,

well as.nations (Eisfnstein r998b, r). Also, the d..";;;ffiffiil"alongside thenafuráhzation oFclnitol i"t,,. l , ' .^ :-a...-::"^::':.^.jr-"natura]lization

ofcapitalisrvatues, influences theabilityto make

::::::::i:ek o#,1.beharf in the daity tives of economica try marginatized

". ::tl ": ..":"Ti:illy priviteged communiries around the globe.

^..:::1.: of religibus fundamentalisms with their deepty masculinisr and

:.:::.1:t.r*etoric fo-ses a huge chailenge for feminist srruggles

".ouna tnl

lilt lt""tl:.the l{ofoundly unequat "informadon highway,,as welt as the

;":"^,,,:TT:t-,,"-.lr..l"r (and masculin ization) of the globe, accompanied byLrc growtn ot the prison industriar comprex in the United st"t.., por., p.o-found contradictionf in the rives of communities ofwomen and men in mosr

llTi^lijT::rla. r pefieve these political shifts to the right, accompaniedby global-capitalist hfgemony, privatization, and increased religious, .trrni.l

::1 .:.t:t harreds, l{se very concrere challenges for feminists. In this con-tcÁt' r asK wnat woul{ it mean to be attentive to the micropolitics of everyday

lT i:r"t as ro rhe l,Lrger processes that recolonize the culture and identi-

::::::::.r:: acro;s.1fe slobe. Howwe thinkofthe rocat in/of the gtobal andvrce versa without fallilne into colonizing or culturar relativist platitudes about

1'Ť:::. |s.c1ucial i{ this intellectual and political landscape. And for me,

::*t:: ofthinkins i{ ded ro a revised race-and-gender-conscious historicarmaterialism.

.ln. TU,t* of fem]nist cross_cukural scholarship from rhe vanrage pointof Third world/south feminist srruggles remains a competing site of analy-sis for me'1a Eurocentfic analytic paradigms continue to flourish, and I re-main committea to reefrsasing in the struggles ťo criticize openly the effects

zzg ,,Under Westlrn Eyes,, Revisited

of discursive colonization on the lives and struggres of marginalized women.My central commitment is to build connections between feminist schorarshipand political organizing. My own present-day anarytic framework remainsvery similar to my earriest critique of Eurocentrism. However, I now see thepolitics and economics of capitalism as a íar more urgent locus of struggle. Icontinue to rrold to an anarytic framework that is attentive ro the micropori-tics of everyday life as well as ro rhe macropolitics of global economic andpolitical processes. Trre rink between political economy and culture remainscrucial ro any form of feminist theorizing-as it does for mywork. It isn,ttlre íranrework that has changed. It is just that global economic and politi.cal processes have become more brutal, exacerbating economic, racial, andgender inequalities, and thus they need to be demystified, reexamined, andtheorized.

While my earlier focus was on the distinctions between ,,Western,, and"Third world" feminist practices, and while I downplayed the commonalities

lt:ltti lf .t. two positions, my focus now, &s musr be evident in parr z of

tlrrs book' is on whar I have chosen to calr an aniicapitalist transnational femi-nrsr practrce-and on the possibil it ies, indeed on the necessities, of cross-national feminist solidarityand organizing against capitalism. while ,,underwestern Eyes" was rocated in the context of the critique of western human-.ism and Eurocentrism and ofwhite, WesteIn íeminism, a similaressaywrittennow would need to be located in the context ofthe critique ofgrobal capi-talism (on antiglobalization), the naturalization ofthe varues ofcapital, andt'e unac*nowredged power of curturar rerativism in cross-cultural feministscholarship and pedagogies.

"under western Eyes" sought to make the operations of discursive powervisible, to draw attention to what was reft out of feminist theorizing, namery,the material complexity, reality, and agency of Third world women,s bodiesand lives' This is in fact exactly the analytic strategy I now use to draw at-tention to what is unseen, undertheorized, and left out in the production ofknowledge about grobarization. while globalization has always been a part ofcapitalism, and capitarism is not a newphenomenon, at this timeI believe thetheory, critique, and activism around antiglobafization has to be a key focusFor feminists. This does not mean that the patriarchal and racist relations andstructures that accompany capitalism are any less problematic at this time,or that antiglobalization is a singular phenomenon. Arong with many other

23c. Feminism without Borders

scholars and activists, I ]believe capital as it functions now depends on andexacerbates racist, patri{rchal, and heterosexist relations of rule.

I

FEMINTST lrnrHoloor,oGl ES: NEw DIREcTToNS

What kinds oí femiriist methodology and analytic strategy are useful inmaking power (and worlůen's lives) visible in overtly nongendered, nonracial.ized discourses? The discussed here is an example of how capital-ism and its various relati,ons ofrule can be analyzed through a transnational,anticapitalist feminist cÍitique' one that draws on historical materialism andcentralizes racialized . This analysis begins from and is anchored in theplace of the most margitalized communities ofwomen-poor women of allcolors in affiuent and ial nations; women of the Third World/Southor theTwo-Thirds 1s I believe that this experiential and analytic anchorin the lives of communities ofwomen provides the most inclu-sive paradigm for thinkjng about social justice. This particularized viewingallows for a more concrfte and expansive vision of universal justice.

This is the very opposite of "special interest" thinking. Ifwe pay artentionto and think from the space of some of the most disenfranchised communi-ties of women in the wo,Lld, v/e are most likely to envision a just and demo-cratic society capable oflreating all its citizens fairly. conversely, ifwe beginour analysis from, and limit it to, the space of privileged communities, our

. ivlslons of .;ustice are mo{e likely to be exclusionary because privilege nurturesblindness to those witholrt the same privileges. Beginning from the lives andinterests oť marginalizep communities of women, I am able to access andmake the workings of p{wer visible- to read up the ladder of privilege. It ismore necessary to look {pward-colonized peoples must know themselves

Iand the colonizer. This pťticular marginalized location makes the politics ofknowledge and the powe,L investments that go along with it visible so rhat we

.:can then engage in work to transform the use and abuse ofpower. The analy-sis draws on the norion pf epistemic privilege as it is deveroped by feministstandpoint theorists (wi{h their roots in the historical marerialism of Marxand Lukacs) as well as p{stpositivist realists, who provide an analysis ofex-perience, identity, and tlie epistemic efíects of social location'16 My view isthus a materialist and "lpalist" one and is antithetical to that of postmod-ernist relativism. I believé there are causal links between margínalized sociallocations and experience{ and the ability ofhuman agents to explain and ana-

z3r "UnderWesterniEyes" Revisited

lyze features ofcapitalist society. Methodorogicalry, this analytic perspecriveis grounded in hisrorical materialism. My claim is not that all marginalizedlocations yield crucial knowledge about power and inequity, but that within atightly integrated capitalist sysrem, the particular standpoint of poor indige-nous and Third world/south women provides the most inclusive viewing ofsystemic power. In numerous cases of environmental racism, for instance,where the neighborhoods of poor communities of coror are targeted as newsites for prisons and toxic dumps, it is no coincidence that poor black, NativeAmerican, and Latina women provide the leadership in the fight against cor-porate pollution. Three out of five Afro-Americans and Latinos live near toxicwaste sites, and three oíthe five largest hazardous waste landfills are in com.munities with a population that is 8o percent people of color (pardo zoor,5o4-rr). Thus, it is precisely their crirical reflections on their everyday lives aspoor women oícolor that allow the kind of analysis of the power structurethat has led to the many victories in environmental racism struggles.lT Hereinlies a lesson for feminist analysis.

Feminist scientist Vandana shiva, one of the most visible leaders of theantiglobalization movement, provides a similar and ilruminating critique ofthe patents and intellectual property rights agreements sánctioned by theworld Trade organization (wro) since 1995.18 Alongwith others in the envi-ronmental and indigenous rights movements, she argues that the wro sanc-tions biopiracy and engages in intellectual piracy by privileging the claims ofcorporate commercial interests, based on western systems of knowledge inagriculture and medicine, to products and innovations derived írom indige.r.rous knowledge traditions. Thus, through the definition of western scien-tiíic epistenrologies as tlre only Iegitimate scientific system' tlre wro is ab|eto underwrite corporate patents to indigenous knowledge (as to the Neemtree in India) as their own intellectual property, protected through intellec-tual property rights agreements. As a result, the patenting ofdrugs derivedfrom indigenous medicinal systems has now reached massive proportions. Iquote Shiva:

[T] hrough patenring, indigenous knowledge is being pirated in the nameofprotecting knowledge and preventing piracy. The knowledge ofour an-cestors, of our peasants about seeds is being claimed as an invention ofU.S. corporations and U.S. scientists and patented by them. The only rea_son somerhing like that can work is because underlying it all is a racist

232 Feminism without Borders

framework that says the knowledge of the Third World and the knowl-

edge of people of color is not knowledge' When that knowledge is taken

by white men who have capital, suddenly creativity begins. . . . Patents are

a replay of colonialism, which is now called globalization and free trade-

(zooo, 3z)

The contrast between Western scientific systems and indigenous epistemolo-

gies and systems of medicine is not the only issue here. It is the colonialist

and corporate power to defineWestern science, and the reliance on capitalist

values ofprivate property and profit, as the only normative system that results

in the exercise of immense power. Thus indigenous knowledges, which are

often communally generated and shared among tribal and peasant women

for domestic, local, and public use, are subject to the ideologies of a corpo-

rate Western scientific paradigm where intellectuel property rights can only

be understood in possessive or privatized form. All innovations that happen

to be collective, to have occurred over time in forests and farms, are appro-

priated or excluded. The idea of an intellectual commons where knowledge is

collectively gathered and passed on for the benefit ofall, not owned privately,

is the very opposite ofthe notion ofprivate property and ownership that is the

basis for the wro property rights agreements. Thus this idea of an intellec-

tual commons among tribal and peasant women actually excludes them from

ownership and facilitates corporate biopiracy.

Shiva's analysis ofintellectual property rights, biopiracy, and globalization

is made possible by its very location in the experiences and epistemologies of

peasant and tribal women in India' Beginning írom the practices and knowl.

edges oíindigenous women, she ..reads up'' the power structure' all theway to

the policies and practices sanctioned by the wro. This is a very clear example

then of a transnational, anticapitalist feminist politics.

