Syllabification in English: Contextualizing LOI and LOFduanmu/10CityU-LOI-LOF.pdf · Syllabification in English: Contextualizing LOI and LOF San Duanmu (端木三) University of Michigan

Syllabification in English:

Contextualizing LOI and LOF

San Duanmu (端木三)

University of Michigan

March 3, 2010

City University of Hong Kong

1

Abstract

• A common assumption for locating syllable boundaries is the Onset requirement

• Onset in turn is based on the Law of Initials (LOI) and the Law of Finals (LOF).

• However, ambiguities remains under current formulations of LOI and LOF.

• I propose that LOI and LOF should be applied in context, i.e. in phrase-medial positions rather than in isolated words.

• The CLOI and CLOF minimize ambiguities in syllabification and offers better results than Onset.

2

Outline

1. Syllable boundaries and Onset

2. LOI and LOF

3. Problems with LOI and LOF

4. CLOI and CLOF

5. Additional ambiguities

6. CLOI and CLOF with Max Onset

7. CLOI and CLOF with VX and WSP

8. Evidence for WSP in CELEX

9. Conclusions

10. Further issues

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1. Syllable boundaries and Onset

• Given a polysyllabic word, how do we know where

the medial syllable boundary is?

• Examples

city ci.ty, ci.ty

whisky whi,sky, whis.ky, whisk.y

aspect a.spect, as.pect, asp.ect

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Onset (Maximal Onset)

• Onset (Pulgram 1970, Kahn 1976):

Put as many consonants in the onset as is allowed by the given language.

Word Analysis Reasonextra [ɛk][strə]

atlas [æt][ləs], not [æ][tləs] No word-initial [tl]

after [æf][tɚ], not [æ][ftɚ] No word-initial [ft]

singing [sɪŋ][ɪŋ], not [sɪ][ŋɪŋ] No word-initial [ŋ]

aspect [æs][pɛct], not [æ][spɛct] No word-final [æ]

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Max Onset

• So Max Onset must consider whether the resulting

rime and onset are both good for the language

• Rime:

aspect [æs][pɛct], not [æ][spɛct] [æ] is not a rime

• Onset:

singing [sɪŋ][ɪŋ], not [sɪ][ŋɪŋ] [ŋ] is not an onset

• But how do we know whether a rime or onset is

good or not?

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2. LOI and LOF (Vennemann 1988)

• The Law of Initials (LOI):

Word-medial onsets should resemble word-initial onsets.

• The Law of Finals (LOF):

Word-medial rimes should resemble word-final rimes.

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Examples of LOI and LOF

Word Analysis Reason

atlas [æt][ləs]

*[æ][tləs] *LOI: [tl]; *LOF: [æ]

after [æf][tɚ]

*[æ][ftɚ] *LOI: [ft]; *LOF: [æ]

singing [sɪŋ][ɪŋ]

*[sɪ][ŋɪŋ] *LOI: [ŋ]

aspect [æs][pɛct]

*[æ][spɛct] *LOF: [æ]

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3. Problems with LOI and LOF

• Some times LOI and LOF cannot both be satisfied,

or neither is satisfied (Blevins 2004).

• Analysis of lemon and city

[lɛ][mən] *LOF: [lɛ] (no word-final [ɛ])

[lɛm][ən] *LOI: [ən] (should be [ʔən])

[sɪɾ][i] *LOF: [sɪɾ]; *LOI: [i] (should be [ʔi])

[sɪ][ɾi] *LOF: [sɪ]; *LOI [ɾi]

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Consequences

• Lack of clear speaker judgment on syllable boundaries in such words

– E.g.: lemon, city, happy, etc.

• Lack of agreement among linguists

– E.g. analyses of city

[sɪ[t]i] Kahn (1976); ambisyllabic

[sɪt][i] Selkirk (1982)

[sɪt][ti] Burzio (1994); geminate [tt]

[sɪ][ti] Jensen (2000)

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4. CLOI and CLOF

• Consider Blevin’s analysis of lemon and city again [lɛ][mən] *LOF: [lɛ] (no word-final [ɛ])

[lɛm][ən] *LOI: [ən] (should be [ʔən])

[sɪɾ][i] *LOF: [sɪɾ]; *LOI: [i] (should be [ʔi])

[sɪ][ɾi] *LOF: [sɪ]; *LOI [ɾi]• Questions

– Is initial V always realized as [ʔV]?

