Status and Diet: Variations in Elite Foodways at Newfoundland Fishing Stations in the 17th and 18th Centuries

21

Status and Diet: Variations in Élite Foodways at Newfoundland Fishing Stations

in the 17th and 18th Centuries

Eric Tourigny and Stéphane Noël

This paper uses archaeological and historical evidence to compare élite foodways at two Newfoundland fishing sites: a permanent 17th-century English settlement and a seasonal 18th-century French fishing station. Similarities between high-status deposits at these sites demonstrate faunal exploitation patterns that reflect the time and resources available to higher-status individuals. Differences between assemblages at the the two sites suggest that year-round and seasonal residence gave access to different ranges of foods, while helping to shape the perception of what constituted luxury foods in each context.

introductionFrom the 16th century onward various European nations shared fishing space along the coast of Newfoundland: the Basques fished in Placentia Bay and the west, the English and Portuguese fished along the Avalon Peninsula, and the Normans and Bretons fished in various areas, including the east coast of the Great Northern Peninsula, known as the Petit Nord.1 European crews established on-shore seasonal fishing stations where they produced dried and salted codfish products for export to Europe and the Mediterranean. As the fishery expanded, expeditions based their operations on the shores of Newfoundland where they could salt and dry cod ready for export across the Atlantic. In some cases, what began as seasonal fishing stations became permanent colonies. Today, evidence of historic European presence is reflected in the many archaeological sites scattered along Newfoundland’s coast. Two sites have illuminated aspects of early fisheries on the island: Ferryland, a 17th-century permanent English settlement on Newfoundland’s Avalon Peninsula, and Champ Paya, a 17th- to 19th-century seasonal French fishing station at Cap Rouge on the Petit Nord.2 This paper examines and compares zooarchaeological assemblages associated with élite-status deposits at these sites. At first glance, the assemblages may not appear to have much in common with regards to chronological period, cultural origins or permanency of occupation. However, both originate from sites where the fishing industry was the primary economic focus. Using the cod fishery as the constant, and ethnicity, period of occupation, and type of settlement as variants, we examine how these different factors affected élite diet at early fishing stations.

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exploring atlantic transitions234

archaeology and foodways at ferrylandIn 1620 Sir George Calvert, Secretary of State for King James I and later the first Lord Baltimore, purchased a tract of land on the Avalon Peninsula with the intention of developing Ferryland as a permanent fishing settlement. The following summer, construction began on infrastructure for the new community and, within a few years, Calvert’s settlers had erected various structures including the large, two-storey stone Mansion House to serve as Baltimore’s family home upon his arrival in 1628.3 Although Calvert spent less than one year in Newfoundland, the Mansion House continued to house the community’s leaders and wealthiest residents, including the island’s first governor, Sir David Kirke. In September of 1696 Ferryland was attacked by the French as part of a plan to disrupt the English fishery.4 Much of it was burned and destroyed in the attack, including the Mansion House.5 Ferryland’s importance in Newfoundland has resulted in its being one of the best documented settlements on the island. However, extant letters, legal documents and census records provide only a few clues on foodways and provisioning. They inform us that hens, goats and horses were present by 1625. Small fields of wheat, barley, oats, peas and beans were sown in the 1620s, and lettuce, cabbage, radish, carrots and turnips were grown in kitchen gardens.6 Census documents from the 1670s record livestock populations that were likely typical of the colony in the later 17th century: cattle numbers ranged around 30 head, while 22 pigs and seven horses were recorded in 1677. One document indicates that cattle were owned by only four of the eight planter families living in the community at that time.7 In 2005, excavations uncovered portions of the Mansion House. Within its thick stone walls it had wooden floors and large fireplaces. Affiliated structures include a courtyard and two accessory buildings, one of which contained an underground cellar. Thousands of well-preserved faunal remains were recovered alongside many high-status artefacts, providing an opportunity to investigate the diet and foodways of Ferryland’s élite (Table 21.1).8 Given that the primary economic activity in Ferryland was the fishery, it comes as no surprise to find codfish is the most commonly identified species throughout the site. In a previous zooarchaeological study of other Ferryland deposits, Lisa Hodgetts describes the general diet of residents as exploiting a wide range of both wild and domestic mammals, primarily pigs, cattle, caprines, caribou and seal, in that order of importance.9 The five mammalian species identified as the most heavily exploited in Ferryland play an equally important role in the Mansion House assemblage, albeit in a slightly different way. Where domestic pig was identified as the most prominent species in the overall Ferryland diet, cattle appear more prominently in the Mansion House assemblages (Fig. 21.1).10 There does not appear to be a difference between the amount of wild mammals consumed by Mansion House occupants and that consumed by other Ferryland residents. Elsewhere on site, a total of eight different bird species were identified.11 All eight species were represented at the Mansion House, as well as an additional 24 species, possibly a result of the better preservation conditions. Coastal birds such as alcids, sea ducks and seagulls form the majority of the assemblage (approximately 70% NISP). These seabirds made a significant contribution to the diets of Ferryland residents; unsurprisingly so, as they would have been readily accessible and are still seen at the site today.12 Fish and mammals were the most important animals in the diet of the occupants of the Mansion House. Wild birds were less important but regularly consumed. Cod, beef and pork were important, as were regular provisions of caribou, seal and caprines.13 These

