Spolia in the fourth-century basilica

Old Saint Peter’s, Rome

Edited by rosamond mckitterick,john osborne, carol m. richardson andjoanna story

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Old Saint Peter’s, Rome / edited by Rosamond McKitterick, John Osborne,

Carol M. Richardson and Joanna Story.

pages cm – (British School at Rome studies)

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 978-1-107-04164-6 (hardback)

1. Basilica di San Pietro in Vaticano – History. 2. Vatican City – Antiquities. 3. Vatican City –

Buildings, structures, etc. 4. Church architecture – Vatican City. 5. Church history – Middle

Ages, 600–1500. I. McKitterick, Rosamond, 1949– author, editor of compilation. II. Osborne,

John, 1951– author, editor of compilation. III. Richardson, Carol M., 1969– author, editor of

compilation. IV. Story, Joanna, 1970– author, editor of compilation.

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3 Spolia in the fourth-century basilica

lex bosman

N

0 5 15 m

Africano

Porta Argentea

Narthex

Atrium

Portasanta

Cipollino

Cipollino

Cipollino

White granite

White granite

White granite

Nave

Transept

Red granite

Fig. 3.1. Location of

the features mentioned

in Chapter 3.

The interpretative possibilities of spolia in architec-

ture since Late Antiquity have been especially recog-

nized in the past few decades. A wealth of literature

has been produced on the topic of spolia in general,

studies ranging from the earliest uses of spolia to

the latest in the twentieth century, and from detailed

analyses to broad surveys explaining its uses. From a

word that was used to indicate the supposed neces-

sity of reusing older materials because economic

and cultural decline had made new materials unob-

tainable, the notion of spolia has become a respected

and highly informative element in scholarly litera-

ture on architecture of Late Antiquity, the Middle

Ages, the Renaissance and well beyond. But, for

many centuries, no single word existed to indicate

the specificity of reused architectural elements and

sculpture.

It is only since the early sixteenth century that

the word spolia has been used to describe recycled

architectural elements that are visibly recognizable

as such; the word was apparently used to distinguish

such elements from new material.1 In a very inter-

esting text dating from the first quarter of the six-

teenth century most of the important monuments

of Rome are described rather briefly, as in the case

of San Giovanni in Laterano: ‘Andate a santo Ianni

laterano; et tutto de spoglie’ (‘Go to Saint John in

1 A. Esch, ‘Spolien. Zur Wiederverwendung antiker Baustucke und Skulpturen immittelalterlichen Italien’, Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte 51 (1969), 1–62; D. Kinney, ‘Rape orrestitution of the past? Interpreting spolia’, in S. C. Scott (ed.), The Art of Interpreting (UniversityPark, PA, 1995), 53–67; D. Kinney, ‘Roman architectural spolia’, Proceedings of the AmericanPhilosophical Society 145 (2001), 139–61; D. Kinney, ‘The concept of spolia’, in C. Rudolph(ed.), A Companion to Medieval Art: Romanesque and Gothic in Northern Europe (Oxford andMalden, MA, 2006), 233–52. 65

66 lex bosman

the Lateran; it is completely built with spolia’). Obviously the author was

not impressed with this important church for he only mentions two of

the bronze columns before moving on.2 The building with which this text

opens, however, is Saint Peter’s in the Vatican, which is given rather more

attention than most other cases. The opening sentence reads as follows: ‘In

Saint Peter’s one should pay attention to the greatness of the church which

was completely made of spolia, and it was constructed after the glorious

period of great architects; nonetheless one can see beautiful columns with

Corinthian capitals’.3 (Fig.3.1.)

In the same period, that is, a few years before 1520, Raphael and Baldassare

Castiglione famously wrote to Pope Leo X. Their letter offers an interesting

programme for the documentation of antique architecture and monuments

in Rome. In this text the word spolia is used in the same way as in the

anonymous text, notably in the description of the Arch of Constantine.

The architecture of the arch was judged overall to be a good composition

and well executed, but the sculptures were assessed rather differently. Those

sculptures dating from the time of Constantine were considered to be both

poorly executed and poorly designed. The ‘spoglie di Traiano e di Antonin

Pio’ on the other hand were praised as ‘excellentissime e di perfetta maniera’.4

The fact that the word spoglie occurs in this text points to a specific awareness

of the reuse of material from older buildings and sculptures. But, of course,

an application of such architectural elements is itself much older than the

sixteenth century. Significantly, neither the anonymous text of the early

sixteenth century, nor Raphael and Castiglione are negative about the use of

spolia as such. The sharply critical remarks about the Constantinian relief

sculpture concern the composition and the artistic execution, not the fact

that part of the material was reused and evidently originated from a period

before the construction of the arch itself. These are specific points of interest

that we should be aware of when studying the use of spolia in buildings and

monuments pre-dating 1500.

