Supporting standards comprise 35% of the U. S. History Test 10 (A)

Supporting standards comprise 35% of the U. S. History Test

10 (A)

Supporting Standard (10)The student understands the impact of

political, economic, & social factors in the U. S. role in the world from the 1970s through

1990.The Student is expected to:

(A) Describe Richard M. Nixon’s leadership in the normalization of relations with China

& the policy of détente

President Nixon’s 1972 visit to the People's Republic of China was an important step in formally normalizing relations between the

U. S. and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It marked the first time a U.S.

president had visited the PRC, which at that time considered the U.S. one of its foes, and the visit ended 25 years of separation (1947-

1972) between the two sides.

Nixon’s 1972 visit to China

President Nixon’s 1972 visit to the People's Republic of China was an important step in formally normalizing relations between the U. S. and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It marked the first time a U.S. president had visited the PRC, which at that time considered the U.S. one of its

foes, and the visit ended 25 years of separation (1947-1972) between the two sides.

U.S. did not maintain diplomatic relations as it

recognized the Republic of China or Taiwan as the

government of China. Early in his first term, Nixon and National Security Adviser

Henry Kissinger (right) began sending subtle overtures

hinting at warmer relations to the PRC government. After a series of these overtures by

both countries, Kissinger flew on secret diplomatic missions to Beijing, where he met with Premier Zhou Enlai. On July

15, 1971, the President announced that he would visit

the PRC the following year.

U.S. did not maintain diplomatic relations as it recognized the Republic

of China or Taiwan as the government of China. Early in his first term, Nixon and

National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger (right) began sending subtle

overtures hinting at warmer relations to the PRC government. After a series of

these overtures by both countries, Kissinger flew on secret diplomatic

missions to Beijing, where he met with Premier Zhou Enlai. On July 15, 1971,

the President announced that he would visit the PRC the following year.

Occurring from February 21 to 28, 1972, the visit allowed the American public to view images of China for the first time in over two decades. Throughout the week

the President and his most senior advisers engaged in substantive

discussions with the PRC, including an hour-long meeting with Chairman Mao

Zedong, while First Lady Pat Nixon toured schools, factories and hospitals in

the cities of Beijing, Shanghai and Hangzhou with the large American press corps in tow. Nixon dubbed the visit “the

week that changed the world.”

Occurring from February 21 to 28, 1972, the visit allowed the American public to view images of China for the first time in over two decades. Throughout the week the President and his most senior advisers engaged in substantive discussions with the PRC, including an hour-long meeting with Chairman Mao Zedong, while First Lady Pat Nixon toured schools, factories

and hospitals in the cities of Beijing, Shanghai and Hangzhou with the large American press corps in tow. Nixon dubbed the visit “the week that changed the world.”

The repercussions of the Nixon visit were vast, and included a significant shift in

the Cold War balance, pitting the PRC with the U.S.

against the Soviets. “Nixon going to China” has since

become a metaphor for an unexpected or

uncharacteristic action by a politician.

The repercussions of the Nixon visit were vast, and included a significant shift in

the Cold War balance, pitting the PRC with the U.S.

against the Soviets. “Nixon going to China” has since

become a metaphor for an unexpected or

uncharacteristic action by a politician.

“By opening relations with China we would catch Russia’s attention and get more leverage on them through playing this

obvious, China card. The idea would be to improve relations with Moscow, hoping to

stir a little bit of its paranoia by dealing with China, never getting so engaged with China

that we would turn Russia into a hostile enemy but enough to get the attention of the

Russians. This effort, in fact, worked dramatically after Kissinger’s secret trip to

China.

“By opening relations with China we would catch Russia’s attention and get more leverage on them through playing this obvious, China card. The idea would be to improve relations with Moscow, hoping to stir a little bit of its paranoia by dealing with China, never getting so engaged with China that we would

turn Russia into a hostile enemy but enough to get the attention of the Russians. This effort, in fact, worked dramatically after Kissinger’s secret trip to China.

Kissinger and Nixon also wanted to get help in resolving the Vietnam War. By dealing with Russia and with China we

hoped to put pressure on Hanoi to negotiate seriously.

Kissinger and Nixon also wanted to get help in resolving the Vietnam War. By dealing with Russia and with China we hoped to put pressure on Hanoi to negotiate seriously.

Although Nixon was in China for a

week, this would be his sole meeting

with the top Chinese leader.