– Can word-final [ɾ] ever occur?

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Reconsidering the problems

• Initial V not as [ʔV]

get Ann [gɛɾ][æn]

*[gɛt][ʔæn] unless exaggerated

• Word-final [ɾ] get Ann [gɛɾ][æn]

it is [ɪɾ][ɪz]

• So, if we consider words in context, we need to reinterpret LOI and LOF, and reevaluate syllabification as a result.

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13

Defining CLOI and CLOF

• Contextualized Law of Initials (CLOI):

Word-medial onsets should resemble phrase-

medial word-initial onsets.

• Contextualized Law of Finals (CLOF):

Word-medial codas should resemble phrase-

medial word-final codas.

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Syllabification with CLOI and CLOF

whisky [wɪs][ki] miss, key

*[wɪ][ski] *CLOF: [ɪ]

atlas [æt][ləs] at, Las (Vegas)

*[æ][tləs] *CLOF: [æ]; LOI: [tl]

*[ætl][əs] *CLOF: [ætl]

lemon [lɛm][ən] gem, an

*[lɛ][mən] *CLOF: [ɛ]

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Syllabification with CLOI and CLOF

city [sɪɾ][i] sit, east

*[sɪ][ɾi] *CLOF: [ɪ]; ??CLOI: [ɾ]

Can [ɾ] word initially?

go tomorrow ??[go][ɾəmɒro]

Summary

• Since medial syllables are adjacent, LOI and LOF

should not be applied to isolated words, but to

words in sequence.

• LOI and LOF should be contextualized.

• CLOI and CLOF can always be satisfied at the

same time.

• Well-formed syllabification is always possible.

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5. Additional ambiguities

whisky [wɪs][ki] miss, key

[wɪsk][i] risk, even

tiny [tai][ni] tie, negotiate

[tain][i] fine, even

Canada [kæn][ə][də] can, a, Dakoda

[kæn][əd][ə] can, admit, ballad, a

Extra [ɛkst][rə] text, remote

[ɛks][trə] decks, tradition

[ɛk][strə] deck, strategic

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6. CLOI and CLOF with Max Onset

whisky [wɪs][ki] CLOI, CLOF, Onset

*[wɪsk][i] CLOI, CLOF, *Onset

tiny [tai][ni] CLOI, CLOF, Onset

*[tain][i] CLOI, CLOF, *Onset

Canada [kæn][ə][də] CLOI, CLOF, Onset

*[kæn][əd][ə] CLOI, CLOF, *Onset

Extra [ɛk][strə] CLOI, CLOF, Onset

*[ɛkst][rə] CLOI, CLOF, *Onset

*[ɛks][trə] CLOI, CLOF, *Onset

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Summary

• CLOI and CLOF are not enough to determine

syllabification

• Adding Max Onset can resolve the ambiguities

• However, there is certain overlap, because Max

Onset already assumes LOI and LOF.

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7. CLOI and CLOF with VX and WSP

• What is VX?

• What is the WSP?

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What is VX?

• VX is a limit on rime length.

• It claims that the maximal rime length is VX in

English , i.e. either VV or VC.

• It is based on the fact that most nonfinal rimes in

English are VX (Borowsky 1986, Duanmu 2009)

• VX is an independent fact that must be recognized

• VX cannot be derived from Onset, CLOI, or CLOF

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Syllabification with CLOI, CLOF, and VX

whisky [wɪs][ki] CLOI, CLOF, VX

*[wɪsk][i] *VX: [ɪsk]

tiny [tai][ni] CLOI, CLOF, VX

*[tain][i] *VX: [ain]

23

Ambiguity?

• The word extra seems to render ambiguity under CLOI, CLOF, and WSP:

extra [ɛk][strə] CLOI, CLOF, VX

[ɛks][trə] [ɛks] is VX if [ks] = affricate

*[ɛkst][rə] *VX: [ɛkst]

• Wiese (1996): affricates do not have to have the same place of articulation

• However, additional evidence can help us choose between [ɛk][strə] and [ɛks][trə].