A number of important questions are raised by the spolia apparently

incorporated into the Early Christian basilica of Saint Peter. First of all,

2 A. Fantozzi (ed.), Nota d’anticaglie et spoglie et cose maravigliose et grande sono nella cipta deRoma da vederle volentieri (Rome, 1994), 24.

3 Fantozzi, Nota d’anticaglie (above, n. 2), 15 (trans. Bosman): ‘A santo Pietro in Roma ponetemente a la grandezza della chiesa fatta tutta de spoglie, et fu fatta in tempo che era passata lachaldezza de’ mirabili architetti, non de meno vedrete colonne bellissime con chapiteglichorinti’.

4 F. P. di Teodoro, Raffaello, Baldassar Castiglione e la Lettera a Leone X con l’aggiunta di due saggiraffaelleschi (Bologna, 2003), 82. A good translation of this text is provided by V. Hart and P.Hicks (eds.), Palladio’s Rome (New Haven and London, 2006), 177–92, this passage p. 183.

Spolia in the fourth-century basilica 67

can it be established that spolia was actually used in the basilica? If so, is

it possible to determine why spolia was used instead of new, previously

unused, material? Was there a distinction in the first half of the fourth

century between the use of new material and the use of spolia? If there

was such a distinction, does the choice of spolia instead of new material

indicate a preference for one or the other? Further, if spolia was used, did

it matter to anybody that no new material was used? How would we know

this? Therefore, can specific meanings be read into the use of spolia at Saint

Peter’s?

The fourth-century basilica incorporated several important features that

are symptomatic of the architecture of Late Antiquity in general, but there

is a limit to how certain we can be of the details: although the original plan

of Old Saint Peter’s is generally agreed upon by scholars, the height and vol-

ume of the transept, for example, has proved especially difficult to establish.5

Since no contemporary written sources exist to inform us about the nature

of the building materials that were used in the fourth century, we have to rely

on later evidence, including written descriptions, drawings and measure-

ments. We know that the main elements in the architecture of this massive

basilica – its nave and four aisles with a transept to the west terminating in

an apse – were the columns (Figs. 3.1 and 3.2). The anonymous text from

the early sixteenth century is very probably the first to mention the spolia in

Saint Peter’s. After that other sixteenth-century authors, among them Fra

Mariano from Florence and Giorgio Vasari, labelled the columns as spolia.6

In 1588 Pompeo Ugonio referred to the original ‘cento superbe colonne’,

when forty of these original hundred columns could still be admired in the

existing eastern part of the old basilica.7 In modern scholarly literature the

identification of the columns as spolia has been accepted widely, based on

the fact that there were no uniform rows of columns of the same material

in the basilica. Instead, they were a vari-coloured group of column shafts.

This labelling of the columns as spolia is very interesting because it seems

to imply that the ideal for such a colonnade in Late Antiquity would have

been rows of columns of the same material. It remains to be seen if that was

really the case.

Several years ago I studied the material of the columns of Old Saint Peter’s

and concluded that indeed most, but certainly not all, of the columns of the

5 CBCR, V, 165–279; A. Arbeiter, Alt-St. Peter in Geschichte und Wissenschaft. Abfolge der Bauten.Rekonstruktion. Architekturprogramm (Berlin, 1988).

6 L. Bosman, The Power of Tradition: Spolia in the Architecture of Saint Peter’s in the Vatican(Hilversum, 2004), 29, 38–9.

7 P. Ugonio, Historia delle stationi di Roma che si celebrano la quadragesima (Rome, 1588), fol. 90v.

68 lex bosman

Fig. 3.2. Old Saint Peter’s, axonometric reconstruction. From Brandenburg, Ancient

Churches of Rome, fig. 9.

nave could be called spolia.8 Different kinds of coloured marbles and granites

were deployed in the colonnade of the nave, where columns of various

varieties of stone were organized in pairs.9 Upon entering the basilica the

first pair of columns was of africano marble, one of the rarest kinds of marble

in the Roman Empire (Figs. 3.1 and 3.3, Plate 2). From east to west the other

column shafts were made of such striking materials as portasanta, cipollino

and different varieties of red and white granite. Two things persuaded me

that at least some of these columns had not been used before they were

placed in Saint Peter’s in the fourth century, however. One is the column

base that is still in its original position, visible today in the grotte underneath

8 Bosman, Power of Tradition (above, n. 6), 19–56.9 Friedrich Wilhelm Deichmann was the first to point out the use of column shafts and capitals

in pairs, see F. W. Deichmann, ‘Saule und Ordnung in der fruhchristlichen Architektur’,Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts. Romische Abteilung 55 (1940), 130; F. W.Deichmann, Die Spolien in der Spatantiken Architektur (Munich, 1975), 91–2. On other spolia inSaint Peter’s, cf. D. Kinney, ‘Spolia’, in W. Tronzo (ed.), Saint Peter’s in the Vatican (Cambridge,2005), 16–47.


