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Natalie Rogers

This was a class project in my Graphic Design 2 class with Professor Steve Jones. We were given an activist, mine was Stokely Carmichael. I had to create a book (as well as a box set) that represented Carmichael and his life.
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Page 1: spark

, v.

Page 2: spark
Page 3: spark

, v.the fire within Kwame Ture

Stokely Carmichael

Roger & Co. San Francisco Toronto Sydney Singapore

Page 4: spark
Page 5: spark

“Friends, no matter what lies they tell you, the private greeds of cartels of self-interested individuals

can never result in a humane, rational, functional,

just, decent, and civilized society.

To those who knew him best.

Page 6: spark

SparkStokely Carmichael

Roger & Co.595 John Muir DriveSan Francisco, CA 94132

Your Printer

Copyright @ 2011 by Stokely Carmichael

All Rights Reserved

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available.

Natalie Rogers, Editor and Designer

Fonts used Adobe Garamond, Gill Sans12/14, 10/12, 8/10Cougar 60 Pound Paper

ISBN 0-8109-3527-9

Page 7: spark

Contents

inspire 99Prepare 10

Establish 18

Endure 38

provoke 55Non-Violence 58

Revolution 76

inspirit 89Identity 92

Pan Africanism 102

Page 8: spark

Spark

Page 9: spark

inspire, v.

Page 10: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

Prepare

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

Think of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

Page 11: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 11

Adinkra symbol meaning interdependence, cooperation t

The Indians made a profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religious faith and practice.

Page 12: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

financial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

Page 13: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 13

That barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-American

world view and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

Page 14: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Page 15: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 15

Marxism offered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to understand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” These people impressed

on me that to bring about social change

you had to study and clearly

understand the forces of society.

Page 16: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

Page 17: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 17

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show off the latest

dance moves. That was when I received

my first groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Page 18: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

“Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.”

Establish

Page 19: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 19

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

Page 20: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

“You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think his

real calling will be

politics.”

Page 21: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 21

“That’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?”

Page 22: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these

artists.

Page 23: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 23

Page 24: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying to

come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, figuring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

Page 25: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 25

Thus in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of defiance,

a tentative gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

Page 26: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admirable

partners in struggle.

Page 27: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 27

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to affirm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

Page 28: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

But what Malcolm

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

Page 29: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 29

“If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogatory, degrading,

and reductive definitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.”

Page 30: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

Page 31: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 31

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“That’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. Things be like they always

was? I want

change.”

Page 32: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

Page 33: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 33

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voices

telling their stories.

Then our history became real to me.

Page 34: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

Yet the loyalty, respect, and affection

with which the local

people, at least those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

Page 35: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 35

The entire Boynton family

were warriors. The plaintiff in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

fight literally from his grave.

Page 36: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

The recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Page 37: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 37

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on,

a little too late, the project staff took the

strong position,

nonnegotiable, that to allow

whites in would be tantamount to inviting

their deaths.

Page 38: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

But when Huey P. Newton said anything,

you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I first met them, he was the

one that impressed

me.

Endure

Page 39: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 39

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

The Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

Page 40: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Page 41: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 41

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

Page 42: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Page 43: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 43

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect affecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

Page 44: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

Then Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Page 45: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 45

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clarified

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Page 46: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

Page 47: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 47

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our traditional cultures.

Page 48: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

Page 49: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 49

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

Page 50: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to graduate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Page 51: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 51

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionately committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Page 52: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

“Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Page 53: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 53

“Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.”

Page 54: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Spark

“You know Stokely says he wants to go into medicine, but, you know,

I think his real calling will be politics.”

Page 55: spark

“Don’t ever lie, always speak

the truth. Remember the less

fortunate. Waste

not, want not.

� ink of others always.

Never waste food. Never waste anything that

someone else might need.”

� e Indians made a

profound impression on me.

At this time, being the more recent

arrivals, they frequently wore

their national dress,

spoke their national

languages, and

maintained their religous faith and practice.

My mother was, and remains, voluble,

passionate, impulsive,

and excitable. She was an excellent

seamstress. So that in any

� nancial crisis, we could usually

depend on May Charles

to produce it from somewhere.

� at barbershop became for

me a necessary corrective,

an early window into an African-Ameri-

can worldview and

sensibility, a crucially important

counterpoint of reference for those.

“Boy, you hear me,

those black men

marched right out of prison and into

power,” my father exulted.

Marxism o� ered me an approach,

a coherent point of view

from which to under-stand and engage

society, in terms of the

“forces of history.” � ese people impressed

on me that to bring about

social change you had to study and

clearly understand

the forces of society.

Clearly this man

was a radical activist, an intellectual

and a strategist who apparently commended

the respect of the room. I sat up.

“Who the hell is that?” I asked Gene.

“Why,” he said, “that’s Bayard Rustin, the socialist.”

A lot of youth

would gather in the evenings and

we’d all just dig the music and

show o� the latest

dance moves. � at was when I recieved

my � rst groundation in our

culture in America. It came from

that music.

Mah people,

Mah people,If you only knew who

you were,

You could not live the way

you do.

One day I asked

Mr. Michaux about Padmore.

He showed me a copy of Padmore’s

Pan Africanism or

Communism. I was fascinated.

You know Stokely

says he wants to go into

medicine, but, you know, I think

his real calling will be

politics.

“� at’s the Nonviolent

Action Group from Howard

University. Why’nt you join us?

I studied

those striking masks and artifacts

trying to imagine the stories

they contained and to visualize

the people

who had made them and the cultures

that had produced these artists.

While I was sifting

through all these new political

and cultural experiences and impressions, trying

to come toclear terms with

my people’s

identity and cultural reality, � guring

out my own relationship to it all and what it all

meant, Sterling Brown

reached out to us.

� us in about nine

months, thanks to Mrs. Baker,

an isolated and impulsive act of de� ance,

a tentaive gesture

coming out of a dormitory-room bull

session, had evolved into an

organization.

It is no wonder then that

our sisters

proved such dependable and admi-

rable partners in

struggle.

We were where we were

only because of our willingness

to a� rm our

beliefs even at the risk of

physical injury. So it was never dull on

death row.

But what Malcom

demonstrated that night in Crampton

Auditorium on the Howard campus

was the raw power,

the visceral potency, of the grip

our unarticulated collective

blackness held over us.

If you will promise

me, your elder brother,

that you will never, ever accept any of the

many derogratory, degrading,

and reductive de� nitions that this

society has ready for you, then I,

Jimmy Baldwin, promise you I shall never

betray you.

When I met thefamily, I discovered that

her mom, Mrs. Lulabelle

Johnson, took care of the twelve children of the family.

Yet there was always a bed

and something to eat for me in that

house.

But I never really began to feel

it until I looked into the eyes and lined

faces of men like

Amzie Moore, Mr. Dewey Greene,

Mr. Hartman Turnbow, Mr. E.W. Steptoe, or

Mr. C.C. Bryant and listened to their voic-

es telling their stories.

� en our history became real to me.

Mrs. Hamer replied,

“� at’s just what I’m trying to git

out of. � ings be like they always

was? I want change.”

Yet the loyalty, respect, and a� ection

with which the local

people, atleast those active in the

struggle, regarded their leader was

unmistakable.

� e entire Boynton family

were warriors. � e plainti� in the Supreme Court case

Boyton vs.

Virginia, which integrated bus travel, was

her son. Her husband also had

been a highly respected

leader, who managed to continue the

� ght literally from his grave.

� e recruiting of people

and the setting up of a grassroots

organizational structure went quickly. Mr. Hulett,

our lone registered voter, was key.

Jon’s murder

grieved us. However, from then on, a little too late,

the project sta� took the strong

position, nonnegotiatable, that to

allow whites in would be

tantamount to inviting their deaths.

But when Huey P. Newton

said anything, you could see that it was something that had been

carefully though out.

When I � rst met them, he was

the one that

impressed me.

“Well, no, Stokely.

I wasn’t saying that at all.

But y’know, that isn’t such a bad idea.

� e Good Lord knows you going need all the

help you can get.

Besides, I’ll be preaching.”“In that case,

Dr. King, you know I’m goin’ be

there.”

He was like a younger

brother to me. I knew Cleve

and would trust him with my

life.

Now an editor with a big publisher,

she wondered whether it wouldn’t be

valuable to expand the

Black Power paper into a

full-length book.

You couldn’t help noticing

him. Something about

Michael X set him apart from the

other students.

Dr. Castro was just on top of

everything, Jack.

Every aspect a� ecting the revolution.

He obviously had a clear, complete

vision of the new and humane society

he wished to bring about.

� en Mrs. Du Bois

said, “Do you know Nkrumah?”

I said, “Of course, who doesn’t know Nkrumah?

I’ve read all—”

“I meant have you met him?

Would you like to?”

Ho Chi Minh was a great man.

He clari� ed

many things for me. He had a real appreciation

for our struggle in America.

Of all the

incredible things that had been

happening during this trip,

this had to be, hands down,

the most unbelievable.

I mean, to meet this beautiful,

entirely remarkable woman again.

What had most impressed

me was the sensitive and principled

way Sékou Touré,

his government, and his party did it,

in the true spirit of

Pan-Africanism and the highest values

of our tradional cultures.

Since that day my name has

been Kwame Ture.

I hope I’ve tried to liveup to

the responsibility it carries.

In Tanzania the Sebakos

impressed me greatly. Africa needs

more leaders like

these, I thought.

First Lamin was

heartbroken, then outraged.

He decided to gradutate, then to make

his way to Guinea to

work for the Osageyfo.

Leiutenant Kouyate was

passionatley committed to the

liberation of the continent and in

constant touch with all the

groups. So I could

learn a lot from

him.

Damn the money. I will die

before I sell out for the white man’s

money.”

Well, let me tell you

one thing. If you

leave Guinea now

you will be making a very great

mistake.Inspire 55

“You know Stokely says he wants to go into medicine, but, you know,

I think his real calling will be politics.”

Page 56: spark

Spark

Page 57: spark

Provoke 57

provoke, v.

Page 58: spark

Spark

Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by our appearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I’m going to run for President of the United States. I just can’t make it, ‘cause I wasn’t born in the United States. That’s the only thing holding me back.

We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we’re not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, “All criticism is an autobiography.” Dig yourself. Okay.