However, Shiva says less about gender than she could. She is after all talk'

ing in particular about women's work and knowledges anchored in the epis-

temological experiences of one of the most marginalized communities of

women in theworld-poor, tribal, andpeasantwomen in India.This is a com-

munity ofwomen made invisible and written out ofnational and international

economic calculations. An analysis that pays attention to the everyday experi-

ences of tribal women and the micropolitics of their ultimately anticapitalist

struggles illuminates the macropolitics of global restructuring. It suggests

the thorough embeddedness ofthe local and particular with the global and

233 "Under Western Eyes" Revisited

universal, and it suggests the need to conceptualize questions ofjustice andequity in transborder terms. In other words, this mode oíreading envisionsa feminism without borders, in that it foregrounds the need for an analysisand vision of solidarity across the enforced privatized intellectual propertyborders of the wro.

These particular examples offer the most inclusive paradigm for under-standing tlre rnotivations and effects of globalization as it is crafted by theWTo. of course, iíwe were to attempt the sáme analysis from the epistemo-logical space of Western, corporate interests, it would be impossible to gen-

erate an analysis that values indigenous knowledge anchored in communalrelationships rather than profit-based hierarchies. Thus, poor tribal and peas-

ant women, their knowledges and interests; would be invisible in this analyticframe because the very idea of an intellectual commons falls outside the pur-

view ofprivatized property and profit that is a basis for corporate interests.

The obvious issue f,ora transnational feminism pertains to thevisions ofprofit

and justice embodied in these opposing analytic perspectives. The focus onprofit versus justice i l lustrates my earlier point about social location and ana-lytically inclusive methodologies. It is the social location of the tribal women

as explicated by Shiva that allows this broad and inclusive íocus on justice.

SinriIarly' it is tlre social location and narrow selí.interest ofcorporations thatprivatizes intellectual property rights in the name of profit for elites.

Shiva essentially offers a critique ofthe global privatization of indigenous

knowledges. This is a story about the rise oftransnational institutions such

as the wro, the World Bank, and the International Monetaiy Fund, of bank-

ing and financial institutions and cross-national governing bodies like the

uet (Multinational Agreement on Investments). The efFects of these govern-

ing bodies on poor people around the world have been devastating. In funda-

mental ways, it is girls and women around the world, especially in the Third

World/South, that bear the brunt oíglobalization' Poor women and girls are

the lrardest hit by the degradation oíenvironmental conditions, wars, fam-

ines, privatization of services and deregulation of governments, the disman-

tling ofwelfare states, the restructuring ofpaid and unpaid work, increasing

surveillance and incarceration in prisons, and so on. And this is why a femi-nism without and beyond borders is necessary to address the injustices ofglobal capita l ism.

Women and girls are still 70 percent of the world's poor and the majority

of the world's refugees. Girls and women comprise almost 8o percent of dis-

234 Feminism without Borders

placed persons of the Third World/South in Africa, Asia and Latin America.Women own less than one-hundredth of.the world's property, while they arethe hardest hit by the effects ofwar, domestic violence, and religious perse-

cution. Feminist political theorist Zillah Eisenstein says that women do rwo-thirds of the world's work and earn less than one.tenth oíits income. Globalcapital in racialized and sexualized guise destroys the public spaces ofdemoc-racy, and quietly sucks power out ofthe once social/public spaces ofnation-states. Corporate capitalism has redefined citizens as consumers-and globalmarkets replace the commitments to economic, sexual, and racial equality(Eisenstein r998b, esp. ch. 5).

It is especially on the bodies and lives of women and girls from theThird World/South- theTwo-Thirds World* thatglobal capitalism writes itsscript, and it is by paying attention to and theorizing the experiences ofthesecommunities of women and girls that we demysti capitalism as a systemofdebilitating sexism and racism and envision anticapitalist resistance. Thusany analysis of the effects of globalization needs to centralize the experiencesand struggles of these particular communities ofwomen and girls.

Drawing on Arif Dirlik's notion of "place consciousness as the radicalother of global capitalism" (Dirlik i999), Grace Lee Boggs makes an impor-tant argument for place-based civic activism that illustrates how centralizingthe struggles of marginalized communities connects to larger antiglobaliza-iion struggles. Boggs suggests that " [p]lace consciousness . . . encourages usto come togetheraround common, local experiences and organize around ourhopes for the future oíour communities and cities. While global capitalismdoesn't give a damn about the people or the naturel environment oíany par-ticular place because it can always move on to other people and other places,place-based civic activism is concerned about the heath and safety ofpeopleand places" (Boggs 2ooo, 19). Sincewomen are central to the life of neighbor-hood and communities they assume leadership positions in these struggles.This is evident in the example of women of color in struggles against envi-ronmental racism in the United States, as well as in Shiva's example of tribalwomen in the struggle against deforestation and foran intellectual commons.It is then the lives, experiences, and struggles oťgirls and women of the Two-Thirds World that demystify capitalism in its racial and sexual dimensions -and that provide productive and necessary avenues oftheorizing and enactinganticapitalist resistance.

I do notwish to leave this discussion oícapitalism as a generalized site

235 "UnderWestern Eyes" Revisited

without contextualizing its meaning in and tl.rrough rhe lives it structures.Disproportionately, these are girls' and women's lives, although I am com-mitted to the lives of all expioited peoples. However, the specificity of girls'and women's lives encompasses the others through their particularized andcontextualized experiences. Ifthese particular gendered, classed, and racial-ized realities of globalization are unseen and underthe orízed,, even the mostradical cririques ofglobalization effectively renderThird world/South womenand girls as absent. Perhaps it is no longer simplyan issue of western eyes, butrather how the west is inside.and continually reconfigures globally, racially,and in terms of gender. Without this recognition' a necessary link beťweeníeminist scholarshiplanalytic írames and organizing/activist projects is im-possible. Faulty and inadequate analytic frames engender ineffective politicalaction and strategizing for social transíormation.

What does the above analysis suggest? That we-feminist scholars andteachers - must respond to the phenomenon ofglobalization as an urgent sitefor the recolonization of peoples, especially in the Two-Thirds world. Glob-alization colonizes women's as well as men's lives áround the world, and weneed an anti-imperialist, anticapitalist, and contextualized feminist projectto expose and make visible the various, overlapping íorms of subjugation ofwomen's lives. Activists and scholars must also identi and reenvision formsof collective resistance that women, especially, in their different communi-ties enact in their everyday lives. It is their particular exploitation at this time,their potential epistemic privilege, as well as rheir parricular forms of soli-darity that can be the basis for reimagining a liberatory politics for the startof tl.ris century.

\I Antiglobalizalion SrrugglesII Although rhe context for writing "under western Eyes" in the mid-rggost"' was a visible and activistwomen's movement, this radical movementno longer

exists as such. Instead, I draw inspiration írom a more distant, but signifi.cant, antiglobalization movement in the united states and around the world.Activists in these movements are often women, although the movement is notgender-focused. so I wish to redefine the project ofdecolonization, not rejectit. It appears more complex to me today, given the newer developments ofglobal capitalism. Given the complex interweaving of cultural forms, peopleoíand fiom the Third World live not only under Western eyes but also within

46 Feminism without Borders

them. This shift in my focus from "under Western eyes" to "under and in-side" the hegemonic spaces of the One-Third World necessitates recraftingthe project of decolonization.

My focus is thus no longer just the colonizing effects of Western feministscholarship. This does not mean the problems I identified in rhe earlier essaydo not occur now. But the phenomenon I addressed then has been more thanadequately engaged by other feminist scholars. While feminists have been in-volved in the antiglobalization movement from the start, however, this hasnot been a major organizing locus for women's movements nationally in theWest/North. It has, however, always been a locus ofstruggle íor women of theThirdWorld/South because oftheirlocation. Again, this conrexrual specificiryshould constitute the larger vision. Women of the Two-Thirds World havealways organized against the devastations oíglobalized capital, just as theyhave always historically organized anticolonial and antiracist movements. Inthis sense they have always spoken for humanity as a whole.

I have tried to chart feminist sites for engaging globalization, rather thanproviding a comprehensive review of feminist work in this area. I hope thisexploration makes my own political choices and decisions transparent andthat it provides readers with a productive and provocative space to think andact creatively for feminist struggle. So today my query is slightly different al-though much the same as in 1986. I wish to better see the processes of cor-porate globalization and how and why they recolonize women's bodies andlabor. We need to know the real and concrete effects of global restructuringon raced, classed, national, sexual bodies ofwomen in the academy, Ín work-places, streets, households, cyberspaces, neighborhoods, prisons, and socialmovemenfs.

What does it mean to make antiglobalization a key factor for feminist theo-rizing and struggle? To illustrate my thinking about antiglobalization, let mefocus on two specific sites where knowledge about globalization is produced.The first site is a pedagogical one and involves an analysis ofthevarious strate-gies being used to internationali ze (ot g|oba|ize}+:Áewomen,s sfudies cur-riculum in U.S. colleges and universities. I argue that this move to interna-tionalize women's studies curricula and the attendant pedagogies that flowfrom this is one of the main ways we can track a discourse of global fem!nism in the United States. Other ways of tracking global feminist discoursesinclude analyzing the documents and discussions flowing out of the BeijingUnited Nations conference on women, and of course popular television and

237 "UnderWestern Eyes" Revisited

lrli

prlnt media discourses on women around the world. The šecond site of anti-globalizarion scholarship I focus on is the emerging, notrdly u.,g.ni...*"dderacialized discourse on activism against globalization.

ANTIGLoBALIZATIoN PEDAGoGIEs ]

Let me turn to trre struggles over the dissemination of a feminist cross-cultural l<nowredge base rhrougrr pedagogicar strategies ,,iqrternationa

,zing,,the women's studies curriculum. The problem of ,,the (geridered) coror line,,renrains, but is more easily seen today as developments of

lpransnationar and

global capital' while I choose to focus on women,s studie$ curricula, my ar_gumenrs hold for curricula in any discipline or academic Aeld that ,..k, ,ointernarionalize or globa|íze its curriculum. I argue that the challenge for"internariona,zing" women's studies is no different r.om rire on. inuoli.d in,,r,acia|ízing,,wonten's

studies2 tlre rgSos, for very similar po|itics of knowl.edge come into play herd{ ]

so the question I wanr ro foreground is the politics of kniwledge in bridg-ing tl-re ..local'' and the ..global" in women,s studie.s' Howwé teach the ..new,,scholarship in women's studies is at reast as imoortant rl rhp cnh^r.,.1"rirself, in the srruggres

"".. o;;;;;;.;;; ilJ*::iijT ;::::-:;After all, the way we consrruct curricura and tl.re pedagogils we use to putsuclr curricula into practice tel,l a story- or tell many storieš. It is the way weposition historical narratives ofexperience in reiation ,o ."Jh other, the w"ywe theorize relationariry as both historicar and simultaneoisly singurar andcoilective that determines how and what we learn wh.n r. .io., cultural andexperiential borders.