Unknown to Nixon and the rest of the

American diplomats at the time, Mao was in

poor health and he had been

hospitalized up to only nine days before Nixon’s

arrival.

Although Nixon was in China for a week,

this would be his sole meeting with the top Chinese

leader. Unknown to Nixon and the rest of

the American diplomats at the time, Mao was in

poor health and he had been

hospitalized up to only nine days before

Nixon’s arrival.

At the conclusion of his trip, the United States and the PRC governments issued the Shanghai Communiqué, a statement of their

foreign policy views and a document that has remained the basis of Sino-American

bilateral relations. Kissinger stated that the U.S. also intended to pull all its forces out

of the island of Taiwan. In the communiqué, both nations pledged to work toward the full normalization of diplomatic policy.

At the conclusion of his trip, the United States and the PRC governments issued the Shanghai Communiqué, a statement of their foreign policy views and a document that has remained the basis of Sino-American bilateral relations. Kissinger stated that the U.S. also intended to pull all its forces out

of the island of Taiwan. In the communiqué, both nations pledged to work toward the full normalization of diplomatic policy.

Nixon and his aides carefully planned

the trip to have the biggest possible

impact on television

audiences back in the U.S.

Nixon and his aides carefully planned

the trip to have the biggest possible

impact on television

audiences back in the U.S.

The Chinese themselves agreed to a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan

question. The statement enabled the U.S. and PRC to temporarily set aside the

“crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations” concerning

the political status of Taiwan and to open trade and other contacts. However, the

United States continued to maintain official relations with the government of

the Republic of China in Taiwan until 1979 when the U.S. broke off formal

diplomatic relations with the Republic of China and established full diplomatic

relations with the PRC.

The Chinese themselves agreed to a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question. The statement enabled the U.S. and PRC to temporarily set aside the “crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations” concerning the political status of Taiwan and to open trade and other contacts. However, the United States continued to maintain

official relations with the government of the Republic of China in Taiwan until 1979 when the U.S. broke off formal diplomatic relations with the Republic of China and established full diplomatic relations with the PRC.

While in Shanghai, Nixon declared his

intention to “build a bridge across

16,000 miles and 22 years of hostilities which have divided us in the past. And what we have said today is that we shall build that

bridge.” Richard Nixon

meets with Mao Zedong in Beijing, February 21, 1972.

While in Shanghai, Nixon declared his

intention to “build a bridge across 16,000 miles and 22 years of

hostilities which have divided us in the past. And what

we have said today is that we shall build

that bridge.”

The three objectives for the Nixon trip were 1) to

embrace People’s Republic of China for peaceful

settlement of Taiwan.

The three objectives for the Nixon trip were 1) to embrace People’s Republic of China for peaceful settlement of

Taiwan.

2) Peaceful settlement of the

Vietnam War

2) Peaceful settlement of the Vietnam War

And 3) deter Soviet Union’s sphere of

Communist influence after the Sino-Soviet

Split.

And 3) deter Soviet Union’s sphere of Communist influence after the Sino-Soviet Split.

Some consider that Nixon’s diplomacy failed all three of them, as 1)

Taiwan is still facing military threat from People’s Republic of China after the Third

Taiwan Strait Crisis in 19962) Vietnam was soon captured by the PRC-

aided North Vietnam Communists as US withdrew troops from there soon after Nixon’s

trip to the PRC, and 3) The collapse of Soviet Union was mainly on the internal/domestic economic causes of its

unproductive centrally planned economic system. However, no one can dispute that

President Nixon’s visit opened the door to Sino-American foreign relations, and paved the way to the strong economic ties that bind the two

countries today.

Some consider that Nixon’s diplomacy failed all three of them, as 1)Taiwan is still facing military threat from People’s Republic of China after the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis in 1996

2) Vietnam was soon captured by the PRC-aided North Vietnam Communists as US withdrew troops from there soon after Nixon’s trip to the PRC, and

3) The collapse of Soviet Union was mainly on the internal/domestic economic causes of its unproductive centrally planned economic system. However, no one can dispute that President Nixon’s visit opened the door to Sino-American foreign relations, and paved the way to the strong

economic ties that bind the two countries today.

Improved relations with the Soviet Union and the

People’s Republic of China are often

cited as the most successful diplomatic

achievements of Nixon’s presidency.

The rationale for opening up China was for the U.S. to gain more leverage over relations with the Soviet Union.