The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree with Camus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn himself. Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who—any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught and incarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide.

Non-Violence

Page 59: spark

Provoke 59

Adinkra symbol meaning charisma, leadership t

The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people—that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed, or that they were only following orders.

On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population—the white population—in Neshoba County,

Mississippi that’s where Philadelphia is—could not—could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to con-demn themselves.

In a much larger view, SNCC says that

white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You stand condemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institu-tions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they’re built upon racism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And

And how then do we begin to

clear away the obstacles that we

have in this society,

that make us live like

human beings?

Page 60: spark

Spark

then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.

Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said that integration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a “thalidomide drug of integration,” and that some negroes have been walk-ing down a dream street talking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett²; we did not go to sit next

s Carmichael urges people in Watts to work for “their own city,” with control over the police and schools. Los Angeles, California, November 1966. (Magnum Photos)

Page 61: spark

Provoke 61

to Jim Clark³; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy.

Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what this country does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only

acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.

Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black. I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn’t know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man,

“He’s a human being; don’t stop him.” That bill was for

Page 62: spark

Spark

that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.

I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed, beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, “When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him.” That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occu-pancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.

So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Power, isn’t because of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; it’s not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.

And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority—and who are responsible for making democracy work—make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the United States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemn the country for what it’s done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone

Page 63: spark

63

must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.

Now, then, before we move on we ought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how they run rampant through the society today. For example, the mission-aries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.

Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some—some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalization for Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.

And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call “modern-day Peace Corps missionaries,” and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, ‘cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: ‘cause he does not have money—period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money—period.

Page 64: spark

Spark

And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, ‘cause if that were true, you’d have to start stopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate? That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.

Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word “Black Power”—and let them address themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That’s white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.

Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason—because of the color of his skin. If one was black one was automatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually

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suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a downright lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not because we are lazy, not because we’re apathetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, not because we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.

And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: “You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us.” And that we are saying that we have to be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there’s going to be any integration, it’s going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration, then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.

So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man’s ability to want to move in there by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it’s a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.

Now we maintain that we cannot be afford to be concerned about 6 percent of the children in this

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country, black children, who you allow to come into white schools. We have 94 percent who still live in shacks. We are going to be concerned about those 94 percent. You ought to be concerned about them too. The question is, Are we willing to be concerned about those 94 percent? Are we willing to be concerned about the black people who will never get to Berkeley, who will never get to Harvard, and cannot get an education, so you’ll never get a chance to rub shoulders with them and say, “Well, he’s almost as good as we are; he’s not like the others”? The question is, How can white society begin to move to see black people as human beings? I am black, therefore I am; not that I am black and I must go to college to prove myself. I am black, there-fore I am. And don’t deprive me of anything and say to me that you must go to college before you gain access to X, Y, and Z. It is only a rationalization for one’s oppression.

The—The political parties in this country do not meet the needs of people on a day-to-day basis. The question is, How can we build new political institutions that will become the political expressions of people on a day-to-day basis? The question is, How can you build political institutions that will begin to meet the needs of Oakland, California? And the needs of Oakland, California, is not 1,000 policemen with submachine guns. They don’t need that. They need that least of all. The question is, How can we build institutions where those people can begin to function on a day-to-day basis, where they can get decent jobs, where they can get decent houses, and where they can begin to participate in the policy and major decisions that affect their lives? That’s what they need, not Gestapo troops, because this

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is not 1942, and if you play like Nazis, we playing back with you this time around. Get hip to that.

The question then is, How can white people move to start making the major institutions that they have in this country function the way it is supposed to function? That is the real question. And can white people move inside their own community and start tearing down racism where in fact it does exist? Where it exists. It is you who live in Cicero and stop us from living there. It is white people who stop us from moving into Grenada. It is white people who make sure that we live in the ghettos of this country. it is white institutions that do that. They must change. In order—In order for America to really live on a basic principle of human relationships, a new society must be born. Racism must die, and the economic exploitation of this country of non-white peoples around the world must also die—must also die.

Now there are several programs that we have in the South, most in poor white communities. We’re trying to organize poor whites on a base where they can begin to move around the question of economic exploitation and political disfranchisement. We know—we’ve heard the theory several times—but few people are willing to go into there. The question is, Can the white activist not try to be a Pepsi generation who comes alive in the black community, but can he be a man who’s willing to move into the white community and start organizing where the organization is needed? Can he do that? The question is, Can the white society or the white activist disassociate himself with two clowns who waste time parrying with each other rather than talking about the problems that are facing people in this state? Can you

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dissociate yourself with those clowns and start to build new institutions that will eliminate all idiots like them.

And the question is, If we are going to do that when and where do we start, and how do we start? We maintain that we must start doing that inside the white community. Our own personal position politically is that we don’t think the Democratic Party represents the needs of black people. We know it don’t. And that if, in fact, white people really believe that, the question is, if they’re going to move inside that structure, how are they going to organize around a concept of whiteness based on true brotherhood and based on stopping exploitation, economic exploitation, so that there will be a coalition base for black people to hook up with? You cannot form a coalition based on national sentiment. That is not a coalition. If you need a coalition to redress itself to real changes in this country, white people must start building those institutions inside the white community. And that is the real question, I think, facing the white activists today. Can they, in fact, begin to move into and tear down the institutions which have put us all in a trick bag that we’ve been into for the last hundred years?

I don’t think that we should follow what many people say that we should fight to be leaders of tomorrow. Frederick Douglass said that the youth should fight to be leaders today. And God knows we need to be leaders today, ‘cause the men who run this country are sick, are sick. So that can we on a larger sense begin now, today, to start building those institutions and to fight to articulate our position, to fight to be able to control our universities—We need to be able to do that—and to fight to control the basic institutions which perpetuate racism by destroying them and building new ones? That’s

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the real question that face us today, and it is a dilemma because most of us do not know how to work, and that the excuse that most white activists find is to run into the black community.

Now we maintain that we cannot have white people working in the black community, and we mean it on a psychological ground. The fact is that all black people often question whether or not they are equal to whites, because every time they start to do something, white people are around showing them how to do it. If we are going to eliminate that for the generation that comes after us, then black people must be seen in positions of power, doing and articulating for themselves, for themselves.

That is not to say that one is a reverse racist; it is to say that one is moving in a healthy ground; it is to say what the philosopher Sartre says: One is becoming an

“antiracist racist.” And this country can’t understand that. Maybe it’s because it’s all caught up in racism. But I think what you have in SNCC is an anti-racist racism. We are against racists. Now if everybody who is white see themselves [sic] as a racist and then see us against him, they’re speaking from their own guilt position, not ours, not ours.

Now then, the question is, How can we move to begin to change what’s going on in this country. I maintain, as we have in SNCC, that the war in Viet-nam is an illegal and immoral war. And the question is, What can we do to stop that war? What can we do to stop the people who, in the name of our country, are killing babies, women, and children? What can we do to stop that? And I maintain that we do not have the power in our hands to change that institution, to begin

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to recreate it, so that they learn to leave the Vietnamese people alone, and that the only power we have is the power to say, “Hell no!” to the draft.

We have to say—We have to say to ourselves that there is a higher law than the law of a racist named McNamara. There is a higher law than the law of a fool named Rusk. And there’s a higher law than the law of a buffoon named Johnson. It’s the law of each of us. It’s the law of each of us. It is the law of each of us saying that we will not allow them to make us hired killers. We will stand pat. We will not kill anybody that they say kill. And if we decide to kill, we’re going to decide who we going to kill. And this country will only be able to stop the war in Vietnam when the young men who are made to fight it begin to say, “Hell, no, we ain’t going.”

Now then, there’s a failure because the Peace Move-ment has been unable to get off the college campuses where everybody has a 2S and not going to get drafted anyway. And the question is, How can you move out of that into the white ghettos of this country and begin to articulate a position for those white students who do not want to go. We cannot do that. It is something—sometimes ironic that many of the peace groups have beginning to call us violent and say they can no longer support us, and we are in fact the most militant organization [for] peace or civil rights or human rights against the war in Vietnam in this country today. There isn’t one organization that has begun to meet our stance on the war in Vietnam, ‘cause we not only say we are against the war in Vietnam; we are against the draft. We are against the draft. No man has the right to take a man for two years and train him to be a killer. A man should decide what he wants to do with his life.

With Fidel Castro at the founding conference of OLAS, Havana, Cuba, 1967. (Julius Lester © 2003)

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So the question then is it becomes crystal clear for black people because we can easily say that anyone fighting in the war in Vietnam is nothing but a black mercenary, and that’s all he is. Any time a black man leaves the country where he can’t vote to supposedly deliver the vote for somebody else, he’s a black mercenary. Any time a—Any time a black man leaves this country, gets shot in Vietnam on foreign ground, and returns home and you won’t give him a burial in his own homeland, he’s a black mercenary, a black mercenary.

And that even if I were to believe the lies of Johnson, if I were to believe his lies that we’re fighting to give democracy to the people in Vietnam, as a black man living in this country I wouldn’t fight to give this to anybody. I wouldn’t give it to anybody. So that we have to use our bodies and our minds in the only way that we see fit. We must begin like the philosopher Camus to come alive by saying “No!” That is the only act in which we begin to come alive, and we have to say “No!” to many, many things in this country.

This country is a nation of thieves. It has stole every-thing it has, beginning with black people, beginning with black people. And that the question is, How can

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we move to start changing this country from what it is—a nation of thieves. This country cannot justify any longer its existence. We have become the policeman of the world. The marines are at our disposal to always bring democracy, and if the Vietnamese don’t want democracy, well dammit, “We’ll just wipe them the hell out, ‘cause they don’t deserve to live if they won’t have our way of life.”

There is then in a larger sense, What do you do on your university campus? Do you raise questions about the hundred black students who were kicked off campus a couple of weeks ago? Eight hundred? Eight hundred? And how does that question begin to move? Do you begin to relate to people outside of the ivory tower and university wall? Do you think you’re capable of building those human relationships, as the country now stands? You’re fooling yourself. It is impossible for white and black people to talk about building a relation-ship based on humanity when the country is the way it is, when the institutions are clearly against us.