238 Feminism without Borders

It is through this model that we can put into practice the idea of ,,commondifferences" as the basis for deeper solidarity across differences and unequalpower relations.

FeminisÍ.as.TouristModel. This curricularperspective could also be called the"feminist as international consumer" or, in less charitable terms, the ,,whitewomen's burden or colonial discourse,, model,"lsrraresv in which brierrorays are made int" r"r-fi ;:-f;".|[f .:i11::il jparticular sexist cultural practices addressed from an otherwise tu-..nr."women's studies gaze. rn other words, the "add women as global victims orpowerful women and stir" perspective. This is a perspective in which the pri-mary Euro'American narrative of the sylrabus remains untouched, and ex-amples from non-western orThird world/south cultures are used to supple-ment and ..add'' to this narrative. The story here is quite old. The efFects oťthis strategy are that students and teachers are left with a clear sense of thedifference and distance beťween the local (defined as seld nation, and Wesr-ern) and the global (defined as other, non-Western, and transnational). Thusthe local is arways grounded in nationarist assumptions-the united statesorwestern European nation-state provides a normative context. This strategyleaves power rerations and hierarchies untouched since ideas about centerandmargin are reproduced along Eurocentric lines.

For example, in an introductory feminist studies course, one could in-clude the obligatory day or week on dowry deaths in India, women workers inNike factories in Indonesia, or precoloniar matriarchies in west Africa, whileleaving the fundamental identity of the Euro-American feminist on her wayto liberation untouched. Thus Indonesian workers in Nike factories or dowrydeaths in India stand in for the totarityof women in these cultures.Thesewomen are not seen in their everyday lives (as Euro-American women are)-just in these stereotypical terms. Difference in the case ofnon-Euro-Americanwomen is thus congealed, not seen contextuallywith all of its contradictions.This pedagogical strategy for crossing cultural and geographicar borders isbased on a modernist paradigm, and the bridge between the local and theglobal becomes in fact a predominantly serf-interested chasm. This perspec-tive confirms the sense of the "evolved u.s./Euro feminist.,,wh'e there isnow more consciousness about not using an ',add and stir" method in teach-ing about race and u.s. women of color, this does not appear to be the case in"internationalizing" women's studies. Experience in this context is assumed

z3g "UnderWestern Eyes" Revisited

to be static and írozen into U'S.- or Euro-cparad igm femin ism i s arways/arre, o, """ r;;.T;i:fiilfi ":,T ]l H:gin and developmenr, lvomen,s lives and strrcontext only serve to confirm or contradicť Jíť:1'"':l'."'ff*i:'.J:á:*Í

narrative. This model is the pedagogical counterpart oťthe orientalizing andcoronizing wesrern feminist ..rror""..r,ip oi ,n. o^, dfcades. In fact it mayremain the predominant model at th.is time.car straregy is the crafting of the ,,Third *"11":.:olicit

in this pedagogi-

monolithic images of Third World/South 'onno

ďfferehce, '' the creadon of

of Euro-Amer,""" rr"*". ";" :":i:::tiwomen' This cpnrrasrs with images

iects within ,""n " ",llll;lffi::lictranging' 'o'$l'*' 'nd ""nt,,t.ur-

Fenrinist-os-Explorer Model This particurar pedagogic{l perspective origi-

#ffi;:;:::Tl where the "roreign" *i-,n is thb object and subject

orher than tr,. unit.i fi:Ij'iltff:ilJ"'is enti{elv '0"*.""'"t..clefined as non.Euro-American. The focus

"' Í:i:::"1i:.^ '':*'

are bothi r exisrs ou tside the u. s. narion_srare. *",o.",r1rjil:Ti::Tl']ilff:rffare based on spatial/geographical and temporal/historical caregories Iocatedelsewhere. Distance from ,,home,,is

fundamen.ationar in trris framework. This srraresycan ..::1ff:,:l::::::: :*:T;n:fi:TT:il;:'il *o'*"n'"'nJ'"o"'.*n".., a solt or "us and rhem,,a d e ep er, '' o.. .o n.." * ;ffi :ffi :*#ťl"':.: -'.l::li* :'": ."an p rovi defi'ed geographicar and.,,'r.,,-'1""1-:':11,:l "-ttst rssubs in discretely de-are taught i' relation ,,tttt'uttt

spaces' However, unless these dlr.r.r..-1".",

**,T..J.JÍ*j j:ff :::H;il:::1T:::J:fi 'il;::ml;:;grobar are r,... .o1"p.#;::TilT,b.]|:,,T;,"::"'ion:p. rocar and thethe united states. If the dominant discourse is ,n 111'

ot dffinition excludes

rivism, question. oroo.l| "n.i;"i:::::'::','::j::*urje

orcuJrurar rera-and evaluation,..,r;.n::;

In women's studies cu..í" ' ,| . th io *^:^-^'.the most culturally J[:T[:T:il::ilÍ:T],:,.i.*9,]is often seen asinstance, .n,l.. .áu...s on ..Women in Latin ffi.j:i:ffiTTjiJWonren's Liťerature'' or ..Postcolonial

Feminism,clominantly u. s.-basedcurricurum as a war r",,r,"0fi;.1,1i1,14n:[ff -z4o Feminism without Borders

edge base. These cthey are vieweo ..

outttt can be quite sophisticated and complex studies, butan d e th nic .," or., ffil1t":::iltT.".T.

rhe in tell ectual p.o;""t o, u. r. ....as white is not a colt wn;;:. :^^:::Ď :s

not seen as part of ..area studies,,,

é*iil*:hilťt,ffi iff il1'1T:ffí:?;:*'jJ:i;*l,:.;:: TJ-'ffi {J:;:'r*fr i:T";} ;T:S: ; :;f,T1* :XfIitical project ,n ,rr.ott

were federally funded and conceived ., i""t* " o"-

to examine ťhe cont service ofU.S. geopolitical interests,u,,..o,il n..a

l a te to the'* ;;;#l"fil;ďil ]l jT::':|Ť:, . :|.:]"'' a s -they

re.

ÍT ::ffilT",'#ih " s tu dy o f region s a n d .'1l ;Jj'l'ijj,,*ilili}lTj(zoor, rz7r). Th.'J:J:Til:,HÍl';i ::::::::"'1ffi ";;;.'".,,in e h ere, especia,y si n ce i rs m o re r...n, fo.u, ot;T::il:JT:ffi:il,American studies rarely falls una.. tn. ffi, of_ ,,".." srudies.,,The prob.lem with

;:il:,",,iÍ:iiHil,t;::";:r:,Tffi :::11,,tl"i:fi il::discursive and n'",;,;,xl;:;;Tn:,:'ff nnected and interdependentdependent, albeitnot the same, no matterrvhr.nttn

are connected and inter-to live in.

__--->, .v 'rdrlcr wnlcn geographical area we happen

Separadng area studies from race and ethnic studies thus leads to under-standing or reaching abour the cr"b"r ;";r;; ofnor addressing internarracism' capitalist hegemonr, coronialism, and heterosexualization as cen-::lj:il,,";ff ;r,ffr"

aornin"tion, .*n.,1,,"", and resisrance. Grobarnot central ,. *ilq ffiT#:r:ffi;iTT",n,ť;::;,T,ff:An example of this pedagogical ,""r.r, ,"1i.tl:ut:tn is the usual separation of ,,world .ur,u, ton"*t of the larger cur-

;:T:::ffi,T:A;'"'identirvingth;il'*;::::::"1'J.T:':::ťion of these r.o..,"n.".,T]^o:|1* |t,.n:'nedagogical strategy,

-o ,*."'.-

are important foci for alons to implicit images of First worrJl*""rt r"r."

thisstrategy?'n",i,"o]"?.::'"::jfi JTl:|íffi J.:lTff T.:í,Tdated' What are the potential .ff..t, ď" tina oi.uttu.al relativism on ourunderstandings ofthe differen... "na "o*-o*urt.. ",oonr.ommunities of

24Í ..UnderWestern Eyes'' Revisiced

;ffi::"# the world? Thus the reminist-as-e"prol.. moder has irs owncu, t u ra r r.n o*r " a g. ;:: ii:i :' f ff : ::n:_1r;, i"";f *:*f *f mclear directionalities of power rnO Oo.rrlr,,

an apology for tlre exercise ofpower. cn, culturál relativism serves as

,'J;H;:il::j:Íil:ffil'.ilJ,,;.:,;;:l l':j:.:,^1":,' Tlris curriculart e rm s o r p hys i car ge o graphy o r re.i rory b r, .;11 :[:t ",i;:::il:rj;*lj:tute each other. It is then the links, the relationsglobal thar are foregrounded, and these tinks :.:::t"."1;.:,rhelocaland

theporar, contextu"r, ,=na so on. This nr_.ro.L1l1conceptual,

material, rem-

a'd analysis of the directionality ofpowe. no ,tttu-tt { comparative focus

wonlen's studíes courci n c/u niversar ) a s j ts ffi;:ilHf ; ;;'ff ffi ;:i'"T:;1?:',, #:

Differences and commonaiities thus existea ch o ther in all con tex ts. Wha t i s emphasized jl ::'::1n J:J:ffi ,:.ťresponsibility, and common interesťs, anchoring ".

*b ;;il;J';"'darity. For exantple, within this model, on. *.orcoror course witrr,r;;;;;;::i';:::1,:,1',T:^"'o not tehch a u.s. women

co m para tive ." "...,nl1'i,iJ,ifi:l:.:.:;;*., " ",n o.'f, i..'o-"n, íu, "periences, and struggles of U.S. wome' ",.,".,l1l:-':.:í""

histories, ex-fro m th e Th i ra wo.ra-7s o u th. By d o in g th i s i<in a ffi :.:T".Já:ffi ;.;is artentive ro power' each historicat .-o*tanaa ,lluminat(s the experiencesof the others. Thus, the focus is not just on ,t. "gender, narion, and sexuarity in different .o**ullJ,tttffifi :i;ffi*l:tualiry and coimplication, which suggesťs attent.of the historie, of,h"r.

