Special Political and Decolonization Committee (SPECPOL) Study Guide
Special Political and Decolonization Committee (SPECPOL)
Study Guide
© London International Model United Nations 2015 LIMUN | Charity No. 1096197 www.limun.org.uk
Table of Contents Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................... 2
Welcome Letter ............................................................................................................................ 3
Introduction to SPECPOL ............................................................................................................... 4
Topic A: Ensuring the safe removal of remaining Unexploded Ordnance (UXO) in former Conflict Zones ............................................................................................................................................ 5
History of the Topic ....................................................................................................................... 5 Definitions ............................................................................................................................................. 5 Wars and Former Conflict Zones ............................................................................................................ 5
Current Situation .......................................................................................................................... 7
Case Study: Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Laos) .................................................................... 8
Previous UN Resolutions ............................................................................................................... 8
Actions Taken ............................................................................................................................... 9
Questions a Resolution Should Answer ......................................................................................... 9
Topic B: Resolving the Status of the Temaining Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories ........................... 11
History of the Topic ..................................................................................................................... 11
The Current Situation .................................................................................................................. 13
Case Study: Western Sahara ........................................................................................................ 14
Previous UN Resolutions ............................................................................................................. 16
Actions Taken ............................................................................................................................. 17
Questions a Resolution Should Answer ....................................................................................... 18
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Welcome Letter Dear Delegates,
It’s with great pleasure that I welcome you, on behalf of the SPECPOL chairing team and the LIMUN
Secretariat, to LIMUN 2015. It would of course be impolite to continue without introducing myself
and my co-‐chairs, so I’ll get right to it. I’m Jack Smith, and although I originally come from Canada,
my family now lives in Denmark and I study at Cambridge (I’m midway through my second year of
studying Human, Social and Political Sciences). Having first experienced MUN almost a decade ago
when living in Malaysia, it’s incredible to think of all of the twists and turns along the way which
have brought me to chairing at LIMUN, undoubtedly the highlight of my MUN career so far.
My co-‐chairs are Samar Rizvi and Jonathan ‘Jono’ Hasson. Samar is a first-‐year undergraduate
reading History at LSE. Born in Singapore Indian and British-‐Pakistani origin, he has also lived in
India and London. This will be his twelfth conference and fourth time chairing, having won awards
at Durham and Oxford too. He also enjoys playing guitar, studying language and taking about Indian
politics and once, so I’m told, turned up uninvited to someone’s 100th birthday party. Jono is a
somewhat more enigmatic character than Samar or myself. Having ‘retired’ from Model UN about
five years ago, he is back (for a limited time only!) to chair at LIMUN.
If you have any questions or concerns before the conference, please do not hesitate to contact any
of us. In the meantime, Jono, Samar and myself all look forward to meeting you at the end of
February, and trust that we will all work together extremely well and, most importantly, have
plenty of fun while doing so!
Many thanks,
Jack Smith -‐ Director of SPECPOL
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Introduction to SPECPOL
The Fourth Committee of the UN General Assembly, referred to hereafter as the Special Political
and Decolonization Committee or SPECPOL for short, has a somewhat more fragmented mandate
than other committees of the General Assembly, such as DISEC, ECOFIN, or SOCHUM. The UN itself
describes the committee as concerning itself “with a variety of subjects which include those related
to decolonization, Palestinian refugees and human rights, peacekeeping, mine action, outer space,
public information, atomic radiation and [the] University for Peace [sic]”. In short, SPECPOL covers
both the issue of decolonisation, as suggested by its full name, as well as any other political issues
not directly dealt with by the mandates of any other UN General Assembly committee.
It should also be noted that, as this is a General Assembly committee, all resolutions are non-‐
binding. What this means is that operative clause language which is more indicative of a Security
Council resolution (e.g. ‘Demands’) should not be used, with non-‐binding language (e.g. ‘Urges’,
‘Recommends’) being used instead. This also means that any peacekeeping operations or punitive
measures (such as economic sanctions) cannot directly be authorised by this committee, although
it is within the committee’s power to suggest or recommend that the Security Council take these
actions in a manner stipulated by the committee. It is still acceptable, however, to refer to
resolutions passed previously by non-‐General Assembly committees (including the Security Council)
in the perambulatory clauses of a resolution.