Fig. 3.3. Old Saint Peter’s, longitudinal section looking north, with columns and their

material. From Bosman, Power of Tradition (above, n. 6), fig. 10.

Saint Peter’s (Fig. 3.4). This crude-looking base was interpreted by Richard

Krautheimer and others as a sign of the poor craftsmanship in the time of

Constantine.10 This base, however, had never been finished: it looks exactly

like other column shafts, capitals and bases delivered from the quarries.

These were delivered in an unfinished state so that they could be finished as

necessary for specific projects. Such architectural elements were supplied in

very large quantities, and stockpiled in Ostia and Portus, as well as in Rome

itself and elsewhere. Semi-finished bases can still be found in various places

in Italy, including Rome, for example near the Baths of Diocletian.11

In the sixteenth century most of the column shafts of Old Saint Peter’s

were drawn and measured, notably by Baldassare Peruzzi and Antonio da

Sangallo il Giovane in the course of their work on building new Saint Peter’s.

They recorded that five of these column shafts had lengths of more than

30 feet, the height of the majority of the columns.12 When in the Roman

10 CBCR, V, 203–5.11 Also, for example, in Carrara in the garden of the Museo Civico del Marmo. See M. De Nuccio

and L. Ungaro (eds.), I marmi colorati della Roma imperiale (exhibition catalogue) (Rome,2002), 517–20, 536, cat. 269–72, 298.

12 On the dimensions and proportions of columns in Early Christian churches in Rome,including Saint Peter’s and San Giovanni in Laterano, see P. Barresi, P. Pensabene and D.

70 lex bosman

Fig. 3.4. Saint Peter’s, grotte. An Early Christian column base between the nave and

inner side aisle, north side.

Empire a shaft of 30 Roman feet (8.92 m) was delivered from the quarry

it was left slightly longer, in order to allow for a specific finish when it was

actually used.13 Thus it is unusual to find used column shafts that are still

taller than the intended measure, in this case 30 Roman feet. In other words,

if a shaft is longer than 30 feet it is unlikely to have been used previously.

Still another interesting element supports the idea that at least part of the

material in Old Saint Peter’s had not been used before. Column shafts were

transported from their original quarry to Italy in an equally semi-finished

state, allowing for an accurate finish once they were actually used. In an

unused marble column which has survived in Ostia horizontal lines are

clearly visible. Similar, albeit rather less visible, horizontal lines can be seen

on an unfinished granite column in the Baths of Caracalla. Between the

Trucch, ‘Materiali di reimpiego e progettazione nell’architettura delle chiese paleocristiane diRoma’, in Ecclesiae Urbis. Atti del congresso internazionale di studi sulle chiese di Roma (IV–Xsecolo). Roma, 4–10 settembre 2000, II (Vatican City, 2002), 799–842.

13 On the measurements in Saint Peter’s by Peruzzi and Sangallo see Bosman, Power of Tradition(above, n. 6), 30–4, 40–1. On the way column shafts were produced, see M. Wilson Jones,Principles of Roman Architecture (New Haven and London, 2000), 130–1, 155.


Fig. 3.5. Saint Peter’s, aedicula with granite

columns, showing horizontal lines.

horizontal lines the surface of the shaft had yet to be finished, which never

happened in the case of either of these examples. These horizontal lines, at

regular distances from the top to the bottom of the column shaft, point to a

feature that is present in eleven of the granite columns that were originally

used in Old Saint Peter’s and that were redeployed in the new basilica

(Fig. 3.5, Plate 3). The darker horizontal lines on these columns may well

be the result of influences of weather and light, when these semi-finished

shafts were stockpiled for any number of years in the period preceding their

eventual use.14 They were finally finished in order to be used for the first

time in Old Saint Peter’s. Since they have been inside the Early Christian

14 The horizontal lines or marks on the granite column shafts in Saint Peter’s were discussed forthe first time in Bosman, Power of Tradition (above, n. 6), 41–3. For the column shafts in Ostiaand in the Terme di Caracalla see P. Pensabene, ‘Sulla tecnica di lavorazione delle colonne inmarmo proconnesio del portico in Summa Cavea del Colosseo’, in P. Pensabene (ed.), Marmiantichi, II. Cave e tecnica di lavorazione, provenienze e distribuzione (Rome, 1998), 299; DeNuccio and Ungaro (eds.), I marmi colorati (above, n. 11), cat. 298. See also G. Ponti, ‘Tecniche

72 lex bosman

basilica and its successor from the 320s to the present, and therefore never

exposed to the elements, the discoloured horizontal lines are still visible:

weathering would have caused the granite column shafts to fade to an even

colour over the years.