"n-;,;:';":1- :l::::""".tn:"

to lthe interweavins

on individual ,na .o'..tjlmunities' In addition the focus is simultaneously

of struggle .nd ...i.."nťe experiences of oppression and ]exploitation ana

Students potentially move away from the ,,add..separate but equal,, 1í airrereng perspective T.:ffifiijff[I;one. This solidarity perspecťive requires understexperientiar specificities and differenc., o, *o.tnoing

thp historicar and

historical ",r,t

.xp".i..,tiar connecrions berween ::11ltt:: as.wcll as the

rionar, racial, anj cultural communities. Thus it."ottn frcim different na-

a ro u n d s o c i a l a n d eco n o m i c pro ces s e s, n a hi.,o rilrsilLll'n: :JT ili'jlz42 Feminism without Borders

of women in particular substantive areas like sex work, militarization, en_vironmenral jusrice, rhe prison/ind"r,*i .,looking ro. poirrt. of contact ,nd .onn..ti,'mplex' and human rights, and

imporranr to arways roreground,", j".;;;::ii"Tii'#lJJ**;riiithose ofstruggle and resistan".

"rrv.rr"In the feminist solidarity model the Orma ke s s en s e. n, tr, ", rhan \{/es rern/rh i rd ;:r;;: :Ttffi ilJ."t,r;',:,"r";global seen as opposition"t "na

in.o*rn*.uTwo-Thirds differentiation allows for ,.".nrt"t"

categories, the one-Third/

of connection and distance among ,nd b.ong and learning about points

marginarized and priv'eged rrong -nu*"ro;r1:::, :J:ilfil:ffi::Thus the very nodon of inside/outsia. n....

local/grobar is transformed through rn. ur. oa,tttt to the distance behveen

d1s1, ". both categories must b. una..,tol:::-T1iÍil""J,''H:|Í::;

similarities, insideioutside, and distancel'."*r',,rrr. Thus sex,".k, ,nili;:;lzation' human rights, and so on can u.'nr-.a in their murtipre rocal andgrobar dimensions using trre one-rnrra70n]o'-*r.0., sociar minoriry/social

IJ.,.fi.#1l:T;lf* .uss..,ing then thar we took at thu \vo.n.nb,,"o,.,

studies modet wherev.il:::J,.pattempt to use a comparative feminist

I refer to this model as the ferríinist solidaritv morlpl ho^.,'^^ L. . tfocus on mutualityandtions about .""J;i i: Ti:j# ;ff::.".:,]il ť*H*:ffi:;fi1|;TJ:i,

Rather than formularing activism and agency inagencyandresisrance,:::.',T:;t".:.':':;il#::"JTri*nl*:nistpedagogy should notsimplyexpose stua.nr, ,o

" p"*icularized academicscholarship but that it shourd also envision-ti. po..iritity of a*ivism andstrugg.le ourside the academy. political .au."rion ,shourd reach acrive

";,-i"l*;;:,]j'::::i ::::::':n ]r1ush

reminist pedagogy

Myrecu*ingq"-r#.!T, il:#,'#,fiJ[Tn, ""_;;., ".resist the dominanr logi c of globarizati*. Ho* ao students rearn about theinequities amongwomen and men around th.*o.ta: po.instance, traditionar

l'Ji:.':'#i":iff l*Hť', pedagogies ai."rro*ii,-rical and comparative

p ed a go gy s ir en c e s .,.. ;; :llto"jT ;:il.: :::ffi ff :::i l]jl# *:ate pedagogies that a'ow students to see the comfrexities, singularities, and243 .,Under Western Eyes,, Revisited

in terconnections berween communities ofwa1encv,and dissenr."" n" ;;;:-;:,:;: - women such tharpower, privilege,

In a n i n s ťru c t' "i;il,T.T[ ::'j:1ilT5i:.'1{it ; : ; ; ; ",, ".'rion, Arif Dirlik argues that the particular irniar studies, .. *.u 1.,r. "^-:::::t::"t lnstitu tional hisrory of postcoro-

as againsftn.,*.11i,:, ,ffiffil,;;;:':' on th! historicar and rocar

or g.tobatismffi,r" o,.,,,. somewhar ""..::i::^"::t'iilation

into the logicization and assimilation shourd concern ,n,tt",.,

his argument, deradicar-

n i s t proj ec t. Femini s t pedagogies o,'n,.,n,i,.jnl|I'ť"j::: ;: :::ff::::il::i:5'.":;::i""'

Both Eurocentric and curturar]rekilvisr (postmod-l o gi c o f l a te . *, *, ;# li j,l.:il':ťH:ilffi

í :T;:' :.,":.:Jil " ".centralization and accumulation oí differenceferninisrstudi.rTr".nini.troridarirymoder

on rnt^ :,ftt,t call the compararive

rers this rogic by serring up a paradigm orhr.rt"otn"thairdpotendallycoun-'. com m o n a i nt..n.., ]il. ,",. " í:: : ::: -ot, hls tori cally and cul turally specifi c

gogies oíanr,*,"o",'"l,.",J:ÍT'r;:J'1I;:.-o.,o''o"'|',,....'í,,.o.o,-power, and agency. They can begin ,o ,n.o.,"..-loj]:..:: ťŤ*'ce,

culture,fronr a more ..oss-cultural ,rrJrfi"'"'rrze

expenence' agency' and justice

,,,.T".j.',T;..,ril:,T * o * o f tL ch i n g fem in i s t s tu di es in u. s. cl a s s ro om s,

*'; : *: ; I*1#'trl IÉffi :.T:.ffi :".,,::;l; :;:#f ::;:to be taugrrt .""n,n",".',IJ.::: i*' :Til::

rr tn"se u".i"J.",o,,", "..

the experienc.. "t

ot**""r"*:, j::1 :"- :emocratize rather than colonize

womer, neitl.rera uu.o,ttn'spatiallyand temporallyloc"r"{ .o.-u.riri". or

do. rn ra* n,..,,,".. oiTil::#H:H::r"'.:.','., curriJurar practice wlrn o t becau se they presen t an unmediateo

".^,"" "jiii j :lÍ:iT';iiT:::::

they can destabilíze received truťhs and '."",.

o.icontradictions of historical life. It is in ,r,i, .on*11 ,# nffio*ťffiltheorizations ofexperience, identity, and culture ti ng cu rricu tar an d pedagogrcar narrarives,n", "ooljj^"]:

:::*t t construct-

ati z ari o n.(fin.. "

..,ri lt il.;;,: : :":, :111' ::":::s as well rss com bat glo b -

*fr il1Í:ililÍ:T:#;.i"TTT:ii::'.]''',, j:H:i:l,ff#Í;Tt lr e n a r ra t ive s ",*';il;. j ff;Ji 1'T ::..J::;:5íffiff:.',.;::';#

244 Feminism without Borders

separation' These are the kinds of stories we need to weave into a feminis , Iso,lidarity pedagogical model. . rrLLu LU Wcave lnto a fé

l

:-lANTIGLOBALIZATION SCHOLARSHIP AND MOVEMENTS

women's and g'r's' bodies determine democracy: free from violence and sexuarabuse, free from malnutrition and environmenfamil.ies, free to not have families, *.. ,o .n,''"t

degradation, free to plan their

ences.-zilrah Eisenstein, Globalobscenities, ,nnJott

their sexual lives and prefer-

There is now an increasing and useful feminist scholarship critical of thepractices and effects of glob aliz atiorr..n tn, t.,sive review oíthis scholarship, I want," il:;.T[.x,'",,:x1 "ffJ1::;

il.#i*l,J::i:;,t, *,,.,. L.t

-. tu.n, ,i"n, * " r..inist reading ofanti_

ff'ffi **ÍTffi ťÍJÍ:;ť;.*#::;,':xill;j; j;.I return to an earlier question: What are the ,structuring on the,,real,, raced, classed, .";::::_JTJil:?**:;

in the academy, in workplaces, streets, frou..iofar, cyberspaces, neighbor-hoods' prisons' and in social movements? And how do we recognize thesegendered effects in mo!plex analyses

"',n...,ilj,i.,, ::H,:lŤi:zation? Some ofthe most com-

alizationaftempt to link questions of subjectiv. erstanding economic glob-

those orporiticar economy and the state. rn* ,.nJi"1iiin :.il:J:::,:,#jlfor a need to rethink patriarchies ,nd h.g.monic masculinities in relation topresent-day globalization and nationalisms, and it also attempts to retheo_rize the gendered aspects ofthe refigurea ,.l"rion. ofthe state, the marker,and civil society by focusing on unexpected .na urrpr"ai"tabre sites ofresis-tance to the often devastating effects ďglob"i,",*u".u.,ng on women'3o Andit draws on a number of disciplinary p*"ott-rlro political perspectives inmaking the case for the cing, arguing that the reor

rality ofgender in processes ofglobal res&uctur-

capitarism. ganization ofgender is part of the globat .r.",.gy or

women workers of particular caste/class, race, and economic status arenecessary to the operation of the capitarist grobal economy. women arenot only the preferred candídates ro, p",ti.ut.", iols, but particular kinds

245 ,,Under Western Eyes,, Revisited

or women_poor, Third and Two_Thirds World, worki]ng_class, and immi-grant/migrant women _are the preferred workternporary job marr(ers. The documenr.o ,n...ttt lt ':itt

global, "flexible"

o' e -rh i rd/1bo -rh i rd s vy'o rld wo men,n .."..nfti,'io::il:::T:T::ffi:clers has led to a rise in the international ,,maid trade,, [parrefias zoor) andin international sex trafficking and tourism.3l Nand compretery depend on rrre service

""0 o"-1:l llobpl

cities now require

m i gra n r wo m en. rh e p ro li rera ti o n or s rru *u.J :ntitji:r"rt#;,:Jffi ithe world has reprivatized women,s labor by shiíting the résponsibility for so-cial welfare from the state to the household "nd

to 'o*.|

il.",.í,i".". 'n.rise of religious fundamentarisms in conjunction with cinservari".