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Topic A: Ensuring the safe removal of remaining Unexploded Ordnance (UXO) in former Conflict Zones
History of the Topic
Definitions UXO is a general term used by the United Nations (UN), Non-‐Governmental Organisations (NGOs),
nation-‐states, and individuals to describe any form of ordnance, mine, or bomb that did not
explode, is active, and has remained in a former conflict-‐zone. As defined by the International Mine
Action Standard (IMAS), UXO is described as “[Explosive Ordinance] that has been primed, fused,
armed or otherwise prepared for use or used. It may have been fired, dropped, launched or
projected yet remains unexploded either through malfunction or design or for any other reason”.
Explosive Remnants of War (ERW) is an umbrella term to denote UXO and Abandoned Explosive
Ordinance (AEO). For the purposes of this discussion and any reference made in any literature
produced, UXO is the prevailing term to describe the topic’s scope. Explosive Ordinance Disposal
(EOD) is defined as “the detection, identification, evaluation, render safe, recovery and disposal of
UXO”. For all further discussion relating to the disposal of UXO, refer to the definition above.
Wars and Former Conflict Zones Since the 1930s UXO have played an increasingly prevalent part of many wars, despite the growing
disapproval of their use due to indiscriminate killing of civilians. “Since the 1960s as many as 110
million mines have been spread throughout the world into an estimated 70 countries. In addition to
antipersonnel mines, submunitions such as bomblets delivered by air or artillery, multipurpose
weapons, and unexploded ordnance should be regarded.”1 Listed below are the major wars and
conflicts that indiscriminately scattered UXO and former conflict zones where UXO are a major
concern:
World War II
Despite having concluded over 70 years ago, remnants of the Second World War in the form of
UXO and munitions can still be found scattered in the fields of the “Western Front” in France and
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Belgium from Allied and Axis forces. There is an annual Iron Harvest of UXO by French and Belgian
farmers. The German Blitz campaign in the United Kingdom was indiscriminate in its dropping of
bombs, and subsequently UXO can still be found in the UK in modern day, with one being found as
recently as this year in Manchester.2 In the final year of the war, the US dropped 200,000 tons of
ordnance on the islands of Japan. Despite significant bomb disposal operations, these UXO still
provide significant risk, exacerbated by the country’s susceptibility to natural disasters, e.g.
earthquakes.
Vietnam War (Vietnam, Lao PDR, Cambodia)
Over the course of the US involvement in the Vietnam War (1955-‐75), the US dropped a variety of
munitions on the territories of Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. In addition to the ground offensive in
which the US was involved in Vietnam, they also engaged in certain operations actively bombing
territories within Cambodia and Laos with the aim of disrupting trade routes to their enemy.
“Between the years 1964 and 1973, the United States flew more than half a million bombing
missions, delivering more than two million tons of explosive ordnance, in an attempt to block the
flow of North Vietnamese arms and troops through Laotian territory.”3 Lao PDR is, per capita, the
most heavily bombed country in history.
1990s: Gulf War, Algerian Civil War, Yugoslav Wars (Iraq, Algeria, Former Yugoslavia)
Iraq suffers from UXO from the First Gulf War, the Iran-‐Iraq War, decades of internal conflict, the
US-‐led intervention in the 21st Century, and most recently from the Islamic State, which has claimed
swathes of Iraq and Syria as a sovereign state. Little is known as to the full extent of the damage or
number of UXO and mines present.4
Algeria was heavily contaminated, and still is to this day, with UXO as a consequence from the
Second World War, the War of Independence from French colonial rule, the Civil War, and
insurgency and sectarian violence in the last two decades. Algeria has made some progress towards
decontamination and eradication of UXO through various treaties, notably the Mine Ban Treaty
that it hosted implementation talks on in Algiers in 2005.