Improved relations with the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic

of China are often cited as the most successful

diplomatic achievements of

Nixon’s presidency. The rationale for opening up China was for the

U.S. to gain more leverage over relations with the Soviet Union.

Nixon would push for détente with Soviet Premier Leonid Brezhnev

Leonid Brezhnev (left) & Richard Nixon (right) during Brezhnev’s June 1973 visit to Washington; this was a high-water mark in détente between the United States and the Soviet Union.

Détente The word is from the French & refers to archery—

when you arch the bow & suddenly release it—détente means a relaxation of tension or easing of strained relations, especially in a political context

Picture an archer who has his bowstring pulled back, his arrow aimed at another archer, who is in the same position; then,

perhaps because they both prefer not to fight if it can be avoided, they both slowly, let their hands move forward,

relaxing the tension on the bowstring, but not yet putting down the bow or removing the arrow from its place. That is the

meaning of détente.

Détente was all about relaxing the tension of

the bow

After the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, the two superpowers agreed to install a direct hotline between Washington D.C.

and Moscow (the so-called “red telephone”), enabling leaders of both

countries to quickly interact with each other in a time of urgency, and reduce the chances that future crises could

escalate into an all-out war.

After the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, the two superpowers agreed to install a direct hotline between Washington D.C. and Moscow (the so-called “red telephone”), enabling leaders of both countries to quickly interact with each other in a time of urgency, and

reduce the chances that future crises could escalate into an all-out war.

The most obvious manifestation of détente was the series of summits held

between the leaders of the two superpowers and the treaties that

resulted from these meetings. Early 1960s, before détente:

The Partial Test Ban Treaty had been signed on August 5, 1963.

Later in the decade, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty

And Outer Space Treaty were two of the first building blocks of détente. These early treaties were signed all over the

globe.

The most obvious manifestation of détente was the series of summits held between the leaders of the two superpowers and the treaties that resulted from these meetings. Early 1960s, before détente:

The Partial Test Ban Treaty had been signed on August 5, 1963. Later in the decade, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty

And Outer Space Treaty were two of the first building blocks of détente. These early treaties were signed all over the globe.

The term is often used in reference to the general easing of the geo-political tensions between the Soviet Union & the U. S. which began in 1969, as a foreign policy of U.S. presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford called détente; a “thawing out” or “un-freezing” at a period roughly in the middle of the Cold War. Détente was known in Russian as разрядка (“razryadka,” loosely

meaning “relaxation of tension”).

The term is often used in reference to the general easing of the geo-political tensions between the Soviet Union & the U. S. which began in 1969, as a foreign policy of U.S. presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford called détente; a “thawing out” or “un-freezing” at a period roughly in the middle of the Cold War. Détente was known in Russian as разрядка (“razryadka,” loosely

meaning “relaxation of tension”).

Based on his 1959 performance against Khruschev in the so-called

“Kitchen Debate,”as Eisenhower’s Vice-President, Nixon had earned a justifiable reputation as

a hard-liner on communism.

Nixon’s right-hand man was National Security Adviser & later

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger shown here with Anatoly Dobrynin, Andrei

Gromyko, & Leonid Brezhnev

The most important treaties were not developed until the Nixon Administration

came into office in 1969. The Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Pact

sent an offer to the West, urging them to hold a summit on “security and cooperation

in Europe.” The West agreed and talks began towards actual limits in the nuclear

capabilities of the two superpowers.

The most important treaties were not developed until the Nixon Administration came into office in 1969. The Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Pact sent an offer to the West, urging

them to hold a summit on “security and cooperation in Europe.” The West agreed and talks began towards actual limits in the nuclear capabilities of the two superpowers.

This ultimately led to the signing of the SALT I treaty in 1972. This treaty limited

each power’s nuclear arsenals, though it was quickly rendered out-of-date as a result of the development of Multiple Independently Targeted Reentry Vehicle (MIRVs). In the

same year that SALT I was signed, the Biological Weapons Convention and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty were also

concluded. Talks on SALT II also began in 1972.

This ultimately led to the signing of the SALT I treaty in 1972. This treaty limited each power’s nuclear arsenals, though it was quickly rendered out-of-date as a result of the development of

Multiple Independently Targeted Reentry Vehicle (MIRVs). In the same year that SALT I was signed, the Biological Weapons Convention and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty were also concluded. Talks

on SALT II also began in 1972.