All these considerations indicate that at least some of the original forty-

four columns in the nave were not spolia when they were used in the Early

Christian basilica of Saint Peter’s, since these sixteen shafts – five of them

more than 30 feet tall and eleven bearing horizontal marks – were apparently

used for the first time. It can be assumed that the other twenty-eight nave

columns were in fact spolia, which means that previously unused column

shafts and spolia-column shafts were mixed together in the nave when the

basilica was built. Equally important is the notion that new material (from

stockpiles) was used as well, albeit not always properly finished.

Whether or not the craft-skills necessary to cut a good profile on the base

mentioned above (Fig. 3.4) were unavailable in the first quarter of the fourth

century will not be discussed here in detail, although such an assumption

seems unrealistic in the light of all the building activity in Rome in the

period of Maxentius and Constantine.15 All the same, in the literature the

evidence mentioned thus far has given rise to far-reaching theories about

the use of spolia in this era and its significance. Deichmann disagreed with

the interpretation by Krautheimer of certain examples of spolia use in the

fifth century as a way to produce some kind of classicism. Krautheimer

interpreted certain applications of spolia in the fifth century as a form of

classicism that represented continuity: for him the classical era of Roman

architecture remained both a landmark and a major point of reference for

subsequent periods. According to Deichmann, however, the use of spolia

represented change. It sprang from a new aesthetic that was not so much

the result of an attempt to revitalize the classical era as an attempt to look

di estrazione e di lavorazione delle colonne monolitiche di granito troadense’, in De Nuccioand Ungaro (eds.), I marmi colorati (above, n. 11), 291–5.

15 F. W. Deichmann, ‘Die Architektur des Konstantinischen Zeitalters’, in Rom, Ravenna,Konstantinopel, Naher Osten. Gesammelte Studien zur spatantiken Architektur, Kunst undGeschichte (Wiesbaden, 1982), 112–15, 124–5; J. R. Curran, Pagan City and Christian Capital:Rome in the Fourth Century (Oxford, 2000), 76–90; H. Brandenburg, Die FruhchristlichenKirchen Roms vom 4. bis zum 7. Jahrhundert. Der Beginn der Abendlandischen Kirchenbaukunst(Regensburg, 2004), 16–18; E. Marlowe, ‘That Customary Magnificence which is your Due’:Constantine and the Symbolic Capital of Rome (Ann Arbor, MI, 2004); M. J. Johnson,‘Architecture of empire’, in N. Lenski (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Age ofConstantine (second edition, Cambridge, 2012), 278–97; S. de Blaauw, ‘Konstantin alsKirchenstifter’, in A. Demandt and J. Engemann (eds.), Konstantin der Grosse: Geschichte,Archaologie, Rezeption. Internationales Kolloquium vom 10.–15. Oktober 2005 an der UniversitatTrier (Trier, 2006), 163–71.