21.indd 234 01/05/2013 14:02

status and diet 235

general trends are similar to those described in other Ferryland deposits.14 The main difference is that the Mansion House deposits generally contained a higher number of cattle remains, a difference that is best explained by the wealth of the building’s occupants and, more importantly, the level of their involvement in the local fishery. Wealthy planters had not only greater purchasing power; they also had more time. They typically owned many boats, but had the financial resources to hire workers to man those boats and process their catches. A less wealthy planter, by contrast, probably took part in the fishing and/or processing activities him or herself, as he (or she) could not afford the same level of hired help. Thus the wealthy planter had more time and resources to spend on activities unrelated to the fishery, such as cattle husbandry, crop management, keeping horses and hunting.

archaeology and foodways of champ payaBy 1541 Norman, French Basque and Breton crews were already fishing in Cape Rouge Harbour, now Crouse, where Champ Paya is located. The Bretons dominated this productive fishing station during the 17th and 18th centuries; in the 19th century the Breton migratory fishermen coexisted, though not without problems, with a growing population of Anglo-Irish settlers.15 It was only in 1904 that France ceded its seasonal fishing rights to Great Britain, under the terms of the Entente Cordiale, ending a 400-year tradition.16 Historical documents such as travel journals, provisioning contracts and government regulations shed light on the foodways of French migratory fishermen. Proper food provisioning was essential to the success of seasonal stations on Newfoundland’s coast. Provisioning options were limited and needed to be such that food could survive the damp of a ship’s hold. Provisions seem to have remained unchanged from the 16th to the 19th centuries, when cargo holds were filled with supplies of biscuits, bread, wine, cider, eau-de-vie (liquor), salted and fresh cod, lard, salted meat, peas, beans, butter and sometimes vinegar, with some regional variations.17 Some foods could be grown and cultivated once onshore, and the available natural resources were certainly exploited. In 1672 French merchant and entrepreneur Nicolas Denys explained that in Acadian fishing stations the captain made a garden, providing him with fresh salads, peas and beans. He goes on to say that he and the surgeon would hunt for rabbits and fowl in their leisure time.18 In 1851 Captain Désury wrote that on the Petit Nord the captains got together for an August feast. Each one provided a sheep, and they sent people to hunt ptarmigans, curlews and hare.19 The lower-status crew were not included in the captain’s feast of wild game and mutton; nor had they enjoyed the captain’s privileged diet two centuries before. French seasonal fishermen were on the coast of Newfoundland from roughly April to October or November. Cod was only present on the coast for a short period, which put the fishermen under a lot of pressure, limiting the leisure time available to hunt wild game. Crews fished everyday of the week, including Sundays, from early in the morning to late in the afternoon, when they returned to shore, unloaded their catch, had dinner and went to bed.20 Wild game was therefore a luxury restricted to those of higher status. In addition, it is likely that only certain privileged individuals had access to guns and shot. There was a clear hierarchy within the micro-society of the migratory fishing station.21 Similarly, there was also a hierarchy in the organization of space for eating within the fishing room. The table du capitaine, literally ‘the captain’s table’, was a particularly revealing

21.indd 235 01/05/2013 14:02


Fig. 21.1 Percentage of identified mammal NISP for pig and cow specimens in Ferryland, Newfoundland. The six deposits on the left relate to the Mansion House and the three deposits on the right represents other Ferryland deposits. Standard error at 95% confidence interval. The * indicates deposits analysed in Hodgetts 2006.