The fall of communism and subsequent melee of wars that broke out in Eastern Europe and the
territory that was formerly known as Yugoslavia was infamous as being Europe’s bloodiest war
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since WWII. Atrocities were committed on all sides, including the laying of anti-‐personnel
landmines, and the dropping of ordinance on conflict and civilian areas. The repercussions of the
conflict are still felt to this day.
21st Century (Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon, Israel/Palestine)
The US-‐led invasion of Iraq in 2003 and subsequent conflict; the NATO-‐led invasion of Afghanistan,
formally ending this year; the 2006 Israel-‐Lebanon war which left UXO scattered along Lebanon’s
southern border; various skirmishes and wars involving Israel and the Palestinian Territories. The
Palestinian territories still suffer consequences as a result of the indiscriminate nature of UXO and
their impediment of socio-‐economic development.
Current Situation As it stands, there are approximately 11 million mines, and an unknown number of UXO in the
world today. These munitions pose a significant threat to human life, both military and civilian, and
hamper socio-‐economic development. Even UXO that were dropped or placed decades ago can still
be active, increasing their danger and likelihood to inflict pain on civilians. These munitions are
significantly dangerous to children, as their minute size and colourful outer appearance dupe
children into believing them toys, and increases their likelihood of picking them up and playing with
them. “Remote delivery methods, such as dropping them by aircraft or artillery, has increased the
random, unmapped dissemination of antipersonnel mines, primarily into rural areas where
unsuspecting victims have no idea they are there.”5 UXO obey no ceasefires and no treaties, they
are indiscriminate, and cause unnecessary suffering.
Land believed to be contaminated with UXO poses significant dangers to any persons who may
wish to develop the land for agricultural purposes or commercial uses. “UXO is an identified cause
of poverty. The National Socio-‐Economic Development Plan (NSEDP) in 2003 states that there
appears to be a significant correlation between the presence of UXO and the prevalence of
poverty.”6 Land contaminated with UXO limit villagers’ ability to farm the land and achieve
sustainable livelihoods for themselves. In addition, it causes food shortages for both the household
and the community as a whole. Many of these villagers risk their physical safety simply living in
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these areas, and any kind of development programme (infrastructure, schools, hospitals etc.) taking
place in UXO affect areas are at risk and require additional and sometimes unaffordable extra
resources committed to clearing UXO. UXO hamper socio-‐economic development and villagers’
livelihoods, pose a threat to civilian life and food security, and retard the development of the
community as a whole.
Case Study: Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Laos) Over the course of the US involvement in the Vietnam War, there were approximately 580,000
bombing missions conducted in Laos. Put into real terms, this was one bombing mission every eight
minutes, every day during the conflict. It is estimated that 30% of the 270 million cluster munitions
dropped on Laos did not explode on impact, meaning approximately 80 million UXO remained live
on the ground until the end of the war. Since 1964, roughly 29,000 people have died from contact
with UXO, typically through poverty-‐prone professions, such as scrap-‐metal collecting. A large
number of Laotian civilians still carry out their livelihoods on land known to be contaminated with
UXO, often without any other alternative, facing perils every day they step out onto this land. All 17
provinces of Laos are considered heavily contaminated with UXO. Children accidentally playing with
UXO pose massive concerns to communities, both domestic and international.
Since the early 1990s, international NGOs such as Mines Advisory Group (MAG), UXO Lao, and
others have conducted humanitarian disposal and detonation of these UXO. Organisations such as
UNDP, UNICEF, and national governments have supported these NGOs in their effort to rid Laos
from the scourge of these remnants of war.
Previous UN Resolutions Below is a list of the most notable Resolutions debated and/or passed by the United Nations:
• Resolution 2026.7 Passed by the UN Security Council in December 2011, the Resolution
focuses on the issue of Cyprus. It containes reference to the minefields still plaguing Cyprus.
• Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-‐Personnel
Mines and on their Destruction.8 Also known as the Ottawa Treaty, or simply the Mine Ban Treaty, it
currently has 162 States Parties. It is seen as one of the principal resolutions combatting UXO.