We have taken all the myths of this country and we’ve found them to be nothing but downright lies. This country told us that if we worked hard we would succeed, and if that were true we would own this country lock, stock, and barrel—lock, stock, and barrel—lock, stock, and barrel. It is we who have picked the cotton for nothing. It is we who are the maids in the kitchens of liberal white people. It is we who are the janitors, the porters, the elevator men; we who sweep up your college floors. Yes, it is we who are the hardest workers and the lowest paid, and the lowest paid.

And that it is nonsensical for people to start talking about human relationships until they’re willing to

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build new institutions. Black people are economically insecure. White liberals are economically secure. Can you begin to build an economic coalition? Are the liberals willing to share their salaries with the economically insecure black people they so much love? Then if you’re not, are you willing to start building new institutions that will provide economic security for black people? That’s the question we want to deal with. That’s the question we want to deal with.

We have to seriously examine the histories that we have been told. But we have something more to do than that. American students are perhaps the most politically unsophisticated students in the world, in the world, in the world. Across every country in this world, while we were growing up, students were leading the major revolutions of their countries. We have not been able to do that. They have been politically aware of their existence. In South America our neighbors down below the border have one every 24 hours just to remind us that they’re politically aware.

And we have been unable to grasp it because we’ve always moved in the field of morality and love while people have been politically jiving with our lives. And the question is, How do we now move politically and stop trying to move morally? You can’t move morally against a man like Brown and Reagan. You’ve got to move politically to put them out of business. You’ve got to move politically.

You can’t move morally against Lyndon Baines Johnson because he is an immoral man. He doesn’t know what it’s all about. So you’ve got to move politically You’ve got to move politically.And that we have to begin to develop a political sophistication—which is

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not to be a parrot: “The two-party system is the best party in the world.” There is a difference between being a parrot and being politically sophisticated.

We have to raise questions about whether or not we do need new types of political institutions in this country, and we in SNCC maintain that we need them now. We need new political institutions in this country. Any time—Any time Lyndon Baines Johnson can head a Party which has in it Bobby Kennedy, Wayne Morse, Eastland, Wallace, and all those other supposed-to-be-liberal cats, there’s something wrong with that Party. They’re moving politically, not morally. And that if that party refuses to seat black people from Mississippi and goes ahead and seats racists like Eastland and his clique, it is clear to me that they’re moving politically, and that one cannot begin to talk morality to people like that.

We must begin to think politically and see if we can have the power to impose and keep the moral values that we hold high. We must question the values of this society, and I maintain that black people are the best people to do that because we have been excluded from that society. And the question is, we ought to think whether or not we want to become a part of that society. That’s what we want to do.

And that that is precisely what it seems to me that the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee is doing. We are raising questions about this country. I do not want to be a part of the American pie. The American pie means raping South Africa, beating Vietnam, beating South America, raping the Philippines, raping every country you’ve been in. I don’t want any of your blood money. I don’t want it—don’t want to be part of that system. And the question is, How do we raise those questions? How do we…How do we begin to raise them?

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We have grown up and we are the generation that has found this country to be a world power, that has found this country to be the wealthiest country in the world. We must question how she got her wealth? That’s what we’re questioning, and whether or not we want this country to continue being the wealthiest country in the world at the price of raping every—everybody else across the world. That’s what we must begin to question. And that because black people are saying we do not now want to become a part of you, we are called reverse racists. Ain’t that a gas?

Now, then, we want to touch on nonviolence because we see that again as the failure of white society to make nonviolence work. I was always surprised at Quakers who came to Alabama and counseled me to be nonviolent, but didn’t have the guts to start talking to James Clark to be nonviolent. That is where nonvio-lence needs to be preached—to Jim Clark, not to black people. They have already been nonviolent too many years. The question is, Can white people conduct their nonviolent schools in Cicero where they belong to be conducted, not among black people in Mississippi. Can they conduct it among the white people in Grenada?

Six-foot-two men who kick little black children—can you conduct nonviolent schools there? That is the ques-tion that we must raise, not that you conduct nonvio-lence among black people. Even after rebellion, when some black brothers throw some bricks and bottles, ten thousand of them has to pay the crime, ‘cause when the white policeman comes in, anybody who’s black is arrested, “’cause we all look alike.”

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Good evening. It is good to be here. You know what usually happens is in the newspapers they call us racists and anti-white and say we hate white fold and all other irrelevant nonsense, and they do that ‘cause they use white people as their measuring stick, you know. But I want you to look clear before you notice that in all their beautiful, liberal press media there isn’t one black man.

So when the honkies talk tomorrow about violence and anti-white and hating white people, tell them they ought to have a black man reportin’ it cause they don’t understand ‘cause we talkin’ to black folk anyhow.

Now tonight we want to (mic bump and later for all that other junk) Tonight we want to do several things. We want to talk about some of the basic assumptions from which the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee moves, and then move into an area of pragmatics and what, in fact, black people gonna have to do if we going to survive in this country and live as human beings.

The first thing we want to talk about is the theory of self-condemnation. Then we want to move on and talk about denying one one’s freedom as opposed to giving one one’s freedom. Then we want to talk about the importance of definition and the need for black people to define themselves as they see fit in this society and to have those definitions recognized by our oppressors—white society. Then we want to talk about violence, ‘cause it’s going to be important; ‘cause I don’t know why everybody’s so scared about it—they going to draft you all and send you to Vietnam; I guess you going to go over there and make love to the Vietnamese.

Then we want to talk about the lies that this country has told about black people to make us ashamed of

Revolution

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ourselves. I want to move on and talk about developing a concept of peoplehood which we desperately need in this country today. And we want to instill among our people, particularly among the young in our generation, the will to fight back when messed over by anybody.

We want to talk about self-condemnation. Self-condemnation is impossible; nobody can condemn themselves or no people can condemn themselves. If they do they have to punish themselves. See, if I did something wrong, and I admitted that I did it wrong, then I have to punish myself, see. But if I can keep telling lies or if I can rationalize away my guilt, then I’ll never feel guilty. Hmm, let me give you some examples.

The Nazi’s who were brought to trial after Hitler was—after the Hitler regime was brought down, they said, the one’s who allowed themselves to live, they said that they killed Jews but that Jews weren’t human beings—they were inferior—so they didn’t

And we want to instill among our people, particularly among the young in

our generation, the will to fight back

when messed over by anybody.

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really commit a crime. Or they said that they didn’t know what was going on in Germany at the time that Hitler was killing all the Jews. Or they said what most white Americans are saying today, that they were just following law and order.

Now, if they, if they said that, they just rationalized away their guilt—they just served their sentences and waited until they got out. But now the ones who admitted that they killed human beings had to com-mit suicide—they had to commit suicide. You got to understand that. For us in this country, a clear example of that would be in Neshoba County in Philadelphia, Mississippi, a honky by the name of Rainey, decides with eighteen other honkies to kill three people. Now the entire county of Neshoba cannot indict Rainey because they elected him to do just what he was doing, to kill anybody who troubled with the status quo. If they indicted him, then all of them will be guilty, and they can’t do that. See, they cannot admit that they are guilty. And in SNCC we say that white America, the total community, cannot condemn herself for the acts brutality and bestiality that she has heaped upon us as a race, black people. It is impossible for her to do it. She must rationalize away her guilt. She must blame every-body else but herself cause if she were to blame herself she would have to commit suicide. My brother Leroy Jones reminds me that would not be such a bad idea.

Now we want to move from there to the concept of denying one one’s freedom. And this is very very impor-tant because white people have assumed that they’re gods; that they can give somebody your freedom, and so if they don’t like the way you act, they won’t give you your freedom.

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So now what you have to get crystal clear in your mind is that nobody gives anybody their freedom. People can only deny somebody their freedom. It’s very important. We are all born free. We are enslaved by the institutions of racism that white America produces. Our job is to stop America from being racist; not to…not to give us our freedom. So in reality, our fight is to civilize white America, ‘cause it’s uncivilized.

Now then, if you take that to its logical conclusion, you would say that any civil rights bill that was passed in this country might have eased the struggle for black people but helped civilize white America. As Martin Luther King says:

We know through painful experience that freedom is never

voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by

the oppressed. Frankly I have never yet engaged in a direct

action movement that was “well timed,” according to the time-

table of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease

of segregation. For years now I have heard the word “Wait!” It

rings in the ear of every Negro with a piercing familiarity. This

“wait” has almost always meant “never.” We must come to see

with the distinguished jurist of yesterday that “justice too long

delayed is justice denied.”

Let me give you an example. I’m black. I know that I’m black. I know that I’m a human being. And I know with that comes certain dignities that all human beings have. One of those is that I’m able to enter a public place. But now there are some dumb honkies who don’t know that. So that every time I try to enter a store, the honky gets in my way, shoots at me, bombs my church, kills my children, or beats me up. ‘Cause he doesn’t know that I’m a human being. So the white folk in

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s Dr. King, Floyd McKissik of CORE, and Carmichael leading the March Against Fear into Canton. That night, the nonviolent marchers were gassed and beaten by police.Canton, Mississippi, July 1966. (Bettmann/CORBIS)

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Washington, DC got to write a Civil Rights Bill to tell this honky, “When I come, get out my way, get out my

way, get out my way.”So that what they’ve

done is they’ve civilized this honky—because I’m the same man I was, I’m just going to the store. The only trouble is that he is now forced to recognize my humanity. That’s very important. And the same thing is true about the Voting Rights Act. We’re black, we know we should be able to vote, every time we try to vote some honky stops us. So they got to pass a civil rights bill to stop him from denying us our rights. They don’t give us anything! You’ve got to get that clear in your mind.

Now then, we want to talk about definitions ‘cause they’re very, very important. See, white, western society—and you should use the words “western society”,

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never “western civilization” ‘cause they don’t know nothin’ about it—white western society has been able to define everybody. They just define them to put them in places. And once they’re defined, they can’t get out of those definitions. And people just stay there. Let me give you some examples so you can understand it much better.

You’ve watched the red man and the white man on TV? Fighting each other? If the red man is winning, then the white man calls for the cavalry. I mean, here comes the cavalry, and they’re riding very white and very proper, and when they get up to where the battle is, they all get off their horses and they get out their guns and they systematically shoot all the red men; you know, kill’em dead. They get back on their horses and they ride back to the fort, and at the fort there’s always a white woman standing there and she says, (in falsetto)

“What happened?” and there’s always this lieutenant who says, “We had a victory. We killed all the Indi-ans.” This is very good, you know. Now the next time when the reverse happens, when the red man beats the hell out of the white man, you know, and there’s one of them left draggin’ on the horse, and she says, (in falsetto) “What happened?” “Those dirty Indians; they massacred us.”