forward and use elements of the past to create an architecture both different

and new. Other scholars have pursued this line of thought. Beat Brenk,

for example, elaborated this hypothesis of a new aesthetic and introduced

the concept of varietas in late antique architecture to explain the use of

spolia. According to this somewhat ill-defined notion, an increasing lack of

new material supposedly led to the desirability and even necessity of using

spolia.16 This building method, adopted by the builders for both practical

and ideological reasons, was a new late antique way of using vari-coloured

materials together in one building. Other scholars, such as Lindros Wohl,

Anguissola and Fabricius Hansen developed arguments on similar lines.17

What may have been overlooked in theories like these is the abundance of

semi-finished granite and marble building elements like capitals, bases and

columns, as well as large blocks of different kinds of marble. In the first and

second centuries enormous quantities of these materials had been imported

from different regions in the Mediterranean, such as Egypt, Greece, the

Aegean islands and north Africa.18 The use of a variety of coloured marble

had increased since the first century and it is very likely to have been used,

to mention just one example, in the Basilica Ulpia. That the importation of

building materials with different colours peaked in the third century and

subsequently declined cannot be gainsaid, nor should the increasingly diffi-

cult economic situation in the Roman Empire in general be contested. How-

ever, the building activities that developed during the reigns of Maxentius

and, from 312 onwards, Constantine are not suggestive of the architecture of

poverty-stricken emperors. Funds, although probably more limited than in

the second and third centuries, were by no means lacking for those who had

16 B. Brenk, ‘Spolia from Constantine to Charlemagne: aesthetics versus ideology’, DumbartonOaks Papers 41 (1987), 103–9; B. Brenk, ‘Spolien und ihre Wirkung auf die Asthetik dervarietas. Zum Problem alternierender Kapitelltypen’, in J. Poeschke (ed.), Antike Spolien in derArchitektur des Mittelalters und der Renaissance (Munich, 1996), 49–92; Marlowe, ‘ThatCustomary Magnificence which is your Due’ (above, n. 15), 228. See also the critical reaction inR. Coates-Stephens, ‘Attitudes to spolia in some late antique texts’, in L. Lavan and W. Bowden(eds.), Theory and Practice in Late Antique Archaeology (Leiden and Boston, 2003), 341–58.

17 B. Lindros Wohl, ‘Constantine’s use of spolia’, in J. Fleischer, J. Lund and M. Nielsen (eds.),Late Antiquity: Art in Context. Acta Hyperborea. Danish Studies in Classical Archaeology(Copenhagen, 2001), 85–115; A. Anguissola, ‘Note alla legislazione su spoglio e reimpiego dimateriali da costruzione ed arredi architettonici, I sec. a.C.–VI. sec. d.C.’, in W. Cupperi (ed.),Senso delle rovine e riuso dell’antico (Pisa, 2002), 13–29; M. Fabricius Hansen, The Eloquence ofAppropriation: Prolegomena to an Understanding of Spolia in Early Christian Rome (Rome,2003).

18 J. C. Fant, ‘The Roman imperial marble yard at Portus’, in M. Waelkens, N. Herz and L. Moens(eds.), Ancient Stones: Quarrying, Trade and Provenance (Leuven, 1992), 116–17; M.Maischberger, Marmor in Rom. Anlieferung, Lager- und Werkplatze in der Kaiserzeit(Wiesbaden, 1997), 24–5, 159.

74 lex bosman

attained the heights of power in the Roman Empire.19 Although the costly

production of the luxurious categories of granite and coloured marble in

different parts of the Mediterranean and its transportation to Rome had

already been abandoned long before Constantine was born, this does not

mean that such materials were unavailable. One of the surprising elements

of late antique architecture may be that, even though, in general terms, new

building material was harder to come by, its lack did not constrain those of

the highest rank, probably because there were stockpiled materials waiting

to be used. In other words, new material in the days of Constantine – that

is, coloured marbles and granites – would of course refer to material that

was imported in the second and third centuries, which was warehoused or

stockpiled for later use.

Such considerations should make us cautious when we try to evaluate

and interpret the buildings of the first quarter of the fourth century and the

different kinds of stone that were employed to shape them. It may be helpful,

therefore, to compare the architecture of Saint Peter’s with the most obvious

other monuments of that time, and analyse the way spolia was used in these

buildings as well. Two of the most appropriate monuments are the Basilica

Constantiniana and the Arch of Constantine, since they offer interesting

and important comparative material. The initial stages of the planning and

construction of all three buildings can be safely placed in a time-frame of

no more than fifteen years. Of these three structures the church building

for the bishop of Rome, the Basilica Constantiniana – later known as the

Basilica Salvatoris and later still as San Giovanni in Laterano – was the first

to have been built. Most probably begun shortly after Constantine’s victory

over Maxentius on 28 October 312, the construction of this large basilica

was followed in 315 by the Arch of Constantine. In the Basilica Salvatoris

two rows of nineteen columns each separated the nave from the inner aisles.

Most likely these columns were of red granite, while the inner and the outer

aisles were connected by rows of twenty-two columns of the green verde

antico marble. Moreover, it is highly probable that four column shafts of

the yellow giallo antico marble were used in the continuation of the arcades

between the inner and the outer aisles.20 Of the red granite columns only

two have survived, reused to support the triumphal arch, and a fragment

19 See R. Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a City, 312–1308 (Princeton, 1980), 28–31; de Blaauw,‘Konstantin als Kirchenstifter’ (above, n. 15).