• For example, corpus data show that medial [sCC] onsets are rare, which support [ɛks][trə].

What is the WSP?

• The Weight-Stress Principle (WSP)

WPS-(a): Stressed syllables are heavy.

WSP-(b): Unstressed syllables are light.

• The WSP is an independent fact that must be

recognized

• The WSP cannot be derived from Onset, CLOI, or

CLOF

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Syllable weight

• Rime and syllable weight in English

Rime Weight Example

VV heavy [bai] buy, [bi:] bee

VC heavy [bæn] ban, [bɛt] bet

V light [ðə] the, [ə] a

C light [n̩] ’n (reduced and)

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Syllabification with CLOI, CLOF, and WSP

Canada [kæn][ə][də] CLOI, CLOF, WSP

*[kæn][əd][ə] *WSP: [əd]

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Summary

• VX and WSP are independent principles that must

be recognized.

• CLOI, CLOF, VX, and WSP can all be satisfied at

the same time.

• When CLOI and CLOF are used with VX and WSP,

syllabification is unambiguous.

• There is no need for Onset.

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8. Evidence for WSP in CELEX

• Evidence for VX have been discussed in Borowsky

(1989) and Duanmu (2009)

• Quantitative evidence for WSP in the English

lexicon remains to be shown.

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CELEX

• Three lexicons

Lexicon Entries

Words 160,595

Lemmas 52,447

Simplex 7,401

• Syllabification: Max Onset without LOF

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CELEX

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20 abattoir 2 P '{-b@-tw#R [V][CV][CCVVC] [&][b@][twA:r*] U

21 abbe 1 P '{-b1 [V][CVV] [&][beI] M

22 abbess 2 P '{-bEs [V][CVC] [&][bEs] O

23 abbey 1 P '{-bI [V][CV] [&][bI] M

24 abbot 1 P '{-b@t [V][CVC] [&][b@t] M

25 abbreviate 2 P @-'bri-vI-1t [V][CCVV][CV][VVC] [@][bri:][vI][eIt] O

• Sample entries

Exceptions for WSP in CELEX

• Coding

S stressed

U unstressed

H heavy

L light

SL exception for WSP

SH predicted by WSP

UL predicted by WSP

UH exception for WSP

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Extrametricality and final syllable

Stress Weight Example

S H must [mʌs]<t>

U L must [mə]<st>

S H some [sʌm]

U L some [sə]<m> or [sm ̩]S H a [ei]

U L a [ə]

• Therefore, final syllables show no violation of WSP

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Stress-weight types

• SL (nonfinal stressed and light) lemon

• SH (nonfinal stressed and heavy) culprit

• WL (nonfinal unstressed and light) today

• UH (nonfinal unstressed and heavy) compete, ignite

• F (word final) that, lemon, emeritus

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Exceptions for WSP in CELEX

• Data in polysyllabic simplex words (3,567 in all)Type Count All Nonfinal Same-stress

SL 1,402 17.3% 30.8% 43.2%

SH 1,846 22.8% 40.6% 56.8%

UL 1,010 12.4% 22.2% 77.8%

UH 288 3.5% 6.3% 22.2%

F 3,567 44.0%

All 8,113 100.0% 100.0%

Nonfinal SL and UH syllables 1,690

Among all syllables 21%

Among nonfinal syllables 37%

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Re-examine exceptions to WSP

• Context of SL syllables (S is syllabic C)

Context Count Example (British English)

V][CCCV 10 mistress, ostrich

V][CCS 4 crystal

V][CCV 146 vista,

V][CS 245 heaven, apple

V][CV 989 any, happy

V][V 8

All 1,402

• General pattern

V][CX

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Re-examine SL syllables

• The exception V][CX can be reanalyzed as VC][X

Context Count Example (British English)

VC][CCV 10 mistress, ostrich

VC][CS 4 crystal

VC][CV 146 vista,

VC][S 245 heaven, apple

VC][V 989 any, happy

• V][CX violates LOF (CLOF)

• VC][X observes CLOF and CLOI and has been proposed by many people, including those who assume Onset (e.g. Kahn 1976, Selkirk 1982, Hammond 1999).