See, what they are saying, is that a massacre is not as good as a victory. A victory is much better. So here are these poor red people who all their lives gonna fight and they ain’t never gonna have a victory. Here’s Sitting Bull, the greatest strategist you have in a war; he’s won all these wars, but he ain’t never gonna have a victory; he’s always gonna win a massacre. And a massacre is dirty, so you gotta understand that one in your minds.

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You see that on television all the time. Even today about the Vietnam war; do you ever see’em? Those dirty, filthy, rotten, Communist, rebels threw a Molotov cocktail and killed civilians. And then the other guy comes on and says, “And in the meantime, our good GI boys have been bombing the hell out of North Vietnam.”

Or even better, would be a group of students at Nashville decide to take care of some honky cops ‘cause they pickin’ on them and it’s “Fiske Students Riot!” And in Fort Lauderdale, honkies gonna throw bottles and beer at policemen and they gonna say “College Students go on a Spree.”

So the white people have been defining us all our lives and we have been forced to react to those definitions. And see, they call you all Negroes. I guess you all came from Negroland. (laughs) You got’em! Yeah! But see you have allowed white people to name you. When we were in Puerto Rico a couple of months ago we were speaking in Spanish. I was looking through the dictionary to find the word for Negro in Puerto Rican. There is no such word. The closest word is negro: it means black. In French, there is no word for Negro. In German, there is no word for Negro. In Swahili, there is no word for Negro.

You wouldn’t want me to leave out Swahili. It’s what’s happenin’! Yeah! All right!

So that they have defined that and with the word Negro comes people who are stupid, apathetic, love watermelon and got good rhythm.

Yeah!But now they do something even more insidious with

definitions. Let me give you an example so then we can get into Black Power and the definitions of Black Power.

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Now you remember, especially from my generation, when the whole thing broke out with integration and we used to sit glued to the TV set. You know, our black leaders would got up and say, “We want to integrate.” In our minds, we knew the cat was talking about good schools, good houses, good jobs, and a good way of life. That was in the minds of all black people. But some dumb honky gonna jump up and say, (in a drawl) “You want to marry my daughter don’t you?”

And instead of our black leaders being aggressive and saying “Later for you honky,” at that time they would react to the honky. See they would let the honky define their own term “integration” and they would say, “Uh, uh, we don’t want to be your brother. We just want to be your brother. Ah, ah.” Yeah, yeah, you know! And they just go to sweating and puffing, “We don’t want to sleep in your bedroom. We just want to live next door to you.” Yeah, yeah! And so what they were doing was that here was a honky who defined their term and they were reacting to his definition. They don’t pull that junk with us at SNCC ‘cause we tell them right out when they say that nonsense about “marrying my daughter”. Your daughter, your sister, your mama, we tell them to the point! To the point, to the point! We tell them crystal clear: “The white woman is not the queen of the world—she’s not! She’s not the Virgin Mary. She can be made like anyone else. Let’s move on to something important! Let’s move on to something important.

So that we will not be caught in a bind about reacting to their definitions. And the same thing happens, see, we say Black Power and some honky goin’ to jump up and say, “You mean violence” And he wants us to

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say “Uh-uh, boss man, we don’t mean violence.” Later for the honky! It’s our term—we know what it means. Later for him!

Black Power is the coming together of black people to fight for their liberation by any means necessary.

Now we want to talk about violence. Because I understand that some of your so-called Negro leaders have been saying that we violent. I won’t deny it. Yeah, I’m violent. Somebody touch me, I’ll break their arm. But the problem isn’t one of violence, see. The problem is one of hitting back white people when they hit you. That’s the real problem ‘cause we’ve never done that all our lives. They’ve been able to walk over us, bomb our churches, beat us up, shoot into our houses, lynch us, and do everything they wanted to do and we would just sit there and whisper about it behind closed doors.

It’s…a…new day…today! It’s a new day today.But what really upsets me is that these people who

talk about violence are not concerned about black people. Because there is more violence in our neigh-borhood on Friday and Saturday night than there is anyplace else, anyplace else. We cut and we shoot each other more then we touch anybody in the world, and don’t nobody talk out against that violence—nobody talking about it! And the reason they don’t do it is because they don’t give a damn about us. They’re only concerned about white folk. If they were against violence, they would be preaching non-violence in the black communities, ‘cause that’s where we need it most. We need it there. We need to learn to love and to respect each other and stop cutting and shooting each other. But they don’t care about us, they don’t care about us, no! The only time you hear these preachers

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talk about nonviolence is when a honky hits you and you gettin’ ready to take care of business. That’s the only time you hear them talking about non-violence.

Then you see them on television—the only role they have is to condemn their own people, “Ah, we don’t believe in violence, those vagabonds throwing rocks and bottles. Oh yes, be believe in the war in Vietnam. We think our boys should go over there and shoot. But we don’t believe in violence at all.” What is that junk? They gonna put you in a uniform and send you 8,000 miles to shoot a man who ain’t never called you a Nigger? Get outta here!

And you get cats like Lyndon Baines Johnson get up on TV and say, (in a drawl) “My fellow Americans, every night before I go to sleep, I ask myself, ‘What have I done to preserve peace in this country?’” And yet he’s talking about preserving peace and dropping bombs all over Ha Noi: bomb, bomb, bomb, bomb, bomb, bomb. And then before national TV and says, “Violence never accomplishes anything.” If the honky believes it, tell him to use non-violence in Vietnam. What they’re saying is violence is OK against everybody except the white man. That’ s what they’re saying.

You ought not to get fooled by it. You ought to under-stand that in the world there exists especially in this country, a victim and executioner relationship. We are the victims and white people are the executioners, and they have kept us down by force and by violence, and that if we are violent, it is just that we have learned well from our teachers. Don’t you get fooled by it…

They have bombed our churches, they have shot us in the streets, they have lynched us, they have cattle-prodded us, they have thrown lye over us, they have

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dragged our children out in the night. We have been the recipients of violence for over 400 years. We’ve just learned well how to use it today. Don’t you ever condemn people for using violence. When those black preachers get up, you tell them to get the guts to condemn the white folks for the violence they’ve heaped on us. If they can’t do that, if they can’t condemn the white folks, tell them to keep their mouths shut!

So don’t you get caught up in no discussion about violence. We just making it crystal clear to the honky today that if he try to shoot us, we gonna kill him ‘fore God gets the news. Period!

Now if he doesn’t want to got shot, tell him to stay home. ‘Cause they leave their beds and their wives at three o’clock in the morning and come to our community and going to work out their frustration by going and shooting into our community. If they got frustrations, tell’em to go see a psychiatrist.

So you got to understand that one in your mind, and don’t got carried away with that nonsense about riots. You ought to understand, you ought to be proud of your black brothers in Nashville. You ought to be proud, because what happened was on Friday night two honky policemen going to walk into the middle of the neighborhood and gonna start beating up on a black brother. And when the other brothers told them they didn’t have to, they gonna turn on them. But they forgot: it’s a new day! It’s a new day! It’s a new day!

See they didn’t recognize that this generation is saying if you wear sheet at night, or a badge in the day, if you put your filthy white hands on our beautiful black skin, we gonna TCB, period! Period! Period!

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“That is the question that you raise.

Can this country do that?”

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“That is the question that you raise.

Can this country do that?”

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inspirit, v.

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Good evening. I’ve been invited to speak at the Black Culture Week. I have prepared a speech dealing with the black world and I’m not going to change that speech.

I’ve been in California before. I used to come to California several times. My last visit to California was 1968. This is 1971. If I were to say the same things in 1971 that I said in 1968, it would present the fact that I’ve not been growing. If I use the same attitude in 1966 that I use in 1971, it would reflect the fact that the political movement of black people has not been growing.

Thus, not only must our attitude change but what we say must change because our movement must continue to progress. It must go forward. To repeat the same things over and over again is to show stagnancy. We cannot be stagnant because our movement is a liberation movement. We seek to liberate the Africans all over the world.

Thus, if you came tonight to hear a speech—a ra ra ri—how black and beautiful we are, which we are, black and proud we are, which we are, and how we should [xx] and all of that, you’ve wasted your time. You’ve wasted your time.

Simply because we must deal today with hard concepts. We must analyze our situation and we must pose correct solutions within a scientific framework. Within a scientific framework.

Thus, tonight, we will be dealing with concepts…I’m sorry, does anyone have a “Malcolm X Speaks” with them? “Malcolm X Speaks”? Nobody? None of the students in the Black Culture Week, you don’t have a “Malcolm X Speaks”?

If violence is wrong in America, violence is wrong abroad. If

it’s wrong to be violent defending black women and black

children and black babies and black men, then it’s wrong for

America to draft us and make us violent abroad in defense of

her. And if it is right for America to draft us, and teach us how

to be violent in defense of her, then it is right for you and me

to do whatever is necessary to defend our own people right

here in this country.

Identity

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Adinkra symbol meaning loyalty, skillfulness t

“Malcolm X Speaks” book? No-one has it? I’m sorry.The black world—from Nova Scotia to South Africa—finds itself

in political chaos. We find ourselves in political chaos purely because we do not have a clear ideology which represents the common interests of Africans all over the world.

Now, black people in America are Africans, that’s all we are. We may not want to admit that we’re Africans but we cannot deny that we came from Africa. And, if you’re ashamed of your home, you have prob-lems. If you’re ashamed of your background, you have problems. We are Africans. And we will discuss that more later.

Inside our community—the African communities of the world—and when I speak of black people, I speak of Africans because the black man is the African and the African is the black man, thus they are one and the same. The black communities of this world, which stretch from South Africa to Nova Scotia, finds itself in a great deal of problems because we haven’t analyzed our situation.

I’m sorry I don’t have the book “Malcolm X Speaks” with me because I would have been able to use some direct quotes from brother Malcolm’s book showing that we who have an ideology today use Malcolm X as our framework. Our basic framework. Our point of reference. Unfortunately, I don’t have the book with me. [xx] I need that. OK, we’ll just continue. You take my word for the quotes I give you from brother Mal quotes I give you from brother Malcolm and you’ll read them yourself later.