Fig. 21.2 Distribution of wild vs. domestic animals at the fishing room Champ Paya, at Crouse, Newfoundland, by %NISP. Fish and shellfish remains are excluded from this ratio, due to sampling differences.

21.indd 236 01/05/2013 14:02

status and diet 237

aspect of the crew’s social organization. Here food was better, more varied and abundant. Denys explains that the captain ate in his cabin, along with the master, the pilot and the surgeon.22 He also had a boy (mousse) to serve him, and boys at each plate, who would eat the leftovers at the end of each meal. Denys and C. J. A. Carpon make it clear that officers and fishermen lived apart, and that they did not eat together.23 Lescarbot recounts that, during his trip to Port Royal, fresh food was reserved for the captains and the masters, as they thought salted pork products were a cause of scurvy. Officers ate separately and they ate better.24 In 2007 archaeologists discovered the remains of a burnt structure on the site’s waterfront. It was further excavated in 2008, exposing a dry masonry hearth which suggests that the structure was probably used as a cookroom. Stratigraphic position and associated artefacts indicate a mid-18th-century occupation. Some of the artefacts associated with the burnt structure – glass stemware, glass tumbler bases and a gold gilded button – suggest that its occupants had the high living standards of officers, a captain or perhaps a surgeon. Historic descriptions of a cabin for the état-major, where food was cooked and officers ate, fit this structure in some regards. This type of structure was typically composed of a kitchen and chimney along with an interior division separating the kitchen from the dining room, where benches were placed around the table at which the officers ate their meals.25 A midden deposit associated with the officers’ cookroom contained a significant amount of faunal remains. Contrasting this high-status assemblage with faunal assemblages from other areas of the fishing station, such as a fish processing area, a work area and a food refuse deposit, helps to interpret the food habits of both officers and fishermen (Table 21.1). The faunal remains recovered from the officers’ cookroom matches what might be expected of higher-status individuals. All deposits analysed across the site exhibit a high percentage of codfish, pig, sheep/goat, and sometimes chicken, along with gulls and the occasional duck, goose, and other birds. Very few cattle and caribou remains were found. The assemblage from the officers’ cookroom was composed of almost equal proportions of domestic/imported products and wild animal remains (Fig. 21.2). Domestic animals included pigs, sheep/goat and chicken. Wild animals were mostly arctic hare and a large variety of local birds. While species such as gulls would have been easily procured around the site, catching hares, ptarmigans, sandpipers, godwits, ducks and loons would require more effort.26

élite foodways in newfoundland fishing stationsThe notion of luxury is particularly relevant in discussing differences in food consumption among social classes at early modern fishing stations. Luxury eating can be defined as ‘the consumption, beyond the level of affluence, of goods that are special, limited in supply, difficult to procure or very expensive for other reasons’.27 That said, what constitutes luxury is deeply embedded in the cultural, social and geographical contexts of consumers. Like poverty, it is a relative concept.28 In zooarchaeology, luxury foods are more easily recognized in quality and variety than in quantity. With this in mind, luxury foods can be defined as those foods that are either rare, expensive, imported, restricted to a certain class, taken from prime parts of an animal, taken from animals slaughtered before the optimal age, or are varied beyond the ratio of cost to nutritional value.29 Depending on context, each of these criteria could lead to a foodstuff’s being considered a luxury.

21.indd 237 01/05/2013 14:02

exploring atlantic transitions238Ta

ble

21.1

Repr

esen

tatio

n of

faun

al sp

ecim

ens,

by N

ISP

and

%N

ISP,

iden

tified

at t

he M

ansio

n H

ouse

in F

erry

land

, New

foun

dlan

d,

and

from

Fre

nch

depo

sits a

t the

fish

ing

room

Cha

mp

Paya

at C

rous

e, N

ewfo

undl

and

Spec

ies

Com

mon

nam

e(S

cient

ific n

ame)

Ferr

yland

– D

epos

its re

late

d to

the M

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mps

Pay

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East

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t m

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7th–

early

18

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cers’

co

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ury

Mid

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mid

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h ce

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te 1

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fish

†C

od (G

adid

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.)21

447

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100

36.5

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53.2

%78

734

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6774

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ther

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ies

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Cor

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ks &

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se

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tidae

sp.)