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• Resolution 62/99.9 A UN General Assembly resolution on Assistance in Mine Action. It was
passed in December 2007 and is a key piece of literature in the discussion of UXO.
In addition, MineAction have compiled a list of laws, treaties, and resolutions they see as acting
positively towards tackling the issue of UXO in former conflict zones. The list can be found at:
http://www.mineaction.org/resources/lawstreaties
Actions Taken The Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-‐
Personnel Mines and on their Destruction, more commonly known as the Mine Ban Treaty, is a
comprehensive treaty aimed at eliminating anti-‐personnel mines, mines specifically designed for
use against humans, as oppose to vehicles, drafted and signed in 1997. The treaty is regarded as a
highly successful example of a grassroots movement that garnered support of many politicians,
diplomats, and statesmen. The organisation the International Campaign to Ban Landmines jointly
received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1997 alongside its founder, Jody Williams. In addition, many
notable figures have actively taken action towards UXO eradication. Celebrities include Diana
Princess of Wales, who is famously known for her philanthropic work in Angola and Bosnia,
highlighting the risk of UXO and humanising the situation for the international community. Her
work is often citied as hugely beneficial towards the global ban of landmines.
The UN has also produced a five-‐year plan on how they plan to tackle mines, UXO, and other ERW.
More can be found at:
http://www.mineaction.org/sites/default/files/publications/mine_action_strategy_mar15.pdf
Questions a Resolution Should Answer The situation as it stands is to tackle both the general perceptions and knowledge surrounding
UXO; their disposal; and their continued use. Education of communities contaminated with UXO;
capacity building of communities, councils, and countries in safest and most cost-‐effective means of
disposing of UXO; and commitment to the end of their use, stockpiling, and production should all
be addressed in any resolution.
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Suggestions include:
1. Commitment by member-‐states to destroying any existing stockpiles of UXO, including the
production or transfer of such material;
2. Pledge by member-‐states to contribute to the eradication of live UXO in contaminated areas,
with goals set in place for decontamination by area or by quantity;
3. Contribution by member-‐states to supporting Research & Development projects into finding
more effective and cost-‐efficient means of disposing of UXO;
4. Active deterrent against member-‐states who use UXO;
5. Enthusiasm to remain actively seized on the matter.
1 United Nations. 2008. Landmine Monitor Report 2008, Excerpt. http://www.un.org/en/globalissues/demining. Accessed 03/01/2015. 2 Davis, M. 2014. “Controlled explosion carried out after World War Two bomb found in outside toilet in Reddish”, Manchester Evening News, May 7th 2014. http://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/news/local-‐news/stockport-‐world-‐war-‐two-‐bomb-‐7082178. Accessed 03/01/2015. 3 UXOLAO. 2014. http://uxolao.org/index.php/en/the-‐uxo-‐problem/uxo-‐impact. Accessed 04/01/2015. 4 Human Rights Watch. 2012. http://www.hrw.org/legacy/campaigns/iraq/iraqmines1212.htm. Accessed 04/01/2015. 5 Strada, G. 1996. The Horror of Land Mines. Scientific American 1996:40-‐5 in Walsh, N. and Walsh, S. 2003. Rehabilitation of Landmine Victims -‐ The Ultimate Challenge. Bulletin of the World Health Organisation 2003:81-‐9. http://www.who.int/bulletin/volumes/81/9/Walsh.pdf. Accessed 05/01/2015. 6 UXOLAO. 2014. http://uxolao.org/index.php/en/the-‐uxo-‐problem/uxo-‐impact. Accessed 04/01/2015. 7 http://www.refworld.org/topic,50ffbce528c,50ffbce52ce,4f1570412,0,,RESOLUTION,.html. 8 http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3ad0.html. 9 http://www.refworld.org/topic,50ffbce528c,50ffbce52ce,479469d32,0,,RESOLUTION,.html.