The period was characterized by the signing of treaties such as the Strategic

Arms Limitations Talks (SALT) I and the Helsinki Accords. A second Arms-

Limitation Treaty, SALT II, was discussed but never ratified by the

United States. There is still ongoing debate amongst historians as to how successful the détente period was in

achieving peace.

The period was characterized by the signing of treaties such as the Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT) I and the Helsinki Accords. A second Arms-Limitation Treaty,

SALT II, was discussed but never ratified by the United States. There is still ongoing debate amongst historians as to how successful the détente period was in achieving peace.

In 1975, the Conference on Security & Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) met and produced the Helsinki Accords, a wide

ranging series of agreements on economic, political, and human rights issues. The

CSCE was initiated by the USSR, involving 35 states throughout Europe. Among other

issues, one of the most prevalent and discussed after the conference was that of

human rights violations in the Soviet Union.

In 1975, the Conference on Security & Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) met and produced the Helsinki Accords, a wide ranging series of agreements on economic, political, and human rights issues. The

CSCE was initiated by the USSR, involving 35 states throughout Europe. Among other issues, one of the most prevalent and discussed after the conference was that of human rights violations in the Soviet

Union.

The U.S./U.S.S.R. détente was presented as an applied extension of that thinking. The

SALT II pact of the late 1970s continued the work off the SALT I talks, ensuring further reduction in arms by the Soviets and by the

US. The Helsinki Accords, in which the Soviets promised to grant free elections in Europe, has been called a major concession

to ensure peace by the Soviets.

The U.S./U.S.S.R. détente was presented as an applied extension of that thinking. The SALT II pact of the late 1970s continued the work off the SALT I talks, ensuring further reduction in

arms by the Soviets and by the US. The Helsinki Accords, in which the Soviets promised to grant free elections in Europe, has been called a major concession to ensure peace by the Soviets.

Détente ended after the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan (in which, rather ironically in light of subsequent world events, the U. S.

subsidized the anti-Soviet Mujahideen fighters in the region), which led to

America’s boycott of the 1980 summer Olympics in Moscow. President Reagan’s

election in 1980, based in large part on an anti-détente campaign (“Détente . . . isn’t that what a turkey has with his farmer—

until Thanksgiving Day?”), marked the close of détente and a return to Cold War

tensions. In his first press conference, President Reagan said “‘Détente’ has been a

one-way street that the Soviet Union has used to pursue its aims.”

Détente ended after the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan (in which, rather ironically in light of subsequent world events, the U. S. subsidized the anti-Soviet Mujahideen fighters in the region), which led to America’s boycott of the 1980 summer Olympics in Moscow. President Reagan’s election in 1980, based in large part on an anti-détente campaign (“Détente . . . isn’t that what a turkey has with his farmer—until Thanksgiving Day?”), marked the close of détente and a return to Cold

War tensions. In his first press conference, President Reagan said “‘Détente’ has been a one-way street that the Soviet Union has used to pursue its aims.”

The Carter Administration had been supporting human rights groups inside the Soviet Union, and Leonid Brezhnev accused the administration of interference in other countries’ internal affairs. This prompted intense discussion of whether or not other nations may interfere if basic human rights

are being violated, such as freedom of speech and religion. The basic disagreement

in the philosophies of a democracy and a single-party state did not allow for

reconciliation of this issue.

The Carter Administration had been supporting human rights groups inside the Soviet Union, and Leonid Brezhnev accused the administration of interference in other countries’ internal affairs. This prompted

intense discussion of whether or not other nations may interfere if basic human rights are being violated, such as freedom of speech and religion. The basic disagreement in the philosophies of a democracy and a

single-party state did not allow for reconciliation of this issue.

Furthermore, the Soviets proceeded to defend their internal policies on human rights by attacking American support of

countries like South Africa and Chile, which were known to violate many of the same

human rights issues.

Furthermore, the Soviets proceeded to defend their internal policies on human rights by attacking American support of countries like South Africa and Chile,

which were known to violate many of the same human rights issues.

In July of the same year, the Apollo-Soyuz Test Project became the first international

space mission, wherein three American astronauts and two Russian cosmonauts

docked their spacecraft and conducted joint experiments. This mission had been

preceded by five years of political negotiation and technical co-operation, including exchanges of US and Russian

engineers between the two countries’ space centers.