"",r""_alisms, which are arso in part reactions to grobal capitar lnd its cultural de-mands has led to the policing of women's bodies in thd srreers and in theworkplaces. I - --^

Global capitar also reaffirms the color line in its newty articulared crasssrru*ure evident in the prisons in the one-Third worrd. tf e effects ofslobal_ization and deindustriarizationon rhe prison industry in ,n! o".iioo *"noleads to a related policing ofthe bodies ofpoor, one-ThirdiTwo-Thirds world,immigrant and migrant women behind the concrete spaces and bars of pri-vrrrizccl priso.s. A'gera Davis ancr Gi'a Dent (zoor) argr-re that the poriticareconomy of U.S. prisons, and the punishmenr industry i{r tfre WesilNorttr,brings the intersection ofgender, race, coloniarism, and cap,italism inro sharpfocus. Just as the facťories and workplaces ofglobal corpbrarions seek anddiscipline rhe Iabor of poor, Third World/South, i.n_ig."nd_ig."", *"Jl,the prisons of Europe and the United States incarceo* aiir'."opo"i";;;;,Iarge numbers oíwomen of color, immigrants, and noncitizens oíAfrican,Asian, and Latin American descent. ]

-

Making gender and power visibre in rhe processes of global restruc-turing demands looking ar, naming, and seeing ,t. p"rr].,itr. *..0,-""0classed communities of women from poor countries

". ,frfy rr.

"*;;aas workers in sexual, domestic, and service industries; ".

-J;;;;;;.

household rnanagers and nurturers. In contrast to this produption ofworkers,Patricia Fernández-I(elly and Diane Wolf (zoor, esp. rz48) fbcus on commu-rrities oí black U.S. inner.city youtl-r situated

". .],.dund,J,"

," ,* *'"*'economy' r'his redundancy is l inrced to their disproportion"r[ *or.r.n'or"nin U.S. prisons. They argue thar these young..n, who are oJr.rr", *"ri.*.

246 Feminism without Borders

are left out of the economic circuit, and this ,,absence of connections to astructure of opportunity" results in young African American men turning rodangerous and creative survival strategies while struggring to reinvent newforms of masculinity.

There is also increased feminist attention to the way discourses of grob-alization are rhemselves gendered and the way hegemonic mascurinities areproduced and mobilized in the service ofglobal restructuring. Marianne Mar-chand and Anne Runyan (zooo) discuss the gendered meťaphors and symbol-ism in the language ofglobarization whereby particurar actors and sectors areprivileged overothers: marketover state, global overlocar, finance capitar overmanufacturing, finance ministries over social werfare,and consumers overcitizens. They argue that the latter are feminized and the former masculinized(r3) and that this gendering naturalizes the hierarchies required for grobariza-tion to succeed. charlotte Hooper (zooo) identifies an emerging hegemonicAnglo-American mascurinity through processes of global restructuring-amasculinity that affects men and women workers in the global economy.32Hooper argues that this Anglo-American masculinity has dualistic tenden-cies, retaining the image oíthe aggressive frontier masculinity on tlre onehand, while drawing on more benign images oícros with (feminized) non.hierarchical managementskills associated with teamworkand networkingonthe other.

while feminist schorarship is moving in important and usefur directionsin terms ofa critique ofglobal restructuring and the curture ofglobarization, Iwant to asksome oíthe same questions I posed in 1986 once again. In spite ofthe occasional exception, I think that much ofpresent-day scholarship tendsto reproduce particurar "grobalized" representations ofwomen. )ust as thereis an Anglo-American masculinity produced in and by discourses ofglobaliza-tion,:3 it is important to ask what the corresponding femininities being pro-duced are. Clearly there is the ubiquitous global teenage girl íactoryworker,the domesticworker, and the sexworker.Thereis also the migrant/immigrantserviceworker, the refugee, thevictim ofwarcrimes, thewoman-of-colorpris-onerwho happens to be a motherand druguser, the consumer_housewife, andso on. There is also the mother-of-the-nation / religious bearer of traditionalculture and morality.

Although these representations ofwomen correspond to real people, theyalso often stand in for the contradictions and comprexities of women,s lives

z4T "UnderWestern Eyes" Revisited

and roles. Certain images, such as that of the fagt ]

|"Tff :r,:,."#ll j:T:*"the.rhirdwo.rarsout[ffi [:J;,f,i.Jff #womenof therwo'rrrirds1Toff .;o,l*::#:Tjj:;,í:*ff.,,;Hi:And a woman from the Two-Thirds worrd can live in the one-Third world. The ,point I am making here is that women

"r. *ort .o mothers, or consumers in ,.

,'ITTH:::il::j::::i1i "," ail those ,r,ing.,i*urtaneousry. singu. ,tar and monorithic categorizarions orwomen,r ;ilil.,

"lT,llTJ",ff .il

:::T:::::::::i::*". experience, agency'

"na,ooggt.. Whi'le there *" .íiother, relatively new images ofwomen tha, "r".r*.r.

"ilr""#:: fr:human rights worker or the xco advocate, trr. ..uotutionary militant and thecorporate bureaucrat- there is also a divide berween false, overstated imagesof victimized and empowered womanhood, and they negate each other. we

;:::::::'"L::::::u":^'his divide prav' it"troot in terms ora sociar ma-j o ri rvlminori tv, one -Third/rwo -rhi rd s worto .n"r* r.."'"'r*

tai:l"""T .

::::::::r::1": "y",:1,, being coronized ""d'rvn" is privileged in these ,r

;é;:"'',:...#dscholarship.rheseth.n"..il #H[:;:ffi :Because sociar movements are cruciar sites for the construction ormo*r-edge' communities, and irrentities, it is very imfortant for feminists to direcrthemserves toward them. The antiglobarization *ou.-..rts of the last fiveyears have proven that one does not have to be a murtinationar corporation,controller offinancial capihl, or transnational governing institution to crossnational borders. Theseconstruction",.."",o#:;"J;,:.T;:#ffi [:1TT.:Jfixil1Tí:::terization ofantiglobalization movements is in order.

unlike the territoriar anchors of the anticoloniar movements of the earryrwentieth cenrury, antiglobarization movements have numerous spatiar andsocial origins' These include andcorporate environrnental movements suchas the Narmada Bachao Andoran in centrar India and movements against en1vironmental racism in the U.S. Southwest, ^

*U as the antiagribusinesssmall-farmer movements erotlnrl the,^,^'lJ

-" ^ -..

-- -..! qrrlréěrruu'ule

peopre,smovemenrs"#::T:'*nffi::'j:::iT""ffi:T:ffi :,andagainststructuralad';_.. .^gLuL-L4uUšlaf lo

Jusrment programs, and the antisweatshop student lmovements in Iapan, Europe, and the united shtes are also a part of thg er,. ligins of the antigrobarization movements. In addition, the identity-based so:...cial movements of the late twentieth century (feminist, civ' rights, iraig.- ,

248 Feminism without Borders ,'

nous rights, etc.) and the transformed U'S..labot movemenťof.the r99osalso play a significant part in terms oft}re history of an.igl"b"Iiá;; ;;.mentS.35 , . : . , r i , , . i . . : . r . , :; . . ; l : . ' . . . . , . i . . . , : . - . . i , . r . .

. while women are present as leaders and participants in mo.t ofth... *ti-

í:'::ť::movements,. a feminist agena.

""ry..;'g* ;ilil;"éil;"women's righrs as human risht1" moy9.19 r*ar ri,l.n*-u.i"o ffi . l.mental justíce movemenis; Inlottréi.woidi,.wtliléÉir]s,andi4,othénďeceiiEal 1.li . ]

to the laborofglobal capital, antiglobalizatio"*'b.k,ddé";;' "*

;;á-*feminist analysis or srraregies. Thus, while I have ,argue; #.fi;;;to be anticapitalistsi I w.oul1 nowarg'u9i.hab-ddilď;;;-ffi;.'.il; . ..theorists alsoneed to be feminists. c11eri"igoq;a

". ".;n*á+"i''Ji';''and a basis ^,

*t{ni:any.in 1oltof-the*rilfoUufi*rigqimovcuqen6, :rndantiglobalization (and a1ticalitalist critiquel áo.. not

"ppearto be central to

.feminist organizing projects, especialryin-,.the First worrd/North,Jn terms ofwomen's movements' the earlier"rsistelhood is globali,,form of internation-alization ofthewoments movempnt hoo

-^,,, -L:,arena. This'*.''*#:!ffiHffiT;iff*ff:*1;ffi.-il:*.Í .called the mainstreamingof the feminisťmovementi:a.successfirlafte!qpt.

ito raise the issue ofviorenpe against women on to the world stase.t,*;,,.,,,,'i"::; ,Irwe took careurv at the rocus of the antir ;;;;'";il*.*, rr r;thebodiesandlaborofwomenand.girlsthaiconstitutetheheartofthesestruggles' Fo. instance, in the environnrental and ecorogi"a ,,,ou.r.it ;;as Chipko in India and indigenous moycments against uranium mÍning andbreasr-milk conramination in the United st"t.*, iuo*.ii;;il ilil.il;the leadership: their gendered and rabialized boáes are the key to demystify.ing and combating the processes of recolonizari", n;; ;il]l"or ;ilil;"control of the environment. l,tyearJier.ďš|ussion ofVandana sni""t

""av,i.of the wro and biopiracy from the epistemological place oflndian tribat andpeasant women illustrates this claim;".as.does Grace.Lee Boggs,s ";;'

ď"place-based civic acrivism" (Boggs zooo; r9). SimilartS.iu thlil;;"*.consumer movements and in the small farmer movements ag4in" *"U"ri-ness and the antisweatshop movements, it is women,s labor and theiiboďesthat are most affected a. wg,,rkers, farmers, and cons"..;r/fu;;;;",,*.fufefs. . ., , , , , , ' , . . . . , . .:1.r, ir,; ';. ' . , i: , . . , r,; i:;: t1,.,, , .-.*,,,,t"a;;.;"-"-""-:*

**

wgmen have been in readership roles in some ofthe cros.-no.a.r"ur"o...agalnst corporate injustice . Thus, making gender,.and womeďs boďes andlabor visible, a'd theorizing this visibility as a process of a.ticuratin;;**.