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Topic B: Resolving the Status of the Remaining Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories
History of the Topic The concept of the Non-‐Self-‐governing territory is as old as the UN itself, with the nature of what a
‘Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territory’ constitutes under International Law having been addressed by
Articles 73 and 74 of the UN Charter, with Article 73 in particular stipulating the duties of UN
member states administering recognised Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories, which are:
a. to ensure, with due respect for the culture of the peoples concerned, their political, economic,
social, and educational advancement, their just treatment, and their protection against abuses;
b. to develop self–government, to take due account of the political aspirations of the peoples, and to
assist them in the progressive development of their free political institutions, according to the
particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples and their varying stages of advancement;
c. to further international peace and security;
d. to promote constructive measures of development, to encourage research, and to co–operate
with one another and, when and where appropriate, with specialized international bodies with a
view to the practical achievement of the social, economic, and scientific purposes set forth in this
Article; and
e. to transmit regularly to the Secretary–General for information purposes, subject to such
limitation as security and constitutional considerations may require, statistical and other
information of a technical nature relating to economic, social, and educational conditions in the
territories for which they are respectively responsible other than those territories to which Chapters
XII and XIII apply.
It would be fair to say, however, that at that time the issue of non-‐self-‐governing territories and
what should be done with them was a much more pressing one than it is now, with the US State
Department noting that, “Between 1945 and 1960, three dozen new states in Asia and Africa
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achieved autonomy or outright independence from their European colonial rulers,”10 with many of
these countries having been on the initial list of 74 UN Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories as set out in
General Assembly Resolution 66 (1).11 Former non-‐self-‐governing territories can be seen displayed
at Figure 1, below. The means by which these territories were removed from the list varied widely,
from relatively peaceful transitions to independence, as was the case with the British and Malaysia,
to transitions to semi-‐autonomy, as was the case with Greenland within the Kingdom of Denmark,
to violent struggles, as was the case in Vietnam and Laos with respect to France, and with Goa (now
part of India) in relation to Portugal.
Figure 1 -‐ A map displaying Former UN Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories in Blue12
In addition to states which were recognised as non-‐self-‐governing, there have been twelve states
which have been recognised as administrating Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories – these states are
Australia, Belgium, Denmark, France, Italy, The Netherlands, New Zealand, Portugal, South Africa,
Spain, the UK and the USA,13 with the UK, France, Portugal and the Netherlands administering the
lion’s share of Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories historically (although it can be seen that Portugal and
the Netherlands no longer administer Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories).
The extent to which the UN instituting the list of Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories actually increased
the rate of decolonisation is, however, debatable to say the least. As is apparent from the fact that
violent wars of independence still needed to be fought in Indochina (Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia) and
in several of the former Portuguese colonies (e.g. Angola and Mozambique), in many cases
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attempts to pressure colonising powers to begin ‘transitioning’ their colonies towards
independence was unsuccessful.
The Current Situation Regardless of how it happened, however, it is undeniable that decolonisation has changed the
nature of the list of Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories dramatically. Although new territories were
added at various points after Resolution 66 (1), most notably when South-‐West Africa (now
Namibia) was added in the 1960s after its ‘mandatory’ status (where it was, under International
Law, administered by South Africa) was withdrawn by the General Assembly14 and when New
Caledonia was added to the list again (having been taken off previously at the insistence of France)
in 2013 at the insistence of the Solomon Islands, Tuvalu, Nauru and several other countries,15 the
overall trend has been towards a reduction in the size of the list. The current number of Non-‐Self-‐
Governing territories stands at fifteen, with the remaining administering powers being the USA, the
UK, France, Spain, and New Zealand, as seen at Figure 2, below.
Figure 2 -‐ A map displaying current (as of 2012) Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories16
As can be seen from Figure 2, most of the remaining Non-‐Self-‐Governing territories are relatively
small islands (or collections of islands), with the notable exception in this regard being Western
Sahara. The political statuses of the Non-‐Self-‐Governing territories also differ substantially, with
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there being political disputes over the Falkland Islands between the UK and Argentina and over
Western Sahara. Gibraltar is also a disputed territory, with both the UK (who currently administers
Gibraltar) and Spain (who administered the territory before the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht came into
force) claiming it.