We need an ideology. An ideology that represents our communal interest. We need an ideology. In order for an ideology to be valid it

We find ourselves in political chaos

purely because we do not

have a clear ideology which represents

the common interests of Africans

all over the world.

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must be, number one, scientific, number two, be consistent, number three, it must be based on the correct interpretation of history and, number four, if it is to be a revolutionary ideology, it must be based on the philosophy of dialectics. The philosophy of dialectics.

That’s four points the idea of ideology must be able to apply itself to. It must be scientific, it must be consistent. If the ideology isn’t consistent, it’s invalid. It must be based on thorough and complete analysis of history, interpretation of history. And it must be based—if it’s revolutionary—on the philosophy of dialectics. The philosophy of dialectics is very important. Philosophy of dialectics is really the philosophy of opposites. Opposites.

Brother Malcolm X in his message to the grass roots says to us that there can be no compromise in revolution. Revolution knows no compromise. He’s correct. Brother Malcolm can say this because he recognizes that our revolutionary ideologies must be based on the philosophy of dialectics. Philosophy of opposites. And they follow a very scientific practical law which simply says that two objects cannot occupy the same space at the same time.

That, since you have a philosophy of opposites, you will have two philosophies vying for the same space at the same time. And this philosophy, since they’re based on the philosophy of dialectics, are diametrically opposed. They are diametrically opposed. Thus, they must clash. They must clash violently. And only one will win. Only one will win. The other must be crushed.

The Vietnamese are revolutionary. That’s why they say, “either we will win or we will die.” Because they’re fighting for a system which is diametrically opposed to the system that they now find themselves under and their philosophy must win. The same is also true for all Africans all over the world. We must find a system [ah, thank you…We must find a system…I feel comfortable now.

[laughter]I feel very comfortable now.We must find a system which is diametrically opposed to the

system under which we live. We have to do that. We must find that system because the major preoccupation of a revolutionary, you must understand, is building and creating. The major preoccupation of a

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revolutionary is building and creating. He must destroy in order to build and create because the system that the revolutionary opposes must be diametrically opposed—diametrically opposed—to the system that the masses of people are living under. But his major preoccupa-tion is with building and creating. Building and creating that new system. Not destruction. Destruction is an inevitable consequence of his building. Destruction is an inevitable consequence of his building. It is not the other way round. The building and creating is not an inevitable consequence of his destroying.

We live in a capitalist society. The capitalist society must be destroyed if we are to oppose a system that is diametrically opposed to capital-ism. But our major preoccupation is not destroying capitalism. Our major preoccupation is with creating the type of system that will be diametrically opposed to capitalism. In order to do that we must destroy capitalism.

When you see people call themselves revolutionary always talking about destroying, destroying, destroying, but never talking about building or creating, they’re not revolutionary. They do not understand the first thing about revolution. It’s creating.

A revolutionary must present a viable alternative to the masses. He must do that. And he must explain his concepts and explain his system to the masses. Explain and educate them why he thinks it is viable and why it can succeed and why they must be not only willing to die but be willing to kill to bring about the system that the revolu-tionary is advocating.

I am an Nkrumist. I am an Nkrumist. That is my political ideology. We cannot talk about Nkrumism because, unfortunately, many people have not spent time reading the ideas of Dr. Nkrumah. But the basis of my ideology starts in Pan-Africanism. Starts in Pan-Africanism. Thus, we can talk about Pan-Africanism. I feel we can talk about Pan-Africanism because across this country—black student unions, African-American societies, student associations, etc—have been talking about Malcolm X. Everyone talks about him. They wear his sweatshirts, they quote him. Unfortunately, very few people read him. And less study him. Very few read him and less study him. But they quote him. They [xx], “yeah,man, brother Malcolm said blah, blah, blah, blah.” Unfortunately, they don’t study him. You can’t wrap your way through television through revolution, you can wrap your way through television but you can’t wrap your way through revolution. You have to study. So, thus, it’s incumbent upon us to study. We must study.

I’m looking…I’m sorry I didn’t get the quotes…I’m not prepared on Malcolm X, I’ll just have to continue…

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When I’m traveling around the country, I use my real Muslim

name, Malik Shabazz. I make my hotel reservations under that

name, and I always see the same thing I’ve just been telling you.

I come to the desk and always see that ‘here-comes-a-Negro’

look. It’s kind of a reserved, coldly tolerant cordiality. But when

I say ‘Malik Shabazz,’ their whole attitude changes: they snap

to respect. They think I’m an African. People say what’s in a

name? There’s a whole lot in a name. The American black man

is seeing the African respected as a human being. The African

gets respect because he has an identity and cultural roots. But

most of all because the African owns some land. For these

reasons he has his human rights recognized, and that makes his

civil rights automatic.

Brother Malcolm recognized that we were all one people. In the book, he says that if you do not know what is happening in Mississippi, you cannot know what is happening in the Congo. And if you’re not interested in what is happening in Mississippi, you cannot be interested in what is happening in the Congo. The same states, the same interests, they’re all the same. The same schemes. The same man who’s trying to stop us from living in Mississippi is the same man who’s trying to stop us from living in the Congo. Brother Malcolm X, brother Malcolm X. Unfortunately, I don’t have time to find the quote.

My ideology is Pan-Africanism. My ideology is Pan-Africanism. In order for me to pose a correct ideology, the ideology must study the problems, the problems of the African. After studying the problems of the African, I must pose correct solutions to those problems. Black people all over the world face three major problems. Africans all over the world face three major problems.

We are landless. That means we are people who have no land. We do not own any land. We do not control any land. Individually, we may have land. We may be house owners, home owners. We may even have little stores. In the south, we may even have some farms. But collectively as a people we are landless. We own no land. And

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that’s not only Africans in America. It is Africans in South America, Africans in the Caribbean, even our brothers and sisters on our mother continent. We are landless.

On the question of land, white man divided the African into two groups. One group he took from the land. That’s us. Slavery. The second group he took the land from them. That’s our brothers and sisters on the continent. Colonialism. Colonialism. That’s why any African today, he is a landless man.

Even on our own continent the resources of our continent are built for the benefit of Europeans, not for the benefit of Africans. Landless, victims of capitalism, the victims of racism.

Any ideology, any ideology which seeks to speak to the needs of the black man must cover the needs of these three areas: land, race and class. It must be covered. If they’re not covered, the ideology has not analyzed correctly the problems of Africans in the world today. We must get some land. We must get some land because revolution is about land. That’s what revolution is. Revolution is getting land. Brother Malcolm X.

s Stokely Carmichael and Michael Thelwell after a presen-tation on Black Power at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, 1972. (Courtesy of The Springfield Republican)

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The Chinese revolution. They wanted land. The Algerians were revolutionists. They wanted land. France offered to let them be integrated into France. They told France, “to hell with France!” They wanted some land. Land is the basis of revolution. Land, said Malcolm X, is the basis of all independence. Land is what revolution is about. Seizing, taking and controlling land.

Thus, if black students are talking about revolution today, they must be crystal clear in their minds that they’re talking about taking some land. L-A-N-D. Land.

We have to take land because it’s from the land that we get everything. The clothes that we wear comes from the land in the form of cotton. What we eat comes from the land in the form of agricultural food stuff.

All of the elements and materials necessary to build this building, and to build big machinery in an industrialized society, comes from the land in the form of raw resources: peroxide, copper, zinc, etc, etc.

Thus, it is he who controls the land that will control the people who live on the land. And because we do not control any land, we are dependent upon the white man who controls the land. Land, then, is what we’re talking about. So if we’re talking about revolution, we’re talking about taking some land because that’s the only way you’re going to get it. You got to take it. Or nobody give up some for nothing. You got to take it. Land. Land.

[applause] Land. Land.Land is what we’ve got to get. Now, the African, you see, was

scattered all over the western hemisphere and this scattering was as a result of European imperialism. We were scattered all over the western hemisphere.

We must ask ourselves, “where must we get this land or at least if not where must we get this land?” “What will be our priority geographically in seizing this land?” That’s the question we must ask ourselves.

But before we go into that, we must discuss a political develop-ment in the question of land. A political state that has come to be. It’s usually referred to as a settler colony. More particularly it would be

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known as a European settler colony. We must discuss European settler colony because it will be of great interest and great importance to our particular ideology on the question of where is the African going to get some land? Where is the African going to get some land?

A European settler colony is a land base where the European leaves Europe, goes to the land, takes over the land and subjugates the original owners of the land to the type of system the European imposes upon the original owners of the land. The Europeans do this by sheer barbaric force. Sheer barbaric force.

A European colony. A white boy leaves Europe, goes to somebody’s land, takes it over, subjugates the people to his way of life: politically, economically, socially, culturally. That’s a settler colony.

My wife is from South Africa. South Africa is a settler colony. Europeans leave Europe, come to Africa, our continent and rip off the most wealthy part of the continent and take it. And subjugate our brothers and sisters to a vicious way of life.

Mozambique is a settler colony. Angola is a European settler colony. Rhodesia. Rhodesia is a European settler colony. But we can use Rhodesia to understand one of the major characteristics of a European settler colony. The real name of Rhodesia is Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe is the real name.

One of the characteristics of the European settler colony is that, when the European arrives, they change the name. They change the name. They change the name for two purposes. They want to obliviate the history of the past, number one, and, number two, they want to legitimize their existence as the true owners of the land. That’s very important. Very, very important.

And we must be very careful. We cannot allow them to do that to us because our ideology must be based on a correct interpretation of history. And if we must understand that we cannot allow the Europeans to define when we begin to study an area according to their definition, we will only begin to study areas when they arrive. Before they arrived nothing happened.

Zimbabwe is the real name of Rhodesia. If you understood history, and you were studying history, you would see that we would study Zimbabwe. From the growth way back when our ancestors began to build a civilization. And we would understand Rhodesia as a barbaric interference to our way of life.

Thus, when we study Zimbabwe, we would study Zimbabwe seeing it as a straight line and understanding that Europeans imposed themselves by force upon our civilization. But if we talk about Rhodesia, we start with Rhodesia. We start with some stupid man by the name of Cecil Rhodes who was a murderer and a thief. And that’s where our history begins. Which is absolutely absurd.

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Australia is a European settler colony. Israel is a European settler colony.