249 "UnderWesternEyes'Revisited :. ;.,,., :,,,:, i,., i-r.,i;ii;,.;,. . iiiui

fr,ijit

#ď$

ffiffili

inclusive politics are cruciar aspects offeminir, ",

].ning from the social location ofpoor wome; ;;l":il jill.i''1liifÍlfiis an important, even crucial, place for *"r*rr,potential epistemic priuilege of these

"o_*uniri."nalysis;

it is precisely the

j::::::*"Ť"Ti,:::ngcapitatism"naro..nui jiffi T::.ffi:::::frThe masculinizationof thp rtio^^,,_ ^^^ ̂r ,chandand*"',"';"" j,' jliH:"JIT;Ť::*J:fi JHff :,i ,ilimplicit mascurinization of the ai..our.., or"nrigon"rizarion movemenrs.While much of the literature on antiglobai"",ion,i."'llÍ::":::^":*'

trarityof crass and race and, at times, nation in thmovements marks the cen-

grobar capitari.-, o"i"ri".d genderis st'r an "r#llffijJ:#ilT:T1T:'J:::'J:T.Ill'i:::::1**'""f i*smu'c'izes;";;;;;itisoft entr,.."p.-,i..*#;TTruéJ:[*:*T#,*:'";xHÍ*;themost inclusive analysis as well

^ n"rd*', ,,

.,,*J5;::::::.:1]]|,,n..o.T*,"o"o.".ffi ílff :lxi1;:;aspecrs offeminism appear to be instiruti"r"r]".;;;;;;i:ffi:ilT,T: 'processes of some of these movements. Thus *.r*",* ^.-l'll,-Tl.tjt ;,

democratic Darricinrri^. .":""::T:T: Thus the principles ofnonhi.r"r"t y, ,ldemocratic parricipation, and the notion ortr,.;::!::"Tlil;fffflyrr

iffi:: :: l::::.^:_1::

*| an tigro bar p ori ti",i rvr"mng gen der an d femi_, :. j,é:';ff :il:li:Tectsexplicitin,u"t,"ntido;#i'"1''illji'1ll'Tili.Í*more fertile grounrl

"':"-:::1::.":"':'l

aswellasprovidingpotentia''' ..iÍl*more fertile ground for organizing.And of .oo..""'trevrurngpotenilally l;.

within the framework of antigrobarization ro.k irr '

to articurate feminism Ithe unstated firascrrlinio_ nrr,.:- _--- r _,

ialso to begin to challenge ].the unstated masculinism nr,r,;. *,*".i.' ^ .:.:'" ašo [o Degln to challenge ;:i

;;iJ::Tff T ::#J'":;[i :ffi'x'Ím*:*r..":*j";j* Ivalues, begin to build a transnrtin..l;:;^.

" Ur rLš lllascullnrstand racist ...i;ransnational feminist practice. i ]ÍiA transnadonal femir .

í: :*1* ji'ii"1'"'Y:,''".:ffi:::'T'Tll: #:i:T:,ffi::,:""':H irhese very rragmented times it is borh ".o diffiJ;:: ffiTJ,: li,llll ,il

and also never more impo*anr ro do so. Grobar;;;;:':::::::l*:i ,ipossibilities and also o*.r, uo newones. pitalism both destroys the

f;Feministact iv ist teachers mrrcr crh,a-r^__-:-, - ropentheworra*m"'i,l'J1ffiffi",:TJj:T:il::H.TfiTTffi:

ethnic racial student bodies, teachers must also learn from their students. Thedifferences and borders ofeach ofour identit*..onn.., us to each other25o Feminism without Borders

25r "UnderWestern Eyes" Revisited

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.iil

ard poriticar alrernative to essentialist and postmodernist formurations ofiden-(r!/ .

72 For instance, Fanon writes eloquently (in a clearly mascuLline language) aboutdreams of liberation: ,,The 6rst thing which a nand nor go bevond cerrain rimits. rhls ,. *nr,ni'llll;:#,.n:J:1":"::'j,f;:

oFnruscular prowess; his dreanrs "..

ofo"tán, and ofaggipssion. i dream l amjunrping, swiniming, running, climbing; I dream rhat I burlt out laughing, rharI span a river in one stride, or that I am followed by a flood bf motor-cars whichnever catch up with me,, (19g6, 4o). Thg point is not that worhen do not or cannotdream of ..muscular prowess'' but rather that in ťhe conťext bfcolonial practicesoíthe emasculation of naťive men, nruscular prowess gains a particularly mascu.line psychic weight.13 see Alexander and Mohanty rg97, esp. xxxvi-xlii. For interesting and provocativediscussions about anticapital ism, see Social ist Reureu zoor.14 In discussing the centralityofdecoronization to envisioning feminist democracywe argued thus: "In fact, feminist thinking, here, draws on and endorses socialistprincipres ofcollectivized relations ofproduction and organization. It attemprsto reenvision sociarism as a part offeminist democracy with decoronization arits cenrer. However, wrrire feminist collectives struggle against hegemonic powerstrucťures a[ various levels, they are also marked by these very ...u..u,.._i. i,these rraces of the hegemonic which the practice ofdecororrization addresses,,(Alexander and Mohanty r9g7, xxxvi). We went on to analyle Gloria Wekker,s

essey ot) AFro-Suninanrcsc wnnrpn,c nr i t i^-r _^^_.pect of deco,oni"",,o J]:'ui,[?:T] : :ili:::lffiJ#J.Iffi :: rl]i11,'..*.figuration ofself, anchored in an .alternative vision offemále subjectivity andsexuality, based on West African principles, (Wekker, 339)' Her anaíy.i. oit,l"tiwork in terms of alternative female relationships, "';í",;;;;;;;;..affectional, cultura', economic, social, spiritual, and obligational components,suggests a decolonized oppositional scripr for feminist struggle and for prac_tices ofgovernance. Decolonization involves bothissues in ourown rives so rhatwe can

',,....n.. oilfllT,:1o,1#::",:Tt#lmonrc power, and engagement with collectivities that are premised on ideas ofautonomy and serf-determination, in other words, democratic practice. For thecreole work'ing-crass women wekker speaks about, this is prebisery the processengaged in' It creates what she ca's a 'psychic economy of female subjectivity,(wltich) ' . . induces working.class women to act indiviÁally il ;"il;;.;;;"ways rhat counteract the assaurt ofthe hegemonic knowledge regime, which privi-leges men, ťhe heterosexual contract, inequality and a generally unjust situation.,Here' the investment in the self (what wekker ca's "multiple self,,) is not neces-sarily an investment in mobility upward or in the maintenance of a mascurinist,heterosexist, middle-class status quo,, (Alexander and Mohantlr r997, xxxvii).L5 For interesting and provocative discussions about anti-capitarlsm, see the spe-cial issue ..Anticapital ism''

of the journal Socíalíst Reuíeu, u8:3i zoor. Al| chap-

254 Notes255 Notes

ters in part r have been previously published in the same or somewhat differentform. See Mohanty r9g4, Mohanty r99r, Martin and Mohanry rgg6, and Mohanryr987' chapters 6 and B are substantiaily revised from their earrier publication-see Mohanty 1989-9o and Mohanty ryg7.

Chapter one.IJndetWestern Eges: Femínist Scholo rchip and Co|onialDiscoursesr Terms such as "Third world" and "Firstworld" areveryproblematic, borh in sug-

gestingoversimp.rified similarities between and amongcountriesrabered thus andin implicitly reinťorcing existing economic, cultural, and ideological hierarchiesthat are conjured up in using such terminology. I use the term ,,Third worrd,, withfull awareness of its problems, only because this is the terminologyavailable tous at the moment. Throughout this book, then, I use the term critically.

z I am indebted to Teresa de Lauretis for this particurar formuration ofthe project offeminist theorizing. See especiallyherintroduction to her bookelíce ooesi,t tlq8+).

a This argumentis similar to Homi Bhabha's definition ofcoloniar discourse ass*a-tegically creating a space for a subject people through the production of knowl_edge and the exercise ofpower: ,,[C]olonial discourse is an apparatus ofpower, anapparatus that turns on the recognition and disavowal ofraciar/culturar/historicardifferences. Its predominant strategic function is the creation ofa space fora sub-ject people through the production oí knowledge in terms of which surveillanceis exercised and a comprex form ofpleasure/unpleasure is incited. It (i.e., colonialdiscourse) seeks aurhorization for its strategies by the production ofknowredgeby coloniser and coronised which are stereotypicar but antitheticaily evaruated,,(Bhabha 1983, z3).

t A number ofdocuments and reports on the u.N. Internarional conferences onWomen in Mexico City (1975) and Copenhagen (r9go), as well as the 1976 Welles_ley conference on women and Development, attest to this. El saadawi, Mernissi,and Vajarathon (1978) characterize the Mexico City conference as ,,American-planned and organized," situatingThird worrd participants as passive audiences.They focus especially on western women's rack of self-consciousness about theirimplication in the effects of imperiarism and racism, a rack revealed in their as-sumption of an "international sisterhood." Euro-American feminism that seeksto establish itself as the only regitimate feminism has been characterized as (.im-perial" by Amos and parmar (rgg4, 3).TheZed, Press Women in theThird World series is unique in its conception. Ifocus on it because it is the onry contemporary series I have found that assumesthat women in the Third world are a legitimate and separate subject of study andresearch. since rg85, when I wrote the bulk ofthis book, numerous new dtleshave appeared in the series. Thus Zed press has come to occupy a rather privi-leged position in the dissemination and construction ofdiscourses by and aboutThird world women. A number of the books in this series are excelrent, especiallythose that deal directly with women's resisrance struggres. In addition, Zed pressconsistently publishes progressive feminist, antiracist, and anti-imperialist texts.

[ffiilil:i:::i.5:::*n by feminist sociologišts, anthropologists,ili';;;;]';',:1'j.:J::::*"'icof thekindof w.,,.,nJii"ni.ffi:ll,lff ::in theThird world thatconcerns mp an ..",;,";;;- _eu''uDr

wurK on women:rns me. Án analysis ofa fewoftheseworks can serve2s 4 rFnrécAn*^*i ' '^ -^: ,

: j3:."'::1,* ^o::'-:::.:,"

into the-discou*", ". "n.*o;;; ffi;:and define. Myfocus on these texfs is fher.f^....;: -

^" qllglrrPuuš L{J locate

f simnlv ev.".t " - " ,-*- _ l._:exts

is therefore an attempt at an interna.l critique:

::iT:lf:i:::::iÍ::::.i:orefr om*'....'",."...oil;.;;il;;'..ll":publishing houses also carry their own authori"ing ,igo"ror...