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%

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s (G

allif

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.)7

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335.

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4418

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623

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(Cha

radr

ius s

p.)

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ls

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sp.)

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1010

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1114

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3012

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726

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2027

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& m

urre

s (A

lcid

ae sp

.)2

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44.

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8%

21.indd 238 01/05/2013 14:02

status and diet 239

Spec

ies

Com

mon

nam

e(S

cient

ific n

ame)

Ferr

yland

– D

epos

its re

late

d to

the M

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n H

ouse*

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mps

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a

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l de

posit

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n str

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re

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ssory

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ssory

str

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re

depo

sit 2

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t m

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area

? la

te 1

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early

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ntur

y

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cers’

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id-1

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cent

ury

Mid

den

depo

sit

mid

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ntur

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king

are

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es

(Col

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dae

sp.)

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hing

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s (P

asse

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mes

sp.)

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0%

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ls

(Str

igifo

rmes

sp.)

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0%

Inde

term

inat

e

bird

spec

ies

8961

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tal b

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mam

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s & le

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(M

icro

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sp.)

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0.0%

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0%

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& h

ares

(L

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idae

sp.)

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e an

d ra

ts (M

uroi

dea

sp.)

20.

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21.

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0.0%

00.

0%

Rat

s (R

attu

s sp.

)0

0.0%

236.

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0.0%

170

10.9

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0.0%

00.

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0.0%

00.

0%

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se m

ouse

(M

us m

uscu

lis)

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0.0%

00.

0%1

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00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%

Amer

ican

bea

ver

(Cas

tor c

anad

ensis

)1

0.1%

20.

6%0

0.0%

10.

1%3

1.5%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

Wha

les &

dol

phin

s (C

etac

ea sp

.)0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

10.

1%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

Car

nivo

re o

rder

(C

arni

vora

sp.)

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%1

0.1%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%

Tabl

e 21

.1 co

ntin

ued

21.indd 239 01/05/2013 14:02


Spec

ies

Com

mon

nam

e(S

cient

ific n

ame)

Ferr

yland

– D

epos

its re

late

d to

the M

ansio

n H

ouse*

Cha

mps

Pay

a

East

wal

l de

posit

Col

laps

e of

mai

n str

uctu

re

Acce

ssory

str

uctu

re

depo

sit 1

Acce

ssory

str

uctu

re

depo

sit 2

Sout

heas

t m

idde

nPr

ocess

ing

area

? la

te 1

7th–

early

18

th ce

ntur

y

Offi

cers’

co

okro

om m

id-1

8th

cent

ury

Mid

den

depo

sit

mid

-18t

h ce

ntur

y

Wor

king

are

a la

te 1

8th

cent

ury

Can

ids

(Can

idae

sp.)

00.

0%2

0.6%

10.

7%10

0.6%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%

Wol

ves,

cayo

tes &

do

gs (C

anis

sp.)

00.

0%0

0.0%

10.

7%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%

Dom

estic

dog

(C

anis

fam

iliar

is)0

0.0%

20.

6%1

0.7%

10.

1%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

Red

fox

(V

ulpe

s vul

pes)

10.

1%0

0.0%

10.

7%1

0.1%

10.

5%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%

Amer

ican

Bla

ck B

ear

(Ursu

s Am

erica

nus)

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

10.

4%0

0.0%

00.

0%

Dom

estic

cat

(F

elis c

atus

)0

0.0%

185.

1%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

True

seal

fam

ily

(Pho

cida

e sp

.)7

1.0%

144.

0%3

2.0%

221.

4%4

2.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

Har

bour

seal

(P

hoca

vitu

lina)

10.

1%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%

Har

p se

al

(Pho

ca g

roen

land

ica)

10.

1%8

2.3%

10.

7%0

0.0%

10.

5%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%

Artio

dact

yls

(Art

ioda

ctyl

a sp

.)33

4.9%

82.

3%4

2.7%

362.

3%17

8.4%

3334

.4%

3713

.2%

2728

.7%

7625

.7%

Dom

estic

pig

(S

us sc

rofa

)36

5.3%

329.

1%10

6.8%

694.