20 See L. Bosman, ‘Constantine’s spolia: a set of columns for San Giovanni in Laterano and theArch of Constantine in Rome’, in prep. On the architecture of San Giovanni in Laterano seeCBCR, V, 1–92; Blaauw, CD, 109–60; Brandenburg, Die Fruhchristlichen Kirchen (above, n. 15),20–37.


of another column shaft of red granite is kept in the archaeological area

underneath San Giovanni. Of the green marble columns quite a few are still

visible in the apostle niches in the current basilica, where they were placed

in the course of the far-reaching remodelling undertaken by Borromini

for Pope Innocent X. Whereas these green columns have a shaft length of

12 Roman feet (3.50 m), the much taller red granite columns are 32 feet

long (9.52 m). The former is a standard length, while the latter may point

to a specific commission. The four yellow marble column shafts possess

a shaft length of 24 Roman feet, or 7.14 m. Thus it is very difficult to

state whether or not all these shafts were spolia columns. I am inclined to

consider the forty-two green columns as previously unused, whereas the

four yellow marble columns are most probably spolia, and the thirty-eight

red granite shafts may have been either new or reused. The colourful interior

that we encountered in Saint Peter’s had also been a noteworthy feature of

San Giovanni, albeit in a different form. In other words, no indication can

be found here to favour the interpretation that a deliberate choice to use

spolia instead of new material was made. Another choice seems to have

taken precedence, that is, to make the interior of San Giovanni in Laterano

express the importance of the building and its imperial patron. It seems fair

to say that the overall impression may have taken precedence over specific

details. This may also have resulted in the use of various kinds of capitals,

with the possible differences in them being taken for granted, although any

evidence for a reconstruction of the capitals is inconclusive on this point.

The arch offered to Constantine at the occasion of his decennalia in 315

is not obviously a monument made up of left-over elements, even though

to a very large degree it was constructed of various kinds of spolia. The

entire design may have been based very carefully on the Arch of Septimius

Severus, from which also the length of the column shafts it incorporates was

copied: 24 Roman feet or 7.14 m.21 The materials that were applied on the

Arch of Constantine were also colourful, even though today it is difficult to

discern those colours due to weathering: the eight column shafts are of the

21 P. Pensabene and C. Panella, ‘Reimpiego e progettazione architettonica nei monumentitardo-antichi di Roma’, Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia 66(1993–4), 111–283; P. Pensabene, ‘Progetto unitario e reimpiego nell’arco di Costantino’, inP. Pensabene and C. Panella (eds.), Arco di Costantino. Tra archeologia e archeometria (Rome,1999), 17, 28–31; M. Wilson Jones, ‘Genesis and mimesis: the design of the Arch ofConstantine in Rome’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 59 (2000), 50–77;P. Cicerchia, ‘L’analisi metrologica’, in Adriano. Architettura e progetto (exhibition catalogue,Tivoli) (Milan, 2000), 131–5; P. Cicerchia, ‘Considerazioni metrologiche sull’arco’, inM. L. Conforto, A. Melucco Vaccaro, P. Cicerchia, G. Calcani and A. M. Ferroni (eds.), Adrianoe Costantino. Le due fasi dell’arco nella valle del Colosseo (Milan, 2001), 61–77.

76 lex bosman

yellow giallo antico marble – apart from one that has been replaced later by

a shaft of pavonazetto – and the pedestals are made of the green cipollino, on

which the pavonazetto statues of prisoners are standing. Green and purple

porphyry were also used, along with several kinds of white marble.

It seems reasonable to assume that, as for the large San Giovanni in

Laterano – the first newly built church for the bishop and the Christian

community of Rome – so for the even larger basilica to commemorate the

apostle Peter, as well as for the monument to honour Constantine’s first

decade in power, calculated choices were made with respect to the design

and the materials. These choices obviously had to reflect the high level of the

patronage of all three structures. Neither the first Christian emperor, nor

the Christian god, would be honoured by creating a building that visibly

was assembled from the ruins of other monuments. In other words, care

had to be taken to create spaces and monuments that were appropriate for

their specific functions. The high and very prestigious level of these building

commissions was amply reflected in the use of rich and colourful material

for the interior, both for the structural elements such as columns and for

the walls and pavement. Parts of the ceiling above the high altar were also

gilded, another aspect of this deployment of rich materials.22

Constantine was the emperor honoured in the arch which was raised for

him, but in the same period it might be problematic to call him the patron

of the two churches, as distinct from acting as the benefactor of these two

large Christian basilicas.23 On the other hand, the Basilica Salvatoris was

originally known as the Basilica Constantiniana, which may, of course, be

accepted as a positive and unambiguous indication of his role as patron of

that basilica. The quality of the building materials used in all three cases was

closely linked to Constantine’s imperial status. In addition, the remarkable

richness of Rome’s architecture before the fourth century was as yet by

no means diminished, nor had the buildings begun to fall down, so the

availability of any ruins that did exist as potential quarries for building

material was probably limited. Stone could not just be taken by anyone who

fancied it as building material. In this light a few remarks about the way

legislation reflects something about the attitude towards spolia are pertinent.