:,T::*"::::^,::,l"Tr"r*n-oln,ina.,"lin"..l;n"J;;""organ,scon-:*"i:*:::en's

hersrory,, in her introducti;;;;;;;ffi ffi ,firrr";(see Mohanry 1987, esp. 35_3n.7 Anotherexample oťthis kind ofanalysis is MaryDaly,s G gn!Ecologg(r978). Daly,sassumption in this text, that women as a group are sexualry victimized, reads toher very probremadc comparison ofattitudes toward women witches and hearersin thewest, Chinese foot-binding, and the genital mudlation ofwomen in Africa.According to Da.ry, women in Europe, china, and Africa constitute a homoge-neous group as victims of-male power. Not onry does this labeling (ofwomen assexuar victims) eradicate the specific historical and material realities and contra-dictions that lead to and perpetuate practices such as witch hunting and genitalmutilation, but it also obliterates the differences, comprexities, and heterogene-ities ofthelives oí forexample, women ofdifferentclasses, religions, and nationsin Africa' As Audre Lorde (rgg4) has pointed out, \4/omen in Africa share a rongtradition of hea.lers and goddesses that perhaps binds them together more ap_propriately than their vicrim srarus. However, both Daly and r".a" au pr.y auniversalistic assumpdons about "African women,, (both negative and positive).what mafters is the complex, historical range of power differences, commonali,ties' and resistances that exist a-oog*o..i in ̂ efrica and that constructAfricanwomen as subjects of their own politics.

s See Eldhom, Harris, and young 477 for a good discussiou of the necessity totbeorize ma.le viorence within specific societi frameworks, rather than assume itas a universal.g These views can a-lso be found in differing degrees in collections such as we'es-ley Editorial Committee rg77 and,signs r9gr. For an excellent introduction towlo issues, see rsrs 1994. For a politicalf focused discussion offeminism anddeveropment and the stakes for poor rhird worrd women, see sen and Grown1987.

10 see essays byvanessa Maher, Diane Elson and Ruth pearson, and Maila stevensin young, Walkowitz, and McCullagh rggr; and essays byVivian Mob and MicheleMatterart in Nash and Safa rggo. For examples of excellent, ser.conscious workby feminists writing about women in their own historica.r and geographicar loca-rions' see Lazreg rygg; spivak's "A Literary Representation ofthe subaltern: A. Woman's Text írom the Third World'' 1in Spivak r98 7, z.4r-68)1and Mani 1987.t1 Harris 1983. other m*c reports include De..aoo ,975 *d r"i.';;;;;í;. .

256 Notes

1'2 zed press pubrished the fonowing bootcs; feffery rg7g, Latin American and carib.bean Women's Collective r9go, orn*At ig8o, fufi'n...,r9So, Siu,rggr; Bendt andDowning r98z, Cutrufelli 1983; qies 59sz; aud o"ui.'ís:,...,..i:;;-'::.::13 For succinct discussion1- o| we1,.'o ái"j *a tilera| feminisms, see Z. Bisen.steinrg8randH.Eisensteinr9g3. : , , , . , l . , , ,1.4 Amos and earmar Go.8j.o::"''*.. *.

:ultuťal .....o,*.. n,.,L,'.,*o.American feminist thouc}11lr'he irygejs ďÁe pas,'. a,i* *'-."oj*,to oppressive pracdces within:theAsian familywith an emphasi. o".,"*u"á',"

;:'#r1l:H:ffiri::::;^:i'"t*.t"iJ"r'.'it"'oi*r'*i"t'r'o"l"g;: i .<ewicnr '''L:^L :^ . --. 1w1mau'

who déšpite her,lstrebgthiis exploited by ite, .sexism] which is seen.as b.eingast,oogfeatu,et"' '

;b;;' bffi;,í#:Carjbbean men and womeq|]'(g): Theseinnageš iuu,i"t. tt.."tá;#;;;;;.nalism is an essential ele.1t oi6.ioi..:;"*; .ií*."-il;.L'1ii lli"istereot}?es; a paternďsm that can |ead to the definition ďpriorities foj womenofcolor byEuro;Ámerican feminists;;;;.',..|+..l'.1'.i'_]iii!1lli,ii;... :':"l..'1s I discuss the question oftheorizingexperienceinMohantyrggTaudtvtohantyandMatt inr986. i] .; l l . : i . i . ; , . : ' : . ' l ; : . . : . , . l l ] . .Lé:; l : i$: l . ; i r ; ' i l i11.1 ' . l r i l ' l :111

16 This is one of Foucault's (r97$ rggo) cennal poiot, io tir...oo""pruai""tioo of* thestrategiesandworkinggofpowernetwo.it;,n:.i,..,iri::.i;r:r:::i:liiir:*:";,.,.,';;.,1,..,Foran argumen, rr'"r a*nloirilllil.rililil;; iu workon.rhirdWorld wonlen, see Lazres r9fg. wfiJe tazreE,s position mighlgppear,to be dia-metricďyopposed to mine, I see itas aprovogative ana p"ia,i"fu.paii..i* *. tension of some of the implications-th4t follow frogr myargumentsiiln criticiz.. ing the feminist rejection of,h"rn"niy

:,rr,.!or.".ue4tiallMan,t LazregPoints to rvhat she calls an.!.esseqtialisií1of ďr.r.,,*l.*itl,iq th99e.ve.ry'femi.nist projects. She asks:.ito wt"t .xteot "au.W.".'' r.**,- ďspelse with auethics oíresponsibilitywhen writingaboutdifferentwonen?ue pointisneitherto subsume otherwomenunderoné s 9wn e*p;il;"'-'; ;ffi#;;truth for them. Rather, itis toďo*tn.. to lu*iit.

'.cogniziugthatwhattheyare is just as meaningfirl, vďid, *a *.pi*.l,iil * *o1, *.are.' :' í:i' Indeed,when feminisrs essentially deny oUo r,r,ot n tt. Ouil*r, ** ctaim for them-selves, theydispensewithantethic.r..o1.'. ryFt.ril['pg.g.io.theactÓfsplittingthe social universe into us and

1.1.l1uie"t -a á{.a',u'r99.Ioo).tThis;essa'

by Lazreg and an essay by.Satya p. Molau.ty.rlgsgliš' ogg"ur positive:directiousfor self.conscious cross:culfural 1.r1'.',áhjl.Js Á"tno.ve' ueyona the decon.strucdve to a firndameDtallf

ryld1ctive ,nqde..in "dgsignating overlapbi.ng areasfor cross.cultural comparison.The latter lssay cďs l;, i;íniifu.l;''fu o.a reconsideradon of the questiou.of th1 f,.hqqacl ,o l lourlqr;6, 6"d;argues that there is'no neceíaxy r19mn. atibiliw'benr,een the de"o^t.ooioo oiwestern humanism and such a positive irabora,ioo oian. u*an; and that suchanelaborarionisessenrialifcontemporarypolitiea_..iJ.Jdi.;il ;;;the incoherencies aud weaknesses of a relativist position. ",--, :.-..--

* * ""''

I , : . , ," .

' '_- l i ";

257 Notes

| " ;l::.i:: 50ud.a||.ta through Ántícdpitdlíst struggles

I ,

:Jil,11ilt; irs presenr Form owes ,u.1 rJ many years of conversarron an

M^rgo okazaw.ith Zillah Eisenstein' satya Mont",},, ltt4"io"l"ro.a rt.r a"r.

ca re fu l a n d ..,.,li.J."l]l,'#:..J':JJ;*:1' .'.n. : TJ:' :" ;"' * .,á

.. n.srr iphasr;cc,,cr,;;,;;;..;;:.,,:::::,:*"'n Eves'" Zj l lah Eisenstein's rr iend

I do so. .tcil l in rrry writing thís chapter; she was tlhe first person to sugges|

z " under wesrern Eyes " has enjoyed a remarkabre rife, beinf reprinted armosr everyyear since 19g6 when it first appeared in the.lbeen translated into German, out"h, chineseell:-T":P::oorg

z. The essayhas

and Spanish. '.

n'.lJ*''"' ''ll]:i^i'i*e' R:rss::l' Iť1lian, Swedish, French,studies journa,. ff :ffi::L:.*H:,T::::'11'l:ii:l *,ra, "na .utu,,r

1 curturar studies, anthroporogy, ethnic studie

s a presenpe in women's srudies,

\ sociotogy .u..i.ut,. rt rras uJeí ''l"', .',.o,l'"j1;::ť $..''."1T;:::::::}l1:\

sonerimes misread, and sometimes;.J;;\"-- culrural feminist projects.

an enablin{ framework for cross-

: Thanks toZillah Eisensrein for this distinction. ]4 Here is how I defined ..Wesťern feminist,, then: ..CI icourse and poliricar pra*ice is neither singularorn"r:11t_[:::.rn

feminist dis-

ests, or analyses. However, it is possible to trace " "o'oStn|out

in its goals, inter-

íron-r the i',',pri.it "..u'ption oí.the Wes., (i'.il ;$".:.;.J;';::TT:j::*l:tions) as the primary referent in theo.yand p.axir. rr,,i..r..{n.. ,o ,western femi-nisnr' is by no means intended to imply tf,rt it i .

" rnoning ro draw artention to the simirar effects

".*.,""."l"tlJlilili;jiT"",,:r.:

Ch ap ter N in e.,, IJ nder WesteÍn ťUes,, Reuísited :I.em in ist Solídaritg thr ough e,tiop,toti,i. sti,ggl,,' il:r.j,ffi;,:f;;T",

fo.m o,., rnu.t iJ _"ny yf".. of .onu..sation andMa,g'oOkazaw".o.,*'o'i.jJ...,,;'l.i1?i.#,lii]lll;:Tfi .ť.J"šjj?*tŤ[iffi ill.T"|iiffiijilil:t or " under wes t"" E;"; " Zf rrah E isens tein's rri end-Idoso.

ywrit ingthísclrapter;shewasti lef i , .tp"rsont'.-".,,.].

writerswhichcodifyothersas"""*;;;;;;;;."_;.J"."'J:::':::::::*l

were problematic in suggesting oversimplifiea .i-il".i'.]"] arru rrll.Q WoÍld''

internal differences, r .li.-u.a to use them because J|.jr: Y'as ÍIattening

available to us rhen r rrce.r rr- *^-*- rts

Jivas the terminologyavailabte to us rhen' r used the terms with fulr knowteageffi;,iffi"r:'tJ

;::1::::"".:::,::l:::0.,".,.tic rather than nonquestionlng use of rhe rerms.I come back to these terms later in this chapter.