[applause] Israel is a European settler colony.Some people have been studying.Israel is a European settler colony because European Jews leave

Europe, go to Palestine, take over the country, change the name to Israel, impose their culture, impose their political system, their economic system, their language, by sheer barbaric force, and oppress the original owners of the land. The Palestinian arabs. Israel is a European settler colony.

You must understand that. Because if you understand that, then you understand where we have to go. America and Canada are European settler colonies. America and Canada are European settler colonies. America and Canada are European settler colonies but they are harder to distinguish than the others. They’re harder to distinguish simply because America and Canada come closest to being successful settler colonies. They come closest to being successful settler colonies.

In order to be a successful settler colony, one must commit genocide against the original owners of the land. America did this. America did this. In order to be a successful settler colony, one must commit genocide against the original owners of the land. They did this and then they changed the name, and it sounds as if they belong here.

They wiped out an entire nation to take the land. Changed the name and call themselves Americans. When you call them an American, you obliviate the correct history. They are not Americans. They are European settlers, that’s all that they are. If they’re not European settlers, they’re certainly the sons and daughters of European settlers. They’re not Americans. You should not call them Americans. To do that, you misrepresent the red man who owns this land. They are Europeans. They are Europeans. [applause]

Thus, if they are Europeans, we are Africans. Yes.[applause]There cannot be a black American. A black American is someone

who participated and derised the profit from the genocide of the red

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man. You had nothing to do with that. You were brought here as a slave. I know that.

We’re Africans. We’re all the same people. There is no difference between us. I was born in Trinidad in the Caribbean. There is no difference between me and you. The only difference is when the slave ship got to Trinidad, they kicked me off Trinidad and brought you here. That’s the only difference, we are the same people.

[applause]Thus, if you understand that we are the same people, you will

understand that we have brothers and sisters in the Caribbean, brothers and sisters on the whole north eastern coast of South America where they had slavery. Brothers and sisters here. And millions and millions and millions of our brothers and sisters in Africa. In order for us to understand where we’re going, we must become part of the worldwide African nation. Where our nation is stretched from Africa to Nova Scotia. We’re Africans.

Many people when they try to analyze the problems of the African in America calls it a problem peculiar to America. They take the history back to the Africans when they came to America. That’s absurd. The problem didn’t start in America. The problem started in Africa when the first white man came to rape us of our continent and of our people. That’s where the problem started. That’s the roots of the problem. The first white boy that came there and tried to get us had to fight. That’s where the problem started. America is only an extension of the war. A tangent, if you will. But the problem didn’t start in America. It started in Africa. We fought in Africa, we fought in the slave ships, we fought in America, we fought during slavery, we fought after slavery, we’ve been fighting, we continue to fight because it’s only an extended war. That is all. We are fighting today.

Wherever our people are, we’re fighting. We’re fighting against a worldwide vicious system that hooks us in. We must break this system.

[applause] We must break this system.The land belongs to the red man. You must know something about

revolution. You must understand revolution very carefully. It may sound romantic but it’s very true. Revolution is based on Truth, with a capital ‘T’. And it’s based on Justice, with a capital ‘J’. Thus, if you talk about advocating a revolutionary theory, your revolutionary theory must be just and truthful.

The Vietnamese say all the time, “we will win our struggle because ours is a just struggle.” And they’re correct. They will win because theirs is a just struggle.

The Palestinian Arabs say all the time, “we will win because ours is a just struggle.” And they are right. They will win because theirs is a just struggle.

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And we, the Africans, we are bound to win because our struggle is the most just. But it must be…it must be [xx]cated on just theories. This land belongs to the red man. Where must be the base for the African? The only land base for the African, the only land base for the African must be his base. Africa. Africa, my brothers and sisters, is the richest continent in the world. Can you dig that? Africa, is the richest continent in the world. You got gold, diamonds, zinc, copper, aluminum, oxide, everything, copper, you got everything. And plus it’s beautiful. Africa is the richest continent in the world. You can fit America 16 times into Africa. 16 times. America is chump change compared to Africa.

[applause and cheering]Africa is ours. It belongs to us. Mother Africa produced us. Africa

is the richest continent in the world. If Africa were properly organized, she would be the most powerful continent in the world. Can you dig that? And if Africa were the most powerful continent in the world, whether we lived in South Africa, whether we lived in Egypt, whether we lived in Guinea, whether we lived in Barbados, whether we lived in Jamaica, whether we lived in Antigua, whether we lived in Trinidad, whether we lived in Brazil, whether we lived in Santa Domingo, whether we lived in Haiti, whether we lived in Cuba, whether we lived in Venezuela, whether we lived in Ghana, wherever we live, be it in Harlem or in California, we would be the most powerful people on the face of this earth.

[applause and cheering]And if we were the most powerful people, would nobody mess

with one [xx] grain of hair on our [xx].[applause and laughter]It is power. It is power, that’s what it’s all about. Power. Power.

P-O-W-E-R. Power.When you see a white boy, you are not afraid of that white boy in-

dividually. You are afraid of the power that that white boy represents. That’s what you’re afraid of. And the power may start from the local police, go all the way to the state militia, run through the army and the navy, and reach NATO, The North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Because that’s white power incorporated. That’s all it is.

Pan-Africanism

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[laughter]When you see an African, there is no power behind him. When

you see a black man, there is no power behind him. Thus, there’s no reason to respect him. We need a power behind us. We need a power that will speak and protect us. We must develop mother Africa. We must make mother Africa our major and our primary objective, because as mother Africa becomes strong, we will become strong. We will become strong and as we become strong we will lessen the gap between the powerful and the powerless.

Thus, our primary objective must be mother Africa. Many people say we should fight to take the land in America. If you’re fighting to take the land, you have to take it. You have to take it. Because he killed for it. If I kill for something and you came and asked me for it, I shoot you for being so stupid as to ask.

[laughter]The European killed for this land. He killed a whole nation. And if

you think that after killing a while nation he’s going to give you this land, you’re making a mistake. Once you kill for something, you’ve got to keep on killing to keep it. Do you understand that? Because if we’re talking about taking this land, we must be prepared to kill for the land. We have to kill for land. We have to kill for land because our evolution is based on diametrically opposed philosophies. And

the philosophy that now controls Africa must be diametri-cally opposed to the one we have to fight for. Thus, we have to fight.

Since we have to fight for land, it makes sense to fight for the richest land, which you’ll be able to develop much quicker, thus, build your strength much faster.

In order to take land, you must fol-low a revolutionary

formula. You must seize the land, hold the land, develop the land and then expand. You have to seize, hold, develop, and expand. You seize, you hold it, you develop, and you expand. I don’t think we could

Thus, the Pan-Africanist says that the land base

for the African revolution

must be Africa. Must be Africa.

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seize much land in America but, even if we could, I know we couldn’t hold it. And even if we could hold it, it’s certainly true that we could not develop land in America as rapidly as we could in Africa, which is the richest continent in the world.

Thus, the Pan-Africanist says that the land base for the African revolution must be Africa. Must be Africa. That’s the land base. It is our land. It belongs to us. We must fight, develop it, and make it what it has to be. The most powerful continent on the face of this earth. Africa must be the land base.

We must deal with the question of capitalism. But before we deal with it, it’s necessary to do some defining. Simply because there are too many people using too many terms confusing the minds of our people. I see people all the time. “We’re going to kill all the black capitalists.” “Nixon’s inventing black capitalism.” They don’t understand what they’re talking about. They really don’t.

We say that the African is the victim of capitalism. In order to do that, we must explain how we are the victims of capitalism and we must explain what is capitalism. What are capitalists? Because we hear the word thrown around so many times. But I now, as black students, you have been following the various ideologies within the black community. You know there are black Marxist-Leninist groups. You know there are some Pan-Africanist groups. And I know that as black students, you study these, because that’s what you’re here for, to study. And that you wouldn’t be hearing words used about you that you wouldn’t take time out to study. I know that.

So I know that you understand Marxism-Leninism. I know you understand capitalism. I know you understand capitalist. So we’re just going to review very quickly some of the things that I know that you’ve been studying.

[pause]I know you wouldn’t be wasting your time jiving and rapping your

way through revolution. I know you’re studying.A capitalist, according to Marx, is someone who owns and controls

the means of production. A capitalist, according to Karl Marx, is

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someone who owns and controls the means of production. If you understand this definition, which is the correct definition of a capitalist, then you would know there are no black capitalists in America. You would know that because there’s no black man who owns and controls the means of anything. So that when people talk about black capitalists, you would know that they don’t know what they are talking about. No, there’s no black capitalist.

Below the capitalist comes a class called the bourgeoisie. They serve the interests of the capitalists. They serve the interests of the capitalists. They do the capitalist’s work for him. They are what Mr Lenin calls, “the lackeys of capitalism.” They’re what Mao Tse-tung calls, “the running dog lackeys of capitalism.” And that’s what they are.

There are some members who happen to be black inside that class. The bourgeoisie are aspiring capitalists. They want to be capitalists but they will never be capitalists because the class of the capitalist never expands. Never. Because the primary motivating reason for capitalist is private profits. Private profits. Make more. Make more. Thus, if that’s his primary motivating force, he cannot expand and include more people because his profits will be cut down. He cannot do that. Thus, when you hear them talking about, “we will establish black capitalism,” they’re talking nonsense. Because inside the capitalist class there are always contradictions. Each one trying to eliminate the other to make more profits.

Thus, you cannot develop black capitalism. Nonsense. You must understand these things because they deal with our people. They are the problems that we face. Below the bourgeoisie, you have the petty bourgeoisie and then below that you have the masses: the workers, the peasants, the proletariat. These are the masses that will fight. They will fight against the capitalists. The capitalists there’s no hope for. The bourgeoisie, there may be hope for them on an individual basis. Not as a class. Not as a class. On an individual basis. I know you know these things but, if you don’t, you should have. You should be because they’ve been mentioned.

The Black Panther party talks about capitalism and Marxism-Leninism all the time. I know you’ve been reading or listening to the party. But since you’ve been doing that, I know you’ve been studying the terms. You wouldn’t just let the party say something about you and you not know what they’re talking about. So I know you’ve been studying. If you have not, then you’ve made a mistake as black students. You’ve made a grave mistake because you should be keeping up with the struggle of your people. You’ve made a grave mistake.