22 Bosman, Power of Tradition (above, n. 6), 52–6, 141–2; H. Brandenburg, ‘Prachtentfaltung undMonumentalitat als Bauaufgaben fruhchristlicher Kirchenbaukunst’, in J. Gebauer, E. Grabow,F. Junger and D. Metzler (eds.), Bildergeschichte. Festschrift Klaus Stahler (Mohnesee, 2004),59–76; H. Geertman, ‘Il fastigium lateranense e l’arredo presbiteriale: una lunga storia’, in H.Geertman, Hic fecit basilicam. Studi sul ‘Liber Pontificalis’ e gli edifici ecclesiastici di Roma daSilvestro a Silverio (Leuven, 2004), 137–41.

23 See Gem, this volume, 35–64.


The use of spolia was apparently already becoming more general during

the reign of Constantine, and during the course of the fourth century laws

and regulations point to interesting attitudes towards the material remains

of classical Rome. Confronted with the continuous process of decay of the

city, the buildings and their decorations were increasingly considered as

belonging to the integral image of the city, and as such had to be preserved

and maintained in a proper manner. A revealing law issued by Constan-

tine in 321, for instance, forbids citizens to take away marble elements and

columns from buildings in the city to transport them to their possessions

in the country. This apparent tendency threatened to damage the city of

Rome and its respected image. On the other hand, an apparent scarcity of

building materials and/or the means to obtain luxurious marbles tempted

many citizens to remove usable and costly architectural materials and

decoration from other buildings. Several laws in the Codex Theodosianus of

357 and of around 362 testify to this attitude. For the repair and rebuilding

of both public and private buildings, provision was made for the use of

elements of buildings that already were in ruins, to halt the demolition of

still-standing buildings so that their best marble and decoration could be

recycled. Towards the end of the fourth century this tendency to regulate

the use of spolia increased. When in the second half of the fourth century

the availability of building materials apparently worsened and new became

increasingly hard to find, it was necessary to allow buildings to be demol-

ished to provide otherwise unavailable material for new structures. This

involved coloured marbles and granites, not only for columns and capitals

but also for floors. The evidence both from legislative material and from

still existing buildings seems to make such an interpretation inescapable.24

What we can learn from this is that at least there was an awareness of the

potential of spolia, but not much more than that. One obvious possibility

is that there was an element of aesthetic judgement involved, that is, peo-

ple used spolia because they liked the material. The availability of suitable

material also may have played a role, that is, such material could not be

obtained in any other way. This does not mean that people preferred either

spolia or new material. Spolia, in short, was an additionally available rather

than a substitute building resource.

The difference of opinion between Krautheimer and Deichmann that was

discussed above was fuelled by assumptions about the status of architectural

‘style’ as a driving force for practical decisions. Whereas Krautheimer saw a

24 J. Alchermes, ‘Spolia in Roman cities of the late Empire: legislative rationales and architecturalreuse’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 48 (1994), 167–78; Anguissola, ‘Note alla legislazione’ (above,n. 17).

78 lex bosman

return to classicist architecture in the fifth century, Deichmann highlighted

the break with classical rules and the purity of architectural style, which

in his opinion was an inevitable result of the use of spolia.25 Again I must

reiterate that the use of colourful material was not a new way of building; it

had already existed for well over a century. Coloured marbles and granites

were used from Augustan times onwards, with such rich examples as the

Forum of Augustus and the Temple of Apollo Sosiano, the Forum of Trajan

and the Basilica Ulpia. One might observe that the tendency to use spolia

in late antique architecture was increasing, but the phenomenon as such

is by no means late antique or even distinctively Christian. At the same

time, however, it seems likely that at least part of the material that is usually

referred to as spolia was in fact new and had never been used before, as I

argued for San Giovanni in Laterano and Saint Peter’s. When spolia was

carefully selected and used in such designs for monuments of the highest

imperial and religious level, it is impossible to ignore it. Conversely, the often

supposed preference of overtly displaying spolia as part of a ‘new aesthetic’