."''Ilě use oI tne terms.

My use oftrre caregories "wesrern" and "Third worrd" fe-idi.t rhow, that theseare not embodied, geographically or spatially a.nn.a. I urrvyYĎ utdl Lllese

refer to polit.icat "nL,:",,*,^ ^ir^^ -, r

lategories. Rather, theyrefer to p olit,ical an d analytic' si t.,' "n

j..;;d"'oil ."..t;:; T,ií;lÍ

ffi"'j]..T:|T::::1 ::'._T"'l:. :": .': I il"i, i-*p, in orienrailon, aEuropean feminisť can use a

::: j:il.: jJl*;:.i:::::i:.p:lm:lri1.ďi#'.'.':':;;*;Jreads rhe essay as skepticar of any rarge_sc;i. ."J;;;"^:l_','l' "' :""

sne tnrtrally

tion). she rhen o^.o ̂ : .^ ̂ ^.. -, . . :ory lagainst generaliza-tion), she rhen goes on ro say that in another."r,;, ;:,:ffil:.ij ff}".:6tT::11il:: :l::l^:.1.11,:::::q:'.i""."r,r'. *i". "i^.'r*,",. *4,r.es orgrobar dis-parit ies" (ro). I thinr< Ferski,s reading actual ly identif i .r:.:J: l*"

ur groDat drs-

It is this nninr rh.r T L,^^^ .^ :rr- vagFeness in myessay.It is this point that I hope to illumínate now. A similar r;.':Ě.i;*.'#

'.J;27o Notes

srructure against which Mohanty argues in ,Under Western Eyes,_a homoge-nized Third worrd and an equivalentFirstworrd-somehow remanifests itself in.Cartographies of StruggJď '' 1Mohanram 1999, 9I). Here I believe Radhika Mo-hanram conflates t''re

1ll. for slel ia"ity

^níi^,ticularity as working against themapping of svstemic global inequarities. Her other critique of this ;;";;-"r.persuasive, and I take it up later.z see for instance the reprinting and discussion ofmy work in Nicholson and seid-man 1995, phillips r999, and Warhol and Herndal 1997; and nhilips r99S.

-s I have written with Iacqui Alexander about some ofthe effects ofhegemonic post_modernism on feminist studies; see the introduction to Arexander and t'tohanry1997.s To further clarify my.position_I am not against all postmodernist insíghts oranalytic srrategies. I have found many postmodernist texts usefur in my work. Itend to use whatever.methodologies, theories, and insights I find'ruminating inrelation to the questions I want to examine_Mi

tivist rearist, and so on. what r wanr to do he,., ;'r;fii:a:iil::#,i,',t?;making explicir some of the political choices I made at that time_ana to iaeítirythe discursive hegemony of posrmodern.isr thinking in rhe u.s. academy, whichI beliwe forms the primary institutional conrexr in which ,,under wesre;; ;;.,,

10 Dirlik, ,,The Local in the Global,,,in Dirlik rg97.1r' Esteva and prakash (rggg, 16-17) a.nn. tt... .ntegorizations thus: The ,,social

minorities" are those groups in both the North and the south rhat share homo-geneous ways of modern (Western) life all over ththeir own the basic paradigms ormodernitv. rh., "'rJilti;Y"'"iitli*#i:ff:upperclasses ofevery societyand are immersed in economic sociery: the so_calledformal sector' The "social majorities" have no rerur"."."... ,o *ost ofthe goodsand services defining the average ,,standard ofliing,, in the industrial countries.Their definitions of..a good life,'' shaped by their local traditions, reÍlect theircapacities to flourish outside the "herp" offered by ,,grobal forces.,,Implicitry orexplicitly they neither "need" nor are dependent on the bundle of ,,goods,, prom-ised by these forces' They, therefore, ,h"r. "

.o*,non freedom in their rejectionof "global forces. "12 I am not saying that native feminists consider capitarism irrelevaut to theirstruggles (norwould Mohanram say this).Theworkof winona LaDuke, Haunani-I(ayTrask, and Anna Marie Iames Guerrero of.r. u..u nn*"li;;:-:" ::::,tatism and the effe*s of irs structurar viorence i" *;til|""#*[:ffi :: l.See Guerrero ry97; LaDuke r99g; and Trask 1999.13 In fact, we now even have debates about the ,,fui*. of *o_en,s studies,, and the"impossib'ity of women's studies." see the web site ,,The Future of women,sStudies," Women's Studies program, Universiry of Arizona, z.ooo ar hrtp://info_center.ccit.arizona.edu/-ws/conference; and Brown r997.L4 See, for instance, the work of EIla Shohat, Lisa Lowe, Aihwa Ong, Uma Narayan,

z7r Notes

I'clerpal Grewal ancr care' I(apran, chela sandoval, Avrar B[ah, r-ila abu-Lughod,)acqui Alexander, Kamala Kempadoo, and Saskia Sassen.

1s See the works of Maria Mies, Cynthia Enloe, Zillah Eisenstefn, Saskia Sassen, andDorothy Smith (for insrance, those listed in the bibliogradnr, a. similar merh-odological approaches. An early, pioneering example of tlis pe..p..tive can befound in the "Brack Feminisr" srarement by the combat .. {iu.. cott..tive in theearly r98os.

L16 See discussions of epistemic privilege in the essays by lr,lohfnty, Moya, and Mac-

donald in Moya and Hames-Garcia zooo. idonald in Moya and Hames-Garcia zooo. ILz Examples of women of color in rhe fight against environrfental racism can be

found in the organization Mothers of East Los Angeres (!ee pardo zoor), thenragazine CoIorlines, and Voces Unídos, the newsletter ofthe SJuthWest organizingproiect, Albuquerque, New Mexico.

1a see Shiva, Jafri' Bedi, and Hoila-Bhar ryg7. For "

p.ouo."l iu. argumenr about

1 Ó Írr r . ' l . . r r^|l^' . '^ Í .-^^ .|. . . L19 In what íol lows I use ťhe terms . .g lobal capita l ism, ' ' . .g loba| restructur ing' , ,and,,globa|izatiot.t,,

interchangeably to refer to a process of cá.po.ate glob-al eco-nomic, ideological, and culturar reorganizat.ion across thq borders of nation-srares. I

20 while the initiar push for "internationalization,, of the currilurum in u.s. highereducation came from the federar government's funding ofarjea studies prosramsduring the cold war, in the post-cold war period it is private foundations riie theMacArthur, Rockeferler, and Ford foundations that have beenlinstrumentar in thisendeavor-especialry in relation to the women's studies curJicurum.

21 This work consists of participating in a number of reviewsJof women,s studiesprograms, reviewing essays, syllabi, and manuscripts on feq\inist pedagogy andcurricula, and topicar workshops and conversations with felninist scholars andteachers over the last ten years. I

22 Ella Slrohat reíers to this as the ..sponge/additiv.'' "pp.o,.{,

that extends U.S..centered paradigms to "others" and produces a ,,homogenefus feminist masternarrative." See Shohat zoot,rz6g_72. I

23 For an incisive critique ofcultural relativism and its episterdologicar underpin-nings see Mohanty ryg7, chapter 5. ]

24 It is also imporrant to examine and be cautious about the la[ent nationarism ofrace and ethnic studies and ofwomen's and gay and lesbian sfudies in the unitedStates. I

2s A new anthology contains some good examples of what I alm referrine to as afeminist solidarity or comparative feminist studies model. $ee rax pto'nk, andRosenfelt u ooz.

I26 See Dirlik' ..Border|ands Radicalism,'' in Dirlik I994. see the áistinction between

"postcolonial studies" and "posrcoronial thought": while p{stcolonial thoughthas much to say about questions of locar and grobar econdmies, postcolonialstudies has not always taken these questions on board lfoo4lba r99g_99). I am

272 Notes

I

using Ania Loomba's formuration here, but many progressive critics of postcoro-nial studies have made this basic point. It is an imporrant disrinction, and I thinkit can be argued in the case of feminist thought and feminist studies (women'sstudies) as well.

2z while I know no other work that conceptualizes this pedagogical strategy in the

\ t"ys I am doing here, my work is very similar to thar of scholars like Ella Shohar,\ Iacqui Alexander, Susan Sanchez-Casal, and Amie Macdonald.

\ x see especially the work of sarya Mohanty, paula Moya, Linda Alcoff, and shari

I Stone-Mediatore.Wzs Theepigraph to this section is taken ílom Eisenstein r998b, 16r. This book re.

mains one of the smartest, most accessible, and complex analyses of the color,class, and gender of globalization.

30 The literature on genderand globalization is vast, and I do not pretend to reviewit in any comprehensive way. I draw on three particular texts to critically summa-rizewhat I consider to be the most useful and provocative analyses ofthis area:Eisenstein r998b; Marchand and Runyan zooo; and Basu er al. :oor.See essays in Kempadoo and Doezema rggS; and puar zoor.For similar arguments, see also Bergeron zool and Freeman 2oor.Discourses ofglobalization include the proglobalization narratives ofneoliberal-ism and privatization, but theyalso include antiglobalization discourses producedby progressives, feminists, and activists in the antiglobalization movement.There is also an emerging feminist scholarship that complicates these mono-lithic "globalized" representations of women. See Amy Lind's work on Ecuador-ian women's organizations (zooo), Aili Marie Tripp's work on women's socialnerworks in Tanzania (zooz), and Kimberly Chang and L. H. M. Ling's (zooo)and Aihwa Ong's work on global resrructuring in the Asia pacific regions (r9g7and r99r).This description is drawn from Brecher, Costello, and Smith zooo. Much of myanalysis of antiglobalization movements is based on this text, and on materialfrom magazines like Co|orlínes, Z Magazine, Monthlg Reuíeu, and SWOP Nerusletter.

5l

32

34

273 Notes