Confucius says, “if you make a mistake, and you see it’s a mistake, and you don’t correct your mistake, you’ve made your second mistake.”

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[laughter]I hope you will not make a second mistake. Your people’s lives may

depend upon it. And thus your own lives.We say we’re the victims of capitalism. We are the victims of

capitalism because we are forced to sell our labor to the capitalist. We are forced to sell our labor to the capitalist. Thus, we are wage earners. We are wage earners. As we sell our work, the capitalists pay us a wage. A daily wage. A weekly wage. A monthly wage. But the wage is never enough for us to accumulate wealth. Off of our profits—that is our labor—our labor, the capitalists. [cuts off]

There’s a white capitalist, who owns and controls the means of production in order to produce the match. He owns and controls it. He does no work. He never steps into a ring. He never trains. No labor. Muhammad Ali and Joe Frazier, they are the labor.

Muhammad Ali and Joe Frazier get $800,000. The white capitalists get $30 million. That’s capitalism. That’s capitalism.

[applause]Off of the labor of Muhammad Ali and Joe Frazier, this white boy

makes $30 million. They make $800,000. Not enough money to do any development with. Next year, they will be back on the streets trying to fight again. Trying to sell their labor to the capitalists. That’s why capitalism is vicious. That’s why we must destroy it. That’s why we must smash it into nothing-ness. All of us.

[applause]All of us are the victims of capitalism. Even if you own two cars

and a house and a television, you are constantly working, working, working. Paying insurance bills, paying that bill, paying that bill, your wife is working with you, everybody is working, working, working. Selling your labor and someone reaps the profit of your labor. That’s why we’ve got to destroy capitalism. That’s why we must destroy it. We are the victims of capitalism.

We must pose a system which is diametrically opposed to capitalism. It must be so diametrically opposed that none of the characteristics of a decadent capitalist system will be found in our system. They must be diametrically opposed and they must be fighting to occupy the

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same space at the same time. Thus, one will win, one will die.We must deal with Marxism-Leninism. We must deal with

Marxism-Leninism simply because it’s been cropping up in the community and many people who have been using the terms and the phrases really don’t know what they’re talking about. They confuse Marx and Lenin. They think that Marx and Lenin invented, they really do… They think that Marx and Lenin invented the science known as Marxism-Leninism. Marx and Lenin did not invent. They merely observed and recorded. That’s all they did. They’re no different to Newton. We call the laws of gravity Newton’s Laws. But Newton did not invent the laws of gravity. He merely observed and recorded.

For example, Newton says that an object at rest stands to stay at rest unless pushed by an outside force. Newton didn’t invent that. He just observed it and wrote it down. And since he was literate, he put his name next to it. That’s all he did.

Newton did not invent that when a body drops it drops at a rate of 32 feet per second squared. He observed it and recorded it. And put his name to it. We call it Newton’s Laws but he didn’t invent them.

Any astute student of practical science can recognize that an object will fall at a rate of 32 feet per second squared. Without prior knowledge of Newton. We thank Newton for classifying knowledge, thus making our research easier. Yes, we must thank him for that.

The same is true of Monsieurs Marx and Lenin. They did not invent the science known as Marxism and Leninism. They observed certain phenomena in the economic arena in relationship to capital and labor. And having observed certain observations, they recorded. Any astute student of political science, which I am, can come to the same conclusions without prior knowledge of Mr Marx and Mr. Lenin.

We thank these two western philosophers for classifying knowledge, thus making our research easier. But they didn’t invent. They did not invent. They only recorded.

And if one really understands the science of Marxism and Lenin-ism, one would know that the roots of Marxism and Leninism are to be found in the communalistic society of the traditional African society. That’s where the roots are. The roots of Marxism and Leninism are to be found—must be found—in a communalistic society, which is the traditional society of the Africans.

Thus, if you are an African, it makes little sense for you to stop at Marxism and Leninism. You should come home to the roots. You must come to Africa. Marxism and Leninism is a science. It is an instrument, a tool, a weapon, for dissecting one’s history, that’s all it is.

If one takes Marxism and Leninism and doesn’t have a knowledge of one’s history, one is dogmatic. You’re slashing everywhere. You’re

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like a quack who’s picked up some instruments and calls himself a doctor. Without knowledge of medicine he just cuts his patient. And when he misses, he becomes more dogmatic. And the more he can’t find a cure, the more vicious he becomes. The more vicious he becomes.

Thus, any black man who says he’s a Marxist-Leninist must come to Pan-Africanism. Must come to Pan-Africanism. We must analyze

s President Kwame Nkrumah triumphantly carried by supporters at independence (ca. 1958). (Bettmann/CORBIS)

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our traditional society. It was a…communal-istic society. It was a communalistic society. Our ancestors were very intelligent. The capitalist society is not an intelligent society. It’s a stupid society. The cornerstone of capital-ism is private property. Private property. Private property is the cornerstone of capitalism. You’ve got to get hold of some land in order to control it. That’s the cornerstone of the capitalist society.

Our ancestors, being very intelligent people, knew that there could never be such a thing as private property. Nobody came with land, nobody was going to take any when they left, so how could they own the land. It was there for everybody. Thus, the land belonged to the community. The land belonged to the community. The commu-nity worked the land and the profits from the land

was divided equally amongst the community. A communalistic society.Today, we must take the guidelines of communalistic society and

bring them up to our modern day society. We must take the guide-lines of communalistic society and bring them up to our modern day society. Our communalistic society was an agricultural society. Today, we have industrialization. Thus, we must bring forth all of these guidelines and introduce industrialization into our community.

That would be known as scientific socialism. Because the basic guidelines of the communalistic society is in fact what is referred to as scientific socialism. Scientific socialism is diametrically opposed to capitalism. Diametrically opposed. Simply because in a capitalist

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society a few people own and control the means of production and use the profit for their own selves. In a socialist society, the means of production is owned and controlled by the masses of people and the profits are divided equally among the masses.

Thus, our system must be a system based on our communalistic past brought up to our modern history with industrialization. Scientific socialism. That’s the ideology of Pan-Africanism. Deals with the problem of capitalism. Deals with the problem of land.

The problem of race is now left. Pan-Africanism is what we’re talking about. Pan means “all”. Pan-Africanism means “all Africans.” Thus, when you talk about all Africans, there’s no problem of race when you talk about all Africans. There’s no racism amongst us. Racism only comes when we have contact or relation with people who are racist. We are not racist. The African is not racist. The African is not racist because the African has never propagated a theory of pure race. The theory of pure race has always been propagated by the European, not the African. Examples of that are very clear. If an African and a European have a child, the offspring is considered a molatu [sp].

The white race never accepts the offspring because the white race has a pure theory. The African always accepts the child. There is never a question. In our race, we have all mixtures. They are all Africans. We’re not concerned, we’re not bothered. Perhaps it’s because we’re strong and we know it will all come back home sooner or later. Thus, the African is not racist. He accepts anyone. It is the white man. He has a pure race theory. If you are not pure white, you’re not white.

You must understand this because they try to make it look as though we are racist. But we must always scientifically analyze and understand and use clear examples to point out our case.

Thus, then the Pan-Africanist’s ideology is clearly the problems of land, race and class. Land, race and class. Of course, you probably ask, “what does that mean? Does that mean we all have to go back to Africa?” People who ask this question really love America because they don’t want to leave America. That’s why that ask, “do we have to go back to Africa?” Because if you knew where your home was, you’d try your best to get back there.

[applause]

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They love America, they love America very much. America’s going to die and they will die with America. America’s going to die.

[applause]America is going to die you know. She’s rushing to her death. You

see her in Vietnam. They’re whooping her. They’re putting a hurting on her and [xx] and Cambodia, they’re beating her to death. And look she’s not satisfied. She’s running right into China and Mao Tse-tung is just tapping his foot waiting for her.

America must be destroyed. The systems that are being posed in the world today are systems which are diametrically opposed to imperialism. We Africans in America must not die with America.

Brother Malcolm X give you the answer. I know you quote him. I know you read him. Thus, when I read the paragraph here, you will know it. And you will say, yes, that’s what brother Malcolm has always been saying.

“Just as the American Jew is in harmony (politically, economically and culturally) with world Jewry, it is time,it is time, it is time (he was saying that a long time ago), it is time for all African-Americans to become an integral part of the world’s Pan-Africanists, and even though we might remain in America physically while fighting for the benefits the Constitution guarantees us, we must ‘return’, we must return, to Africa philosophically and culturally and develop a working unity in the framework of Pan-Africanism.”

Malcolm X. Don’t let people interpret him for you. He was speaking for you, to you, and about you. Read him. Study him. And interpret him yourself. He was saying Pan-Africanism. He said it’s time.

We must return to Africa, psychologically, even if we remain in America. Even if we remain in America. What our primary objective must be the development of mother Africa because it is our only salvation. If we stay here in America we would never be able to amass the strength necessary to defeat America. We could not. We wouldn’t have the resources or the time. We’d be so busy fighting, we would never have the time to develop. But in Africa, we could develop.

Guinea, which is a very small country has one third of the world’s [xx]. We can develop every type of aeroplane we need and just keep on developing. We don’t have to let anybody else have any because it belongs to us.

Africa is rich. Africa is rich. Of all the rape that has been committed against our mother, not even one hundredth of her natural resources has been tapped. Africa is rich. We can develop Africa quick, fast, in a hurry. If the Chinese did it in 20, we can do it in 10.

[applause] We can do it in 10.But in order to do that we must have one mind. We must see

ourselves as one people working for the same objectives, working for

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the same system, willing to kill. Willing to kill. To bring about our system. We must understand the necessity to kill. We must understand the necessity to kill. And the only thing that can give you the necessity to kill is a clear, political ideology. A clear, political ideology.

[applause] [xx]Sorry if I avoid you but you just can’t rap and we can’t ride off on

our way through revolution. Ride on, brother, ride on! Scientific. It must be scientific.

There’s emotion, there must be emotion. We are emotionally committed to Mother Africa. It’s ours. But it must be scientific. It must be scientific and it must be geared that once the wheels are put in motion, nothing can turn it back. Revolution, says brother Malcolm, overturns and destroys everything that gets in its path. It must be scientific.