seems unlikely. Several authors have tried to resolve this problem of how

a presumed lack of new marble and granite, or lack even of the means to

obtain them, could be given a positive ‘spin’ to express new values and a

new, Christian aesthetic. Indeed, with reference to the different kinds of

coloured marble and granite in Saint Peter’s, Lindros Wohl remarked: ‘The

necessity of this mixture, dependent on uneven availability of marble, was

apparently turned into a virtue by the late antique users of spolia’.26

The implication is that by the time of the construction of San Giovanni

in Laterano more or less the last sets of columns of the same material

and of equal proportion had been used up – the thirty-eight red granite

columns, the forty-two green marble columns and probably four yellow

marble columns as well – leaving the builders of the basilica for the sepulchre

of the apostle Peter no other choice than to hunt for column pairs, as a result

of which the nave was filled with a colourful colonnade. In the light of the

involvement of the Emperor Constantine and given the importance of both

basilicas I would find it very hard to believe that this would offer a realistic

reconstruction of the building process of these churches.

In conclusion, therefore, three elements that have been used and progres-

sively refined in the scholarly debate since Deichmann’s work was published

25 Deichmann, ‘Saule und Ordnung’ (above, n. 9), 119–26, 130; Deichmann, ‘Die Architektur’(above, n. 15), 117–18; R. Krautheimer, ‘The architecture of Sixtus III: a fifth-centuryrenascence?’, in M. Meiss (ed.), Essays in Honor of Erwin Panofsky, 2 vols. (De Artibus Opuscula40) (New York, 1961), I, 291–302; Krautheimer, Rome (above, n. 19), 45–54.

26 Lindros Wohl, ‘Constantine’s use of spolia’ (above, n. 17), 95.


no longer seem to be as persuasive as they once were. First of all, the use

of coloured marble and granite had already started in the first century and

gradually became more and more visible throughout Rome. For instance,

in the ambitious building projects of Emperor Trajan in the second century

the rich and colourful kinds of marble and granite (pavonazetto, giallo antico

and other kinds) may very well have been intended to emulate the prestige

of the nearby Forum of Augustus. Thus the use of these rich materials in

the first quarter of the fourth century did not mark a real break with tra-

dition, nor should it be considered as the announcement of a new era. The

use of spolia was not a new phenomenon in the time of Constantine but

existed well before he manoeuvred himself into the centre of power. During

the late third and early fourth centuries an increasing use of spolia can be

traced, however. It is impossible, moreover, to distinguish between the use

of multicoloured new building materials and variants that happened to be

spolia. This weakens the theory that spolia was used above all to convey a

specific Christian message.27 The examples of the churches of San Giovanni

in Laterano and Saint Peter’s, and of the Arch of Constantine, do not show

mutual differences in the way spolia was used, which also weakens the notion

of the new, Christian, meaning of the use of spolia in Late Antiquity. As I

stressed earlier, we have no means of ascertaining whether the use of spolia

together with new building and decorative material was acknowledged at

all, or whether it mattered to anybody in the first thirty years of the fourth

century. In any case, the basilica as a type of building was not chosen from

a range of typological alternatives when the plans to build San Giovanni in

Laterano and Saint Peter’s were first developed and discussed. A basilica was

simply a type of building that had already been used for centuries to accom-

modate large groups of people gathered together.28 It was only natural to

continue along well-established lines as much as possible, and thus also to

make a connection with traditional aspects of Roman architecture. Rather

than the creation of a supposedly new and Christian language in architec-

ture, continuity in predominant elements of architecture was crucial, both

in the typological features of the basilica and in the use of rich and striking

materials.

Since, in the first quarter of the fourth century the use of spolia was

not a new phenomenon, it is more than likely that the difference between

the two alternatives of new, never before used, material and spolia was not

acknowledged as an important element at all. The richness of the material

27 Coates-Stephens, ‘Attitudes to spolia’ (above, n. 16), 342–4.28 Deichmann, ‘Die Architektur’ (above, n. 15), 112–25.

80 lex bosman

was by far the most important consideration during the process of design

and construction, not the question of whether the material was brand new

or recycled.29 The decision to use spolia in some cases was not determined

by a shortage of materials or a wish to save money, though the economic

situation in the Mediterranean region more generally in the fourth century

may have contributed to an increasing use of spolia. The colourful, rich

and striking architecture created in this period was meant to impress all

who saw it, and to express the highest level of architectural commissions.

It was entirely in keeping with the monumental display and representation

of earlier emperors. These remarkable buildings were a way of connecting

with the past, rather than deliberately breaking away from it.

29 See D. Kinney, ‘Bearers of meaning’, Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum 50 (2007), 139–53.

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Plate 3. Saint Peter’s, aedicula with granite columns,

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