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Re-examine UH syllables

• Four cases of UH syllables

Case Count

Rime has a full V 156

Rime has [V:] 29

Rime has [əN] or [ɪN] 79 (N is a nasal)

Other 24

All 288

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Re-examine UH syllables

• Case Analysis Example

Rime has a full V 2nd stress sardine, bamboo

Rime has [V:] 2nd stress duet

short V create, verbena

Rime has [əN] syllabic N combine

Rime has [ɪN] 2nd stress employ, invite

Other 24

All 288

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Summary on WSP

• Most SL syllables are found in the context of V][CV,

where V is a stressed lax V

• According to CLOI and CLOF, V][CV should be

analyze as VC][X

• Most UH syllables can be accounted for; they either

have secondary stress or a syllabic C.

• Most apparent exceptions to WSP are not real.

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9. Conclusions

• Current formulation of LOI and LOF often cannot be both satisfied

• Current use of Onset sacrifices LOF

• LOI and LOF should be contextualized

• Both CLOI and CLOF are satisfiable in every word

• VX and WSP are independently motivated and must be recognized

• CLOI, CLOF, VX, and WSP offer unambiguous syllabification

• Onset is entirely superfluous

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10. Further issues

• Are there languages where Onset is not superfluous?

• Can VX be derived from WSP?

• Can CLOI and CLOF be derived from WSP?

• Can the proposed analysis account for allophonic variation, such as aspiration and flapping in American English?

• Can the proposed analysis account for the CV effect?

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ReferencesBorowsky, Toni. 1986. Topics in the lexical phonology of English. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts,

Amherst.

Davis, Stuart. 2009. On the foot-based analysis of aspiration in American English. Paper presented at the CUNY Conference

on the Foot, City University of New York Graduate Center, New York, January 15-17.

Duanmu, San. 2009. Syllable structure: the limits of variation. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Jensen, John. 2000. Against ambisyllabicity. Phonology 17: 187-235.

Kahn, Daniel. 1976. Syllable-based generalizations in English phonology. Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, Mass.

Prince, Alan. 1990. Quantitative consequences of rhythmic organization. CLS 26, Papers from the 26th Regional Meeting of

the Chicago Linguistic Society Volume 2: The Parasession on the Syllable in Phonetics and Phonology, Chicago

Linguistic Society, 1992, 355-398.

Prokosch, Eduard. 1939. A comparative Germanic grammar. Philadelphia, PA: Linguistic Society of America.

Vennemann, Theo. 1988. Preference laws for syllable structure and the explanation of sound change. Berlin and New York:

Mouton de Gruyter.

Wiese, Richard. 1996. The phonology of German. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press.

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Syllabification and allophonic variation

at ease city potato

[æɾ.íz] [sɪɾ́i] [phә.théiɾo] Kahn (1976)

[æɾ.íz] [sɪɾ́.i] [phә.théiɾ.o] Borowsky (1986)

(æɾ).(íz) (sɪ.́ɾi) (phә.(théi.ɾo)) Jense, Davis

(æɾ).(íz) (sɪɾ́.i) [phә.(théi.ɾo)] WSP

• Summary: Syllabification under WSP can fully

account for allophonic rules.

43

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The CV effect

• Jakobson (1958: 21): ‘There are languages lacking

syllables with initial vowels and/or syllables with

final consonants, but there are no languages devoid

of syllables with initial consonants or of syllables

with final vowels.’

• Hooper (1976: 199): CV syllables are ‘optimal’

universally

• Steriade (1982: 78): CV is ‘maximally unmarked’.

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Explaining the CV effect

• Max Onset: VCV V.CV always, which explains

the CV effect

• CVX and WSP: There is no requirement for the

onset. How can we explain the CV effect?

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Deriving CV effect from CVX and WSP

Two sources of CV syllables:

1. Unstressed rhyme is V, leaving following C as an onset

2. Stressed V can become VV, leaving following C as an onset

String Initial stress Final stress

CVCV [CVC][v], [CV:][cv] [cv][CV:]

CVCVC [CVC][v](c), [CV:][cv](c) [cv][CVC], [cv][CV:](c)

VCVC [VC][v](c), [V:][cv](c) [v][CVC], [v][CV:](c)

VCV [VC][v], [V:][cv] [v][CV:]