Case Study: Western Sahara Western Sahara is unique among the Non-‐Self-‐Governed territories for various reasons. The first of
these, and perhaps the most obvious, is the fact that it is larger both in terms of land area and in
terms of population than any other territory on the list, with the CIA World Factbook listing its
population as 538,811.17 The second, and the most important for SPECPOL, is that Western Sahara
is currently a disputed territory, with the dispute having political ramifications not only for Western
Sahara itself, but for the entirety of North Africa.
Technically speaking, the territory is still a province of Spain, having initially come under Spanish
rule in 1884 and having become a province in 1934, but the reality of who controls and lays claim to
Western Sahara is far more complicated than that, with a pro-‐independence group, the Popular
Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-‐Hamra and Rio de Oro (Polisario), having been established in
1973 and having declared independence as the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) from
Spain in 1976.18
Before Polisario had the opportunity to become established as a political force, however, Morocco
rapidly colonised the region in November of 1975. In an historical event referred to as ‘The Green
March’, approximately 350,000 Moroccans moved into the territory, effectively solidifying
Moroccan control over the territory19 and in the process sparking a long insurgency on the part of
Polisario, which only ended in 1991 with a UN-‐brokered ceasefire.20 The result of the conflict has
been a protracted refugee crisis, with Javier Blas claiming that, “about half the population of
Western Sahara lives in camps, some still housed in tents 40 years after the conflict started.”21
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Figure 3 -‐ A map of Western Sahara, with the red line representing the Buffer Zone established by the 1991 ceasefire between Moroccan-‐controlled territory (to the Western side of the line) and Polisario-‐controlled territory (to the Eastern side of the line).22
Beyond Morocco’s internal affairs (or Spain’s, for that matter), the armed conflict in Western
Sahara has had serious political ramifications, with Morocco having left the African Union in 1984
due to the AU’s recognition of the SADR as the legitimate governing authority of Western Sahara
and its admittance of the SADR as a member. Since this point, the Moroccan foreign ministry has
issued scathing press releases whenever the AU has in any way sought to improve ties and/or
cooperate with the SADR.23 The issue has been further complicated by the fact that there are
extensive oil and gas reserves in the territory.24
Immediately after the ceasefire, there was, however, an attempt to resolve Morocco’s territorial
status, with the 1991 ceasefire stipulating that a referendum was to take place. This referendum is
yet to take place, however, as the result of a disagreement between Morocco and Polisario over
voter registration, with the former wanting to allow those who moved to the region in ‘The Green
March’ to register and the latter, understandably, not wanting to do so.25 A 2001 ‘Framework
Agreement’ proposed by former U.S. Secretary of State James Baker, which would have allowed for
a referendum after five years of Moroccan administration (and de facto autonomy) was rejected by
Polisario.26 To date, there is no resolution of the issue in sight, with Polisario unwilling to consider
any kind of settlement of the region’s disputed status outside of a referendum, and Morocco
unwilling to give into Polisario’s demands concerning how a referendum should be held.
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Whilst the case of Western Sahara is unusual in terms of the region’s size (particularly in terms of
population affected), the complexity of the dispute concerned (there have been five claimants to
the region over the course of the past forty years if one includes Mauritania, who dropped their
claim to Western Sahara in 1978) and the scale of destruction wrought by the dispute (in the form
of the refugee crisis), in other respects Western Sahara’s situation mirrors the situation of other
Non-‐Self-‐Governing countries. The attempted ‘solution’ to the ‘problem’ of Western Sahara, in the
form of a referendum, is not surprising in the context of how such disputes have been resolved in
the past, and as will be seen in the cases of the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar, the circumstances
under which such a referendum is held quickly become subjects of dispute themselves. If anything,
the dispute over Western Sahara should demonstrate that, in resolutions attempting to tackle the
issue of Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories, simply proposing to hold referendums won’t be sufficient if
the nature of those referendums is liable to be up for dispute.