4%9

4.5%

3940

.6%

102

36.4

%53

56.4

%10

736

.1%

Car

ibou

(R

angi

fer te

rand

us)

466.

8%20

5.7%

138.

8%35

2.2%

105.

0%2

2.1%

00.

0%2

2.1%

00.

0%

Bovi

ds

(Bov

idae

sp.)

00.

0%2

0.6%

00.

0%1

0.1%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%

Dom

estic

cow

(B

os ta

urus

)71

10.5

%20

5.7%

1711

.5%

613.

9%15

7.4%

22.

1%0

0.0%

11.

1%10

3.4%

Tabl

e 21

.1 co

ntin

ued

21.indd 240 01/05/2013 14:02

status and diet 241

Spec

ies

Com

mon

nam

e(S

cient

ific n

ame)

Ferr

yland

– D

epos

its re

late

d to

the M

ansio

n H

ouse*

Cha

mps

Pay

a

East

wal

l de

posit

Col

laps

e of

mai

n str

uctu

re

Acce

ssory

str

uctu

re

depo

sit 1

Acce

ssory

str

uctu

re

depo

sit 2

Sout

heas

t m

idde

nPr

ocess

ing

area

? la

te 1

7th–

early

18

th ce

ntur

y

Offi

cers’

co

okro

om m

id-1

8th

cent

ury

Mid

den

depo

sit

mid

-18t

h ce

ntur

y

Wor

king

are

a la

te 1

8th

cent

ury

Shee

ps &

goa

ts (C

aprin

ae sp

.)27

4.0%

61.

7%3

2.0%

422.

7%5

2.5%

1313

.5%

41.

4%4

4.3%

186.

1%

Dom

estic

hor

se

(Equ

us ca

ballu

s)1

0.1%

00.

0%1

0.7%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

00.

0%0

0.0%

Inde

term

inat

e

mam

mal

spec

ies

445

66.1

%19

455

.1%

9161

.5%

1093

69.8

%11

255

.4%

77.

3%10

537

.5%

77.

4%85

28.7

%

To

tal M

amm

al67

399

.5%

352

100.

2%14

810

0.2%

1,56

610

0.2%

202

100.

1%96

100%

280

100%

9410

0%29

610

0%

Uni

dent

ified

393.

0%1

0.1%

20.

6%66

1.4%

00.

0%0

0.0%

10.

1%0

0.0%

20.

4%

Tota

l1,

308

719

350

4,55

837

032

784

418

749

8

Not

e: Th

is ta

ble

pres

ents

only

the

depo

sits w

ith th

e la

rges

t num

ber o

f fau

nal r

emai

ns re

cove

red

at e

ach

site.

W

here

tota

ls ar

e no

t 100

%, t

his i

s due

to ro

undi

ng.

* Fo

r a c

ompa

rison

to o

ther

Fer

ryla

nd d

epos

its, s

ee H

odge

tts 2

006;

n.d

.†

The

Cha

mps

Pay

a fis

h sp

ecim

ens w

ere

iden

tified

for o

nly

half

of th

e ex

cava

ted

arch

aeol

ogic

al u

nits.

Tabl

e 21

.1 co

ntin

ued

21.indd 241 01/05/2013 14:02


As at Champ Paya, the primary economic focus at Ferryland was the cod fishery. Unlike the seasonal fishing stations of the Petit Nord, Ferryland was operated by planters who lived in Newfoundland year-round with their families and employees. Ferryland also differed from its counterparts in the American colonies; Ferryland planters owned boats and went fishing, whereas most American settlers owned land and raised crops. Ferryland planters’ time and resources were tied to the cod fishery from late spring to early fall. While residents may have been in want of leisure at the height of the fishing season, these constraints were no longer in effect during the off-season, when the hunting of game, especially caribou, could be pursued by all, as the archaeological evidence suggests. Hodgetts first proposed that while the fishery was the ‘main focus for the wealthy planter, it was the exclusive focus for the poorer ones’.30 Wealthy planters were not entirely preoccupied with the fishery and could afford to hire servants to man their boats, whereas the poorer planters needed to go out with their vessels themselves.31 Wealthy planters also had money to spend on labour towards activities unrelated to the fishery. This is what allowed them to raise cattle – a demanding endeavour that required pasture land for the summer, and fodder, byres or stables to keep the cows alive through the cold winter. Growing winter fodder required more land and labour during the busy summer months to sow and gather the crops – all time spent away from the fishery. In this way, the relatively frequent consumption of beef became a luxury in Ferryland. On the other hand, hunting wild game such as caribou was a winter activity open to all, as it did not take time away from the fishery. At Champ Paya, even hunting was reserved for élite individuals. The French were only present on the site temporarily, at the height of the fishing season, and therefore their time in Newfoundland was more constrained than that of Ferryland’s planters. As a result, officers hunting here did not heavily exploit large fauna and could not raise cattle. On the French Shore the social hierarchy was mostly based on experience and working position in the crew. The captain’s table, where food was better, more abundant, and more varied, was a material manifestation of this social ranking, for the consumption of luxury foods has strong social meaning. Sitting there and enjoying a special diet alongside the officers was an honour reserved for individuals of higher social status, and a way for them to advertise and display their position. The captain’s table and the foods associated with it were desirable because they offered a refinement of the basic diet, were a form of distinction, and were only attained by a few privileged individuals.32