If you accept Black Power, you must accept Pan-Africanism because it is the logical and consistent development. The highest political expression of Black Power is Pan-Africanism. It is the logical and consistent development. We said Black Power. Black Power meant power to black people. Black Power did not mean power to the people. The people have power. Black people don’t have power. You have to give power to the powerless in order to balance power. You don’t give power to other people because the relationship will remain the same. You have to give power to the powerless. Black Power is for black people. Power to black people. They have no power. And in order to balance out the injustices they must have power. Black Power simply means that black people should get together and organize a base. By any means necessary, begin to move to get some power.

Unfortunately, my brothers and sisters here in the States though that they were the only black people in the world. Or at least they thought Black Power was just for them. My brothers and sisters, there are black people are the entire north-eastern coast of South America.

My mother was born in Panama. My grandfather was taken from the West Indies to build the Panama Canal. He died there. Many of our people died there. We have a long history. We have a long debt to pay. There are many black people in the West Indies. Many black people in the West Indies. All over the West Indies, there are black

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people. And there are millions and millions and millions and millions of black people in Africa. Black Power means all of these people wherever they are organizing themselves. That’s real Black Power on an international basis. Black Power means all of these people. All of us coming together.

[applause] All of us coming together.Land is power. Power is land. Land is power. Power is land. Black

Power is the black man in control of black land. Black Power is the black man in control of black land. The black man in control of black land is Pan-Africanism. Is Pan-Africanism. Because the logical and consistent development of Black Power leads only to Pan-Africanism. There is no other way to go. There is no other out.

If you accept the ideology, you may say, “well, now, what does that mean? I have to go back to Africa? How is that supposed to work?”

The precedent has been set. The precedent has been set. It has been set by Jews. Jews, whether they live in Miami, California, Chicago, London, Brussels, France, Italy, their major preoccupation is building a strong Israel. That’s all they talk about. Israel. Israel. Israel. They’re Jewish settlers in this country. Every time they get up, they talk about Israel, Israel, Israel. Israel was created in 1948. I am older than Israel. I am older than the state of Israel. Yet, in 1967, when Israel committed a war of aggression against Egypt, millions of dollars all over this world flowed to Israel to help protect Israel. Jewish boys and Jewish girls aged 17 and 18 left America going to fight for Israel. Israel was fighting against Egypt. Egypt is thousands and thousands and thousands of years old. Egypt is an Africa. Africa is ours. We never did a thing. As a matter of fact, some of us sided with the Jews.

Lack of scientific analysis, lack of history, lack of everything, complete confusion. We are being brainwashed by television. You watch it too much. You watch it too much.

[laughter and applause]You do not recognize how the mass media works its propaganda

against our movement. Why they talk so much about revolution on television. They try to project so much revolution that we actually have people in our community who are trying to dress like the revolutionary. [laughter] Can you dig that? [applause]

There are people who actually try to dress like the revolutionary. I don’t know what a revolutionary looks like…[laughter]…but they try to dress like one.

[laughter]They don’t work like one, they don’t think like one, they don’t

study like one, but they try to dress and rap like one.[laughter and applause]What’s television doing to you? You’re not even recognizing it. The

way to put a people to sleep is not let them know what’s being done.

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A revolutionary is not by the way he’s dressed and he’s not dirty. Why is it that all these revolutionaries in the black community must be dirty? From whence does it come?

Poverty does not equal dirt. All of us who grew up poor grew up clean. Our mothers would iron our pants every day even if it shine [?]. [xx] poor and dirt does not equal the same.

I have met many revolutionaries the world over and none of them have been dirty.

[laughter]I have met real, live revolutionaries and none of them have been

dirty; they have all been clean. I don’t know where this idea comes from; I can only assume it comes from association with the white left who suffers from proletariat chauvinism.

[laughter, cheering and applause]Trying to look revolutionary.Now, before I sit down, I just want to spend a few minutes on

guerilla warfare. Mmm. Now, I’ll tell you something. There are all sorts of laws here about advocating guerilla warfare. I’m not advocating guerilla warfare.

[laughter and undefinable heckle from the audience]You ought to have some proof when you open your mouth.[noise from audience, possibly same heckler]I’m not advocating guerilla warfare. But what I’m telling you is

that I am a political activist. I’m a student of politics. I’m a student of politics. I studied political philosophy at Harvard University and I was an Honors’ student. I have to some degree—maybe not as much as some revolutionaries—worked in black political struggles, not only here in America, not only in South America, not only in the West Indies, but also in Africa. Thus I’m a little bit…at least I have creden-tials that could be acceptable. So I’m not advocating guerilla warfare but I’d like to discuss it academically. And I’d like to say to you that I’m not advocating it but if America continues the way she continues, which she will, there’s going to be a guerilla warfare in America.

Thus, I’m just making a political hypothesis. And since I think there’s going to be guerilla warfare in America, it behooves us it seems to me to discuss it again on an academic level.

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Now, don’t go tomorrow and say to the man, Carmichael’s advocating guerilla warfare. Say, Carmichael said that if the country continues the way it is there’s going to be guerilla warfare. Yes.

[laughter]Now one thing you must learn about guerilla warfare which some

of us so-called revolutionaries did not learn, although in a revolution the political and military leadership are combined in one, the political dominants the military. The political ideology guides the use of the

s During a return, Ture is delighted by the virtuosity on the tenor pan of eigh-year-old pannist Atiba Williams at a recpetion in his honor, Port of Spain, Trinidad, 1996. (Bert Alette, coutesy of The Port of Spain Daily News)

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gun. It is not the gun that dominants the political ideology. So in other words, you don’t give somebody a gun who doesn’t have a political ideology.

[applause] Never do that.If you give somebody a gun who doesn’t have a political ideology

they end up shooting themselves and if not shooting you, that’s because of their sheer stupidity. It’s a political ideology that dominants the use of gun. Mao Tse-tung says that political power grows out of the barrel of a gun and it does. But there’s a man who controls that gun. And the man controlling the gun must have a political ideology. He must have it. Must have it. Must have it. So you just don’t give a gun to some stupid young child without a political ideology. Because then the gun becomes his political ideology. “I’m bad, I gotta a gun, I’m going off to cop!” Boom boom boom! And the cop is often him. Where’s his political ideology? He doesn’t know when to use the gun. He doesn’t know who is enemy is. You never give the gun to someone unless you give them a clear political ideology.

In guerilla warfare, now see some people, because of television, they misunderstood guerilla warfare with gorilla warfare.

[laughter and clapping]Yeah, they made a mistake. They didn’t hear the word correctly.

The man said ‘guerilla’; they said ‘gorilla’.[laughter]They didn’t hear the word correctly.In guerilla warfare, first of all, you work in small groups. You never

work in large groups. And the basis is always test of time. Any time somebody wants to join, you test them over a period of time. Like if somebody comes in and rap bad [?], “Yeah, we ought to go blow up some pigs, brother!” Yeah, you’re a revolutionary. Boom! Conspiracy. Time. Tested.

A guerilla never hides all of his guns in an office so that when the pig kicks down the door he gets the guns and the guerilla cries foul. That’s nonsense.

[laughter] Nonsense.

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Weapons are vital to the guerilla, thus, the guerilla separates into little stashes his weapons, hiding them in different places, so at least if the conventional force finds, he only finds a little bit, not all of it.

The guerilla studies. The guerilla studies. The guerilla studies. The guerilla analyzes. The guerilla doesn’t run his mouth saying, “I’m a guerilla”, he is the fish in the sea. How can he be conspicuous? The guerilla is inside the masses. If the masses are in church, the guerilla is in church. If the masses are in the bars, the guerilla is in the bars.

The guerillas we have today wear buttons all over their shirts saying, “I’m a guerilla.” That’s a guerilla, not a gorilla.

[laughter and applause] Guerilla, not a gorilla.The guerilla should not be detected by the policeman. Those

people in our community today who are trying to look revolutionary are only giving themselves away. Look like the people. Look like the people. The job of the guerilla is to organize the masses. His strength comes from the masses. His strength comes from the masses. The guerilla is humble. He doesn’t try to Bogart his way every where he goes. He’s humble. The guerilla is supposed to be the servant of his people. Nobody asked him to be the vanguard. He calls himself the vanguard, thus, he has to be humble and accept what the black community gives him. If he doesn’t like it, let him jump out and get himself another job. Thus the guerilla is humble. Very humble. Because he is serving his people.

And he’s serving his people because he has an undying love. For his people. Not for America, for his people. The guerilla cannot have an undying love for America. If he has an undying love for his people, he must hate America for what America has done and continues to do to his people.

[applause]The guerilla studies. The guerilla studies. The guerilla studies. My

brothers and sisters, before I sit down, I beg you, I plead with you, I have sent…I have thrown out some concepts. You may not have to accept them but I only ask one thing. I beg you to study. I beg you to analyze the problems of our people. You are students. In any revolutionary movement, students played the role of the revolutionary intelligentsia. Your job is to analyze the problems that face our people, criticize the proposed solutions, argue and debate and discuss them, and then give them back to the masses. That is your job.

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“That is your job.You cannot do that if you’re not reading… But you are students. You are here in school to study.”

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“That is your job.You cannot do that if you’re not reading… But you are students. You are here in school to study.”

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“Adinkra: Cultural Symbols of the Asante People.” St. Lawrence

University. Ed. Valentina A. Tetteh. Web. <http://www.stlawu.edu/>.

Blake, John. Children of the Movement. Chicago, IL: Lawrence Hill,

2004. Print.

Carmichael, Stokely, and Charles V. Hamilton. Black Power:

The Politics of Liberation in America. New York: Random House,

1967. Print.

Carmichael, Stokely, and Ekwueme M. Thelwell. Ready for

Revolution. New York: Scribner, 2003. Print.

Ellis, Catherine, and Stephen Drury Smith, eds. Say It Plain:

A Century of Great African American Speeches. New York: New Press,

2005. Print.

Johnson, Jacqueline. Stokely Carmichael: The Story of Black Power.

Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Silver Burdett, 1990. Print.

Lee, Don L., ed. “Don L. Lee Interviews Stokely Carmichael.”

Journal of Black Poetry 1.14 (1971): 70-81. Print.

“Stokely Carmichael.” American RadioWorks. American Public Media.

Web. <http://americanradio.works.publicradio.org>.

“Stokely Carmichael.” Department of Communication. University of

Washington, Aug. 1999. Web. <http://washington.edu>.