Previous UN Resolutions Over the history of the UN, a plethora of resolutions have been passed which concern Non-‐Self-‐
Governing territories in some way, shape or form -‐ one could write an entire book on the
resolutions concerning Western Sahara alone. There are several resolutions which it would be more
pertinent to know about, however, which include the aforementioned 66 (1) as well as:
• The Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples (Resolution
1514 (XV), 1960), which acted as an affirmation of the UN’s favourability towards the process of
decolonisation.
• The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966) which aimed to
ensure that a decent standard of living was maintained for those in Non-‐Self-‐Governing
territories.
• Resolution 43/47 (1990) which referred to the 1990s as the ‘International Decade for the
Eradication of Colonialism’.
It is also worth noting that, since The Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial
countries and peoples was passed in 1960, there have been numerous resolutions which have in
some way reaffirmed or updated the content of this one, including Resolutions 65/117, 65/118, and
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65/119. The ‘International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism’ was also extended to a
second decade by Resolutions 55/146 and 65/119.
Actions Taken Outside of the action taken by previous UN resolutions on the subject, various forms of action have
also been taken by the parties concerned in several of the current Non-‐Self-‐Governing territories.
The most popular option is holding some sort of referendum on independence, or at the very least
a change in status, of the Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territory in question. France is set to hold a
referendum in New Caledonia in 2018 on its status, for instance. 27 The UK has also held
referendums to determine the status of Gibraltar in 2002 and of the Falkland Islands in 2013 – both
of these referendums were marked by a high turnout and in both cases the residents of each
territory voted overwhelmingly to remain British subjects.28 29
Fully resolving a Non-‐Self-‐Governing-‐Territory’s status in the form of a referendum to the
satisfaction of all parties is easier said than done, however. Spain did not recognise the results of
the 2002 referendum as valid, as signified by its stated desire in 2014 to seek UN intervention on
the issue30 whilst in the case of the Falklands, Argentina has claimed that the results of any
referendum are unimportant as they consider the current population of the Falklands (referred to
in Argentina as Las Malvinas) as “an implanted population” and insist that “there is no legal
framework” for a referendum which would resolve the status of the islands once and for all.31
Complicating the issue of who has sovereignty over Gibraltar is the presence of UN General
Assembly resolution 2353 (XII), passed in 1968, which nullified a previous referendum (held in
1967), declaring it in contravention of Resolution 2231 (XXI), which asserted that the Gibraltar
dispute could and would only be resolved with an agreement between the UK and Spain.32
Attempts to resolve the status of Non-‐Self-‐Governing territories have failed elsewhere as well. In
the case of Tokelau, for instance, a referendum held in 2007 in order to determine the status of
the territory, held by New Zealand, resulted in the number of votes being, “16 short of the 462
needed for self-‐government,” in spite of the fact that the majority of islanders voted in favour of
independence, failing, like a similar referendum in 2006, due to the fact that a 2/3 majority was
required in order to actually secede from New Zealand.33
© London International Model United Nations 2015 LIMUN | Charity No. 1096197 www.limun.org.uk
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Questions a Resolution Should Answer
1. To what extent should referenda, in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights’ position on self-‐determination, be considered essential for the resolution of Non-‐Self-‐
Governing Territory status? How should such referenda be monitored and what standards
should be set?
2. Should any other territories be added to the list of Non-‐Self-‐Governing territories, or do any
other territories meet the criteria?
3. Should any kind of action be taken against administrating powers which make no attempt to
resolve the status of any Non Self-‐Governing territories under administration, and if so, what
kind of action should be suggested?