In July of the same year, the Apollo-Soyuz Test Project became the first international space mission, wherein three American astronauts and two Russian cosmonauts docked their spacecraft and

conducted joint experiments. This mission had been preceded by five years of political negotiation and technical co-operation, including exchanges of US and Russian engineers between the two

countries’ space centers.

Trade relations between the two blocs increased substantially during the era of détente. Most significant were the vast

shipments of grain that were sent from the West to the Soviet Union each year, which helped make up for the failure of kolkhoz,

Soviet collective agriculture.

Trade relations between the two blocs increased substantially during the era of détente. Most significant were the vast shipments of grain that were sent from the

West to the Soviet Union each year, which helped make up for the failure of kolkhoz, Soviet collective agriculture.

As direct relations thawed, increased tensions continued between the

superpowers through their surrogates, especially in the Third World. Conflicts in South Asia & the Middle East in 1973, saw

the Soviet and U.S. backing their respective surrogates with war material and diplomatic

posturing. In Latin America, the United States continued to block any leftward

electoral shifts in the region by supporting right-wing military coups. Neither side

trusted the other fully and the potential for nuclear war remained.

As direct relations thawed, increased tensions continued between the superpowers through their surrogates, especially in the Third World. Conflicts in South Asia & the Middle East in 1973, saw the

Soviet and U.S. backing their respective surrogates with war material and diplomatic posturing. In Latin America, the United States continued to block any leftward electoral shifts in the region by supporting

right-wing military coups. Neither side trusted the other fully and the potential for nuclear war remained.

Each side continued to aim thousands of nuclear warheads atop intercontinental ballistic missles (ICBMs) at each other’s

cities, maintain submarines with long-range nuclear weapon capability (Submarine-

launched ballistic missiles or SLBMs) in the world’s oceans, keep hundreds of nuclear-

armed aircraft on constant alert, and guard contentious borders in Korea and Europe

with large ground forces. Espionage efforts remained a high priority as defectors, reconnaissance satellites, and signal intercepts measured intentions and

attempted to gain strategic advantage.

Each side continued to aim thousands of nuclear warheads atop intercontinental ballistic missles (ICBMs) at each other’s cities, maintain submarines with long-range nuclear weapon capability (Submarine-launched ballistic missiles or SLBMs) in the world’s oceans, keep hundreds of nuclear-armed aircraft on constant alert, and guard contentious

borders in Korea and Europe with large ground forces. Espionage efforts remained a high priority as defectors, reconnaissance satellites, and signal intercepts measured intentions and attempted to gain strategic advantage.

The United States Air Force Rome Air Development Center (RADC), with the help of Raytheon, began

designing the system in 1975 and by 1980, the PAVE PAWS (in reference to PAVE, the Air Force program

name, and Phased Array Warning System), came online at both Otis AFB in Massachusetts and Beale AFB in California. Two more PAVE PAWS systems

were later installed in Robins AFB, Georgia, and Eldorado AFB, Texas, but they were decomissioned in

1995 at the end of the Cold War. The Robins AFB system was moved to Clear AFB, Alaska, and restarted in 2001 to provide full coverage defense to the whole of the western US. And combined with the BMEWS, all

but a small fraction of the South West is protected from attack.

The 1980 American presidential election saw Ronald Reagan elected on a platform

opposed to the concessions of détente. Negotiations on SALT II were abandoned.

The 1980 American presidential election saw Ronald Reagan elected on a platform opposed to the concessions of détente.

Negotiations on SALT II were abandoned.

APPEN-DIXToday’s Members of the

“Nuclear Club”

CountryWarheads active/total

Date of first test CTBT status

The five nuclear-weapon states under the NPT

United States 2,150 / 7,70016 July 1945 (“Trinity”)

Signatory

Russia 1,800 / 8,500[ 29 August 1949 (“RDS-1”)

Ratifier

United Kingdom 160 / 2253 October 1952 (“Hurricane”)

Ratifier

France 290 / 30013 February 1960 (Gerboise Bleue)

Ratifier

China n.a. / 25016 October 1964 (“596”)

Signatory

Non-NPT nuclear powers

India n.a. / 90–11018 May 1974 (“Smiling Buddha”)

Non-signatory

Pakistan n.a. / 100–12028 May 1998 (“Chagai-I”)

Non-signatory

North Korea n.a. / <10 9 October 2006 Non-signatory

Undeclared nuclear powers

Israel n.a. / 60-200Unknown (possibly 22 September 1979)

Signatory

Fini