conclusionFaunal analysis at Champ Paya and Ferryland underscores the way in which the cod fishery shaped diet. A comparison of the two assemblages helps us understand how economic and technical constraints can play a role in shaping the social divisions between fishermen and élites. The ability to invest time and other resources into activities unrelated to the cod fishery was common to the élite at both sites. Fishermen working at Champ Paya were there only for a short period of time, focused almost exclusively on the fishery. Officers were the only people with leisure time to spend hunting fowl and wild game. At Ferryland wealthy planters who did not go out fishing themselves were able to invest their extra time and resources into non-fishery related activities such as cattle husbandry. In both cases, the constrained schedule of the fishery made certain foods – cattle in Ferryland, wild game

21.indd 242 01/05/2013 14:02

status and diet 243

at Champ Paya – the prerogative of the élites. On the historic coast of Newfoundland, as elsewhere, what was considered luxury depended almost entirely on the context in which products were consumed.

acknowledgementsThis research was possible thanks to funding from the SSHRC Canada, J. R. Smallwood Foundation, ISER, and the Provincial Archaeology Office, Newfoundland and Labrador. Special thanks to Peter Pope and Barry Gaulton for access to archaeological collections, and to the Canadian Museum of Nature for access to their reference collection. Thank you to Peter Pope, Shannon Lewis-Simpson and our anonymous reviewer for their helpful comments.

notes 1 Pope 2008, 2–6. 2 The Ferryland excavation (CgAf-02) is part of the

Colony of Avalon research project, co-directed by James A. Tuck and Barry Gaulton. This project has uncovered many structures associated with the 17th-century settlement (Gaulton & Tuck 2003). The French fishing station Champ Paya was excavated as the archaeological site Dos de Cheval (EfAx-09), as part of Peter Pope’s An Archaeology of the Petit Nord project, which focuses on the French presence on the Great Northern Peninsula, 1500–1900.

3 Gaulton & Tuck 2003; Tourigny 2009; Tuck, this volume.

4 Williams 1987. 5 Gaulton & Tuck 2003. 6 Alexander 1625; Powell, 1622; Wynne 1622. 7 Wyborne 1676; Poole 1677. 8 Hodgetts 2006 is a previous study of the

zooarchaeology of three domestic assemblages and one privy deposit in Ferryland.

9 Hodgetts 2006. 10 Tourigny 2009. 11 Hodgetts 2006.

12 Tourigny 2009, 154. 13 Tourigny 2009. 14 Hodgetts 2006. 15 Pope 2008, 4. 16 Hiller 1996, 1–23. 17 La Morandière 1962, 77–81; Turgeon & Dickner

1990. An example of regional variation is that the Bretons used butter, and the Basques olive oil.

18 Denys 1672, 175–6. 19 Désury 1851. 20 La Morandière 1962. 21 La Morandière 1962. 22 Denys 1672, 171. 23 Carpon 1852; Denys 1672. 24 Lescarbot 1617. 25 Carpon 1852, 62–3. 26 Noël 2010. 27 Ervynck et al. 2003, 429. 28 Veen 2003, 407. 29 Ervynck et al. 2003, 431–3. 30 Hodgetts 2006, 135. 31 Pope 2004, 263–4. 32 Veen 2003, 408, 420.

21.indd 243 01/05/2013 14:02


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