10 The United States Department of State. 2015. Decolonization of Africa and Asia, 1945-‐1960. https://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-‐1952/asia-‐and-‐africa. Accessed 19/01/2015. 11 United Nations. 1946. General Assembly Resolution 66 (1). http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/66%28I%29&Lang=E&Area=RESOLUTION. Accessed 19/01/2015. 12 Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:UN_Non-‐Self-‐Governing_Territories.png#mediaviewer/File:UN_Non-‐Self-‐Governing_Territories.png. 13 United Nations. 1999. The United Nations and Decolonization -‐ Trust and Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories (1945-‐1999). http://www.un.org/en/decolonization/nonselfgov.shtml#i. Accessed 19/01/2015. 14 United Nations. 1999. The United Nations and Decolonization -‐ Trust and Non-‐Self-‐Governing Territories (1945-‐1999). http://www.un.org/en/decolonization/nonselfgov.shtml#i. Accessed 19/01/2015. 15 Maclellan, N. 2014. Francois Hollande says France wants to remain a Pacfic power. It is wishful thinking? http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/nov/18/francois-‐hollande-‐says-‐france-‐wants-‐to-‐remain-‐a-‐pacific-‐power-‐is-‐it-‐wishful-‐thinking. Accessed 03/02/2015. 16 Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:UN-‐Non-‐Self-‐Governing_Territories.svg#mediaviewer/File:UN-‐Non-‐Self-‐Governing_Territories.svg. 17CIA World Factbook. 2013. Western Sahara. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-‐world-‐factbook/geos/countrytemplate_wi.html. Accessed 19/01/2015. 18 The BBC. 2014. Western Sahara Profile. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-‐africa-‐14115273. Accessed 19/01/2015. 19 Ness, I. 2009. The International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest. Blackwell Reference Online. 20 The BBC. 2014. Western Sahara Profile. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-‐africa-‐14115273. Accessed 19/01/2015.
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21 Blas, J. 2014. Battle for oil fuels Africa's lengthy conflict. http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/458a9ea6-‐3cc3-‐11e4-‐871d-‐00144feabdc0.html#axzz3PJG3fbzw. Accessed 19/01/2015. 22 Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/22/Westernsaharamap.png/300px-‐Westernsaharamap.png 23 Reuters. 2014. Morocco rejects African Union special envoy for Western Sahara. http://uk.reuters.com/article/2014/07/01/uk-‐morocco-‐african-‐union-‐wes-‐idUKKBN0F64Z520140701. Accessed 19/01/2015. 24 Blas, J. 2014. Battle for oil fuels Africa's lengthy conflict. http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/458a9ea6-‐3cc3-‐11e4-‐871d-‐00144feabdc0.html#axzz3PJG3fbzw. Accessed 19/01/2015. 25 The BBC. 2014. Western Sahara Profile. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-‐africa-‐14115273. Accessed 19/01/2015. 26 Global Policy Forum. 2015. Western Sahara. https://www.globalpolicy.org/security-‐council/index-‐of-‐countries-‐on-‐the-‐security-‐council-‐agenda/western-‐sahara.html. Accessed 19/01/2015. 27 Maclellan, N. 2014. Francois Hollande says France wants to remain a Pacfic power. It is wishful thinking? http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/nov/18/francois-‐hollande-‐says-‐france-‐wants-‐to-‐remain-‐a-‐pacific-‐power-‐is-‐it-‐wishful-‐thinking. Accessed 03/02/2015. 28 The BBC. 2002. Q & A: Gibraltar's Referendum. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/2400673.stm. Accessed 19/01/2015. 29 Watts, J. 2013. Falkland Islands: Respect overwhelming 'yes' vote, Cameron tells Argentina. http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2013/mar/12/falkland-‐islands-‐referendum-‐votes-‐yes. Accessed 19/01/2015. 30 Diaz, A and Hughes, D. 2014. Spain may seek UN intervention over Gibraltar dispute. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/spain-‐may-‐seek-‐un-‐intervention-‐over-‐gibraltar-‐dispute-‐8756494.html. Accessed 19/01/2015. 31 Watts, J. 2013. Falkland Islands: Respect overwhelming 'yes' vote, Cameron tells Argentina. http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2013/mar/12/falkland-‐islands-‐referendum-‐votes-‐yes. Accessed 19/01/2015. 32 United Nations. 1968. UN General Assembly Resolution 2353 (XII). http://daccess-‐ods.un.org/TMP/4037014.24598694.html. Accessed 19/01/2015. 33 The New Zealand Herald. 2008. Tokelau decolonisation high on agenda. http://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm?c_id=1&objectid=10510595. Accessed 19/01/2015.